‘ ‘D ineros en cruzados ’ ’ : The MoriscoExpuls ion, Numismatic Propaganda,and the Material ity of Ricote ’ s Coins

Chad LeahyUniversity of Denver

abstract The expelled morisco Ricote in Don Quijote (!"!#) is on aquest to reunite his family and recover a cache of buried treasure, includinga substantial volume of coins. This paper diverges from current criticaltrends focused on economic discourse in Cervantes by approaching Ricote’scoins not as economic signifiers but as material artifacts. Contrasting thenumismatic messages materially embodied in Ricote’s coins with his ownpersonal drama, a fundamental dissonance emerges, problematizingCervantes’s representation of the morisco expulsion, and opening Ricote’sstory to a broader interrogation of the relationship between numismaticpropaganda and contemporary justifications of the mass expulsions of!"$%–!"!& (such as those penned by apologists like Aznar Cardona, Bleda,Corral y Rojas, Fonseca, and Guadalajara y Javier).

In light of a now substantive body of scholarship underscoring the central-ity of economic discourse in Cervantes, it comes as no surprise that the storyof the expelled morisco Ricote (Don Quijote II, #&–##, "'–"#) should be‘‘loaded with references to money’’ (Johnson ##).1 Yet even without such

!. See Brian Brewer (‘‘Bacıas,’’ ‘‘Jealousy,’’ and ‘‘From Conquest’’), Marıa Antonia Garces ((!(–!'), Steven Hutchinson (Economıa), Miguel Angel Galindo Martın (including the seventeen arti-cles edited in his book Cervantes y la economıa), Carroll B. Johnson, Luis Larroque Allende, andLuis Manuel Santos Redondo and Jose Luis Ramos Gorostiza, and the ten articles published as‘‘La economıa del Quijote’’ in CLM Economıa.

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scholarship—or the exemplary work of Carroll B. Johnson (/0–12), BenjaminLiu, and Francisco Marquez Villanueva, particularly on the economics ofRicote’s story—it would be impossible to ignore the economic concernssuffusing Ricote’s tale from the start. As these critics note, historical circum-stances are given material expression through Ricote’s treasure: moneyplayed a crucial role in the expulsion of Spain’s moriscos (0134–010#), in thereasoning used by apologists to justify it, in the official policies established toenforce it, and especially in the tragic experience of the 533,333 subjectsforced to suffer its very real consequences.2 Ricote’s money serves as a mate-rial index of such realities, rendering his treasure a rich site for critical reflec-tion on the broader historical process of the expulsion, its place in culturalmemory, and its representation in Cervantes.3

I propose to approach Ricote’s money from a new perspective, by settingaside economics in order to focus on the morisco’s coins themselves, not aseconomic signifiers, but rather as physical objects. In their prosaic material-ity, such objects are easy to dismiss as nothing more than the physical vesselembodying the economics alluded to above. Their everyday banality rendersinvisible the truth that they are also the material stuff of lived historical expe-rience: focusing on their exchange value, we take for granted the familiariconography, the weight, shape, smell, and sound of the money in ourpocket. To borrow from Arjun Appadurai, these are intimately quotidian‘‘things’’ with a ‘‘social life’’ of their own, things whose ‘‘meanings areinscribed’’ both in their ‘‘uses’’ and ‘‘trajectories’’ and in their material‘‘forms’’ (/). What happens when we reach into Ricote’s treasure chest, pull

!. On the historical process of the expulsion, see Antonio Domınguez Ortiz and Bernard Vincent,Mercedes Garcıa Arenal and Gerard Wiegers, L. P. Harvey, and Francisco J. Moreno Dıaz-Campo.Harvey reviews the terms of the edicts of expulsion, including clauses regulating the transport ofgoods and currency (534–50) and Moreno Dıaz-Campo addresses state appropriation of morisco‘‘patrimonio’’ (#0!–##). Despite significant local variation, Domınguez Ortiz and Vincent showthat losses in labor, tax revenue, and agricultural production following the expulsion did impactlocal communities, noble landowners, religious orders, and internally displaced repopulators,placing money at the heart of debates surrounding the ‘‘final decision’’ (!30–!5). See Hutchinsonon how ‘‘the presence of the culturally ‘other’ was perceived as a threat to the national oikos’’(‘‘Abritrating’’ "2). Apologist Marco de Guadalajara y Xavier exemplifies a common economicjustification of the expulsion: ‘‘siendo [los moriscos] generalmente codiciosos y auarientos, yatentissimos a guardar dinero, y retenerlo, sin gastarlo, aunque les ofrezca necesidad precisa . . .vienen a ser la esponja de toda la riqueza de Espana’’ (Memorable expulsion 2#r). For Jaime Bleda,moriscos are in fact directly responsible for the financial ruin of the State: ‘‘tienen exausto, yagotado el erario Real, y toda Espana empobrecida, y vazia de dinero’’ (Coronica 431).5. On the lasting ‘‘cultural memory’’ of the expulsion, see Jose M. Gonzalez Garcıa.

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out his money, and turn our gaze to the material artifacts we hold in ourhand? The answer to this question has ramifications that extend beyond thepages of Don Quijote, as these numismatic texts propagate national mytholo-gies directly related to the very logic deployed to justify the expulsion itself.In the following pages, I will argue that as physical artifacts, Ricote’s coinscomplicate his notoriously slippery story by exposing in a material way theyawning gaps that exist between the abstractions of proexpulsion propaganda(embodied in his coins as objects) and the human impact of the events of/012–/0/3 (embodied in his coins as currency). Interdisciplinary attention tothese coins as numismatic artifacts also brings to the fore a material vectorfor the distribution of state propaganda that I suggest has not been suffi-ciently appreciated by scholars of Early Modern Spanish culture.

Such a critical reassessment of Ricote’s coins is encouraged by the veryprotagonism of money through Ricote’s tale. Even before learning whoRicote is, the morisco’s arrival in Don Quijote is heralded by the cries of hisGerman travelling companions pandering for ‘‘¡Guelte! ¡Guelte!’’ (/104) ontheir annual pilgrimage to Spain’s sanctuaries, ‘‘que los tienen por sus Indias,y por certısima granjerıa y conocida ganancia . . . y al cabo de su viaje salencon mas de cien escudos de sobra’’ (/1-5). Ricote himself is on a mission toreestablish contact with his wife and daughter, and to ‘‘sacar el tesoro quedeje enterrado’’ (/1-5). Although Sancho alludes to the confiscation of‘‘muchas perlas y mucho dinero en oro’’ (/1-3) belonging to his formerneighbor, the wealthy tendero is confident that his secret stash remainsuntouched, and he offers Sancho ‘‘doscientos escudos’’ (/1-3) to help himretrieve it. Ricote’s daughter, Ana Felix, also mentions her father’s ‘‘muchasperlas y piedras de gran valor, con algunos dineros en cruzados y doblonesde oro’’ (//.5). And following the lachrymose reunion with his daughter,Ricote once again signals the ‘‘muchas riquezas que deje escondidas’’ (//..),which he has now recovered and will subsequently put to use by financing arescue mission for don Gregorio (‘‘ofrecio . . . para ello mas de dos milducados que en perlas y en joyas tenıa’’ [//.0]), pledging to pay the ransomof the rescue party ‘‘si acaso se perdiesen’’ (//.0), and later promising AnaFelix’s fiance, don Gregorio, ‘‘mil escudos, si los querıa’’ (//00). The entireRicote affair is thus bookended by concrete references to currency, from theGermans’ ‘‘¡Guelte!’’ to these final ‘‘escudos,’’ with the tantalizing image of ahorde of buried treasure made up of ‘‘dineros en oro,’’ ‘‘escudos,’’‘‘doblones,’’ ‘‘cruzados’’ and sundry other riches inscribed solidly at thecenter.

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In examining the representation of Ricote amassing, hiding, spending,converting, and transporting currency, it is only natural that critics haveread his coins as signifiers of a fundamentally economic sort: tokens with aquantifiable exchange value in local and global markets circa /#01. Thus,when Liu contemplates how Ricote transforms economic capital intosymbolic capital by attempting to launder his illegal morisco money throughthe noble Christian marriage of his daughter (#2), or when Johnson readsRicote’s case as expressive of a broader conflict between competing feudaland protocapitalist systems (3/–#4), or when Marquez Villanueva points outthat the accumulation of wealth in the hands of moriscos constitutes animportant leitmotiv in anti-morisco invective (!1"–14), the economicsbehind Ricote’s treasure remains firmly at the fore.

Yet Ricote’s coins are not just currency. They are also physical artifactsinscribed with concrete messages crafted by representatives of the Crown.Early Modern humanist antiquarians like Antonio Agustın, in his Dialogosde medallas (/34") and Felipe de Guevara, in his Veterum Numismatum Inter-pretatio and De antiqvis Romanorum Numis libri tres (mid-/#th century), aswell as amateur noble collectors, like Vicente Juan de Lastanosa, in his Museode las medallas desconocidas espanolas (/#23), reveal an acute awareness of therole of coins as documents directly reflective of the social and political struc-tures that produce them.4 Coins, of course, visually denote the power author-izing their production and circulation, as Sebastian de Covarrubias Orozcoobserves—‘‘con las insignias y armas impresas en ella, nos advierte cuya es’’(Tesoro, ‘‘Moneda’’)—but such politically charged marks can scarcely be readas neutral labels. In his Explicacion de unas monedas de oro (/#!0), Juan deQuinones casts coins both as the embodiment of royal authority in theeconomic sphere—‘‘[sin] la inscripcion del Prıncipe . . . no valdrıa nada lamoneda’’—and as the very incarnation of royal power itself: ‘‘debaxo destaforma, y efigie del Principe, resplandece la luz y claridad de los rayos de laMagestad Real’’ (/3).5 If coins can be read as a materialized expression ofroyal majesty, in ‘‘Alabanzas de la moneda’’ (/#!0), often attributed to Fran-cisco de Quevedo, the author reflects on the capacity of numismatic iconog-raphy (‘‘saetas,’’ ‘‘yugo y coyundas,’’ ‘‘castillos,’’ ‘‘leon,’’ ‘‘columnas,’’

2. On Guevara, and for an overview of /#th-century Spanish numismatic studies, see Gloria MoraRodrıguez. On Lastanosa, see Almudena Domıngez Arranz.3. For more on coins as problematic ‘‘symbols of sovereignty’’ (11) in the context of the economi-cally turbulent decades around /#00, see Elvira Vilches.

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‘‘coronas’’) to ‘‘avasallar las gentes’’ (./0). In satirizing the financial necessityor greed of ‘‘las gentes,’’ this last joke points to a deeper truth about coins asmaterial objects: beyond ‘‘la vertiente economica,’’ coins communicate thegoverning power’s ‘‘concepto de legitimidad, su relacion con la sociedad, susaspiraciones . . . , en fin, su proyecto polıtico’’ (Francisco Olmos, ‘‘Lamoneda castellana’’ /1). In essence, power performs its own self-fashioningthrough the language of numismatics, rendering coins a uniquely direct‘‘instrument . . . of propaganda’’ (Hillgarth 23,).6 As Carlos Norena argues,

The messages conveyed by designs on imperial coins were unambiguouslyofficial . . . and the coins themselves were mass produced and in constantcirculation from one end of the empire to the other and over the long term.What the imperial coinage provides, in brief, is direct access to officialrepresentations of the emperor on the most widely disseminated mediumof communication available to the central state. (,,)

Norena describes the use of coins in the public crafting of imperial imagesin the Western Roman Empire, but this same argument is no less true forimperial Spain. To borrow from the critical vocabulary of Jose AntonioMaravall, coins operate as ‘‘resortes’’ (//) for the directed (404–-1) shapingof a collective imaginary, constituting a material channel for the massive(4-1–,,2) diffusion of conservative (,1/–031) hegemonic narratives.

Nevertheless, as Norena cautions, such ‘‘top-down models’’ (42) of propa-ganda imply chimerical limits on agency.7 How coins are perceived, circu-lated, and manipulated by real people with practical concerns operating onthe ground suggests little obvious relationship with the abstractions of ideol-ogy stamped into the materiality of such objects. To borrow liberally fromMichel de Certeau’s ‘‘Walking in the City’’ (54–443), if numismatic textsembody the community as it is imagined from above, we cannot lose sightof the ways in which it is also imagined from below. Certeau (54–50) associ-ates the panoramic view of the city perceived from on high with the objecti-vizing gaze of power, in contrast to the subjective experience of individual

1. On coins as propaganda in Spain, see Javier de Santiago Fernandez and the many studies ofFrancisco Olmos.-. Maravall’s ‘‘monolithic’’ approach to culture has been much criticized on this front. SeeAnthony Cascardi (432–04) and Malveena McKendrick (4–4.). Fernando Rodrıguez de la Florarticulates a post-Maravallian perspective by signaling the inherent fissures destabilizing even themost directed attempts at directed culture (,,).

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agents exercising their will as they maneuver the streets. While acknowledg-ing the power of propaganda to shape habits of consumption, it is evidentthat the contrasting financial and iconographic aspects of coins neverthelessdo not necessarily tell the same story.8 I suggest that it is precisely because ofsuch divergences in perception and use that Ricote’s coins deserve our atten-tion, as through their physical form they constitute an ironic and aporosticself-contradiction of the same sort that Julio Baena has seen as key to readingthe entire Ricote affair itself.9

The coins most insistently mentioned throughout Ricote’s story are goldescudos, which the morisco offers to both Sancho and don Gregorio, andwhich his pilgrim friends also plan to smuggle back to Germany. Judgingfrom the amounts offered to don Gregorio (‘‘mil escudos’’) and Sancho(‘‘doscientos escudos’’), Ricote’s chest ostensibly contains thousands of suchcoins, along with other types we shall see later. The /01" example reproducedin Figures / and !10 is contemporaneous with Ricote’s fictional departurefrom the peninsula, which takes place presciently ahead of the first decreesof expulsion in /012 (/1"/).

According to Liu, escudos were considered ‘‘la moneda por excelencia delos grandes movimientos financieros y del comercio internacional’’ (34). Thisassertion is debatable, as critics including Elena Marıa Garcıa Guerra (!4/)and Marıa Ruiz Trapero (53") have argued that it was rather Spain’s silverreal de a ocho that served as the period’s dominant global currency. Never-theless, Fernand Braudel’s documentation attests to the importance of bothcurrencies in international trade across Early Modern Europe and the Medi-terranean (40!–34!), and we need go no further than the considerable priceof five hundred escudos set in /3"3 for the ransom of Cervantes himself bythe Algerian corsair Dalı Mamı for evidence of the escudo’s status as currencyin that period.11 From this perspective—and leaving aside the relationship

#. Exemplifying Marxist critique, Guy Debord writes, ‘‘In all its specific manifestations—news orpropaganda, advertising or the actual consumption of entertainment—the spectacle epitomizesthe prevailing model of social life. . . . In form as in content the spectacle serves as total justifica-tion for the conditions and aims of the existing system’’ (0).2. Marquez Villanueva also discusses the ‘‘aporıas irreconciliables’’ (!5!) inherent in Cervantes’streatment of moriscos. It should be noted that ‘‘Cervantine irony’’ remains a critical conceptcentral to much Quijote scholarship. See, for example, William Egginton./1. I would like to acknowledge the generous assistance of David Yoon at the American Numis-matic Society, and would like to thank the ANS for permission to reproduce the objects studiedin this article.//. On this episode in Cervantes’s life, see Jean Canavaggio (""–20) and Garces (/–/4). Based onCanavaggio’s reckoning that 311 escudos would be equivalent to $/",111 in /2#2 (5/3–/0), Garcesreasons that Cervantes’s ransom would have cost around $!4,311 in !11/ (//1). Using the same

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pointed out by Liu between Ricote’s escudos, Spain’s monetary policies,Gresham’s Law, and the grave problem of international capital flight (//–/.)—Ricote’s escudos stand as a logical choice to embody the morisco’swealth.

But the choice of escudos over reales also carries ideological implicationsstemming from the particular images minted on these coins, and beforeproceeding, these images demand a closer inspection. Habsburg coins struckboth in silver (reales) and in gold (escudos) engage in a similar graphic vocab-ulary, distinct from the period’s cheap and much-maligned alloyed vellon.12

The obverse (or ‘‘heads’’) of both series of commodity coins draws on acommon rhetoric of heraldry to articulate a visual performance of royalauthority, power, and territorial possession, directed simultaneously atdomestic and foreign consumers, and at both enemy and ally foreign states(Francisco Olmos, ‘‘Novedades’’ 012). In the case of the escudo reproducedin Figure 0, the coin’s inscription marks the identity of the particular‘‘Caesar’’ to whom what is due should be given (‘‘PHILIP III’’), while theroyal coat of arms—from which the currency’s name itself derives13—servesto symbolically proclaim some of the many territories (Castilla, Leon,Aragon, Granada, Portugal, Burgundy, Brabant, Flanders, Austria, Sicily)comprising the plural ‘‘Spains’’ (‘‘HISPANIARVM’’) over which the inscrip-tion’s king (‘‘REX’’) rules, ‘‘thanks to God’’ (D.G. ! Deo Gratias).14 Thatsuch geographically and politically diverse territories should appear heraldi-cally framed under a common crown might be read as an expression of aunifying mythology of absolute royal power tacitly in conflict with the practi-cal realities of Spain’s profoundly plural local constituencies.15 In his Declara-cion Mystica de las Armas de Espana invictamente belicosa (0232), Juan de

inflation calculator cited by Garces (http://www.westegg.com/inflation/infl.cgi), this same ransomwould have been worth $33,/-, in ,10/.0,. For an overview of Castilla’s trimetalic currency system and its evolution in the 02th and 0-thcenturies, see Jose I. Garcıa de Paso. On the vellon, see Vilches.03. ‘‘Se llama tambien cierta especie de moneda, por estar en ella gravado el escudo de las armasdel Rey o Prıncipe soberano’’ (‘‘Escudo,’’ Dictionario de Autoridades).04. Conspicuously absent from among this list of territorial claims is any reference to Spain’scolonial possessions in the Indies. On the later addition of ‘‘HISPANIARUM ET INDIARUMREX,’’ see Felipe Mateu y Llopis.0/. J. H. Elliot’s idea of Spain as a ‘‘composite monarchy’’ remains influential. For a recent revi-sion of this concept, see Pedro Cardim et al.’s Polycentric Monarchies. Francisco Olmos points outthe problematic affirmation of universal sovereignty on Habsburg coins in a 0-th century domi-nated by attempts at disrupting centralized power in Portugal, Aragon, Andalucıa, Naples, andCataluna (‘‘Novedades’’ 012).

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Figure #. Gold escudo minted in Segovia, #$"%, obverse (ANS #&$&.!!!.!$&%). Reproduced

with permission.

Caramuel y Lobkowitz offers a similar unifying reading of the iconographicmotif of the Golden Fleece, noting that the many parts of the coat of arms areall ‘‘de vn mismo Monarca, y por estar en vn supuesto, habent communionemidiomatum, tienen comunicacion de perfecciones. En todas partes son vnoslos Reyes Espanoles, y el Tuson los significa muy ilustres, y inuictamentesoberanos’’ (!//). In contrast to the obverse’s dense iconography, the reverse(or ‘‘tails’’) of such coins is graphically simpler, dominated by a crossinscribed within a quatrefoil frame (Figure !).16 The image of this crosssynecdochically colors the subjects invoked on the obverse—both themonarch and the corpus politicum that he embodies—proclaiming the singu-lar Catholic purity and zeal of the Spains, their king, and his subjects, whileat the same time legitimating the king’s temporal authority by reference toits divinely appointed origins.17 Taken as a whole, the escudo visually

01. The common Spanish expression ‘‘cara y cruz’’ (head and tails) alludes to the historical pres-ence of crosses on the reverse of coins.02. For a lucid introduction to the process of sacralization of King and State in the Early Modernperiod, see Norman Housley (‘‘Holy Land,’’ ‘‘Pro deo’’).

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Figure !. Gold escudo minted in Segovia, "#$%, reverse (ANS "&#&.!!!.!#&%). Reproduced

with permission.

essentializes Spain under the signs of the Cross and the Crown, massivelycommunicating the official narrative of what Spain is, and—more impor-tantly—what it is not.

Such a narrative acquires particular valence in the context of the moriscoexpulsions, as these coins propagate the image of a triumphantly homoge-nous, unified Catholic body; a body now seen as free, after ./.0, of thecontaminating influence of its recently amputated minorities.18 As we shallsee presently, when read as physical artifacts, the morisco’s coins resonatedeeply both with Ricote’s personal drama, and, more broadly, with contem-porary justifications of the expulsion by apologists like Gaspar Aguilar, PedroAznar Cardona, Jaime Bleda, Antonio de Corral y Rojas, Damian Fonseca,and Marco de Guadalajara y Javier, urging us to reconsider the value—bothmonetary and ideological—of his problematic treasure.19

.-. Medical analogies articulated around terms like ‘‘contamination,’’ ‘‘infection,’’ ‘‘amputation,’’and ‘‘cauterization’’ appear frequently in Early Modern discussions of how to deal with the ‘‘mo-risco problem,’’ including in Don Quijote. See Julio Velez-Sainz..1. On expulsion polemics, see Trevor J. Dadson, Antonio Feros, Hutchinson (‘‘Arbitrating’’),and Grace Magnier.

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In reassessing Ricote’s coins as material objects, one is struck straightawayby the delicious irony that the expelled morisco’s treasure chest is full ofthousands of coins marked with very Christian crosses. Contemporary justi-fications for the expulsion, of course, insist on the image of moriscos as ahomogenous block of unassimilable crypto-Muslims. Fonseca, for example,dedicates the first "" pages of his Iusta expulsion (./.!) to painstakingly layingout the previous century of failed attempts by Church and State to charitablyincorporate converted Muslims fully into the Christian fold, before conclud-ing that ‘‘estauan tan obstinados en sus errores [que] todos generalmentehablando, eran manifiestos Apostatas de la Fe de Christo’’ ("0). In his Rela-cion (./.1), Corral y Rojas eloquently proclaims that ‘‘de tanta multitudcomo se ha embarcado, no ha reclamado alguno diziendo es christiano’’ (.v).This same argument also figures prominently in official legal justification forthe expulsion, as articulated, for example, in an Aragonese decree of ./.2:

auiendoles concedido muchos Editos de gracia, y otras muchas diligenciasque con ellos se ha[n] hecho para instruylos en nuestra santa Fe, y lo pocoq[ue] ha aprouechado pues creciendo en su obstinacion y dureza, hantratado de conspirar contra su Real Corona, y estos Reynos de Espana, yq[ue] tratando de su reducion, perseuerauan en lo dicho. (Bando n.p., BNEVC/!!///3)

It should be obvious that this ‘‘official’’ view of moriscos lurks menacinglybeneath Ricote’s notorious declaration that ‘‘aunque no lo soy tanto [lo !

‘catolico cristiano’], todavıa tengo mas de cristiano que de moro, y ruegosiempre a Dios me abra los ojos del entendimiento y me de a conocer comole tengo de servir’’ (.231–34). By contrasting Ricote’s well-intentioned yetproblematically ambivalent credo with the unambiguous symbology of hiscoins, a pronounced dissonance between two opposing registers emerges.The homogenous Catholic polity iconographically materialized in Ricote’sescudos offers itself in stark opposition both to the morisco’s unacceptablyindeterminate attitude and to the dangerous ‘‘libertad de consciencia’’ thathe happily enjoys in Augsburg (.231).20 This dissonance is heightened stillfurther by reading Ricote against the contemporary narrative of moriscos as

!2. Alejandro Ramırez-Araujo highlights the overwhelmingly negative connotations of the expres-sion ‘‘libertad de conciencia’’ in Counter-Reformation Spain.

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treasonous Muslims in league with foreign powers bent on overthrowing theking in a bid to revive al-Andalus.21 In his Prodicion y destierro (/0/1), to offerjust one example, Guadalajara y Xavier describes how ‘‘los Moriscos desteReyno tenia[n] trato y comunicacion ordinaria con el Turco Ameth, y q[ue]le auian embiado a ofrecer a Espana, dondelo traca como la podria ganar’’(f. -r). It is the very notion of a stable and unified Catholic polity itself thatsuch apologists argued was endangered by a morisco community collectivelyguilty of lesa majestad, the gravest of possible crimes against the Crown.22

From this perspective, Ricote, as a token morisco, embodies everything thathis coins propose to symbolically reject: his escudos are marked with the veryCross and Crown against which moriscos were rhetorically cast in legitimat-ing the expulsion.

At this juncture, sensible critics might object that because Cervantesdoes not indulge in the direct ekphrastic description of these objects, theirparticular materiality remains irrelevant, perhaps recalling Marquez Villa-nueva’s comment that ‘‘[e]l tesoro del morisco, aunque resulte verdaderoa la postre, no es sino un espejuelo de ilusion similar a la de Dulcinea’’(,.2).23 But it is Ricote’s daughter Ana Felix herself who overrides thisnarrative silence by highlighting Ricote’s ‘‘dineros en cruzados y doblonesde oro’’ (//3.). As the Diccionario de Autoridades clarifies in defining‘‘escudo,’’ the term ‘‘doblon’’ most regularly referred to coins worth twoescudos, doblon implying a doubling of the coin’s value. As with the escudoreviewed above, crosses mark the reverse of the entire escudo series, fromsimple escudos and doblones up to centenes (one hundred escudos). But thefact that these doblones are marked with such crosses is rendered plain bytheir pairing in this passage with Portuguese cruzados (Figures . and 1), acoin type whose very name points overtly to the Christian sign inscribedon them: the cruz.

Covarrubias in fact defines cruzado precisely as ‘‘cierta moneda de oro conuna cruz’’ (Tesoro, ‘‘Cruz’’), and the syntagm ‘‘dineros en cruzados’’ mayeven plausibly be read as encoding the adjective phrase ‘‘dineros encru-zados,’’ or ‘‘crossed coins.’’ Even more relevantly for the case of the expelled

,/. On this idea, see Harvey (.43–4-), Andrew C. Hess, and Marquez Villanueva (,-5).,,. Rafael Benıtez Sanchez-Blanco points out that ‘‘The Council of State’s decision was . . . justi-fied in legal terms by reference to the crime of treason (lesa maiestatis humanae) and not that ofheresy-apostasy (lesae maiestatis divinae)’’ (/4,).,.. Frederick de Armas has written extensively on Cervantine ekphrasis. See, for example, hisQuixotic Frescoes.

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Figure %. Gold cruzado worth &"" reais, minted under King Sebastiao, obverse (#&&'–#&'().

(ANS #)%$.#%.*). Reproduced with permission.

morisco, however, Juan de Mariana explains in his Historia general de Espanathat ‘‘En Portugal se acunaron . . . escudos de buena ley que llamaronCruzados. La causa del nombre fue, que por el mismo tiempo se concedioIubileo a todos los Portugueses, q[ue] con la divisa de la Cruz fuessen a hazerla guerra contra los Moros de Berueria’’ (//0b), or, as the Autoridades putsit, following Mariana, cruzados were first minted ‘‘con el motivo de laCruzada . . . contra los Moros de Berberıa.’’ Ricote thus owns coins whosevery materiality forcefully communicates the idea of the Christian holy waragainst the Muslim Other, an irony further complicated by the refrain, oftenrepeated by apologists, that moriscos themselves were ‘‘tan Moros como losde Argel’’ (Fonseca !11) or ‘‘tan Moros como los de Berberıa’’ (Bleda, Coro-nica 22#).24 Yet even without such associations between the idea of crusadeand the idea of moriscos and Maghrebi Muslims as common enemies ofChristendom, the cruzado’s Constantinian legend ‘‘IN HOC SIGNO

!#. Without documenting specific instances of its use, Harvey also mentions that the phrase ‘‘tanmoros como los de Argel’’ recurs in sources dealing with moriscos (!2/).

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Figure !. Gold cruzado worth "## reais, minted under King Sebastiao, reverse ($""%–$"%&).

(ANS $'().$(.!). Reproduced with permission.

VINCES’’ remits directly to the cross as a signifier of militant Christianconquest. In the words of Caramuel y Lobkowitz,

Aquel rayo, que con diuino impulso derribo . . . al fortisimo Ismario, yotros quatro Reyes Saracenos, . . . vio en el ayre en medio de hermosisimasnubes la imagen de vn Crucifixo deuotisimo, que le animaba con aquestaspalabras. IN HOC SIGNO VINCES. Esta insignia diuiname[n]te ilustre esla, que te a de dar siempre vitoria . . . Ardid fue bellicamente celestialoponerse con estas insignias a los moros. (/01–0/)

Agustın similarly discusses whether ‘‘medallas de Constantino con la cruzque le aparecio, quando vino a Roma contra Maxencio con las letras queleemos en la historia Eclesiastica, In hoc signo vinces’’ have been discovered,describing a medal representing Constantine’s son ‘‘con estas letras, HOC.SIGNO. VICTOR. ERIS. Esta en el rouerso el Emperador con vn vexillo ovandera en la mano y vna Vitoria le pone vna corona’’ (,1). Thanks to suchconnotations, even without the particularly Portuguese appropriation ofConstantine traced by Mariana and Caramuel y Lobkowitz, the marks and

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inscriptions of Ricote’s cruzados—not to mention the currency’s nameitself—transparently connect these coins with central notions of the trium-phant victory of Christianity over the enemies of the faith.

The ideology and iconography of crusade is no less evident on Ricote’sescudos and doblones than on his cruzados. The cross minted on the reverseof the Spanish escudo series is a type known in heraldry as the ‘‘cross potent’’or cruz potenzada, which is distinct both from the octofoil-framed ‘‘plaincross’’ on the reverse of Spanish reales and the variant of the ‘‘cross pattee’’or cruz patada of the Order of Christ displayed on the reverse of Portuguesecruzados.25 In the context of Habsburg numismatics, the cross potent oper-ates foremost as marker of the title King of Jerusalem, absorbed by the Span-ish Crown along with the title King of Naples through Aragonese expansionacross the Mediterranean in the mid-/0th century, and definitively confirmedthrough Papal investiture by Julius II in /0/1.26 Although the Cross of Jerusa-lem is traditionally quartered with four smaller crosses (plain or potent), JoseMarıa de Francisco Olmos does not hesitate to label the escudo’s cross potentdirectly as ‘‘la tradicional Cruz de Jerusalen’’ (‘‘Novedades’’ /22). Indeed,after the First Crusade in /133, the cross potent came to be heraldically linkedto the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, whence it was also associated withthe Knights of the Holy Sepulchre (Boutel 4", 2!–24), and the FranciscanCustody of the Holy Land. Long before its appropriation by the Crown ofAragon, this particular cross already embodied crusade ideology and Chris-tian claims to Jerusalem, an association that persisted throughout the EarlyModern period in Spain, with diverse sources attesting to this legacy.

Examples of this common connection are evident, for example, on the titlepages of numerous devotional works describing the Holy Land by authorsincluding Antonio de Aranda, Pedro de Escobar Cabeza de Vaca, Blas deBuyza, and Antonio del Castillo.27 Period maps of Jerusalem, like the oneprinted in this last text (‘‘Iervsalen como estava qvando Christo N. S. mvrio

!0. On these terms, see Vicente de Cadenas y Vicent.!#. Jose Marıa Doussinague provides a Spanish translation of the Bull investing Fernando withthese titles (#!1–40).!5. The cross potent in Aranda’s work is further framed by the explanation ‘‘Estas son las insigniasque se dan a los caualleros del sancto Sepulchro’’ (n.p.). Pedro de Escobar Cabeza de Vaca, authorof Luzero de la Tierra Sancta (/0"5), should not be confused with Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca,the far more famous author of the Naufragios (/02!). Note also that while the cross potent doesappear on the title page of the /0"5 edition of Cabeza de Vaca’s Luzero, the cross was replaced witha star (‘‘lucero’’) in the /032 edition of this same work.

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en ella,’’ n.p.), similarly depict the cross potent as a heraldic marker of theHoly City. In architecture, among other examples, three crosses potent adornthe principal entrance of Sevilla’s Casa de Pilatos, constructed by donFadrique Enrıquez de Rivera upon his return from a pilgrimage to the HolyLand in /0/1.28 This same cross is also connected to overtly militant messagesin many works of the period. For example, the rough miniature woodcutprinted on a /01- Crusade Bull housed at the Hispanic Society of Americadepicts a man holding a cross potent, graphically connecting this cross to thetext’s promise that those who purchase the Bull will receive all the temporaland spiritual benefits afforded to ‘‘los q[ue] va[n] a la co[n]quista d[e] latierra Sa[n]ta,’’ further relating this narrative to ‘‘national’’ history and PhilipIII’s battle against ‘‘enemigos tan poderosos,’’ including ‘‘turcos infieles’’(Primera predicacion n.p.).29 The cross potent also appears literally onstage ina manuscript of Agustın Collado del Hierro’s /.th-century crusade-themedplay Jerusalem restaurada (BNE mss. /211.), where stage directions with ahand-drawn cross potent specify that this specific cross should enter thescene in the middle of a pivotal battle: ‘‘entrense peleando y salen Tancredoy Argante con la bandera de la !’’ (n.p.). A century earlier, in Juan deBorgona’s grandiose oil painting La toma de Oran (/0/3), the cross potent islikewise represented in symbolic battle with banners of the crescent moon,30

while in an allegorical copperplate engraving of the captivity of Jerusalemunder Muslim-Ottoman control, incorporated into Juan de Calahorra’sChronica (/2-3), the cross potent labels a melancholy woman chained aroundthe neck by menacing Turks, signaling her as the personified Jerusalem. Andin an engraving of Alfonso VIII included in the preliminaries of Lope deVega’s Jerusalen conquistada (/241), published in the very year in whichSpain’s moriscos were first expelled, the poem’s crusader-king protagonistsports two crosses potent, quartered by the lions and castles of Castilla andLeon, an iconographic device that also circulated through numismatics, asseen on the reverse of some half real coins, as in the example in Figure 0.

It is this same crusading cross that fills Ricote’s treasure chest, in the tellingcompany of Portugal’s crusade-themed cruzado. The ferocious irony thatRicote should own so many objects materially engaged in promoting crusade

,-. On this, see Pedro Garcıa Martın.,1. On Spanish Crusade Bulls, see Jose Goni Gatzambide’s classic work.54. This painting monumentalizes Cisneros’s North African crusade. See Jose Garcıa Oro.

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Figure %. Silver medio real minted in Segovia, #$!", reverse (ANS #&$&.!!!.!$'").

Reproduced with permission.

narratives is rendered even more acute in light of the work of anti-moriscoapologists, who incessantly invoke the image of militant Spanish Christianitylocked in universal battle against Islam, taking as its central trope theconquest of Jerusalem.31 Bleda, for example, teleologically frames the expul-sion of Spain’s moriscos as the first step in the grand march toward OttomanPalestine:

que su Magestad Catholica comie[n]ce ya las dos empresas q[ue] yo dixeen mi Defensa de la Fe . . .32 q[ue] se deuian empre[n]der despues de laexpulsion de los Moros de Espana, q[ue] es la vna la conquista de la tierrasanta, y la otra desempenarse su Magestad, paga[n]do los millones q[ue]deue con estados de los Reynos de Moros que yra conquistando: porq[ue]

./. Magnier’s work (Pedro de Valencia chapter /; ‘‘Millenarian Prophecy’’) on crusade, Jerusalem,and millenarian prophecy in the work of expulsion apologists is outstanding..!. Bleda alludes here to his Defensio fidei (/0/1). See ‘‘De dvobvs effectibus, qui debent sequi hocgloriosum facinus’’ (2.!–.3).

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siendo el dinero el nieruo [sic] de la guerra, estando su Magestad desempe-nado, puede sustentar dos potentissimos exercitos co[n]tra los enemigosde la Fe. (Coronica, ‘‘Delcarse [sic] el enigma del Sol,’’ n.p.)33

Aznar Cardona similarly dedicates an entire chapter to ‘‘la victoria de latierra sa[n]ta por nuestro Rey Catolico’’ (/0.v–/1-r), imploring Philip III,‘‘mande ajuntar sus numerosos, y bellicosos exercitos, a quienes toda laChristiandad ira siguiendo, desseosa en el alma de ver recuperada aquellatierra Santa’’ (/12r–/1-v). And in the ‘‘Dedicatoria’’ of his Memorable expvl-sion, as well as in a chapter entitled ‘‘Pronosticos, antiguos y modernos, quepublican la declinacion general de la Secta de Mahoma, y libertad de Hieru-salem, y Palestina’’ (/1-v–34v), Guadalajara y Xavier discusses at length themillenarian discourses routinely invoked to legitimate this idea. Fonseca like-wise links the conquest of Jerusalem with the expulsion in his extensive‘‘Prologo’’ (n.p.), an idea dramatically poeticized in Aguilar’s epic Expulsionde los moriscos de Espana (/0-–15).

The graphic symbol par excellence of this oft-repeated narrative is the crosspotent, endemically associated with both Jerusalem and crusade, and circu-lated widely in an official capacity on the very coins that the expelled moriscohoards. At this juncture, it would be useful to recall that the familiar signsmarking Ricote’s money are embodied in an everyday form (coins) whosematerial dimension would be no mystery to Cervantes’s contemporaries. Butthe irony that Ricote should own a chest full of such objects should perhapsnot surprise us, given Cervantes’s established penchant for deploying thesymbology of the cross in representing cultural and religious boundariesbetween Christians and Muslims.34 Toward the conclusion of Los banos deArgel, for example, the covertly Christian Algerian Zahara is discoveredcarrying a rosary with a cross (‘‘¿Como es esto, Zahara amiga? / ¿Cruz en tuscuentas?’’ ,40), which Zahara’s friend Halima notes, ‘‘Es la senal que elcristiano / reverencia como a Ala’’ (,41). Earlier in Los banos, the renegadeHazen declares his desire to return to Christianity before murdering theMuslim Ysuf, displaying ‘‘una cruz de palo’’ in anticipation of his martyrdom(/45–4/).

44. The idea of using expelled morisco wealth to fund a war against Islam strikes particularly closeto home when thinking about Ricote’s treasure.40. See Catherine Infante, and Marquez Villanueva (,-2–--).

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Cervantes’s earlier play El trato de Argel likewise associates the sign of thecross with a Christian character martyred at the hands of Muslims (!"–/#),while in La gran sultana, dona Catalina de Oviedo bears a cross as a publicmarker of her Christian faith in the context of the Ottoman court—‘‘trae alcuello una cruz pequena de ebano’’ (/"0a)—and Leonisa in ‘‘El amanteliberal’’ affirms her faith ‘‘sacando una pequena cruz del seno’’ which shekisses ‘‘muchas veces, y se santiguo infinitas’’ (Novelas ejemplares 1"2). Evenmore dramatically, the morisca Rafala in Los trabajos de Persiles y Sigismundauses the cross to communicate the depth of her sincere devotion toChristianity—‘‘con una cruz de cana en las manos, venıa diciendo a voces:‘¡Cristiana, cristiana y libre, y libre por la misericordia de Dios!’ ’’ (/03)—following a scene in which Rafala’s village is plundered by ‘‘corsarios berber-iscos’’ (/04) in league with local crypto-Muslim moriscos, who in theirmarauding ‘‘derribaron una cruz de piedra que estaba a la salida del pueblo’’(/05). Cervantes, in short, is no stranger to the symbolic value of the cross inrepresenting religious and cultural identities.35

Nevertheless, the notion that this pronounced semiotics of the cross mightbe expressed numismatically has never, to my knowledge, been suggested,despite some specifically Cervantine precedents that merit consideration. Forexample, in the Captive’s Tale in Part I of Don Quijote, after Zoraida’s initialintentions to convert are iconically announced through ‘‘una pequena cruzhecha de canas’’ (424), Zoraida’s first written communication with Ruy Perezde Viedma comes in the form of a bundle lowered from her window includ-ing not only a note in Arabic marked with a cross, but also, specifically,‘‘cuarenta escudos de oro espanoles’’ (420). Later, Zoraida also deliversmessages in packages, including one ‘‘en toda suerte de moneda y de plata,mas de cincuenta escudos’’ (42"), another with ‘‘cien escudos de oro, sin otramoneda alguna’’ (42"), and yet another with ‘‘dos mil escudos de oro’’ (451),not to mention the ‘‘docientos mil escudos espanoles’’ (450) that her fatherowns. There are a number of other currencies alluded to throughout thissection of the Captive’s Tale (‘‘cianıs,’’ ‘‘doblas,’’ ‘‘zoltanıs’’), and MarıaAntonia Garces (!1!–1/) and Johnson (51–"!) have noted the particularlypotent economic underpinnings of these chapters. But in the context ofZoraida’s grand drama of spiritual and cultural border-crossing, the intimateassociation between her messages and her money, overwhelmingly in the

/0. For more on this, see Infante.

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form of escudos rather than other forms of currency, does not seem acciden-tal. Even more telling, in this context, is the insistance of Cervantes’s friendAntonio de Sosa in his Topographia (./.,) that it was reales, rather than escu-dos, that were prized above all other currencies in Algiers: ‘‘the escudos ofItaly, France, and especially Spain are all used. But the foreign money thatthey most treasure, brag about, and benefit from are the reales of Spain, silvercoins of four or eight . . . [N]o merchandise is more precious, nor cananything of more worth be taken to Algiers, Barbary, or Turkey, than realesof Spain’’ (.01–0/). Further reaffirming the connection between escudos andthe expression of religious and cultural identities, in Los banos it is similarlythe escudo rather than any other currency that Zahara, like Zoraida, first givesto don Lope in her bid to plot her way to Catholic Spain: ‘‘Once escudos deoro son; / entre ellos viene un doblon, / que parece necesario / paternosterdel rosario’’ (.22–2.). Here the escudo series, doblones included, is againsymbolically linked to negotiations of cultural and religious identity. Andwhen Halima later discovers Zahara carrying a cross specifically on a rosary(,34), these two scenes are further analogically connected, doubly couplingthe cross to escudos and to the problematic of conversion. Such evidenceindicates that Ricote’s treasure chest is not unique in the Cervantine corpusin its connection between crosses, escudos, and the problematizing ofMuslim–Christian identities.

Despite this connection, however, it should be noted that for Zoraida andZahara, as for the morisca Rafala in the Persiles, the cross (whether of canaor of coins) constitutes an unambiguous material declaration of spiritual andcultural affiliation with Spanish Catholicism, whereas both Ricote’sprofoundly problematic personal situation and his maddeningly self-contradictory discourse serve to annul the possibility of any such univocalmeaning for him. Furthermore, not unlike Ana Felix in using her father’smoney to work toward matrimony with don Gregorio, Zoraida and Zaharaboth express a desire to be fully absorbed into the unified Catholic bodysymbolized in the coins that they give to their Spanish suitors. But as criticshave noted, the cultural and political landscape post-./2- makes a happyending of the sort the Algerian converts achieve seem rather unlikely forRicote and his family (Johnson /5–/0). The narrative for the Algerians isone of aligning themselves with the numismatic propaganda outlined above,whereas for Ricote the contrast between his personal situation as illegalmorisco interloper and the triumphalist messages inscribed on his coinsgenerates a narrative of fundamental dissonance.

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This dissonance becomes even more pronounced given that crosses play‘‘un papel plenamente protagonista’’ (Infante !".) in anti-morisco invective.As Infante and Marquez Villanueva have shown, writers intent on legitimat-ing the expulsion deploy the cross incessantly, both as a militant and super-natural providential symbol of Christian triumph over the Muslim ‘‘Other,’’and as a point of contention used to justify the expulsion itself. With respectto this latter argument, moriscos are routinely depicted as perpetratingheinous acts of sacrilege against the cross, acts enumerated as moral evidenceto justify the grave punishment meted out against them (Infante !"/;Marquez Villanueva !01, !22). Bleda, in this sense, is paradigmatic: ‘‘Pode-mos ya yr por este Reyno sin temor destos enemigos; gozamos de ver lasSantas Cruzes libres de tantas injurias que ellos [los moriscos] les hazıan’’(Coronica .3//).

Of course, the disquieting truth for someone like Bleda is that in the handsof the morisco Ricote, these ‘‘Santas Cruzes’’ are made to perform a far differ-ent symbolic duty than the one assigned to them by expulsion apologists andthe State propaganda machine. With Ricote—who does not conform to thedemonic caricature of moriscos painted by apologists, but who, on the otherhand, does articulate heterodox visions of religiosity while subverting thelaw—the propagandistic messages materially communicated through hiscoins are challenged, neutralized, literally buried, to later re-emerge as thefinancial means by which his family will seek to circumvent the order ofexpulsion via the social integration of marriage. Depending on whether weread these coins as numismatic texts or as financial documents, Ricote’s escu-dos conflictively reify opposing messages of order and disorder, orthodoxyand heresy, obedience and criminality, purity and contamination. As numis-matic objects, they manifest the gaze of the Habsburg Panopticon, while asfinancial tokens put to particular, very human uses, they lay bare the limitsof that same gaze, suggesting a fracturing of the monolithic mythologiespropagated by the Center.

Rosilie Hernandez has written, ‘‘The fictional world constructed in theQuixote is informed by how Christians and Moors inhabited material andpersonal geographies where the official need for absolute political and reli-gious control competed and was often secondary to the affective andeconomic relationships that were experienced locally on a daily basis’’ (.!1).Or, as Johnson puts it, ‘‘The ultimate conflict dramatized in this story is notbetween ideology and young love but between ideology and business’’ (42).In assessing expulsion polemics and policies, Trevor J. Dadson similarly

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concludes that ‘‘central authority was heavily circumscribed . . . Local realityproved in the end to be stronger than official rhetoric and the propagandathat it spawned’’ (,/). Ricote’s escudos at once embody both sides of thismetaphoric coin. On the one hand, they materially signal the collective trag-edy at the heart of the expulsion, exposing the cracks and porous bordersundermining official narratives of control, homogeneity, and purity. On theother hand, they simultaneously reproduce through numismatics the veryexclusionary ideology deployed to legitimate expulsion in the first place.

From this angle, we might conclude by considering Ricote’s coins as a sortof numismatic baciyelmo, an object whose very materiality disrupts singularinterpretations at their root, leading to competing perspectives that problem-atize stable notions of truth or essence.36 Through these coins, officialdiscourses relating to Spain’s identity as bastion of triumphant Catholicismare undermined precisely through the same material medium intended tocommunicate such discourses. To borrow from Baena, these coins are thus‘‘self-contradictory’’ objects, just as Ricote himself is profoundly ‘‘self-contradictory’’: ‘‘La polifonıa, o pluridiscurso cervantino, deja entreoır, entreotras, dos cosas simultaneamente’’ (0,1–,,). Ricote’s monedas baciyelmicasinsert themselves in the delicate space between the reality of lived experienceand the abstractions of ideology. By reassessing these coins as physicalobjects, we are left with the inevitable conclusion that the central Cervantineirony of Ricote’s whole story, cara y cruz, is given material form through hisburied treasure.

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