Conflict-Related Sexual Violence Against Men

A thematic analysis of the phenomenon in mass media

Bachelor Thesis

Author: Mikaela Eriksson Supervisor: Susanne Alldén Examiner: Manuela Nilsson Term: HT20 Subject: Peace and Development Level: Bachelor Course code: 2FU33E

Abstract Conflict-related sexual violence against men is a largely unrecognized and

forgotten perspective in both research and international policies. Reports

document that conflict-related sexual violence affects men, yet detailed

consideration of the issue remains missing due to the lack of comprehensive

research. The existing research is scarce and focuses primarily on the policy

perspective or call for increased attention towards recognizing the subject.

This study has sought to increase the understanding of the phenomenon

through the perspective of mass media. The objective of the study has been to

examine how the subject is portrayed by the media, including how male

survivors in media describe their own experiences of sexual violence regarding

masculine norms and stigma. The study has been conducted as a qualitative

desk study by using empirical data from news articles in online newspapers.

The study has followed an abductive approach and applied an analytical

framework consisting of the two theories Social Stigma and Hegemonic

Masculinity. A thematic analysis was used to interpret the empirical data and

three main themes were identified. The findings suggest that the subject tends

to be portrayed as unusual or as an exceptional phenomenon. The news articles

use similar words to describe the subject, such as hidden, silent, ignored, and

underreported. The subject is also deeply associated with stigma and

masculine norms, both by the survivors and in the articles. The male survivors

tend to illustrate how they feel ashamed, humiliated and stigmatized as a result

of their experiences. The survivors also reflect upon a sense of loss in their

masculine identity and have either avoided speaking about it or been rejected

by society due to normative masculine expectations.

Key words Sexual violence, male survivors, male victims of sexual violence, conflict-related

sexual violence, masculine norms, stigma

Table of contents Introduction 1

1.1 Introduction to the Research Topic 1 1.2 Research Problem and Relevance 2 1.3 Objective and Research Questions 3 1.4 Structure of the Thesis 3

Background 5 2.1 The Term Survivor 5 2.2 Conflict-related Sexual Violence 5 2.3 Sexual Violence Against Men in Conflict and War 6

Literature Review 8 Analytical Framework 12

4.1 Theoretical Approach 12 4.2 Gender, Masculinity and Femininity 12 4.3 Power 14 4.4 Hegemonic Masculinity 15 4.5 Social Stigma 17

Methodological framework 19 5.1 Methodological Approach 19 5.2 Data Selection 20 5.3 Analytical Method 21

Coding and Thematic Process 22 5.4 Discussion of Sources 24

Why Use the Media as a Source for the Study? 24 Critical Discussion of Sources 24

5.5 Delimitations and Limitations 25 5.6 Ethical considerations 26

Findings 27 6.1 The Narrative in Media 27 6.2 Stigmatizing Culture 30 6.3 Masculine Expectations 32

Analysis 36 7.1 Sexual Violence Against Men, Stigma and Masculine Norms 36 7.2 The Portrayal of CRSV Against Men in the News Articles 39 7.3 Analytical Reflection of the Theoretical Framework 41

Conclusion 43 References 45

List of Abbreviations CRSV Conflict-Related Sexual Violence

SVM Sexual Violence against Men

DRC Democratic Republic of the Congo

UN The United Nations

WHO The World Health Organization

UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

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Introduction

1.1 Introduction to the Research Topic

Different forms of sexual violence occur in a variety of contexts and

circumstances; however, the focus of this thesis will be on conflict-related

sexual violence (CRSV). The term conflict-related sexual violence refers to

sexually violent acts that are directly or indirectly linked to a conflict

perpetrated against women, men, girls, or boys. Generally, sexual violence in

war and conflict has become an increasingly researched topic over the past

years and the international community has focused immensely on

implementing effective strategies to combat the issue (UN, 2019, p. 3).

CRSV is often primarily referred to and associated with sexual violence

against women and girls, yet it is significantly important problem in relation

to men and boys as well. According to WHO (2002, p.154), sexual violence

against men and boys, with exception of childhood abuse, has been largely

neglected in research. Yet, sexual violence against men (SVM) in conflict

situations has been documented in over 25 countries over the last decade

(Apperley, 2015) and, according to a recent report made by the UN (2019),

reports have been confirming that men and boys continue to suffer from

CRSV. Violations against men have been reported in The Central African

Republic, The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), South Sudan,

Burundi, Sri Lanka, and The Syrian Arab Republic. The report also

acknowledges that men and boys face physical and psychological

consequences as a result. In addition, there are often no legal provisions

implemented in regard to the rape of men, and fear of being prosecuted for

same-sex conduct disrupt reporting further (UN, 2019, p. 6).

Generally, myths and strong prejudices in society surrounding male sexuality

prevent men from coming forward, which makes the problem highly

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underreported and the extent of the problem is, therefore, difficult to grasp.

There is still much to be done in most countries before this issue can be

adequately acknowledged and discussed without factors such as denial and

shame. A need for further development in this area is necessary since it could

facilitate more comprehensive preventive measures and support for male

survivors (WHO, 2002, pp. 154,155).

1.2 Research Problem and Relevance

The research problem that has been identified for this study is that the general

research on the topic CRSV against men is scarce. Scholars on the subject state

that SVM occurs in conflict settings and that it should be acknowledged more

in research and policies. Yet, CRSV against men and its surrounding factors is

still not widely researched, nor acknowledged in-depth, in almost all contexts.

Contemporary research on the subject focuses mainly on the policy

perspective and how to adequately include male survivors into the concept of

sexual violence. Hence, there is a prevalent gap in research that calls for further

and more detailed research on the subject.

The absence of focus on recognizing SVM is problematic. An increased focus

of SVM in conflict-settings should be implemented, not to shift the focus from

women and girls, but to also include male survivors in the discussion. Linos

(2009) emphasizes that there is growing concern that SVM has not received

enough attention. The human rights discourse used in research while

examining contemporary wartime sexual violence tend to maintain the male-

perpetrator and female-victim paradigm, which offers an incomplete picture

of the issue and may be potentially damaging for male survivors. By analyzing

the phenomenon through media, an increased understanding of how and if

media strengthens traditional notions of men, masculine norms and stigma can

be developed. Research in this field is relevant for developing effective and

inclusive strategies that aim to prevent sexual violence in the international,

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national, and local contexts. By researching the issue, I wish to highlight the

phenomenon and promote a further inclusive view of sexual violence.

1.3 Objective and Research Questions This study aims to contribute to the limited research on the subject CRSV

against men by examining the phenomenon from two perspectives. The

objective is to analyze the general mass media discourse on CRSV against men

to examine how the phenomenon is portrayed. The study will also analyze how

male survivors describe their own experiences of sexual violence to develop a

further understanding of how masculine norms and stigma may affect them.

The research questions will thus adopt two perspectives that in combination

enables a deeper understanding of the subject.

The study will be conducted by analyzing the phenomenon through news

articles in online newspapers. The research questions guiding the study are the

following:

• How is the subject CRSV against men portrayed in the news articles?

What is the main pattern(s)?

• How do the male survivors in the news articles describe their own

experiences of CRSV in regard to masculine norms and social stigma?

1.4 Structure of the Thesis

The thesis consists of eight chapters, including the Introduction. The second

chapter, Background, explains the key terms of the study, including a

background section of the topic SVM in conflict and war. The third chapter,

Literature Review, presents the contemporary research on the subject of CRSV

against men including the topic in relation to research on mass media. The

fourth chapter present the Analytical Framework chosen for the study. The

analytical framework consists of a description of the key concepts that

constitutes the foundation of the theoretical framework which are gender,

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femininity, masculinity and power. This is followed by a description of the

two theories chosen, namely, Hegemonic Masculinity and Social Stigma. The

fifth chapter, Methodological Framework, present the methodology and

research approach used for the study. The methodological framework consists

of one section explaining how the empirical material was collected. Followed

by a description of the analytical research method, thematic analysis, that was

used to interpret the empirical material. Finally, a discussion of the sources as

well as the delimitations, limitations and ethical considerations for the study

are outlined in this chapter. The sixth chapter, Findings, present the results of

the study and the three themes that were identified during the thematic

analysis. Chapter seven present the Analysis, where the findings are analyzed

in relation to the analytical framework, the research questions and the research

objective. The final chapter present a Conclusion and recommendations for

future research on the subject.

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Background

2.1 The Term Survivor The phrase survivor is used throughout the thesis when referring to a person

who has been subject to some form of sexual violence or abuse. The word

survivor may be a synonym to the word victim. However, the term victim may

have a negative connotation attached to it while the term survivor offers a more

empowering term for a person who has been subject to sexual violence. The

terms victimhood and victimization are still used for describing the victimizing

culture that a person may experience after they have been exposed to sexual

violence.

2.2 Conflict-related Sexual Violence The term CRSV has become increasingly more recognized in the past years.

A definition of the concept is presented by the UN (2019, p. 3):

The term “conflict-related sexual violence” refers to rape, sexual

slavery, forced prostitution, forced pregnancy, forced abortion, enforced

sterilization, forced marriage and any other form of sexual violence of

comparable gravity perpetrated against women, men girls or boys that is

directly or indirectly linked to a conflict.

However, sexual violence in conflict settings or war is not a new phenomenon.

It has historically been considered an inevitable by-product of war but, today,

CRSV constitutes a crime that is preventable and punishable under

International Human Rights Law, International Humanitarian Law, and

International Criminal Law. The UN Security Council declared the extensive,

systematic, and organized rape in the former Yugoslavia as an international

crime at the beginning of 1992. The issue has since then received more

attention internationally and improved legalization has been implemented

(Bigio & Vogelstein, 2017, p. 3). CRSV is generally motivated by political,

military, or economic objectives or used as a tactic in war, as well as a tactic

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for violent motives of extremism and terrorism. It is frequently used to target

civilians for a variety of reasons, for instance, to cause long-term trauma,

humiliation, for triggering displacement or fracturing families and the social

fabric (UN, n.d). CRSV can be perpetrated by actors such as army members,

members of non-state armed groups, terrorist organizations, or civilians.

Perpetrators are predominantly men but cases from DRC and Rwanda

demonstrates that women can play active roles in armed conflict as well,

including perpetrating and ordering rape (Bigio & Vogelstein, 2017, p. 3)

2.3 Sexual Violence Against Men in Conflict and War Women and girls are often considered more vulnerable to sexual violence than

men because of patterns of gender discrimination and inequality. However, it

is confirmed that men and boys can be subject to different forms of sexual

violence and abuse. Different forms of Conflict-related SVM may refer to

castration, sterilization, genital shocks and beatings, oral and anal rape, forced

masturbation of self and others. Men and boys may also be forced to perform

sexual acts on other people or forced to watch sexual violence against others

(UNHCR, 2017, p. 12).

The general extent and prevalence of CRSV against men still remain unclear

because of the lack of comprehensive research on the subject. Existing

research on SVM in conflict settings has, however, indicated that the issue has

been severely underestimated. Possibly because of factors such as the focus on

sexual violence against women and girls, under-reporting, and narrow legal

frameworks that fail to criminalize SVM or protect survivors. A handful of

studies have been undertaken in conflict-affected settings. One study from

2010 of men in specific conflict-affected territories in eastern DRC found for

example that an estimated 760, 000 men (23,6%) had experienced sexual

violence (UNHCR, 2017, p. 13). Another example from The Refugee Law

Project in Uganda indicate that more than one third (38.5%) of 447 adult male

refugees have experienced sexual violence in their lifetime. Another study

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found that men (and women) are notably vulnerable in detention centers, 50 to

80 percent of male torture survivors has reported sexual violence (UNHCR,

2017, p. 14).

UNHCR (2017, p. 8) has conducted a report of SVM and boys in the Syria

crisis. They found numerous barriers that limit effective prevention and

response mechanisms to male survivors. The report acknowledges that there

are indicators such as strong social stigmatization, absence of effective

identification mechanisms in place, generally a lack of awareness on the issue,

and also dismissive attitudes among humanitarian workers. The UNHCR

(2017, pp. 15, 16) report also acknowledges that there are several myths and

common misperception about SVM. Myths outlined are for example that men

are less affected by sexual violence than women, that male perpetrators of

sexual violence against other males are gay or bisexual or that male survivors

of sexual violence are or will become gay or bisexual. Such barriers, including

gendered stereotypes, prejudice, social taboos, homophobia, and biased legal

frameworks prevent male survivors from accessing effective care. In addition,

male survivors generally struggle to reveal their experiences of sexual violence

and seek support because of social constructions of masculinity and its

incompatibility with victimization.

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Literature Review

Even though previous literature on the topic of sexual violence is mostly

focused on women, increased attention on the perspective of CRSV against

men have begun to emerge in research. Most of the scholars on the topic call

for increased attention towards recognizing SVM and advocates for including

both genders into the concept of sexual violence (see Sivakumaran, 2007;

Carpenter, 2006; Apperley, 2015; Linos, 2009; Toquet, Gorris, 2016; Féron,

2017; Solangon, Patel, 2012). However, opinions are a bit scattered on how to

adequately include the male survivor perspective in the concept of sexual

violence. There is a discrepancy in whether an increased focus on men should

be included in the framework of gender-based violence, which previously has

been used mostly in relation to women, or if future policies on this issue should

be implemented as gender-neutral.

Sivakumaran (2007) states that non-governmental and intergovernmental

organizations have started to note in their reports that sexual violence can

affect men as well, yet detailed consideration of the issue is missing. Touquet

and Gorris (2016) hold a similar view and argue that although the problem is

recognized to some extent, in-depth analysis of male survivors’ needs and

men’s vulnerability to particular forms of sexual violence falls short.

Apperley (2015) argues that the lack of evidence and research on the issue

distances survivors from both media coverage and the political agenda and that

there is a need to further recognize men as vulnerable and weak, to avoid

further stigma. Morever, Apperley states that the international community is

not addressing the issue of sexual violence against men properly and future

development should ensure a gender-neutral understanding.

Further, Schulz (2018) address that contemporary research on the topic of

wartime SVM focuses on how SVM is silenced on a policy level. His research

of CRSV in Uganda aims to further add to the emerging research, by

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examining the culture of silence among male survivors. Schulz research

analyzes how compounded silences may affect survivors, by examining their

experiences through a masculinity framework and argues that this perspective

remains largely absent in the existing research. Schulz (2018) argues further

that male survivors in Uganda frequently choose to remain silent about their

experiences due to shame or fear of stigmatization. Male survivors are

overlooked by political actors and institutions as well as by medical and

psycho-social services because of gendered stereotypes that dismisses that

men can be subject to sexual violence.

Furthermore, even though there is some research emerging on the general

subject of SVM in conflict settings, research specifically focused on the

discourse of SVM in mass media is very scarce. Féron (2017, 2018) is one of

few who specifically discusses the discourse of wartime SVM. Féron (2018,

p. 203) argues that when wartime SVM is brought to attention in media it is

often done by portraying it as an exceptionality or as a new problem recently

discovered. The occurrence of male rape in war has been documented for long,

yet the general picture in media seem to rediscover the issue each time a new

story is published. Hlavka (2017) discuss the invisibility and the minimization

of male sexual victimization and argues that normative expectations regarding

masculinity act as barriers for male survivors. Dominant discourses

predominantly position men as sexual aggressors and women as sexual

victims. The lack of recognition of male sexual victimization provides an

insufficient picture and the perspective of female and same-sex perpetrators is

thus being neglected, both in terms of research and public information.

Féron (2017) states similarly that the discourse on wartime sexual violence is

strongly embedded with associating men and masculinity with power,

strength, and violence, while women are usually portrayed as vulnerable

victims to a patriarchal order. However, the patriarchal order and the

masculine agents that support it are usually not questioned nor considered

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thoroughly. Further, Féron (2017) argues that it is problematic and

counterproductive to silence male survivors since it strengthens patriarchal

discourses. By not considering that men can be vulnerable, existing gender

representations may be further reinforced.

Moreover, the varying effects and influence that mass media have on society,

people, institutions and culture have been debated through a range of different

theories and research. There seem to be consensus in research that media has

some impact on different dimensions of social life and structure, yet the extent

and strength of the influence is debated. One of the commonly unintended

effects found in research of media is the effects of media bias on stereotyping

(Perse & Lambe 2017, pp. 1, 7).

Fagerström and Nilson (2008, pp. 25, 26) notes similarly that people’s

opinions and values about the world is likely affected by media. They argue

that media may represent normative stereotypes of people and treat people

differently based on their gender, ethnicity or sexuality. Fagerström and Nilson

(2008, p. 129) argues, for example, that there is a general over representation

of well-educated white men in traditional news media while women are

generally underrepresented. Studying mass media from a gender perspective

is thus necessary to expose news media’s often traditional representation and

imbalance between men and women.

As mentioned, scholars that analyze the phenomenon of CRSV against men in

media is largely absent. Easteal, Holland and Judd (2015) attempt to

conceptualize the influence media may have on the portrayal of violence

against women. They argue that there is a key aspect in media’s influence that

refers to the capacity media has to promote a dominant reality by exposing

people to experiences and events that are beyond their own life space. Through

this framed reality, media may shape people’s beliefs and perceptions of

certain events.

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Easteal, Holland and Judd (2015) further discuss the news media’s potential

to frame public debate by presenting certain issues in a certain way. News

media creates narratives and frames events in which some actors play a vital

role while other actors are marginalized or ignored. Easteal, Holland and Judd

emphasize that there are several factors which may influence how journalists

decide to construct an issue in news stories. Social norms, values as well as

ideological and political orientations may be reflected in narratives of

journalists. Journalists use different techniques when framing stories, and

words and images may likewise be used in a certain manner. Media stories can

also, in this sense, be influenced by gendered narratives shaped by a societal

landscape and cultural norms of masculinity and femininity. Media play a

central role in defining social issues as the reality that is presented in media is

usually taken for granted in reflecting things as they are.

In conclusion, the general research debate of CRSV against men acknowledges

that there is a further need to recognize the phenomenon in different contexts,

yet detailed analysis of the issue remains missing. There is little focus on

analyzing how the phenomenon CRSV against men is recognized in the mass

media discourse, including possible consequences of this. There is also a need

to analyze how male survivors are affected by stereotypical masculine

expectations and social stigma in-depth. Research acknowledges that male

survivors are affected by factors such as stigma, masculine norms and myths

about SVM. Yet, detailed consideration of how they are affected is scarce (see

Hlavka, 2017; Javaid, 2015; Schulz 2018). These two perspectives are almost

absent in research and this study, therefore, aims to contribute with research

on the subject by examining the perspectives in mass media.

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Analytical Framework

This chapter presents the analytical framework chosen for this study. The

theoretical concepts of gender, femininity, masculinity and power that

constitutes the foundation of the theoretical framework are outlined.

Furthermore, the two theories, Hegemonic Masculinity and Social Stigma are

presented and elaborated.

4.1 Theoretical Approach The analytical framework is based on the two theories, Hegemonic Masculinity

and Social stigma. Hegemonic masculinity offers a valuable perspective on

gender roles, inequalities, power, and dominance. A theoretical perspective of

masculinity particularly contributes with an important framework for how

normative notions about men may be constructed and assembled in society.

Further, the concept of stigma offers a helpful analytical approach for

analyzing constructions of gender stereotypes. It also provides a framework

for understanding the stigmatizing culture that surrounds the phenomenon

SVM. In this study, the theoretical framework offers an analytical tool that

enables a deeper understanding of how masculine norms and stigma may be

interrelated with media and how male survivors may be consequently affected.

The two theories will thus be used as a frame to understand how the subject is

constructed and expressed in the mass media.

4.2 Gender, Masculinity and Femininity The concepts gender, masculinity and femininity are interrelated with the two

theories hegemonic masculinity and social stigma. This section will therefore

shortly summarize the concepts that underpins the theoretical framework.

To define masculinity and femininity it is essential to first introduce a

definition of gender. Connell (2005, p. 71) describes gender as

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… a way in which social practice is ordered. In gender processes, the

everyday conduct of life is organized in relation to a reproductive arena,

defined by the bodily structures and processes of human reproduction.

Connell (2005, p.71) emphasizes the focus of describing gender as a social

practice organized by a reproductive arena rather than a biological base.

Gender should therefore not be understood as a fixed set of biological

determinants because it rather refers to historical and social processes

involving the body. Fagerström and Nilson (2008, p. 7) states similarly that

gender is a social and cultural construction and gender is something that all

people shape into.

Moreover, the concepts of masculinity and femininity can be understood as

positions in this social construction of gender. Connell (2005, p. 71) argues

that masculinity and femininity are operating in a process and system of gender

relations. Men and women conduct gendered lives through social processes

and relationships. Masculinity and femininity essentially refer to their position

in these gender relations and also refer to the effects that these practices have

on bodily experience, personality, and culture.

Schippers (2007) states that masculinity refers to a set of practices and

characteristics understood as “masculine” and these practices can in turn have

widespread cultural and social effects when embodied. Likewise, femininity

can be related to the role of women and a set of practices, characteristics, or

associations to what it means to be “feminine”. It can be understood as a set of

identity features to a woman’s gender identity.

Furthermore, the form of femininity that is described in the hegemonic

masculinity framework is specified as emphasized femininity. Connell (1987,

pp. 186,187) states that “all forms of femininity are constructed in the context

of the overall subordination of women to men”. Therefore, no femininity can

be in a hegemonic position. Further, Connell (1987, pp. 188, 183) argues that

emphasized femininity has been developed and organized in adaption to men’s

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power. This form of femininity operates in a subordinate position to men and

accommodate the interests and desires of men. Emphasized femininity can

shortly be understood, in this view, as a cultural construction operating in a

gendered social order.

4.3 Power Gender, femininity and masculinity involves certain dimensions of power that

is essential to discuss. Power relations between men and women, masculinity

and femininity are formed within a hierarchical gender order and power may

also reinforce these gender structures.

Power is difficult to describe because of its complex nature. Mullany and Mills

(2011, p. 57) conceptualize a view of power influenced by Foucault’s

theorization of power. In this view, power is not something that one easily

possesses in relation to another, power is something that operates fluidly and

needs to be enacted within interaction. From this perspective, power and power

relations does not only refer to something that is imposed from above but can

rather be understood as something that is “everywhere”. Power differences

manifest themselves in everyday experiences and become more related to a

day-to-day element.

Similarly, Fagerström and Nilson (2008, pp. 12, 13) argue that power is not

something that one possesses, it is rather something that is exercised. Hence,

everyone can exercise power or act from a position of power, but no one owns

power. Power may for example be exercised in the discourses that surrounds

us, through our language, what we say and think as well as in our actions.

Discourses may, in this sense, also create and reinforce certain mind-sets and

patterns for how we should act.

From this perspective, power is something that is “everywhere”, and it may be

present in all contexts, including in different interactions between people. One

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person may exercise power over another person in a particular situation, but

power may also be evident as something that operates fluidly in society.

4.4 Hegemonic Masculinity Masculinity studies are concerned with the social constructions that frame the

concept of men. The idea is that both women and men are shaped by gender,

and masculinity studies analyze private attributes of men’s embodiment,

sexuality, and emotion that form the notion of men as gendered persons

(Gardiner, 2002, p. 10).

The term hegemonic masculinity has been developed as a concept branched

from masculinity studies and has had a large impact on gender studies across

many academic fields (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005). While referring to

Connell (1987), Jewkes et al. (2015) address that hegemonic masculinity is an

analytical instrument that identifies attitudes and practices among men that

preserve gender inequality. It involves practices of dominance, both men’s

domination over women but also the power men have over other men, often

minority groups. To argue that a particular form of masculinity is hegemonic,

the notion is that its power maintains a structure of oppression and dominance

through the gendered order (Donaldson, 1993). Donaldson (1993) argues

further that hegemonic masculinity forms a structure in which most men

benefit from having control over women and for a few, from control over other

men. In this sense, hegemonic masculinity does not refer to or represent a

certain type of man but rather represents an unequal relationship between men

and women, masculinity, femininity, and among masculinities

(Messerschmidt, 2018, p. 122).

The understanding and creation of power relations between and among gender

is an essential part of understanding how hegemonic masculinity operates.

According to Messerschmidt (2018, p. 122), power is an important structural

feature of sex, gender, and sexual relations. Socially structured power relations

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among men and women have been formed historically on basis of sex, gender,

and sexual preferences. In specific situations, some women and men hold

greater power over other women and men. Some genders hold greater power

over other genders, and some sexualities hold more power over other

sexualities. Power then, not only creates social structures of interactions and

relationships between men and women, but also among men and women. The

capacity to exercise power is thus, often also reflected in people’s position in

this social construction, based on their sex or gender.

In addition to this, the concepts of masculinity and femininity are connected

to heteronormativity. Heteronormativity refers to the social construction of sex

and in which heterosexuality has been known as the norm or the “normal”.

This assumption is based on the idea that men’s and women’s bodies are

natural and compatibly made for each other, while homosexual attraction has

been defined as the “abnormal” or different. Essentially, heteronormativity is

reproducing a sexual social structure that can be understood as a sexual

hegemony. Gender hegemony and sexual hegemony combines in the sense that

masculinity and heterosexuality are believed to be superior. While femininity

and homosexuality are judged to be inferior (Messerchmidt, 2018, pp. 123,

124).

The construction of power and relationships between men and women,

masculinity and femininity create a strong social structure that has to a large

extent established itself in our understanding of the world. It can be argued

that hegemonic masculinity shapes a sense of reality for both men and women

in specific situations. It is frequently renewed, re-created, and defended by

social actions, even though it is complex and operates diffusely

(Messerschmidt, 2018, p. 122)

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4.5 Social Stigma Another theoretical concept closely related to the formation of social identities

and stereotypes is the concept of stigma. Goffman (1986, pp. 17, 18) argues

that society categorizes people and connects people to certain attributes related

to their social identity. Typically, anticipations and categorizations of people

are often made unconsciously. People make assumptions and perceptions of

how other people ought to be and usually connect them to certain attributes

and by doing such, creating stereotypes. The categorization of people is also

connected to a set of complementary attributes related to what is considered

ordinary or natural for members of each of these categories.

Stigma can thus be defined as the relationship between certain attributes and a

stereotype, where people associate other people, the stereotype, with

undesirable characteristics. Stigma can also be understood in relation to social

norms. In this perspective, stigma relates to certain negative and deviant

characteristics of a person that is contrary to normative perspectives and

expectations of how a person should behave at a particular time (Link &

Phelan, 2001). The person that is stigmatized is thus considered to be contrary

to what is “normal”. Goffman (1986, pp. 23, 24) identifies three different types

of stigma. The first is associated to abominations of the body and various

physical deformities. Secondly, a stigma relating to a perceived irregularity in

the individual character, for example, mental disorder, homosexuality,

imprisonment and addictive behavior and alcoholism. Finally, the third type

of stigma refer to individual identifications, such as race, nationality and

religion. When referring to Goffman (1967), Hlavka (2017) argues that people

may develop certain strategies to protect their identities in certain situations,

to avoid being stigmatized. People may, for instance, act or behave in an

expected way to present a favorable impression of one-self to other people.

The understanding of what is considered stigmatizing or deviant in our

contemporary society may have changed somewhat since Goffman originated

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his view of stigma. However, Hlavka (2017) offers a particularly interesting

perspective and discussion of contemporary stigma and how male survivors

may experience a stigmatizing culture today.

Male victimhood contradicts the notion of “being a man” and the attributes

that are related to the male role, such as being strong, powerful and self-

sufficient. Men who are sexually victimized have to confront a stigmatizing

culture in society and therefore often experience negative feelings of shame,

embarrassment, and guilt as a result. Male survivors of sexual assault can be

seen to have failed their masculine role and their responsibility to protect

themselves. Hlavka (2017) argues that there is a complex relationship between

rape myths, cultural ideas of masculinity, and the construction of male

victimization. Attitudes and rape myths about men form a cultural acceptance

of victim-blaming that to a large extent dismisses male victimization. There is

a general belief in society that male sexual assault is not possible or that it is

not a traumatic experience. Men, therefore, meet an immense resistance to

being recognized as survivors because of a stigmatizing culture that lead to

certain assumptions or expectations of how men should and should not behave

(Hlavka, 2017).

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Methodological framework

This chapter presents the methodological framework used for conducting the

study. The chapter begins with a section describing the research approach and

follows with a section explaining how the empirical material has been

collected. Further, the thematic analysis that has been chosen as the analytical

method is presented and outlined. This is followed by a final discussion on the

sources as well as the delimitations, limitations, and ethical considerations of

the study.

5.1 Methodological Approach This study has been conducted as a desk study by using a qualitative method

to collect data and abductive reasoning as the research approach. A qualitative

method refers essentially to a research strategy that focuses on the

interpretation of words rather than the quantification of numbers for collecting

and analyzing data (Bryman, 2011, p. 340). A qualitative method offers a

research approach where different texts or documents can be analyzed closely.

By applying a qualitative approach in this study, underlying themes and

structures in the news articles can be discovered and interpreted thoroughly.

Abductive reasoning has been chosen because it enables the use of the

analytical framework as a lens to understand the phenomenon CRSV against

men, as expressed in news media, further. Abductive reasoning offers a

research approach where a phenomenon can be further developed and

conceptualized by interpreting a new set of ideas to an original framework of

ideas. Abductive reasoning can thus develop a deeper understanding of a

phenomenon by approaching it from a new perspective and provide new

insights into the phenomenon (Danermark et al. 2002, p. 91). The theoretical

approach applied in this thesis can thus influence the findings and draw

extended conclusions based on the result. By using an abductive approach, the

theoretical framework can provide new insights into the understanding of how

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gender norms, masculine notions and stigma can be formed and reproduced in

society.

5.2 Data Selection The empirical material used in this study consists of news articles from several

different online newspapers from the years 2010 to 2020. This particular

timeframe was initially decided because I wanted to analyze the phenomenon

in contemporary mass media but still ensure a sufficient amount of material.

Nevertheless, no articles on the subject were found before 2010 so this

timeframe was suitable to keep throughout the process.

The online news articles collected have been mainly found by using Google

search and the news section in Google search. News articles have also been

collected by searching through selected online newspaper sites to find articles

that might not appear through Google search. I have also searched for articles

in Swedish in which I found one that was appropriate for the study. The

selection of data has to a large extent been based on material availability. It

became evident early in the search process that there is a limited amount of

news articles written on the subject of SVM in conflict settings in English and

Swedish. Therefore, an extensive search for articles has been made and articles

have been selected based on their relevance to the research objective and the

research questions. To gather enough data for the analysis, the selection of

articles ranges from different genres and different online newspapers, such as

debate articles, interview articles, and news articles. The decision to use

articles from several different newspapers is also to provide a more

comprehensive understanding of the issue by looking at it from different

perspectives.

To identify relevant articles, different words and phrases have been used in

combination with each other. The words and phrases that have been used are

the following: sexual violence against men, sexual abuse against men, sexual

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torture against men, male rape, male survivors of sexual violence, male

victims of sexual violence. All of the words in combination with conflict or

war.

Even though specific words of “men” and “male” were used in the search, a

substantial number of the articles found were not relevant for the thesis. A

large amount of the articles concerned violence against women. Because of

the lack of results on men, the search in Google directed me towards different

online newspaper sites where I have, in their databases, also searched for

further articles on the topic. Moreover, a thorough reading of the articles was

conducted to select the most relevant for the study. Since the focus of the thesis

is to analyze the perspective of SVM in conflict-related settings, articles that

did not concern the phenomenon in war or conflict was excluded. However,

articles that refer to the subject of SVM in refugee-camps have been included

because of its relevance to conflict-settings.

The final selection resulted in 20 articles from the following online

newspapers: two articles from Aljazeera, one from NBC News, two from Fox

News, two from The Independent, seven from The Guardian, one from The

New York Times, one from Time Magazine, one from CNN, one from BBC

News, one from The Telegraph, and finally one article from the Swedish

newspaper Svenska Dagbladet.

The Guardian happened to be overrepresented solely because they had several

articles relevant to the research objective, compared to other newspapers.

5.3 Analytical Method To clarify how the empirical material has been used in the study, a presentation

of the analytical process will be outlined in this section. Bryman (2011, p. 510)

states that qualitative data can be difficult to interpret because it often

generates a large and sometimes overwhelming amount of different material.

To facilitate the study’s research process, the empirical data collected have

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been interpreted and analyzed by using an analytic method of thematic

analysis. A thematic analysis offers an analytic method that enables the

researcher to identify and analyze reoccurring patterns within the data (Braun

& Clarke, 2008). Hence, it offers a useful and flexible method for analyzing

qualitative data and allowed for a deeper interpretation of the empirical

material. Thematic analysis can be conducted in a variety of different ways but

the framework that has been used in this study follows from examples outlined

by David and Sutton (2016) and a framework provided by Braun and Clarke

(2008).

Coding and Thematic Process

At the beginning of the process, I read through the articles several times to

familiarize myself with the material. I highlighted various sections, phrases,

and words in the texts, and gave them certain labels, or codes. This process is

described as the coding process. Coding in thematic analysis is a process where

certain codes are applied to a text to find similarities and dissimilarities

between and within the texts. Codes are key terms, themes, or expressions

describing or corresponding to actual terms in the text (David & Sutton 2016.

p. 271). I used an inductive and open form of coding meaning that codes were

formed and applied after the first interpretation of the data. However, I had the

two research questions in mind when reading the material, meaning that the

process cannot be considered entirely inductive (David & Sutton, 2016, p.

274). The codes that I found were taboo topic, not considered a man,

homosexuality, stigma, shame, unknown, little awareness, ignored, under-

reported.

In the next step, I looked for patterns between the different codes and

structured them into broader themes. A theme represents some level of

patterned responses or meaning within the data sets, in relation to the research

questions. A theme is not necessarily dependent on quantifiable measures,

such as how many times something is mentioned. The researcher’s judgment

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determines the theme and whether it reflects something important to the

research questions (Braun & Clarke, 2006).

I formed three different themes that reflect the main patterns for how the

articles portray the phenomenon of CRSV against men and also how survivors

portray and describe their own experiences in regard to stigma and masculine

norms. The themes stigma and masculine expectations are somewhat related

to each other but were divided into two different themes because of the large

amount of content within each theme.

Table 1. Overview of the thematic analysis codes and themes

Codes Themes • Under-reported • The narrative in media • Unknown • Ignored

• Little awareness

• Shame • Stigmatizing culture • Taboo topic

• Stigma

• Homosexuality • Masculine expectations • Not considered a man

The table above illustrates how the different codes that were identified in the

thematic analysis were formed into three main themes: The narrative in

media, Stigmatizing culture and Masculine expectations.

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5.4 Discussion of Sources

Why Use the Media as a Source for the Study? CRSV against women has gained more attention in recent years, both in terms

of research and media coverage. The decision to use media as a source for

empirical data stems from the interest of investigating if there has been an

equal development regarding SVM. Apperley (2017) argues that male

survivors are distanced from media coverage and that there is a need to

recognize men as vulnerable and weak to avoid stigma. This sparked my

interest in conducting a study that focuses on whether the subject is

acknowledged in the media and if so, how it is acknowledged. Accordingly,

the decision to use media as a source seemed relevant for the study and the

research problem. Also, the choice of using online newspaper articles as a

source came rather naturally because of their easy accessibility and it was

therefore considered to be the most suitable alternative for this study.

Critical Discussion of Sources

Bryman (2011, p. 499) argues that authenticity issues and credibility can be

difficult to determine when using mass media documents as a source in

qualitative research. The authorship of the article is often unclear, and it can

therefore be difficult to know whether the article is reliable and written by

someone with the necessary knowledge. It is thus important to keep in mind

that the newspapers and the authors may provide a biased or misrepresented

view of a particular event or situation. However, the study has aimed to

critically examine newspapers, and reflections of whether the articles promote

a neutral view or not have thus been considered rather naturally in the study.

To increase the reliability and validity of the sources as representative to the

study and the perspective seen in general mass media, articles from large and

widely known newspapers have been chosen. Articles from newspapers that

have a clear association or background of discussing specifically humanitarian

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issues were excluded to avoid a biased perspective. It is further important to

note that the newspaper articles that have been selected are not representative

for providing a generalizing view for all mass media. The findings that I

present for the study refer exclusively to tendencies found in the articles

selected for the study and it is thus impossible to claim any generalizations in

other contexts (Bryman, 2011, p. 369).

Additionally, the themes found during the thematic analysis is based on my

interpretation of the articles and what I perceive as important for the research

questions. Qualitative research is to a large extent affected by the researcher’s

interests and interpretations. What is perceived as important or significant for

the study can thus differ from person to person. Bryman (2011, pp. 368, 269)

argues that this is one of the commonly stated critiques of qualitative research

since it is almost impossible to replicate a qualitative study. If someone would

replicate this study, they would possibly find other themes or other sources

that would produce a different result.

5.5 Delimitations and Limitations One delimitation in this study has been the choice to use exclusively written

news articles on the topic since I found enough material for the study from

online newspapers. I have therefore not included other media sources such as

news films or video clips in the study. Another delimitation is the focus of only

analyzing SVM from a conflict-related perspective. The general discourse on

sexual violence is very broad and I wanted to focus particularly on the

phenomenon in conflict.

Also, the thesis does not include other factors that could be relevant while

analyzing the phenomenon, such as conflict backgrounds or the economic

context. However, the aim is to analyze the phenomenon in media and,

therefore, other background factors have been excluded in this research.

Further, perspectives from lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender survivors,

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as well as human trafficking survivors have not been discussed in the thesis.

These perspectives could be relevant and interesting to analyze in this context

but since this has not been the main focus, I have not actively searched for

articles to include on the topic. However, one article in the empirical material

includes perspectives from lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender survivors

because it also discusses the phenomenon of CRSV against men, regardless of

sexual orientation or gender identity.

Limitations in this study relate mainly to the limited ability to collect articles

on the subject. A limitation has been the focus of only analyzing mass media

articles from online newspapers written in English and Swedish because of my

language limit. Additionally, in terms of time, it has not been possible to search

through every online newspaper site or search engine for articles and this may

have limited the number of sources. I have made a comprehensive search for

material, but I am aware that articles relevant to the study may have been

missed due to this.

5.6 Ethical considerations

The subject sexual violence can be considered ethically sensitive; however,

the study has relied on secondary material already published and accessible

through internet. It is worth noting that some of the survivors’ names in the

quotes have been changed by the news articles to ensure anonymity. Apart

from that, no specific ethical considerations need to be discussed here.

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Findings

This chapter presents the three themes that were identified during the thematic

analysis of the empirical material. These themes present, with regard to the

two research questions, the main patterns for both how the news articles

portray the phenomenon CRSV against men and also how survivors illustrate

their own experiences in regard to masculine norms and stigma. The three

themes: the narrative in media, stigmatizing culture, and masculine

expectations are presented separately.

6.1 The Narrative in Media This theme reflects a pattern for how the different articles discuss and portray

the phenomenon CRSV against men. The articles note repeatedly that the

phenomenon is rarely acknowledged by using words and phrases that address

that the issue is silent, unknown, underreported, understudied, or ignored.

Several quotes are presented to illustrate how the phenomenon is portrayed,

including a small description of the context of the article.

It’s talked about in whispers, if at all. But men and boys are all-too

frequently subjected to sexual violence, particularly in times of conflict,

forced confinement or war. The problem is persistent and global. For the

most part, though, nobody wants to talk about it (Rauhala, 2011).

Of all the secrets of war, there is one that is so well kept that it exists

mostly as a rumour. It is usually denied by the perpetrator and his victim.

Governments, aid agencies and human rights defenders at the UN barely

acknowledge its possibility. Yet every now and then someone gathers

the courage to tell of it (Storr, 2011).

The first quote above is from an article that discusses the general phenomenon

and prevalence of male rape in war. The second one is from an interview article

with perspectives of male rape in Uganda. The two quotes indicate that the

phenomenon is barely acknowledged by the rest of the world. Even though

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people know about it, few want to mention it or discuss it and the issue,

therefore, remains largely untold.

Sexual violence against men and boys in conflict remains largely hidden

and ignored, neglected in terms of recognition, resources and policy

provision, despite being documented in nearly every armed conflict in

which sexual violence is committed (Goodley, 2019).

Sexual violence and rape have long been woven into the fabric of

conflict and viewed as an instrument of torture; from the Democratic

Republic of Congo to Rwanda, and most recently, Syria. While women

and girls face increased risks, sexual violence against men is both more

prevalent than one assumed and almost never reported (McEachran,

2013).

The two quotes above are from two articles that report that the international

community has been neglecting the issue of CRSV against men. They use

examples from different countries, such as DRC, Syria, Rwanda, and Liberia

when writing about the phenomenon. The two quotes illustrate that the issue

has been neglected and underreported. Similar to the two other quotes above,

they indicate that issue is prevalent, yet seldom fully recognized.

Despite the prevalence of sexual violence against men for many years,

the silence on the issue has been deafening. In the last decade or so, there

has been some limited progress. Today, there is often acknowledgment

that men are subjected to sexual violence during wartime, and there are

occasional media reports on the subject (Sivakumaran, 2013).

Sexual violence against men does occasionally make the news: the

photographs of the sexual abuse and humiliation of Iraqi men at the Abu

Ghraib prison, for example, stunned the world (Stemple, 2011).

It is one of the darkest, most secretive weapons used in war. But slowly,

the widespread nature of the sexual abuse of boys and men is being cast

under anguished limelight as survivors and activists seek more

awareness and perpetrator accountability (McKay, 2019).

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The three quotes above address that the phenomenon has received some

occasional attention even though the issue is silent. The second quote

illustrates that when SVM occasionally makes the news, it is perceived as

something shocking. The first and second quotes are from two articles that

report on the general prevalence of wartime rape in different countries and

state that the phenomenon has been ignored. The last quote is from an article

reporting that rape has been used as a weapon of war in Syria and address that

this issue has only now come to light.

The articles also portray the subject by addressing that male survivors are

neglected in different ways. For example, the two quotes below reflect that

male survivors have to suffer in silence and that male rape is ignored by

society.

“Male victims suffer in silence. We have a care gap – young male

victims of sexual violence in conflict are not being recognized as

victims, let alone being treated as such,” Bradbury said (McKay, 2019).

Our failure to acknowledge male rape leaves it in the shadows,

compounding the humiliation that survivors experience (Stemple, 2011).

Further, another article portrays CRSV against men by addressing how

unknown the issue is, even for the author of the article. The article reports on

male rape and sexual torture in the Syrian war. The two quotes below illustrate

how surprised the author was over the prevalence of the phenomenon.

When Sarah Chynoweth was asked to report on sexual violence against

men and boys in the Syria crisis, she had no idea of the scale of the

problem (Chynoweth, 2017).

Drawing on a few existing reports, I assumed some boys were being

victimised, as well as some men in detention centres, but that sexual

violence against males was not common. I worried that few refugees

would have heard of any accounts and that they wouldn’t talk to me

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about such a taboo topic anyway. I couldn’t have been more wrong

(Chynoweth, 2017).

Generally, the quotes altogether illustrate that the articles tend to emphasize

how unexplored the issue is in different ways. There seem to be an overall

tendency for the articles, with some few exceptions, to use rather dramatic

words when describing SVM. Additionally, the articles tend to frame and

portray the subject, rather than the survivors, in a certain way.

6.2 Stigmatizing Culture

This theme illustrates a pattern for how the survivors speak about their own

experiences of sexual violence in regard to stigma, as well as how the articles

portray the phenomenon by associating it with a stigmatizing culture.

References to shame, stigma, and taboo are frequently used by both the authors

and survivors.

The three quotes below are statements from two survivors describing their

feelings after they been exposed to sexual violence in DRC. The article reports

on how male survivors fight stigma in Uganda even after they have fled from

DRC to Uganda.

After what they did to me, I felt ashamed. It was a bad experience of my

life. I left Congo when I was broken and confused. I felt like I had lost

my dignity, with too much pain on my body (Natabaloo, 2013).

Likewise, Kamba said he also felt great shame. He said he desperately

tried to hide the heavy bleeding from his anus from his rescuers when

they found him at a roadside. After he reached Uganda, it was years

before he could bring himself to tell a doctor what really happened

(Natabaloo, 2013).

For Kamba, he said his sense of pride has been stolen and he feels guilt

over what happened to him. Kamba said he is scared to go to the one

place he believes could provide salvation. I fear to go to church. How do

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I stand before God? Should I repent, ask for forgiveness, or say thank

you? I am unclean to face God … I am a curse (Natabaloo, 2013).

The quotes reflect how the survivors felt great shame over what has happened

and how this has affected them in different ways. Both survivors describe

feelings of loss of dignity and pride afterwards.

The three quotes below are statements from another survivor from DRC who

also fled to Uganda after he was subject to sexual violence. The survivor

describes that he avoided to tell others about what has happened because of

the taboo of the topic. The first quotes indicates that he was afraid that people

would treat him differently if he would tell them. He also illustrates how he

felt undermined by being the only man treated for sexual violence-related

injuries at the hospital.

If I talked about it, I would have been separated from the people. Even

those who treated me would not have shaken my hands (BBC, 2017).

“I hid that I was a male rape survivor. I couldn't open up - it's a taboo,

“he said (BBC, 2017).

” I felt undermined. I was in a land I didn’t belong to, having to explain

to the doctor how it happened. That was my fear.” (BBC, 2017).

Furthermore, the quotes below illustrate several examples for how the articles

tend to describe the topic SVM. In the first quote, the author points out that he

has received a rare opportunity to investigate further into the topic due to the

taboo. In the second quote the author illustrates how underreported the issue

is by pointing out that this is due to the shame that survivors experience.

I've come to Kampala to hear the stories of the few brave men who have

agreed to speak to me: a rare opportunity to find out about a controversial

and deeply taboo issue (Storr, 2011).

However, the number of male victims is also suspected to be high. Most

cases remain unknown because men, like women, are often too ashamed

to come forward and talk about their ordeal (Natabaloo, 2013).

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Further, the quotes below illustrate similarly how the different authors describe

the phenomenon by referring to stigma or social discrimination. They indicate

that survivors are too ashamed to speak about their experiences and therefore

remain silent or use other words to describe what has happened.

These people suffer twice – from the act itself, and from the social

discrimination they endure as a result of it (Eastey & Thust, 2020).

Shame and social stigma silence many survivors. They are often plagued

by injury, ashamed and wary of speaking out (Rauhala, 2011).

The extreme shame and stigma surrounding the issue, causes many

victims to remain silent, while those who do present often mask their

experiences in the more masculine language of ‘torture’ rather than

‘rape’ (Goodley, 2019).

The quote below is from another article reporting about how male rape is used

as a weapon of war in Libya. The author describes how male rape can be used

as a strategy especially because of the taboo that surrounds the topic.

The atrocity is being perpetrated to humiliate and neutralise opponents

in the lawless, militia-dominated country. Male rape is such a taboo in

Arab societies that the abused generally feel too damaged to rejoin

political, military or civic life (Allegra, 2017).

The findings presented in this theme illustrate how the subject tend to be

associated with stigma or shame in different ways. The authors and the male

survivors use similar ways to portray how stigmatizing or taboo the topic is.

6.3 Masculine Expectations This theme presents a pattern for how different references to homosexuality

and masculine norms are found throughout the articles. Masculine notions and

misperceptions about male rape and homosexuality are frequently identified

as an issue for male survivors. Survivors discuss similarly how masculine

expectations have affected them in different contexts. It is discussed in several

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articles that SVM can be used as a strategy in conflict to undermine men and

make them feel like they have lost their sense of masculinity. In the quotes

below, experiences from survivors illustrate examples of this.

One survivor from DRC describes how government forces attacked him and

his family before he fled to Uganda. In the first quote he expresses how they

used rape as a way to show him that he is not a man. Further, the second quote

describe how he was rejected by the pastor after the attack and how this made

him leave his home.

They said: ‘You support the rebels. We’ll show you that you are not a

man (Eastey & Thust, 2020).

Alain underwent surgery in the hospital, after which he said the pastor

there told him that he would never again be considered a real man. He

felt he had no choice but to leave the country, so he took a bus to

neighbouring Uganda (Eastey & Thust, 2020).

Another survivor from Kenya describes his experiences after he was attacked

by a group of men. He describes the attack by referencing to how he felt like

a woman or a homosexual.

They did a very bad thing to me. They made me their wife, they made

me a homosexual. They removed all my clothes and [left] with them

(Staufenberg, 2016).

Furthermore, two survivors in the quotes below state that stories from male

survivors are not heard. They state that everyone knows that it can happen to

women, but no one knows that it can happen to men. The second quote below

reflect how one of the survivor’s fear to tell his brother about the experiences.

In the last quote, the other survivor express that male survivors are confused

with being gay and he wants to speak about his experiences to create awareness

about the issue.

“That was hard for me to take," Owiny tells me today. "There are certain

things you just don't believe can happen to a man, you get me? But I

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know now that sexual violence against men is a huge problem.

Everybody has heard the women's stories. But nobody has heard the

men's.” (Storr, 2011).

His brother keeps asking what's wrong with him. "I don't want to tell

him," says Jean Paul. "I fear he will say: 'Now, my brother is not a man.'

(Storr, 2011)

“Still now, there is a confusion between you and the gay community,"

said Mamadou, adding people don't realize that men can be rape victims,

too. "What happened to females is already known everywhere, but we

are trying to break the silence." (Hayden, 2019).

The quotes below illustrate how another survivor from DRC express similar

experiences of how male survivors are neglected due to masculine norms.

As a man, I can't cry. People will tell you that you are a coward, you are

weak, you are stupid (BBC, 2017).

They killed my father. Three men raped me, and they said: 'You are a

man, how are you going to say you were raped?' It's a weapon they use

to make you silent (BBC, 2017).

“When I asked the police, they said that if it has anything to do with

penetration between a man and a man, it is gay," he said (BBC, 2017).

If it happens to a woman, we listen to them, treat them, care and listen

to them - give them a voice. But what happens to men? (BBC, 2017).

Additionally, the quotes below offer a few examples for how the subject is

discussed by some of the articles. The quotes are from four different articles

and describe how male survivors are affected by masculine norms and

misperceptions about male rape.

“It breaks the victims down so much, it is often impossible for them to

talk openly,” he said. “There is so much stigma, so much taboo. For the

perpetrator, it’s about dominance and control that destroy a victim

internally, make them feel no longer male.” (McKay, 2019).

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In Uganda, survivors are at risk of arrest by police, as they are likely to

assume that they're gay – a crime in this country and in 38 of the 53

African nations. They will probably be ostracised by friends, rejected by

family and turned away by the UN and the myriad international NGOs

that are equipped, trained and ready to help women. They are wounded,

isolated and in danger. In the words of Owiny: "They are despised."

(Storr, 2011).

Furthermore, in many countries the domestic legal framework does not

recognise men as potential victims of sexual violence, where legal

definitions of rape only apply to females. And in countries where same-

sex acts are illegal, survivors who come forward risk criminalisation and

homophobic backlash (Goodley, 2019).

Many of the victims who spoke to Al Jazeera at the conference said when

they reported the experiences to doctors or policemen they were not

believed, and some were even told that male rape does not exist

(Natabaalo, 2013).

The findings in this theme illustrate how there are certain normative

expectations of men that contradict with SVM. The survivors express, for

example, that they feel a sense of loss in their masculine identity or that they

have been rejected by society in different ways, due to masculine expectations.

The survivors also expressed that they have avoided speaking about their

experiences and that there is general confusion about the subject.

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Analysis In this chapter, the study’s objective and the two research questions are

analyzed with the findings and the analytical framework. The two theories,

Hegemonic Masculinity and Social stigma has been used as a frame to

interpret the findings. The chapter has been divided into three sections where

the two research questions are analyzed separately, this is followed by a final

section that presents an analytical reflection of the theoretical framework.

7.1 Sexual Violence Against Men, Stigma and Masculine Norms The problematic nature of SVM and the number of barriers that male survivors

face can be understood by applying the two theories of stigma and hegemonic

masculinity. The two theories interrelate in the sense that the hegemonic

masculine structure might stigmatize those that do not conform to cultural

notions of masculinity. Hlavka (2017) argues that hegemonic masculinity and

heterosexuality are assumed as the natural and expected and anything that

contradicts these notions might position men and boys into deviant or

stigmatized identities. Boys and men who are homosexual are, for example,

marginalized within this framework. Young men learn from an early age to

accept a cultural “boy code” related to expected behaviors for how a man

should act. This cultural code insists on invulnerability by enforcing a social

construction of what it means to be a man for instance via certain phrases and

indications such as “be a man” and “boys don’t cry”. Through such masculine

expectations, a victimization paradigm that conceals male victimization may

be reinforced (Hlavka, 2017).

Hlavka (2017) states that stigmatizing responses in society promote feelings

of shame, guilt, and embarrassment for male survivors. Accounts from male

survivors indicate that men feel ashamed for being unable to defend

themselves, humiliated, and embarrassed by being sexually assaulted. Male

survivors fear, due to masculine norms, to be considered weak, and are

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generally unwilling to disclose their experiences due to fear of homophobic

accusations or homosexual labels.

It is possible to find similarities to the arguments stated by Hlavka (2017) and

the experiences described by the survivors in the articles. Some of the

survivors express that they have avoided to talk about their experiences and to

show emotions since this could threaten their masculine role. For example, one

survivor describes that he has avoided telling his brother due to fear that he

would say that he is not a man (Storr, 2011). Another survivor describes that

men cannot cry and if they do, they will be perceived as stupid, weak, or as a

coward (BBC, 2017). In addition, the survivors tend to express similar feelings

of shame, loss of pride and guilt as a result of their experiences.

Male rape contradicts heteronormative notions of sex and male sexuality.

These notions expect men to be sexually dominant, powerful, and in control.

When male survivors are exposed to sexual violence, codes of male

heterosexuality and masculinity are strongly disrupted (Javaid, 2015). One

survivor illustrates his experience of rape by referring to it as he was made into

a wife or a homosexual (Staufenberg, 2016). His reaction reflects how he

refers to rape as something that happens solely to a woman and his sense of

masculinity is therefore lost. He also associates his experiences with

homosexuality, possibly to illustrate how humiliating it was for him to be

subject sexual violence.

Messerschmidt (2018, p. 122) argues that hegemonic masculinity shapes a

sense of reality for both men and women. Masculine normative expectations

are so powerful that men may suffer intense pressure to conform to their

expected identity, even though it might clash with their own inner beliefs and

feelings (Javaid, 2015). This sense of reality and the expectations of men to

conform to a masculine identity does in turn lead to a great fear for survivors

to become stigmatized. Hlavka (2017) argues that people may develop certain

strategies to avoid stigmatization and protect their identities. The survivors in

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the articles express similarly that they have avoided to speak about their

experiences and hidden that they have been subject to sexual violence or abuse,

sometimes for several years.

Additionally, the findings illustrate that there seems to be widespread

confusion about the subject in general, both in society and among survivors.

One survivor expresses for instance that there is confusion between male

survivors and the gay community and that people do not realize that men can

be exposed to sexual violence (Hayden, 2019). Another survivor states that

there are certain things you cannot believe can happen to a man, but he knows

now that SVM is a huge problem (Storr, 2011). Strongly embedded masculine

norms that dismiss male victimization produce a general perception and

assumption that men cannot be vulnerable or exposed to sexual violence. This

will possibly, combined with a general lack of recognition of the subject,

contribute to an overall confusion of the subject. Sexual violence has become

so deeply associated with the traditional female-victim male-perpetrator view

that it is difficult for male survivors to admit for others, and possibly even for

themselves that they have been subject to sexual violence.

As such, with regard to the research objective, the findings illustrate that men

who have been subject to sexual violence suffer intense pressure to conform

to a dominant masculine structure and their masculine identity. Otherwise,

they might become stigmatized or alienated from society. It is thus evident that

male survivors are deeply affected by masculine norms and stigmatizing

responses in society that in different ways neglect the issue or the survivor.

This can, in turn, be problematic since this hinders men from receiving

adequate support for their experiences and further reinforce the notion that

men cannot become subject to sexual violence.

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7.2 The Portrayal of CRSV Against Men in the News Articles There are three main patterns found in the news discourses portrayal of CRSV

against men. The articles refer frequently to the problem as an exceptional

occurrence or mentions masculine norms and social stigma in relation to the

phenomenon. It seems that the phenomenon is deeply associated with a

stigmatizing culture that is also reflected in the news articles. The articles

associate the subject with a stigmatizing culture, for example, by stating that

it is extremely taboo or shameful for male survivors to be subject to sexual

violence.

The findings also show that when the news articles discuss the phenomenon,

it is usually referred to as something unusual or exceptional. Media have

different strategies to attract readers and they may therefore use overly

emotional or dramatic words to draw attention (Easteal, Holland & Judd,

2015). Yet, there might be a problematic dimension related to portraying and

framing the phenomenon as such. It may produce a view of the phenomenon

as something that is abnormal or deviant from the norm, which in turn may

also reinforce the stigma that surrounds the phenomenon.

There are similarities between the findings of this study and Féron’s (2018,

2017) research about wartime SVM in media. This study may therefore

confirm and strengthen the view that tend to be seen in media. The issue is

largely presented as dramatic and sporadic and the general picture seen in

media seems to repeatedly rediscover the issue each time a new story is

published. Féron (2017) argues further that SVM does not fit into the

narratives of wartime sexual violence and since it is portrayed as an

exceptional occurrence, it is ineffective for making sense of the larger picture.

Several examples from the findings in this study correlate with these

arguments. For instance, one article addresses that SVM is talked about in

whispers, if at all. Men and boys are frequently subjected to sexual violence,

but for the most part, though, nobody wants to talk about it (Rauhala, 2011).

40(52)

Another article describes the phenomenon by stating that it is one of the most

hidden secrets of war; however, now and then someone gathers the courage to

speak of it (Storr, 2011).

It is also possible to find another perspective in the articles that seem to want

to acknowledge the phenomenon and give it attention in different ways. The

articles tend, for instance, to include stories from male survivors and addresses

potential consequences of neglecting the issue. I would, therefore, argue that

some of the news articles partially deny traditional notions and stereotypes of

men and masculinity since they acknowledge the view that men can be

vulnerable and exposed to sexual violence. I would not argue that articles

portray or frame the survivors in a certain way, for example, as weak or

vulnerable, but they indicate that men can be subjected to sexual violence in

conflict and war settings.

Hence, the articles may challenge traditional notions about men and the

traditional male-perpetrator-female-victim paradigm to some extent by giving

the subject attention in different ways. However, I would argue that there is a

critical aspect to the overall tendency for the articles to portray the

phenomenon as something that is unusual or exceptional. Words commonly

used when describing the topic can be perceived with a negative connotation

such as dark, silent, unknown, hidden, or ignored, since this could indicate that

the subject is deviant or abnormal.

Because of the lack of attention to the subject, the image constructed by media

may alter the view of the phenomenon by addressing it repeatedly as an

exceptional occurrence or as an already stigmatizing subject. It is particularly

problematic concerning the power that the media may have to influence

people’s beliefs and perceptions. As mentioned, media play a key role in

defining social issues and the reality that is presented in the media is usually

taken for granted (Easteal, Holland & Judd, 2015). As illustrated, male

survivors face many barriers and consequences due to a stigmatizing culture.

41(52)

If the view that is seen in the news also indicates that the phenomenon is

deviant or abnormal this could lead to increased problematic consequences for

male survivors. The view seen in the news may thus strengthen the already

misinterpreted view of the subject and prolong the stigma that surrounds the

phenomenon. This will possibly make it increasingly difficult for male

survivors to challenge normative masculine expectations and a stigmatizing

culture, which may potentially also further marginalize them.

Furthermore, with regards to the limited number of articles that I found on the

subject, the perspective of SVM in conflict tend to remain largely distanced

from media coverage. Even though a few news articles discuss the

phenomenon, it does not necessarily mean that this will change the general

perception of the phenomenon in society. Javaid (2015) addresses that, due to

the leading norm that hegemonic masculinity and heterosexuality has in

society, society expects independently that men should want, initiate and

pursue sex with women only. In a culture where male superiority and male

power are emphasized, men are not supposed to be seen as weak, subordinate,

and powerless. It is thus evident that SVM contradicts a powerful and

dominant social structure and this could possibly also explain why the subject

remains largely unknown or neglected by the media.

7.3 Analytical Reflection of the Theoretical Framework The subject is as illustrated, widely associated with stigma and masculine

norms. The theoretical framework has therefore been particularly useful for

developing an increased understanding of CRSV against men and the research

objective. Hegemonic masculinity has offered a valuable theoretical

framework for understanding how dominant masculine structures may become

manifested in society and how this may result in several barriers for male

survivors. Additionally, it has proven to be a useful framework for

understanding why the subject has become overlooked or ignored due to

stereotypical gender expectations of men that contradict and deny male

42(52)

victimization. Stigma has also shown to be closely related to constructions of

masculinity and male victimization. Stigma has thus contributed with an

important framework for understanding how society perceives the

phenomenon. It is for instance, with consideration to the theoretical

framework, possible to understand why SVM is used effectively as a weapon

in war and conflict. Dominant masculine structures combined with

heteronormative notions, allows men to dominate and use rape to feminize

other men. This may, in turn, place the survivor in a stigmatizing and alienated

position that results in devastating consequences for male survivors.

It has been possible to draw parallels between the theoretical framework and

the media’s portrayal of the phenomenon. However, the framework has not

been able to explain or offer a specific framework for why the subject may be

portrayed in a certain way by media. Assumingly, stories in media may be

shaped and influenced by the author, the societal landscape, and cultural norms

of masculinity and femininity (Easteal, Holland & Judd, 2015). However, the

study would possibly have benefited from applying a theoretical framework

that is specifically focused on mass media and mass media’s ability to

influence or frame issues in a certain way.

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Conclusion

This study has sought to increase the understanding of how the subject CRSV

against men is portrayed in mass media, as well as how male survivors

describe their own experiences of sexual violence in regard to masculine

norms and stigma. The findings illustrate that there is generally a limited

number of news articles on the topic and when the phenomenon occasionally

receives attention, it tends to be portrayed as an unusual phenomenon or as an

exceptional occurrence.

The news articles describe the phenomenon similarly by using rather dramatic

words such as silent, hidden and ignored to illustrate how concealed the subject

is. The articles also portray the phenomenon by associating it with a

stigmatizing culture, masculine norms, and misperceptions about male rape

and homosexuality. The articles repeatedly state that the topic is taboo, and

that it is greatly stigmatizing, shameful, and humiliating for male survivors to

be subject to sexual violence due to normative masculine expectations. The

male survivors make similar associations when describing their experiences,

by stating that the topic is taboo or stigmatizing. They express feelings such as

shame, embarrassment, loss of pride, and a sense of loss of their masculine

identity. The survivors reflect, for instance, how there are certain masculine

expectations in society and, therefore, men cannot cry or speak about their

experiences to others. They also express that there is confusion about the

subject in society and that people do not realize that men can be subject to

sexual violence.

The findings illustrate that the topic is deeply associated and interrelated with

stigma and masculine norms. Cultural normative expectations of men dismiss

male victimization and assume that men cannot be vulnerable or become

subject to sexual violence. SVM is seen as something unusual or exceptional,

possibly because it conflicts with a widespread heteronormative view of sexual

44(52)

violence that reflects solely the female-victim male-perpetrator view. Male

survivors fear to become stigmatized and they may therefore also develop

certain strategies to protect their identity to avoid stigmatization. Male

survivors refrain from reporting or disclosing their experiences and it is thus

difficult to grasp the full extent of the problem. All these factors may, in turn,

contribute to the general sensitivity and absence of discussion on the topic in

generally all contexts, including the media.

However, there is a need for further research on the subject to develop a more

comprehensive understanding of the different relationships between SVM,

stigma, masculine norms, and the mass media. Future studies in this area might

benefit from applying a theoretical framework that is specifically focused on

mass media to develop a deeper understanding of why the subject is portrayed

or framed in a certain way. Future research could be conducted similarly to

this study, by examining the portrayal of CRSV against men in other media

contexts, such as in documentaries and news films, to examine if there are any

differences or similarities in how the subject is portrayed. Future research

could also be focused on news media but use news articles from non-English

news sites to reflect another perspective.

Additionally, this study has become centred on the male survivor and male

perpetrator perspective. Yet, it could also be interesting to focus on how male

survivors perceive their experiences with stigma and masculine norms when

there is a female perpetrator, including how the subject is portrayed or

discussed in media when there is a female perpetrator, since this perspective

has not been covered in this study.

45(52)

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