CHAPTER 3 - EXCAVATIONS AT STRUCTURE 6F-3

CHAPTER 3

EXCAVATIONS AT STRUCTURE 6F-3

Structure 6F-3 is a 16.5m high structure located at the northern apex of the triadically

arranged North Acropolis. It was mapped in 1986 as a multi-terraced mound with a central

staircase ascending 11m to a ca. 300m2 summit plaza. A 5m tall summit superstructure is

located on the northern side of the summit plaza. Based on the current body of data (Figs. 5, 6)

the building shows evidence of use from the beginning of the Early Classic Yaxuna IIa (A.D.

250/300) through the Yaxuna V Postclassic (+/- A.D. 1100). In all probability a Late Preclassic

predecessor lies deeply buried within Structure 6F-3.

Structure 6F-3/6th

The earliest suggestion of architecture thus far exposed during excavations is Structure

6F-3/6th. At present I don't know what this architecture represents; we have only exposed a very

small portion of what may not represent a valid construction episode (Fig. 7). The problem is

that Structure 6F-3/6th architecture was found at the base of the Burial 23 tomb shaft excavation

and was visible only in the north wall and eastern profile of the antechamber, below the Structure

6F-3/5th polished plaster floor. The northern wall of the Burial 23 antechamber is an irregular

masonry wall with heavy marl grouting (Fig. 8). This wall continues to the west of the entrance

of the Burial 23 tomb chamber. Indeed, the northern wall of the Burial 23 tomb chamber, below

Excavations at the North Acropolis, Yaxuna, Yucatan, Mexico Chapter 3

Charles Suhler - 1996

2

the vault spring, was added onto a western portion of this northern antechamber wall. In the

eastern profile of the antechamber, below the level of the Structure 6F-3/5th floor, there was

what I believe represents the face of a wall, possibly a corner, four courses in height (see Fig. 5).

This "face" is backed by dry core fill which rises above its preserved level. In the southeastern

corner of the antechamber there is again a preserved wall, and again possibly a corner (see Fig.

7). However, in this instance the feature projects almost a meter north from this southern profile.

All three of these possible Structure 6F-3/6th architectural features (the northern antechamber

wall, the southern antechamber wall, and the eastern profile) give the impression of "finished"

features; the masonry work is of a final quality and there is good marl grouting between all the

courses.

At this time I prefer to regard this architecture as pertaining to the remains of a Structure

6F-3/6th and, more specifically, remnants of an interior room which was heavily modified during

the construction of the Burial 23 tomb chamber. While I consider the above to represent the

most likely scenario, alternative interpretations are possible. One possibility is these features

represent only internal constructions built to reinforce Structure 6F-3/5th during the placement of

the Burial 23 tomb chamber. In this case there may or may not be a Structure 6F-3/6th.

Evidence in support of this likelihood is the lack of a floor assignable to a Structure 6F-3/6th at

the base of the burial 23 tomb shaft excavation. In all probability the final outcome of this

architectural sequence will turn out to be more complex than either of the two above stated

possibilities. To this end further excavation is required to attempt to clarify this portion of the

Structure 6F-3 construction history. With these extensions in mind, the Burial 23 tomb shaft

excavation has been left open; sealed by a pier and beam wooden platform.



3

Structure 6F-3/5th

As was the case with Structure 6F-3/6th, the only evidence for a Structure 6F-3/5th was

found in the excavation shaft of the Burial 23 tomb chamber. As exposed, only the smallest

edges of the Structure 6F-3/5th floor were visible above and to the north and south of the Burial

23 antechamber walls. To the west of the antechamber a larger section of the floor was

preserved. This lack of floor in the center of the area bounded by the masonry encasing walls

was due to deliberate actions on the part of the ancient Maya while building Structure 6F-3/4th

on top of Structure 6F-3/5th. Late in the construction of Structure 6F-3/4th this area of the floor

was penetrated and Burial 23 reentered by the Maya prior to the completion of Structure

6F-3/4th. This reentry will be discussed in that section.

In profile, however, the exposed Structure 6F-3/5th floor was quite visible and underlain

on all sides by between .50 and .60m of sub-floor ballast and cobble-sized dry core fill. Below

this sub-floor construction ballast lay the burial 23 tomb chamber and remnants of Structure

6F-3/6th architecture. The Structure 6f-3/5th floor appears to continue in all cardinal directions

out from the penetrated (during Structure 6F-3/4th construction) area located directly above the

antechamber and under the bases of the architectural features relating to the later Structure

6F-3/4th. Indeed, during 1995 excavations below the floor of the subterranean summit plaza

corridors we found this same Structure 6F-3/5th floor at the appropriate elevation and in an

unbroken and otherwise well-preserved and polished state. Therefore, the burial 23 tomb

chamber, located to the west of the antechamber, lies beneath an unpenetrated portion of the

Structure 6F-3/5th floor; making its placement prior (in reality most probably integral) to the



4

Structure 6F-3/5th floor. This stratigraphic relationship is crucial to the interpretation of the

ritual activities which accompanied the construction of Structure 6F-3/4th.

As mentioned in the Structure 6F-3/6th section, the entrance to the burial 23 tomb

chamber was fronted by a U-shaped antechamber which probably used modified Structure

6F-3/6th architecture. The northern and southern walls of the tomb chamber are offset ca .20m

from these respective Structure 6F-3/6th walls (Fig. 9). The vault spring for the roof of the tomb

chamber rests on top of the .82m high ledge created by the placement of the northern and

southern wall tomb chamber walls. The western antechamber wall contained the entrance to the

vaulted tomb chamber (Fig. 10), therefore, this wall was also the eastern wall of the tomb

chamber. The stone functioning as the lintel in the entrance was also the easternmost capstone of

the vault, located 1.44m below the polished surface of the Structure 6F-3/5th floor (Fig. 11).

Below the lintel/capstone there was only the unsealed entrance, the jambs were formed by the

eastern edges of the vault, the northern, and the southern tomb chamber walls. There an eastern

wall was present only above the level of the capstones.

In my current interpretation, the northern and southern walls of the tomb chamber were

built onto extant Structure 6F-3/6th walls. The western wall, below spring level, must also have

been built at this time because it was placed between the northern and southern walls and is a

load bearing component of the vault. Once these three walls were erected, the vault was sprung

and corbelled on top of the ledge furnished by the northern and southern tomb walls.

Above the level of the spring, the western wall was stepped slightly inwards (east) in

concert with the vault. This semi-corbelling of the "back" wall of a tomb was also observed in

the south wall of the burial 24 tomb chamber, located in Structure 6F-4/2nd and discussed in the



5

section pertaining to that structure. Presumably this corbelling allowed for the tenoning of the

architecture above the level of the spring into the surrounding construction ballast. If indeed the

case, such a technique would have greatly contributed to the overall structural integrity of the

tomb chamber. It was not until this point in the building of the tomb chamber, the raising of the

vault, that there is any evidence of construction on the eastern wall of the tomb chamber.

Below the level of the capstones the eastern end of the vault is an open space framed by

the ends of the northern and southern tomb walls and vault. There was a single course high

north-south line of stones at the base of the entrance. This line of stones formed a small blocking

wall, ca .35m high; the same height as the stone which was used as a step at the tomb entrance

(see Fig. 9). This line of stones may represent the footer of a larger wall which originally sealed

the entrance to burial 23 and was later removed during the reentry of the tomb chamber.

Alternatively, this line of stones may represent a sill marking the formal step down from the

antechamber into the burial chamber proper.¶

Since almost all royal Maya tombs were carefully sealed I think the original internment

would have been sealed by a masonry wall. The easternmost capstone functioned as both the

ballasting apex of the vault and the lintel for the entrance to the tomb. Above this capstone was

built the "wall" portion of the eastern wall; designed to hold in the vault ballast needed to

preserve the structural integrity of the roof. That this vault ballast had to be in place prior to the

laying of the Structure 6F-3/5th floor, but after the construction of the Burial 23 tomb chamber,

is another reason I believe the tomb is integral to the construction of the building currently

identified as Structure 6F-3/5th.



6

Burial 23

A preliminary description of the mechanics of the internment, description of the artifacts,

and the results of the osteological analysis were reported by Bennett in the final report of the

1993 Yaxuna Archaeological Project Field Season (Bennett 1994:89-105). A preliminary

interpretation of Burial 23 was also reported by Suhler and Freidel in this same volume (1994b:

18-37). The following discussion uses those two sources as a base and integrates all information

and insights gained by another year of study and analysis of both the feature (Burial 23) itself and

an attempt to integrate this into the corpus of literature concerning royal Maya internments.

As revealed by excavation, Burial 23 contained evidence indicating two separate periods

of activity. When first exposed the floor of the chamber was covered by a layer of large rocks

with the area of the skeleton left clear (Fig. 12). The archaeology indicates this rock deposit was

a product of the later penetration of the Structure 6F-3/5th sealed floor and the reentry of the

Burial 23 tomb chamber during the construction of Structure 6F-3/4th. These activities will be

discussed in that section.

Once the rocks from this later ritual activity had been removed, we were free to excavate

the burial. North to south the tomb chamber measured 1.28m and 2.78m long east to west. The

entrance measured .99m wide at the base. The height of the chamber was .90m from floor to

spring and 1.40m from floor to bottom of the capstones. The tomb was a few degrees from lying

directly east/west. The orientation of the north-south wall was 355 degrees and that of the

east-west walls was 277 degrees as taken at the northeast corner of the tomb. Some of this error

may be explained by walls that were not perfectly smooth. The chamber was set onto a very fine

white marl surface laid on top of dry core fill: there was no sign of a polished floor. The current



7

interpretation is that this dry core fill below the marl surface of the tomb pertains to Structure

6F-3/6th.

The walls were covered with a thick, coarse stucco; in several places ancient Maya

workmen had left hand and fingerprints on the rough plaster which was used as both a wall

grouting and rather haphazard wall covering. As commented earlier the floor was not polished

stucco but rather a packed marl deposit .15 to .20m thick laid down over the dry core fill.

Once the tomb chamber was ready, but prior to the placement of Burial 23, certain

artifacts were placed into the tomb (Fig. 13). In the northwest corner 4 small lidded vessels (#'s

7, 8, 11 and 12 [Figs. 14-17]) were placed near the western wall. The lid of each vessel had been

made out of a worked sherd. Of these four vessels two (#'s 7, 11) were of the same general type:

unslipped, burnished, medium wide-mouthed, pedestal based jars. Vessel # 8 was a flaring

neck, everted rim, unslipped jar. These vessels had been sealed and wrapped before they were

placed in the tomb and at least two of them still retained the organic markings of the material

used to wrap them once they were filled and sealed. We have recovered the contents from each

of these vessels and are making arrangements for their analysis. Vessel 12 was a flaring neck,

restricted orifice, miniature vessel. Unlike the other three lidded vessels, #12 was slipped a dark

red. The lid of this vessel had not been sealed; instead the cover (also slipped red) and the base of

the vessel, had a hole in their respective centers. I believe this vessel was meant to have been

suspended from a cord which passed through the holes in the cover and base.

Just to the east of this concentration of sealed vessels was a stack of three ceramic

vessels. The bottom most (vessel #9 [Fig. 18]) was a large, shallow, medial flanged, ring based,

polychrome dish of the type Tituc Polychrome: variety Camichin. The exterior of the bowl was



8

unslipped and unpolished. The entire interior of the vessel was slipped orange with several black

and red horizontal lines placed around the circumference. The only other decoration consisted of

four red ovals placed equidistantly around the interior wall.

Placed inside vessel #9 was vessel #6 (Fig. 19) a straight sided, slightly round bottomed

bowl with a gutter spout of the type Balanza Black as described by Robles Castellano (1990:

97-99) at Coba. This vessel showed signs of heavy use with the bottom and lower sides being

particularly scuffed and worn. Part of this use involved the heating of the vessel, probably over

an open flame. Portions of the exterior of vessel #6 were heavily covered with a black, uneven

discoloration. This discoloration was the result of many episodes of resiny soot deposition.

Placed apparently upside down and within vessel #6 was a tan slipped (with areas of

mottled black dusting) "cup" (vessel #5 [Fig. 20]). Vessel #5 was formed by joining a pedestal

base to a small mouthed tecomate. The end result was a pedestalled "cup". We do not have a

type on this vessel, however, if the slip were a more uniform black we would assign it to one of

the Coba described Balanza Black types. Vessel #5 also show s signs of use, although not as

much or of the same kind as vessel #6. Given the indisputable archaeological association

between vessels 5 and 6 as well as their complementary nature (spouted vessel and cup) I believe

they represent a paired set.

To the east of the vessel #9, 5, 6 stack there was a Caucel black on red jar (vessel # 10

[Fig. 21]). Unfortunately, this vessel was broken during the reentry of the Burial 23 tomb

chamber. The presence of this Caucel vessel allows us to establish a rough time frame for Burial

23 and therefore the construction of Structure 6F-3/5th. Robles Castellano (1990) dates the

ceramic type Caucel black on red to the terminal Preclassic - Protoclassic - Early Classic at Coba,



9

more specifically, to the time period A.D. 200-350. At Yaxuna we would extend this another 50

or so years, to around A.D. 400. Whatever the exact date, the presence of this locally made

vessel in burial 23 ceramically dates the internment to late Southern Maya Lowland Tzakol

I/Early Tzakol II times, early Northern Maya Lowland Cochuah (prior to A.D. 400), or locally,

during Yaxuna IIa.

A small turtle carapace (less than .20m in length) was found leaning against the western

wall at the approximate mid-point of the wall. Some of the individual plates had holes drilled in

them and the entire shell showed traces of red coloring, perhaps red hematite or cinnabar. The

turtle carapace is intimately related to the Ol, or the heart of heaven portal and therefore the act of

creation (Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993). The depiction of the gods being created, reborn, or

manifested out of cracked turtle shells is a common theme on Maya ceramic iconography. This

is just the first of many instances of the theme of resurrection being addressed in Burial 23.

Pre-internment preparations in the southwestern corner included the placement of three

carved deer bones. There was part of a ceramic ring on one of these bones and a small carved

jade head pendent (a royal jewel or sak hunal [Fig. 22a]) had been pressed, facedown, into the

open end of another. The deer bones are all carved with identical imagery; rosettes, scrolls, and

what appear to be projectile points, knives or spear points. Individually these bones are similar

to the handles of knives or feather bundles seen in the imagery of ceramic vessels. Taken as a

set, however, they may have formed the legs of a stool used to support a ceramic vessel or other

perishable item. The final arrangement of the bones as found is quite suggestive of the pattern

such a stool would have made after its organic binding failed and it collapsed. A possible

example of this type of artifact is the bone stool supporting the old god found in Bu. 10 (the tomb



10

of Yax Ain [Curl Nose]) at Tikal (illustrated in Coe 1967:60). The pressing of the jade head into

the opening of one of these carved deer bones was probably related to later re-entry of the tomb

chamber.

This particular jade head (22a) is but one of three found during excavation of burial 23.

Besides this one, from the tomb chamber ,another royal jade jewel came from the bright white

antechamber (Fig. 22b) fill while the last one came from the dark soil/dry core fill immediately

above the white antechamber fill (Fig. 22c). Based on their shared style of very angular carving,

these three jewels were apparently originally interred as a set with the body of Burial 23 and

worn either around the forehead or neck. During the later re-entry these jade jewels were

manipulated and moved to their final locations.

Together these three jades form a set of sak hunal, or royal jewels. Each of the heads

wears the three part headband which appears to mark royalty. The material manifestations of

these circlets were found associated with such jewels in Burial 24 at Structure 6F-4. The

possession of such jewels marked a person as certainly high elite and most likely in the royal line

and therefore suitable to rule or to produce one acceptable to rule (Freidel and Suhler 1995).

Furthermore, the possession of a certain number or variety of necessary types of such jewels

(such as the large set from Cache 2 in Structure 6F-4) may have been used to mark a person as

the king.

To the west of the three deer bones there was found a small head carved from either a

sherd or a piece of fired clay (Fig. 23), a carved bone artifact (Fig. 24) found in several pieces in

the western end of the chamber, and two carved shell ornaments (Figs. 25, 26).



11

The carved head is quite fascinating, if for no other reason than the detail worked into a

piece that is less than 2cm in its largest dimension. Moreover, the iconography of the piece is

quite illustrative. The artifact appears to represent some sort of jaguarian type creature, possibly

a masked human. The half closed eyes, the lolling (and apparently pierced tongue), and the

beribboned flesh at the neck indicates it is a severed head. This creature wears what appears to

be a segmented, multi-piece headband with a forelock in the center. This forelock seems to be a

recurrent element in royal Maya iconography, possibly even dating back to the Olmec. Even

though it is not of greenstone this head may have functioned as a sak hunal. Alternatively, it may

have been a trophy, representing a vanquished foe and thereby marking its owner as a

manifestation of Chak the executioner.

The carved bone piece (Fig. 24) was found in two places during excavation of Burial 23;

several sections were in the southwest corner and a large piece was in the northwest corner. The

portion in the northwest corner was found in association with the remains of a small rodent nest,

complete with gnaw marks. Therefore, it is most probable that the entire artifact was originally

placed in the southwest corner of the tomb chamber. Due to the rodent taphonomy suffered by

this artifact we are left with a less than complete specimen. The piece is a carved section of long

bone; whether human or not will have to await the result of DNA testing, as no distinguishing

characteristics remain. Once all the pieces are put together the carved bone measures 15cm long

by 2cm wide. The top of the bone appears intact but how much is missing below the lower break

is unclear.

I believe this bone represents a quasi-text with an intended and understood meaning

written in the form of totem stacking; perhaps much like the Late Preclassic inscribed bone from



12

Kichpanha in Belize (Gibson 1986). From top to bottom the various images represented are a

smoking ahau on top of what appears to represent a bird of some sort facing to the left. Below

this bird there is what seems to be a segmented helmet known as the pineapple or balloon

headdress (Schele and Freidel 1990). This helmet is supported by a hand with a crossed band;

below this level deterioration has rendered the images indecipherable. The basic corpus of the

bone seems to relate to the dual symbols of rulership (the ahau) and warfare (the bird and the

helmet).

This bone, if human, could represent a trophy fashioned from the vanquished foe and

possibly commemorated in the text. Such a case can probably be made for the carved bones

referring to war and captives recovered from Burial 116 at Tikal; these were probably the

decorated remains of the named lords. If such is the case, these would be more examples of the

ritual name tagging between victor and vanquished seen in termination deposits and in

hieroglyphic inscriptions.

Close to the carved head and the engraved bone pieces in the southwest corner, Bennett

also found a small carved shell artifact (Fig. 25). This piece depicts a frog (or perhaps turtle)

squatting on top of a bearded profile head. Both the frog and turtle are tied to birth metaphors

and the turtle is also related to the place of rebirth in the heavens. Perhaps this piece marks the

king's ability to travel the path of death and resurrection.

In this same area, Bennett recovered a piece of spondylous shell carved into what appears

to be a death head (Fig. 26). This type of artifact has been recovered at two other excavations at

Yaxuna. Eight of these were excavated in association with several jade artifacts, including a sak

hunal, in Early Classic Burial 24 where they were found in the upper chest area of a young



13

female. The Burial 24 association between these carved shells and a sak hunal indicates they are

probably related to the complex of acknowledged royal jewelry.

A single example was found during excavations in the 5E-50 group. As stated in the

introduction, this complex was terminated during the Early Classic. From the iconography of its

destroyed stucco facade, we believe it was a royal compound (Freidel, Suhler, and Cobos 1992).

The interesting detail about the Burial 23 specimen is that it is made of spondylous while the

other examples were of the more common oliva shells. Spondylous is a much rarer material and

therefore assumed to have been a more expensive and/or prestigious import. Its presence in the

tomb of a king seems to support this view.

Bennett found a rodent nest in this southwest corner as well as two human upper incisors

and several small pieces of chewed bone. The teeth had been inlaid, and while the inlays were

not in or with the teeth, we did find one jade inlay with the skull pieces; the two are most likely

related. East of the southwest corner, along the south wall, was a small pile of 40 tiny cowries,

slices of manatee bone (these bones probably go with the headdress worn by the king in Burial

23), and a pile of 36 limpets, 3 with red paint. A little more to the east a giant cowrie had been

set on the packed marl surface which formed the floor of the burial chamber.

In the southeast corner, the only artifacts were several badly burned pieces of a large,

unnamed Early Classic striated water jar (vessel #3) placed on the marl surface. When all the

pieces were put back together the "vessel" was revealed to really be a body fragment,

representing perhaps 30% of the original circumference (Fig. 27). Vessel #3 was broken at the

juncture between neck and rim and above the base. The use pattern on this water jar fragment is

quite interesting. The piece was used as essentially a platter or dish; placed so that what was



14

originally the side of vessel #3 became the base and a fire was burned below it. The fire appears

to have been very brief and intense: scorchmarks are not present on a .20m diameter circle at the

base of the vessel. Beyond this circle of complete combustion the vessel has been soot-

blackened. The pattern of blackening is inconsistent around the base, further reinforcing the idea

that the fire was a one time event.

I believe this fire took place on the central rock of the three laid east-west along the

centerline of the tomb. During excavation Bennett found an extensive sample of what we

believed was charcoal on top of and at the base of this central rock. Therefore, it seems possible

that vessel #3 was laid on top of the central rock and a rather intense fire burned beneath its ad

hoc base. We know the hieroglyphic record speaks of the smoking of various types of

architecture including rooms, buildings, kuns, and tombs (Schele 1994, Schele and Grube 1994a,

1995). This seems to represent the archaeological confirmation of such practices.

The chronological placement of the burning episode is more difficult to place. Vessel #3

lay below the rock layer relating to the re-entry of the Burial 23 tomb chamber and somewhat

within the marl layer which covered much of the tomb chamber floor. All this indicates is that

the placement of the vessel predates the laying of the rocks during the reentry. Therefore, the

burning of vessel #3 on the central rock in the Burial 23 tomb chamber occurred either at the end

of the original internment (after the placement of the body) or at the beginning of the reentry

ritual (before the placing of the rock layer).

In the northeast corner, two ceramic vessels (#'s 1 and 2; with #1 inside of #2), had been

placed in the area formed by the northern edge of the entrance step and the north and east wall of

the tomb chamber. Both vessels were basal flange polychromes of the type Caldero Buff.



15

However, the bottom vessel (# 2 [Fig. 28])had little decoration on the interior beyond a few

horizontal lines close to the rim. The top vessel (#1 [Fig. 29]) had an avian looking zoomorph

holding an unknown object painted on its interior. This vessel (#1) is part of a pair found in the

tomb. Its twin (#4 [Fig. 30]) was found on edge against the north side of the cranium. I believe

the final position of this vessel (#4) was a result of activity undertaken during the tomb re-entry.

The scene on this vessel is almost identical to that on vessel #1: a very stylized avian-type

creature is coiled and dangling a segmented object. The interpretation of this creature as

avian-like is supported by a vessel of this very same type on display at the INAH museum in

Merida where the creature in the center is unmistakably a bird; most likely a cormorant.

Following the placement of the above described artifacts the entire surface of the tomb

chamber was covered with a 10cm layer of fine white marl, possibly mixed with water to form a

slurry (this is more fully discussed in the section to follow). A mat woven of coarse organic

vines or fibers was laid down on top of the marl. This mat extended 1.15m from the western

wall of the tomb, covering all the previously placed artifacts except for vessel #3. This laying of

the mat appears to have been the last ritual action taken before the actual placement of the body.

The tomb chamber was now ready for final placement of the dead king.

The body was laid parallel to the long axis of the tomb with the head to the west (Fig. 31).

The head and shoulders rested on the fiber mat. Osteological analysis indicates the occupant of

Burial 23 was a 40 to 50 year old male. All of the long bones were present and stature is

estimated by Bennett at 1.597m (Bennett 1994: 95). He was in apparent good health at the time

of his death with no evidence of prolonged illnesses, serious infection, or trauma (either at or

prior to the time of burial). The weight of the body pulled a small part of the mat over the right



16

arm and shoulder. This mat also supported the upper body, keeping it closer to the surface while

the legs and pelvis sunk deeper into the marl deposit. The body was extended and supine and the

arms were folded over the pelvis with the hands cupped between the femora. The legs were

relaxed, or slightly bent.

The tight articulation of the skeleton and the compactness of the position of the body

gives the impression that the individual was interred in some sort of bound if not totally wrapped

state. We know from other tomb excavations that large amounts of cloth were at times used to

swathe tomb chambers and wrap tomb furniture such as at Tomb B-4/7 at Altun Ha (Pendergast

1982:65), and there is ample evidence of tightly wrapped royal burials (Tomb 19 at Rio Azul

[Hall 1989:61], Bu. 195 at Tikal [Coe 1990:565]) and even bundled in a disarticulated state (Bus.

48 and 85 at Tikal [Coe 1990:120, 218]), and at a royal burial from Structure VII at Calakmul

(Folan et al. 1995:319). Historical documents from the conquest also chronicle the wrapping of

the deceased prior to inhumation (Sahagun, in Smith 1950). If the body were indeed wrapped, the

evidence from excavation suggests the king was prepared for internment wearing some regalia

inside the wrappings with others on the outside.

One item which almost certainly was placed after the wrapping was the headdress, the

remains of which were found around the top (western) portion of the skull. Portions of the

headdress were found below the secondary marl deposit; unfortunately, there were no mat fibers

preserved in the area of the headdress to indicate its position relative to the mat. Surviving

depictions of Maya elite have shown that headdresses were very elaborate, composite

constructions made up of a diversity of materials. Presumably the deer bones, antlers, and



17

manatee bones found in situ composed the rigid frame of the headdress and the more fragile

portions were not preserved.

Found in association with the other bones which comprised the headdress was an 11 cm

bone tube (Fig. 32). The tube is 1.5 cm wide at one end and 1.0 cm at the other. At the smaller

end the bone is beveled to a very smooth, rounded edge. This tube is practically identical to one

recovered during Burial 24 excavations in Structure 6F-4 at Yaxuna. As a type these two tubes

are very similar to two such objects excavated from Early Classic royal tombs at Uaxactun (R.E.

Smith 1955:Figs. 81b,4, 81c,3). Michael Coe (1988) views these items at Uaxactun as enema

tubes; I see no flaw in his argument and, given the extensive portrayal of Maya enema scenes,

believe these Yaxuna examples both represent enema tubes.

The skull was semi-crushed and exhibited the poorest bone preservation in the burial.

Probably this was due to the re-entry, when I think Vessel #4 was moved from its original but

unknown position and placed on the face. Over time the weight of the vessel compressed the

decaying bone and eventually broke it down. Once the front of the skull gave way the vessel

rolled off onto its side where it was the most obvious object noted when the interior of the tomb

was first examined. According to Bennett the skull does not appear to have been culturally

deformed but further reconstruction is needed before that determination can be positively stated.

Below the headdress were two large spondylous earflares in place on each side of the

skull (Fig. 33). These are the earflares of both Chac and First Father; they are depicted wearing

them in many scenes portrayed on the ceramic iconography. Nearly 300 tiny jade beads were

found between and above the vertebrae from the shoulders to the waist. These may have covered

a vest, sash, or the perhaps the funerary wrapping itself was decorated. There was also a quantity



18

of large jade and spondylous beads in the area of the thorax, probably forming a necklace or

collar. Held in the cupped hands, between the femora, were 3 jade beads, representing the three

hearth stones of creation and indicating the king was buried with the knowledge that he would be

reborn or created in the heavens. Underneath the hands, and farther down from the palms holding

the three beads, was a very tight grouping of artifacts; perhaps representing a small bundle or

composite talisman of the type depicted suspended from the king's hands on Naranjo Stela 2.

Taken as a group, these artifacts represent the essence of the Early Classic Maya kingship.

The center piece is a piece of very thick spondylous carved in the portrait of a young lord

(Fig. 34c). Again this image depicts the forelock seen on the ceramic head from the southwest

corner of Burial 23. Additional iconographic elements which mark the person portrayed on the

carved spondylous head as an ahaw include the scrolls to either side of the forelock, the

handle-bar mustache, and the protruding teeth. The back of this piece presents a complicated

series of drill holes. Although some of these were probably made to drill the openings through

the nostrils and ears (most likely for the suspension of perishable items) others suggest the piece

was intended for mounting against some sort of backing. I believe this particular specimen

represents a portrait of the king in as the embodiment of these various symbolic elements of the

divine kingship.

Also concentrated in this area were two standing figures, one of shell the other of

greenstone (Figs. 34b, d respectively). This class of artifact is frequently found in the Maya

lowlands, such figures are commonly referred to as "Charlie Chaplins" (Thompson 1938). Both

figures are standing erect and their arms are in the "crab claw" position. This position is the one

adopted by rulers when they are clutching the double-headed serpent bar. These small



19

companion figures accompany Maya Kings portrayed on stelae and crawl along their back-racks

or their double-headed serpent bars. On the Hauberg Stela, Werner Nahm has classified these

figures as personified constellations accompanying the king on his trip into the sky (Freidel,

Schele, and Parker 1993:100-101).

The final iconographic element in this area was a small pendant carved in the profile of a

long lipped individual. This face is shown wearing a knotted headband (Fig. 34a). This

headband is more specifically the sak-hunal or White-Headband. Epigraphically, king's accept or

tie the sak-hunal when they accede into office (Schele and Freidel, 1990). This piece should

again mark the king as ruler.

Deep in the stucco under the area below the hands, was a miniature, pedestal cup,

unslipped, ceramic vessel (#13 [Fig. 35]). The only evident material in this vessel was the

hardened stucco that also surrounded it. Finally, two large jade beads were found at the ankles.

Interpretation of the Burial 23 Ritual

The execution of Burial 23 was undertaken by Maya who, although apparently not using

public writing, were intimately aware of the cosmological concepts which pervade it. Epigraphic

statements by literate kings in the Maya lowlands describe a very homogenous yet detailed

chronicle of how the Maya viewed death and prospects beyond. At the center of this set of

beliefs lay the Maya concept of what happened after death. To the Maya, physical death began

the journey to apotheosis; their souls travelled the same path as that travelled by the progenitor of

humanity, known by a variety of names: Hun Ahaw, One Lord, First Father, the maize lord,



20

Hun-Nal-Ye. First Father's journey took him through the underworld, or Xibalba, into the sky

where he was reborn into the primordial sea and then created the new universe.

After creating the new universe he then made, from maize seeds, humanity. The

important places in this apotheosis were mythical places that were at the same time visible from

their natural world. First Father travelled a pathway into the sky, visible today as the Milky Way

and referred to by the Classic Maya as the White Way. Epigraphically a death could be referred

to as "entering the road" (Schele and Grube 1994a:84). Upon arrival at the center of the sky he

was reborn out of a cracked turtle-shell in the heart of heaven. Today the turtle constellation is

composed of the three stars which make up the belt of Orion. The heart of heaven was a triangle

formed by the central star of this belt, Ainitak, plus Saiph and Rigel (Suhler and Freidel

1994b:30). The soul of First Father (and the king) was born out of the clefted portal in the turtle

shell and into the primordial sea. The heavy preponderance of marine materials and imagery

throughout the Lowlands (and in Burial 23) indicates the Maya were quite aware of the oceans

that ringed their lands.

As shown by the excavations of the "Dance Platforms" at Yaxuna, the Maya were

architecturally exhibiting this concept by at least the Late Preclassic. These buildings with their

subterranean corridor, stairs, trap-door roof, and scaffold embodied the cosmogram and the path

from the underworld to the center of the sky. Likely, this same cosmological template was

employed in Burial 23 and, therefore, the ritual construction of the Burial 23 tomb chamber

presents many of the material correlates for the cosmological aspects of the Classic Maya world

view.



21

To me, Burial 23 represents a stage set for the apotheosis of the interred king. Clearly the

Maya prepared a deliberate and sacred space that exhibited an intimate knowledge of what was

going to happen to the deceased. The first step was the construction of the subterranean tomb

chamber. This floor of this chamber was built within a monumental building 4m above the

present plaza floor. Metaphorically, structures 6F-3/6th and 6F-3/5th represented artificial witz

or mountains. In Olmec iconography the physical mountains themselves are shown with the lord

seated in their interior; possibly in a portal place.

During the Late Preclassic at Yaxuna, the exteriors of the "Dance Platforms" were

modelled stucco replications of mountains. The interiors of these buildings contained the

subterranean underworld passages and a portal to the otherworld (the central sanctum). That this

sanctum led to the portal in the sky is indicated by the cached and symbolic hearth stone below

the floor in Structure 6E-53. Textual information provides the term of mountaining, believed to

represent the entombing of royal individuals when used (Schele and Grube 1994b:88). This step

placed the dead into the underworld (the interior of the mountain) and started them on the same

path followed by First Father.

However, the placing of the king within the mountain was only the last step in a complex

ritual which began with construction of the tomb chamber and preparation of the interior of the

burial chamber. On the floor of the tomb chamber the Maya created the floor of the primordial

sea by placing a giant cowrie, a pile of small cowries, and over 30 limpets. Ceramic iconography

does depict resurrection/creation scenes which take place underwater; clearly the Maya were

intimate with the physical parameters of water realms and the flora and fauna which inhabited

these regions.



22

In an east-west line down the center of the tomb they placed three large rocks; one under

the head, a second on the south side of the body at the hip (where vessel #3 was probably

burned), and the third at the entrance. I believe these rocks represent the three beltstones of

Orion in the Maya turtle constellation. In order to further reinforce this point, attendants placed

the turtle shell against the west wall.

An even more precise location and intention within the Classic Maya turtle constellation

is provided by the three jade beads held in the hands of the king. These beads represent three

jade hearthstones of the Ol or heart of heaven portal (Taube 1994). The king is sent into the

otherworld and onto the path, holding in his hands the jade hearth where he will be reborn in the

sky. Remember also that one of the king's aspects is as either Chak or First Father, as marked by

the earflares. Both of these individuals are intimately related to the creation episode; First Father

is the reborn creator. Chak, however, is both the sacrificer who provides the opportunity to be

reborn and can be a paddler of the cosmic canoe and therefore provide passage along the

pathways of the creation road. In either aspect the persona intended was an intimate actor in the

original and continuing drama of Maya death and resurrection.

On top of the ritually created primordial sea bed and turtle constellation, but before

placement of the body, the Maya laid down the layer of white marl. During excavation, an

examination of the interface between the original surface of the tomb chamber and the marl layer

revealed the presence of laminar layers looking almost like sedimentation deposits. Is it possible

the Maya literally created the waters of the sea of creation and the watery White Path within the

tomb by laying down a marl slurry into which they placed the body? Perhaps this was the reason

for the coarse fiber mat, to float the upper torso above the liquid. As it gradually dried the



23

heavier material would fall out of suspension first and create laminar deposits perhaps very much

like those documented at the interface between the laminated marl deposit and tomb chamber

floor.

Contextually I find the marl layer, liquid or not, to represent a very complex set of beliefs

or ideas. I believe the deposit represents a melange between the water of creation and the White

Way. Iconographically the White Way was a route navigable or passable only by boat. Many

images show the canoes and paddlers which traversed these celestial waters. At one point in the

astronomical movements watched by the Maya, the Milky Way was a canoe travelling across the

night sky (Freidel, Schele and Parker 1993). Epigraphically the term och ha "he entered the

water" substitutes for och bih "he entered the road" the latter a known "metaphorical reference

for death" (Schele and Grube 1994a:84). It seems to me from this palimpsest like deposit of sea

floor, celestial places, and path, that these concepts were not separable to the Maya; rather they

formed a seamless continuum, and indeed then only a part of a much more encompassing world

view.

This physical stacking of such concepts was often used by the Maya in presenting the

iconographic record (Freidel et al. 1991). These depictions obviously reflect an intangible ability

to also stack the ideological; or perhaps more realistically the mulitvariate links in a all

encompassing world view. I am optimistic that further research will allow for the continual fine

tuning of the Burial 23 interpretation. Epigraphic decipherment of the painted and annotated

directional murals on the walls of Rio Azul Tomb 12 (Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993:72, Stuart

) and texts of the Copan Temple 18 jambs (Grube and Schele 1990) has found that the Maya

practiced sacred movement and ritual through ceremonial pathways. Some idea concerning the



24

general form of these ritual pathways may be derived from the grafitto on the floor of Str. 1-Sub

at Dzibilchaltun (Andrews and Andrews 1980:Fig. 106). It is probable that the ritual significance

of the cardinals and inter-cardinals and the paths of movement are reflected in the artifact

placement of the Burial 23 tomb chamber. On the Rio Azul Tomb 12 walls, specific references

are made to a raised up ocean place on the northeast wall (a probable result of world creation)

and a crocodile place on the southeast wall (not yet well understood). The restriction of various

types of artifacts to specific places within the Burial 23 tomb chamber: (marine materials in the

southwest, sealed ceramic vessels in the northwest, ceramic vessels in the northeast, and burned

sections of ceramic vessels in the southeast), indicates these were intentionally chosen places of

deposition.

Once the Burial 23 king had been laid in place, the antechamber was filled to the level of

the sub - floor ballast of the Structure 6F-3/5th floor which then sealed the entire feature. In this

context, a smashed ceramic vessel and charcoal deposit found under a preserved section of the

Structure 6F-3/5th floor in the southwest corner of the excavation, probably pertains to the

ceremonies undertaken during the original laying of the tomb and the construction of the

6F-3/5th floor. Thus the internment of the king in Burial 23 resulted in the construction of a new

building or at least the major modification of an existing building. Following Burial 23 and the

new floor construction, Structure 6F-3/5th was used for a period of time; probably more or less

the life or rule-span of the individual who oversaw the internment of his probable ancestor in

Burial 23. Eventually though it was covered by the massive fill representing the construction

core of Structure 6F-3/4th.



25

Structure 6F-3/4th

The next construction in the Structure 6F-3 architectural sequence represented a major

modification on top of Structure 6F-3/5th. Our current reconstruction of this building indicates it

was, when finished, a large multi-terraced pyramidal structure with a summit plaza, covering a

series of subterranean corridors and no yet apparent means of ascent to this level. Lacking

anything more than a test pit into the topmost architecture, its base on the northern section of the

summit plaza, we cannot yet integrate the unknown form of the apical architecture into our

current reconstruction of Structure 6F-3. From the level of the summit plaza down, however, we

are putting together the architectural sequencing for the building. As it stands now, the central

portion of the southern face of Structure 6F-4/4th, at the terrace level below the summit plaza

shows no evidence of a grand or central staircase. A small excavation in front of this area,

beneath Late Classic (Structure 6F-3/2nd-Yaxuna III) Stair B, revealed only an unadorned

vertical masonry face. This central area was likely a series of terraces ascending from the plaza

floor or perhaps a decorated facade. Further investigations should find stairs from the central

North Acropolis plaza flanking this central face.

Our current excavated view of Structure 6F-3/4th is bounded on the south by this vertical

face and ends at the northern edge of the Burial 23 tomb chamber excavation at the level of the

summit plaza. At the present time very little is known about the summit temple north of the

summit plaza. As mentioned earlier a test pit placed on the summit of this superstructure

produced mixed Terminal Classic/Early Classic ceramic lots within a matrix containing no

vestiges of formal architectural features. The superstructure seems to have a central outset

staircase which leads from the summit plaza to the ultimate summit of Structure 6F-3. Some



26

wall lines are also visible on the north and east side of the building. There is, however, no

evidence of a vaulted masonry temple such as adorned Structure 6F-4/3rd. Instead the presently

visible summit superstructure of Structure 6F-3 seems to have been a flat-topped pyramid.

During the 1989 field season a 2 x 2 meter test pit was excavated on top of the summit

superstructure (Suhler 1990:10, Fig. 22). The stratigraphy of this test pit was somewhat

equivocal; apparently two overlapping construction episodes were visible in the profile. The first

appeared to represent an Early Classic (Yaxuna II a/b) construction. The second event appeared

to have been a Terminal Classic (Yaxuna IV a/b) penetration of this Early Classic summit

structure. The small ceramic sample supports such a scenario.

Stratigraphic information provided by a 1995 excavation placed in the summit plaza

immediately in front of the summit superstructure staircase was not at odds with the 1989

excavation: it showed essentially a single construction event. Ceramics date this architecture to

the Early Classic but a determination cannot be made as to whether it relates to Structure 6F-

3/4th initial summit plaza building or 6F-3/3rd amplifications. Whatever its ultimate source, and

indeed its final form the summit superstructure, or at least the latest staircase, was built in concert

with the construction episode documented by this excavation.

From the southern edge of the vertical facade, a terrace ran north for approximately 8.4m,

this terrace took a one or two course step up at about 3.6m north of its southern edge. At its

north edge the terrace disappears underneath a vertical masonry wall assigned to a subsequent

construction episode, Structure 6F-3/3rd. Past this vertical face the floor should continue another

2m before ending against the original face of Structure 6F-3/4th summit plaza architecture. This



27

exterior of the Structure 6F-3/4th summit plaza architecture was pierced in its center by a

doorway located at least .97m above the floor of the mid-level terrace.

Excavations to date have not furnished a method of ascent from the terrace to this

doorway. Possibly later construction associated with Structure 6F-3/3rd covered or destroyed

this means of access. Alternatively, a perishable ladder may have provided entrance. Whatever

the method of entry, once inside, the entrance became a 1.4m long vaulted interior connecting

passage. The vault sprang at 1.21m above the passage floor and the bottoms of the capstones

were approximately 1.90m above the passage floor. At its northern end this passage intersected

with the also vaulted, east-west running interior northern corridor. In this corridor the vault

sprang at approximately 1.90m above the corridor floor. No part of the vault above a few spring

stones was in situ in this corridor, therefore, it is presently impossible to know the original

interior height of the vault. However, the top of the summit plaza lies only 2.60m above the

corridor floor. Therefore, by leaving room for construction ballast, I believe the original height

of the vault must have been between 2.20 and 2.40m.

By the end of the 1995 field season we had exposed all architectural evidence pertaining

to the last modification of this corridor; said modifications comprising the removal, blocking,

and filling of architectural features at both the eastern and western ends of the corridor,

presumably during Structure 6F-3/3rd modifications. To the east the south wall originally

continued for *m from the northeast corner of the interior connecting passage where it ended in a

vertical masonry face. This masonry face is the interior portion of a 1.10m thick wall. A very

cursory probe in the summit plaza construction fill (pertaining to Structure 6F-3/3rd) on the



28

exterior (eastern) side of this wall indicates it was in all likelihood intended as a free standing

structure and, therefore, represents a southeastern corner of Structure 6F-3/4th.

To the west of the intersection between the east- west interior northern corridor and the

north - south connecting passage the northern face of the corridor ran for 7.2 m before it too

disappears into unexcavated fill. The southern wall seems to have been truncated at an earlier

point during construction activities related to Structure 6F-3/3rd Given the size of the summit

plaza (30m east-west by 12m north-south) and the continuations of the Structure 6F-3/4th

corridors suggested by excavations it seems that during the use of Structure 6F-3/4th there may

be an as of yet undiscovered network of corridors running beneath the surface of the summit

plaza.

The issue of the extent of the subterranean summit plaza corridors notwithstanding, it is

clear that in at least one of its aspects Structure 6F-3/4th was conceived by the Maya as a "Dance

Platform" analogous to the Late Preclassic examples represented by Structures 6E-120 and 6E-53

at Yaxuna. This cosmic building had, however, been raised 5m above the plaza surface into a

place of even greater public visibility. As such it depicted a bigger and more elaborate witz than

the "Dance Platforms". The entrance at the top of an unadorned terrace face gave the impression

of being the cave entrance into the center of the mountain.

Possibly, just as at the "Dance Platforms" there were stairs leading from the floor of the

subterranean corridors to trap-door exits in the surface of the summit plaza. Such exits were

found with the Structure 6F-3/3rd architecture and are discussed in the following section.

Further excavation will probably demonstrate that corridors did originally traverse the area under

the surface of the Structure 6F-3/4th summit plaza over a larger area than thus far exposed.



29

A most interesting sequence concerning the relationship between Structure 6F-3/5th and

Structure 6F-3/4th was noticed during the excavation of the Burial 23 tomb shaft. Following the

deposition of Burial 23, Structure 6F-3/5th was completed and used for an unknown period of

time: I believe the use span of Structure 6F-3/5th would have been for approximately the tenure

of the ruler who succeeded the Burial 23 king and completed Structure 6F-3/5th. Sometime after

this, probably initiated by the death of the ruler responsible for Structure 6F-3/5th, construction

was begun on Structure 6F-3/4th. While Structure 6F-3/5th was in the process of being sealed by

Structure 6F-3/4th, a series of construction walls were built on top of the Structure 6F-3/5th

floor.

It seems obvious that the Maya who placed these construction walls knew the location of

the Burial 23 tomb chamber and antechamber. The walls were placed on hard plaster floor

directly above the antechamber and surrounded it on three sides; north, west, and south. The east

side, the original entrance to the sealed Burial 23 tomb chamber, was left open. Surely, this U -

shaped feature was designed and intended to act as a cofferdam; to leave open the area above the

Burial 23 tomb chamber entrance and antechamber while the construction of Structure 6F-3/4th

proceeded all around. Presumably the eastern side was left open in order to grant access to this

area. The tops of the upper U - shaped construction pen retaining walls are higher than the floor

of the coevally constructed east-west interior corridor. Therefore, the groundplan of the summit

plaza substructure, presumably a labyrinth, based on the reasons already discussed, had, in all

probability, at least taken shape before the area left open by the three construction walls was

filled in.



30

Prior to filling in this area, the Structure 6F-3/5th floor was penetrated through an oval

area above the antechamber of the Burial 23 tomb chamber and the tomb reentered. Evidence

indicating the reentry of the tomb chamber after the initial internment is manifold: the tomb

chamber was originally sealed by the Structure 6F-3/5th floor, based on the reasons discussed

above; the lack of a formal wall sealing the entrance to the tomb from the antechamber; the

presence of the rock deposits stacked against the north and south walls on the interior of the

Burial 23 tomb chamber; the presence of the two jade sak hunal found in the fill of the

antechamber after the reentry; as well as the anomalous placement of the one sak hunal left in the

tomb chamber but probably not in its original location.

As mentioned earlier, when first encountered, large portions of the Burial 23 tomb

chamber floor were covered by a layer of rocks. These rocks, (rough, unworked and from

between .30 to .50m in size) were clustered against the northern and southern walls to heights of

two and three courses. From this maximum height at the edges the rocks sloped downward

towards the center of the Burial 23 tomb chamber. At their edges away from the walls the rocks

were only a single layer. The rock deposit was set directly on the .15m thick layer of marl and

decayed organic residue which covered the floor of the chamber. The rocks were not placed in

the area of the torso, leaving the central area of the tomb open. In this central area the marl and

organic layer covered the bones, indicating its presence and, therefore, deposition prior to the

laying of the rocks.

With the exception of two rocks in the northwest corner, the rock deposit was also absent

in the four corners of the burial chamber. The relatively light damage caused by the presence of

the rocks indicates their deliberate introduction and placement in the burial chamber. The only



31

artifact damage directly attributable to the presence of the rocks was found in the group of

ceramic vessels in the northwest corner. Vessel #10, the Caucel jar, appeared to have been

smashed by the rock deposit, the pair of rocks placed in an "L" shape against the northwest

corner crushed the lid of Vessel #8, and a rock apparently rolled down from the west edge of the

stack of rocks on the north side and broke off a piece of the rim of Vessel #9.

The lack of serious obvious and wholesale damage resulting from the introduction of the

rock layer points to its undertaking as an intentional and deliberate act. Had the rocks been

thrown into the burial chamber or just rolled in from the level of the Structure 6F-3/5th floor the

damage would have been much greater and the distribution of the rocks would not have been so

regular. A great deal of velocity would have been necessary for the rocks to have stopped close

to the western edge of the chamber. Such force would surely have caused the stones to carom off

each other in unpredictable paths, leaving a random distribution of rocks, destruction, and

disarray. Such actions would have, in particular, wrought havoc with the skeleton and the other

fragile objects in the chamber, such as the shell, bone, and ceramic vessels. In addition, the

majority of the rocks would have clustered in the center of the tomb, on top of the skeleton,

rather than stacking themselves only against the north and south- walls.

This was clearly not the case because, as mentioned above, the center of the room was

clear of rocks and the skeletal material showed little signs of this type of post-deposition

disturbance or damage. In fact the skeleton itself showed only two instances of post-depositional

taphonomy. As has already been discussed, when excavated the skeleton was tightly articulated

with very little, if any, evidence of post-internment disturbance. The only skeletal damage

caused by the rocks was on the western end of the northern side where a rock had rolled down



32

and damaged the left humerus of the interred individual, this damage was probably in

conjunction with the damage to the rim of vessel #9. However, below the knee a large (.50m)

and probably deliberately placed stone had crushed the in situ tibias.

As was discussed in the section on the original placement of Burial 23 the burning of

material in Vessel #3 on top of the central rock of the three laid down the east - west axis of the

tomb could have been undertaken during the re-entry episode: the stratigraphy is ambiguous and

a firm determination not possible. If such was the case then the tomb would have been "smoked"

during the re-entry.

After the reentry of the Burial 23 tomb chamber, the antechamber was filled to within

.30m of the top of the walls with a mixture of pure white sascab and very clean limestone

boulders. During the refilling of the antechamber a jade jewel, in the form of a sak hunal (Fig.

22b), was left in the northeast corner, close to the eastern corner of the northern antechamber

wall, .80m below the level of the Structure 6F-3/5th floor. Another jade jewel (Fig. 22c) was

found in the dry core construction above this white plugging layer. While there is no way to be

certain, probably the source of these jewels was the original Burial 23 internment which were

then transported to their final location by the Maya who entered the Burial 23 tomb chamber.

As previously discussed, this interpretation is based on the close stylistic affinities between the

two sak hunal found outside the burial chamber and the one from within the chamber. As a set,

these three jewels form another stylistic type of royal jewel within this ever evolving class of

artifact at Yaxuna.



33

Another example of this type of scattering activity was recorded during the excavation of

Cache 2 at Structure 6F-4 in 1992. In that instance a spondylous bead identical to those in the

cache was found in the construction fill covering the cache.

After the filling of the Burial 23 antechamber with the pure white material, to the

approximate level of the penetrated Structure 6F-3/5th floor, the rest of the area demarcated by

the U-shaped construction walls was filled with the usual gray/brown dry core construction

material to the level of the summit plaza reached by this new construction, Structure 6F-3/4th.

Thoughts on the Burial 23 Re-Entry

That some Maya royal tombs had been subjected to re-entry and various types of

post-depositional disturbance has been recognized for some time in the Maya lowlands (Coe

1959). Just as the archaeological context of the original internment can be interpreted from the

emic, in many cases tomb re-entry (once recognized) can also be examined (not absolutely, but

hopefully more productively) from within the framework (archaeological and ideological) of the

ancient Maya. In Burial 23 the original internment was of a type which I regard as friendly and

venerating, the subsequent re-entry was also within this same behavioral pattern. Study of the

archaeological context of royal Maya internments shows enough variation to permit the

arrangement of broad categorizations of type of internment with further sub- divisions within

these categories: Table ! presents these categories and some examples in the literature which

illustrate the relevant characteristics.

Burial 23 was originally a Friendly/Venerating internment followed by a

Friendly/Venerating re-entry. The lack of a mask or a large pectoral, commonplace in royal



34

internments, suggests that such an artifact(s) may have been originally present and removed

during the re-entry. However, as indicated by the tight articulation, the skeletal material was not

disturbed. I believe overt manipulation of skeletal material (removal of bones, scrambling of

bones, breaking of bones, etc.) is more common to desecratory behavior, this idea is further

discussed in the conclusions.

The three sak hunal were moved from their original locations; one was set into the open

end of the carved bone tube, one was scattered in the fill sealing the re- entry, and one was found

in the dry core fill of Structure 6F-3/4th above the area of the re-entry. None had been battered

and none burned, these indications of hostile intent.

Vessel #4 was probably placed, base down, on top of the face of the interred. At some

later point in time the added weight of the bowl collapsed the fragile facial bones and vessel #4

rolled off the face and into its recorded position. The placing of a bowl on the face of the

deceased is commonplace in the archaeological record. What is unusual in the Burial 23 case is

the vessel was placed after the original internment and inverted from the normal orientation

(usually face down versus face up in this case). Perhaps this abnormal placement was required

by the conventions of re-entry in a subtle variation from the protocols of primary internment.

As discussed earlier a fire may have been burned below vessel #3 on top of the rock by

the southern side of the pelvis. The remains of this vessel which had fallen off the rock were on

top of the bones and marl layer: stratigraphy establishes that the vessel was placed after the

body; but as already stated whether at the end of the original internment or at the beginning of the

re-entry is currently not known. In this same vein of uncertainty there were probably many other



35

actions carried out during the re-entry, but evidence of their execution is either simply not

visible or preserved.

Finally the ancient Maya placed the rock layer around the body. When viewed as a north -

south section this rock layer is in the form of a clefted mountain or valley. I believe the Maya

were re-creating the clefted creation mountain that is so prevalent in the iconography. As such

they were drawing explicit parallels between the apotheosis of the occupant of Burial 23 and this

same type of re-birth or creation of the person responsible for the re-entry. The difference

between the two events is found in the probable context: we know the original internment

related to the ceremonial observations required at the death of a king. The re-entry, however,

was most likely linked to the accession of the individual who engineered the re-entry. Therefore

the re-entry was a legitimating event, designed to demonstrate continuation of the dynasty as

well as the ability of the acceding ruler to journey to the otherworld and communicate with the

ancestors; two necessities for a divine Maya king (Freidel, Schele, and Parker 1993).

Structure 6F-3/3rd

Following the use of Structure 6F-3/4th and the subsequent occurrence of some triggering

event; Structure 6F-3/3rd was built over at least portions of Structure 6F-3/4th. Our current view

of Structure 6F-3/3rd has been limited to the area of excavations centered around the summit

plaza and the terrace immediately below. In this area, however, the changes brought about by the

new construction were quite extensive. On the terrace a series of thick, well coursed, heavily

chinked, load bearing, masonry walls were erected. Whether or not a new surface was placed on

top of the terrace prior to the raising of these walls is uncertain. The northernmost wall was built



36

against the face of the entrance to the Structure 6F-3/4th labyrinthe. The seam marking the

interface between these two walls is visible in the interior connecting passage. This wall was

1.2m thick extending the interior connecting passage an equal length.

The floor of the newly extended interior connecting passage was located 1.32m above the

floor of the chamber with no visible means of ascent. Clearly a means of entering the passage

must have existed, perhaps a perishable ladder or steps (Fig. 36). Approximately 2.0m to the

south of this masonry face was the southern wall of the chamber. This wall was built on top of

and .20m north of the southern edge of the original Structure 6F-4/4th two course terrace step up

and wall was 1.40m thick pierced by an .80m wide by 1.40m high doorway. This doorway was

originally spanned by four stone lintels, of which only one is in situ today (Fig. 37).

East and west walls were built between the passage formed by the northern and southern

chamber walls. The western face of this eastern mid wall was 1.6m east of the eastern jamb of

the interior connecting passage. The eastern face of the western mid wall was 2.0m west of the

western jamb of the interior connecting passage. The end result was a 2.0m north-south by 4.2m

east-west subterranean chamber on the approximate centerline of the building. This room was

vaulted, the springs were 1.8m above the floor of the chamber. Although the roof has since

collapsed, probably its top was at the same level as the surface of the summit plaza. If that was

indeed the case then, at the least, the southern edge of the summit plaza was extended by some

4.6 m. The scale of all the chamber walls was quite robust, probably in response to the pressures

that would have been exerted on the vaulted chamber. Furthermore, the construction technique

appears to have been essentially modular. As can be seen in Fig. 6, each wall was built as a

separate unit. Probably, in its original form the new constructions ran east -west from edge to



37

edge on top of the terrace. The current jagged and uneven appearance of the east and west edges

of the southern wall indicates this feature was probably truncated at a later date; further clearing

is required to examine the ends of the mid and northern wall sections.

This new architecture led into the subterranean passages which appears to have been

essentially untouched during the use of Structure 6F-3/3rd. Pinpointing this is difficult because

certain locations in these areas were badly savaged during the Yaxuna IIb sitewide termination.

These included the eastern and western ends of the Interior Northern Corridor and the eastern and

western sides of the chamber and terrace it was built on. Again given the lack of evidence for a

central staircase I think the building still gave the appearance of a mountain and the entrance in

the southern wall of the newly built chamber was the cave mouth which granted entrance to the

mountain.

Structure 6F-3/2nd

Following the Early Classic denouement at Yaxuna, ceramically represented by Yaxuna

IIc materials, there is little evidence of occupation or use at Structure 6F-3/3rd. We hypothesize

that during this time Yaxuna witnessed a much reduced occupation and no monumental

construction projects. We do not know whether or not the building was terminated at the end of

Yaxuna IIb. Certainly our excavations have revealed no evidence of termination activities at

Structure 6F-3/3rd. Either the building was not affected, or the next construction episode erased

most overt evidence of a termination event. This next building episode at the North Acropolis

took place during the Yaxuna III ceramic period. At Structure 6F-3 the Yaxuna III modifications

resulted in Structure 6F-3/2nd.



38

As discussed in the ceramic/chronology section Yaxuna III is currently dated to A.D.

600-730 or Tepeu I in the southern lowland sequence. The dominant ceramics during this period

was the group Arena Rojo. This type is dominant in the eastern portion of the peninsula,

especially around Coba. Our materials from this time period also contain slight amounts of

southern imports, mainly Saxche and other types of polychromes. To me this evidence may mark

the beginning of the quite distinct separation between north and south. Further exacerbating

these divergent developments was the acute state of warfare and stress taking place in the

southern lowlands. At this time Tikal is conquered by Caracol and many of Tikal's allies were

also apparently conquered. Therefore, part of this northern regionalization may have been in

response to the pulling back of the southern contacts as they dealt with conflicts closer to home.

Ceramic analysis of excavated lots indicates the chamber was open and in use during the

Yaxuna III occupation at Structure 6F-3/2nd. Based on our current excavation data there were

two major modifications assignable to the 6F-3/2nd building phase. One was the construction of

a vaulted corridor immediately adjacent to the south side of the chamber (southern corridor). The

northern spring and vault of this corridor had been intruded into the southern exterior masonry

facade of the Structure 6F-3/3rd chamber. The building of the southern corridor extended the

area covered by the summit plaza another 2.48m to the south.

As can be seen in Fig. 6, however, other areas of the summit plaza did not undergo this

same amplification. Instead, given the uneven nature of their exteriors and the unfinished look of

the terrace in profile, eastern and western portions of the southern wall of the Structure 6F-3/3rd

chamber and the earlier terrace were removed. It is perhaps equally possible this was done

during the Yaxuna IIb termination of Structure 6F-3/3rd.



39

As discussed, we are faced with the possibility that the remains of such activity would

have originally been left in situ, only to be cleared away with the Structure 6F-3/2nd construction

activities. On the other hand, the wholesale mining of intact Early Classic structures does not

appear to have precedents at other Terminal Classic contexts at Yaxuna. Therefore, it is now

impossible to know where exactly to place the truncation of these architectural elements. In view

of the above situation, probably the removal of large sections of the western and eastern southern

Structure 6F-3/3rd chamber walls was more than a single event: during the Early Classic

(Terminal Yaxuna IIb) termination of Structure 6F-3/3rd, some form of decorated facades or

architecture may have been removed from these areas. During Yaxuna IIc the areas where the

facades were removed would have further deteriorated in the period of monumental inactivity

following the termination and before the Yaxuna III reuse of the building.

Such a collapsing facade would have presented a wealth of prime, low cost construction

material for later peoples to use in their revamping of the structure. This melange between

termination destruction, deterioration over time, and eventual mining and incorporation into a

new structure is a more parsimonious view of the eventual removal of this area of Structure

6F-3/3rd and the incorporation of part of it into Structure 6F-3/2nd. The current alternative I

favor is that this area was cut away during the Yaxuna IIb termination and then stabilized and

reintegrated during the Yaxuna III, Structure 6F-3/2nd constructions at the same with as the

contemporaneous Stair B.

Evidence of the destruction of Structure 6F-3/3rd architecture prior to Structure 6F-3/2nd

construction was found behind two blocking walls added to the eastern and western ends of the

Interior Northern Corridor. Directly behind the eastern blocking wall a 3m long section of the



40

north wall had been removed to the level of the footer. I think this is termination oriented

desecration performed during the Yaxuna IIb termination.

Sometime after this hacking the entire area was filled with a mixture of very fine, white

marl and dry core fill. Explorations in this area failed to reveal any feature that might relate to

this rather puzzling stratigraphy and I think this was Yaxuna III re-healing construction,

especially given the very special nature of the fill used behind the eastern blocking wall. .On the

eastern side the blocking wall was a simple, vertical masonry feature (Fig. 38).

At its western end, the new Structure 6F-3/2nd interior northern corridor was marked by

architectural features which provided access from the subterranean passage to the surface of the

summit plaza (the original means of access used during 6F-3/4th and 6F-3/3rd were probably

heavily impacted or destroyed during the Yaxuna IIb termination and therefore we have no

evidence of such features, however, such features had to have existed because the Interior

Northern Corridor was in place at these times and a means of exit must have been present).

Approximately 4m to the west of the northwest corner of the interior connecting passage

there is a .58m wide step (#1) whose tread is .20m above the interior northern corridor floor.

This step then leads to a .25m high, .40m wide step (#2). The next level (step #3) is .86m above

the second step. This surface is built into the corner of the new Structure 6F-3/3rd interior

northern corridor. The parallels between step #3 and the step up from the chamber into the

interior connecting passage are obvious thus indicating some type of connection between those

who built Structure 6F-3/3rd and those who rehabilitated it with Structure 6F-3/2nd..

Both of these steps required some means of ascent. The absence of such a means

indicates that a perishable device, such as a wooden ladder, steps, or scaffold was used. The



41

area above this third step was unvaulted; the walls rose vertically to the surface of the summit

plaza. The vault spring in the western section of the interior northern corridor ended .20m east of

the third step's riser. This indicates the area beyond (west of) the end of the vault spring was

meant to be open and function as part of an exit from the subterranean passage onto the surface

of the summit plaza. This is exactly the same type of situation found at the Late Preclassic

'Dance Platforms'. The surface area of step 3 was approximately one square meter. The western

and southern sides were bounded by vertical walls.

From the southwest corner a north-south wall, oriented 90 degrees to the interior northern

corridor, continued for three more steps. The southern end of the eastern companion to this

western north-south wall began at the northeast corner of step 3. Together these two walls

formed a one meter wide north-south passage which provided for the final exit onto the surface

of the summit plaza. Step 4 was located at the northern edge of step 3, in line with the northern

wall of the interior northern corridor and .60m above the step 3 surface. Step 4 continued north

for one meter where it then gave way to the .32m riser of step 5 which continued north for 1.16

m. The northern edge of step 5 was a .40m riser which led to the surface of the summit plaza.

Excavations below the surface of step 3 show that the northern wall of the Structure

6F-3/3rd interior northern corridor continues west into the construction fill of the Structure

6F-3/2nd modifications. This Structure 6F-3/3rd wall was used as the base for the step 4 riser

and the southeast corner of the Structure 6F-3/2nd north-south summit plaza exit passage was

also footed on the truncated base of this wall.

The southern wall in this area does not continue west beyond the face of step 3. This

situation is the opposite of that presented behind (east of) the eastern blocking wall where the



42

northern wall was removed after the blocking wall and the southern wall continues east until it

reaches the inner face of a wall. In this western area there is no evidence of the very clean white

marl such as was used to fill the area behind the eastern blocking wall. In spite of our knowledge

of the what the stratigraphy in these areas is like, it is yet impossible to know with certainty the

reasons for both the patterning and the destruction in these two areas. I think however this has to

also have resulted from the Yaxuna IIb termination and is a companion to the event seen behind

the eastern blocking wall.

Returning to the outer vaulted passage, there was a substantial difference in the elevation

of the springs on the northern and southern sides of this area. The northern spring, obviously

intruded into the exterior southern wall of the outer room, was sprung at 1.98m above the packed

marl surface while the southern vault spring of this same outer vaulted passage was located at

1.50m above the packed marl remains of the terrace floor. Furthermore, neither of these two

springs are at the same elevation as the one on the interior of the chamber. These differences are

quite illustrative of the disjunction between the two phases.

The other major new construction was the hanging of a central staircase (B) on the south

face of the terraced, basal platform. Stratigraphically and architecturally, B and the southern

portion of the southern corridor are a single architectural unit. This information was provided by

an excavation into the centerline of B at the level of the current floor in the southern corridor.

The stratigraphy in this operation showed the construction fill of the southern corridor wall and

stair B laying directly on top of the unadorned southern wall and eroded floor of Structure

6F-3/4th. Sherds from the fill of the Stair B sample were identified as slatewares. However,



43

slatewares were present at Yaxuna at least as early as the Late Early Classic (Yaxuna IIb/c:

+/-A.D. 550 [Suhler, Ardren, and Johnstone 1994]).

The highest preserved portion of Stair B is at the top of a tread located 2.8m above the

corridor floor and 1.84m below the level of the summit plaza. Due to the collapse of everything

above the spring level in the sub-summit plaza architecture there is no way of knowing whether

Stair B led directly to the summit plaza or whether this topmost preserved tread represented a

pause in Stair B and the ascent began again some distance to the north (the necessary evidence

collapsed into the southern corridor and chamber. From the top of the highest preserved tread,

Stair B descended uninterrupted for twenty eight steps .25m wide by .22m high. Each tread was

formed by a row of roughly shaped blocks with each lower step supporting a portion of the

preceding step. Presumably these steps would have been heavily plastered when in use.

The western limit of Stair B showed no evidence of a balustrade, the edge of each step

was also the top of the western retaining wall of the staircase. At the base of the 28th step there

were two .5m wide by .5m high steps. These two massive steps were built from two courses of

the stones used to form the regular steps. Below these larger steps were found two more regular

steps which descended to a packed marl surface. This surface was followed south for 2.70m

where it disappeared into the unexcavated construction core of the lower courses of Stair A. The

surface probably represents a lower terrace of Structure 6F-3/2nd at the base of Stair B. As we

did not remove any of the preserved Stair A we could not follow this surface to see if it began

descending again in more steps farther to the south or whether it might have been truncated by

the construction of Stair A.



44

Chronologically, the Structure 6F-4/2nd architecture is very interesting. The roof of the

vaulted corridor was made up of slab-shaped vault stones and the southern wall of the corridor is

a load bearing masonry wall. Such architecture is not what would be construed of as clearly

Puuc in nature (Andrews IV and Andrews V 1980, Pollock 1980, Andrews 1986). Instead this

architecture is much more akin to the slab vaulted and/or roughly cut load-bearing masonry

walled architecture found at Structure 6F-8, and on various portions of Structure 6F-4/2nd.

In the rest of the peninsula, this type of architecture has been observed and commented

on, pure load-bearing masonry walls and slab-stone vaults are dated to Early Period II (A.D. 600

- 800) at Dzibilchaltun (Andrews IV and Andrews V 1980:296-297). At Structure 6F-68,

however, the interior walls are constructed in the Early Period II (Yaxuna III) style, which in turn

support a Puuc soffit, veneer stone vault, and a Puuc-style decorated exterior. The mix of such

load-bearing masonry architecture and Puuc veneer techniques, while somewhat equivocal,

probably dates such buildings to a transitional phase between Early Period II and Pure Florescent

architecture (Andrews IV and Andrews V 1980:275-281) and therefore supports the dating of the

Coba arrival at Yaxuna to somewhere between A.D. 700-800. Taking into consideration the

dating of these types of architecture outside Yaxuna I believe these buildings (Structure

6F-3/2nd, Structure 6F-4/2nd, and Structure 6F-8) may represent, along with the two burials

containing Arena Rojo ceramics in the settlement zone; an incipient revitalization at Yaxuna (III)

which began before and was interrupted by the Coba-Puuc arrival (Yaxuna IV).

Such a situation would help to explain the Terminal Classic termination of Structure 6F-8

(discussed in that section) and the architectural disjunctions presented by the placement and

construction of Structure 6F-68 as consequences of a Coba-Puuc arrival at Yaxuna and their



45

co-opting of the site as it was rising out of a period of relative inactivity. An incipient

revitalization during Yaxuna III would also help to explain the presence of a large Arena Rojo

sample from Brainerd's test pit in the sascabera behind Structure 6F-4 and the discussed Late

Classic, Arena Rojo bearing (Early Period II, Yaxuna III, Tepeu I - II) burials from excavations in

the settlement zone.

Structure 6F-3/1st

Thus far new constructions pertaining to Structure 6F-3/1st are represented only by Stair

A, built directly on top of Stair B. The steps of this staircase were set onto a 1.5 - 2.0m thick

layer of construction ballast composed of unworked small boulders (<.40m) and cobbles in a

heavy soil matrix laid over Stair B. The ceramics from the Stair A fill were primarily Terminal

Classic Coba types, assigning construction of Stair A to this ceramic period. The Stair A

construction fill was held in place on each side by the construction of a retaining wall on top of

the edges of Stair B and the lower terrace.

Originally I believed this retaining wall, preserved only at the base of Stair B, represented

a collapsed balustrade which belonged to it. This view was discarded after we examined the

stratigraphy of this area, the collapse found at the base of the western edge of the stairs, and a

carved stone figurine found at the base of the western edge of this retaining wall (Fig. 39). The

collapse at the base of the western edge of the stair rests on a soft, uneven packed marl surface.

Because the Stair B retaining wall had not collapsed, all the material found on top of this lower

marl surface pertains to Stair A. In addition to Terminal Classic ceramics this fall contained a

substantial amount of square (+/- .30 m), well shaped, pecked Puuc-style veneer facing stones.



46

These stones fell from the face of the western retaining wall of Stair A and serve to tie this

construction in with other Terminal Classic (Yaxuna IV) building activity in the North Acropolis.

There is a clear disjunction between the architecture of the western retaining wall of Stair

B and that of the retaining wall of Stair A. The fact that the retaining wall of Stair B has not

collapsed makes these differences even more apparent. The retaining wall of Stair B was better

built than Stair A; better shaped blocks, more even coursing, and heavier use of grout.

Overall Stair A shows signs of a atypical Yaxuna IV construction techniques and

materials. Most important among these is the composition of the fill. As mentioned earlier the

fill of Stair A is composed of unworked stones in a matrix of loose, dark soil. This is the only

place at Yaxuna where this type of fill is encountered. Normal fill for Yaxuna IV is dry core fill

for as in the core of the base of Structures 6F-68 and 6F-9, or concrete core with veneer exterior

such as in the exterior superstructures of Structure 6F-68 and Structure 6F-9.

The lacking structural integrity of the construction techniques used in this latest staircase

(sub-standard fill combined with exterior retaining walls with no interior support from

construction walls) is revealed by the fact that the western side of Stair A has sloughed off from

the edge for at least 1.5 - 2.0 m inward down the majority of the feature. In our clearing

operation we removed no in situ stair stone of Stair A when clearing to Stair B. Figure 2 shows

the extent of Stair A collapse on the western side of the stairs, in contrast, the edge of Stair B is

intact.

While the inferior construction materials used in Stair A certainly contributed to stability

problems the biggest factor may have been the fact that it was never completed. Currently Stair

A is represented by 19 steps rising from the main plaza floor to a maximum height of 5.36m.



47

The central southern basal course of Structure 6F-3 is composed of a 15.2m line of large,

monolithic blocks laid end to end. This type of construction technique is not Puuc-like in nature

and probably dates this portion of the architecture to Yaxuna III or earlier.

Above this basal perimeter there are four broad terraces built with marl and small stones.

The riser for each of these terrace steps was formed of rectangular, pecked, Puuc-style stones;

much like those used in the side walls. A preserved portion of polished floor against the face of

the third Puuc-style terrace riser indicates each terrace surface was originally covered by a

polished plaster floor. Terrace step width for the first four steps was from between .80m to 1.0m,

from the fourth to the fifth terrace width jumped to 1.95m.

Immediately above the 5th terrace step Stair A proper rose to a height of 5.36m over the

North Acropolis plaza surface. The preserved stairs (remember, a large portion of both of Stair

A's lateral edges were not in situ) were not well shaped blocks. Unlike the risers of the lower

terraces and the facing stones in the retaining walls, these in situ Stair A stones were very rough;

almost semi-shaped and devoid of the expected sharp edges and well-pecked faces.

The explanation of this apparent disjunction was found in the fill immediately overlaying

the preserved risers of Stair A. Here we found a jumble of what were indeed well-made Puuc

veneer stones. While we found no direct stratigraphic associations between the in situ Stair A

risers and this layer of Puuc-style stones I believe the jumbled Puuc stones were the veneer facing

originally built over the core (in situ) risers of Stair A. Such a technique would be more

parsimonious with the style of architecture which we know covered "finished" surfaces in the

lower area of Structure 6F-3/1st: the basal terrace risers and the side walls built on top of the

edges of Stair B.



48

Above step 19, however, the situation is less clear. There are no preserved steps (either in

situ core or out of situ veneer) above the 19th tread. The fill behind and above this step, to a

height of 7.56m above the plaza floor appeared to be the same fill as that forming the core of the

lower, intact staircase. Except for a very small section of retaining wall, located on the eastern

side of the staircase, there was no evidence of retaining walls or steps above the 5.36m/step 19

level. The in situ piece of retaining wall was a little over a meter long, three courses high, and

footed on the 5.36m level.

On top of the 7.56m level the material appeared to originate from the collapse of the

summit plaza into the chamber and outer vaulted passage rather than from the dirt and cobble

construction fill of the stair core. I think that at the time of the final termination of Structure

6F-3/1st Stair A was under construction.. This view is based on excavation data; particularly the

lack of covering steps or eastern or western encasing walls above the 5.36m level on Stair A, and

the absence of these same features and construction fill over the 7.56m level on Stair A.

In general, the overall inferior nature of Stair A indicates hurried construction. The use of

atypical construction techniques and low-grade materials suggest the staircase was built in a time

of stress when the corporate body, management capabilities, and resources which produced

Structure 6F-68 and other Yaxuna IV constructions, including those in the densely occupied

settlement zone, were impaired. The unfinished building sequence and the indications it gives of

a stressed social infrastructure, point to Stair A as one of the last monumental constructions at

Yaxuna, its completion interrupted by the fall of the city.

Termination of Structure 6F-3/1st



49

We know large portions of Yaxuna were terminated during a Chichen Itza conquest of

this site sometime during the Terminal Classic/Early Postclassic interface (A.D. 1000-1200).

Overt results of the fall of Coba/Puuc Yaxuna to the forces of Chichen Itza have been found in

many of the excavations undertaken to date in the North Acropolis, especially those at Structures

6F-4, 6F-68, and 6F-9. The ballcourt and other architecture located immediately southwest of

the North Acropolis may present evidence of in situ Chichen Itza construction and perhaps

occupation; such occupation marked in part by the presence of Sotuta ceramics.

At Structure 6F-3, however, direct evidence of a Sotuta using Chichen Itza sponsored

termination and/or appropriation-reuse of the structure is not as cut and dried. Excavations have

revealed two separate instances of what I view as non-construction, terminal-related deposits.

However, a very tight correlation between the tenor and chronology of the two events is rather

elusive. Even though far removed both vertically and horizontally each deposit is

stratigraphically assigned to the latest episode of activity at their respective locales.

The first was found during 1993 investigations in the area of the summit plaza. The roof

collapse in the outer vaulted passage lay directly on top of a packed marl surface, originally

relating to the construction of Structure 6F-3/2nd. Cleaning of this packed marl surface revealed

an oval penetration located directly in front of the southern doorway of the chamber. The fill in

this penetration was composed of the same vault collapse found throughout our clearing of the

outer vaulted passage. Further excavation into this penetration showed it to contain a human

internment; designated Burial 19 (Fig. 40).

The occupant of this feature was a robust male 25 to 30 years of age. A stature of

162.88cm was indicated. Besides evidence of minor infection of the left tibia, possibly the result



50

of a bruise, there was no evidence of trauma or infection on the long bones. Due to the poor

preservation of the skull, no observations concerning deformation or other possible conditions

could be made. Thirty two teeth were recovered and none were filed or inlaid. All of the teeth,

including the articulating surfaces were, however, covered with a thin layer of dental calculus.

According to Bennett, this indicates the diet of this person for some time prior to his death

consisted of non-solid food, most likely corn gruel or pozole. The circumstances which required

such a diet are unknown but possibilities include captivity, siege, or environmental hardship.

Stratigraphically, the placement of Burial 19 and the ensuing terminations appear to have

been the last organized, coherent activities carried out in the Structure 6F-3 summit plaza area.

In keeping with this terminal mode, four items of note differentiate this internment from almost

all Terminal Classic burials at Yaxuna.

First is the lack of a defined crypt; every confirmed Terminal Classic burial excavated at

Yaxuna has been found within the confines of a subfloor crypt composed of slab walls and

capstones. Burial 19 was merely placed into a .60m deep hole cut into the packed marl surface of

the outer vaulted passage. Once the body had been placed into the depression no effort was made

to cover it. With the exception of a few stones that may or may not have been deliberately

thrown into the hole, the fill of the pit was composed of loose, unconsolidated rubble, soil, and

jumbled vault stones.

Second is the position of the body, the normal pattern observed in Terminal Classic

burials at Yaxuna is placement of the dead in an extended position. Burial 19, however, was

lying in a face down position with the head to the north. The ankles were together and the tibia

and fibula had been bent back at the knees under the femora. The arms were bent at the elbows



51

with the wrists tightly together and the hands crossed under the chin. Sharon Bennett, the

excavator and physical anthropologist, believes it possible the wrists were bound. The skull was

poorly preserved, in contrast to the rest of the skeleton, Bennett again believes it possible the

skull was crushed between two large rocks located above and below the skull.

Third is a lack of the normal range of grave goods usually associated with Terminal

Classic internments at Yaxuna. The typical mortuary assemblage at Yaxuna consists of ceramic

vessels and shell artifacts. One ceramic vessel is usually found to cover the face while others,

depending on the status of the individual, can be found at either the waist and/or the feet. The

type and/or elaboration of the mortuary vessels also varies based on the status of the interred

individual. Shell artifacts occur as either pierced whole shells or unelaborated pendants cut from

whole shells and pierced for suspension. There were no shell artifacts found associated with

Burial 19. The only ceramic vessel associated with Burial 19 was a large, incomplete portion of

a censer found in the southwest corner of the depression (Fig. 41). Based on a field analysis and

comparison with other types we believe this vessel to represent a censer of the type Sisal Burdo,

as defined by Robles Castellano at Coba and dated to the Terminal Classic (Robles Castellano

1990) or Chen Mul modelled which dates to the Postclassic (Smith 1971, Brainerd 1958). The

fragmentary state of the vessel and the lack of typological diagnostics is the reason for this

chronological uncertainty..

Fourth is the presence of a large number of faunal remains, the likes of which have not

been found in any other Terminal Classic internment at Yaxuna. Laid around the occupant of

Burial 19 were two deer skulls with horns, a bird skeleton, a small rodent skeleton, and portions



52

of a snake. Such a mortuary menagerie is unique for any period at Yaxuna and further indicates

the difference between this internment and the other, more mainstream Terminal Classic burials.

Another concentration of faunal remains was found in the doorway of the chamber and

continued into the southwest corner. Included in this sample were the bones of fetal and adult

deer, rabbit, birds, lizards, and snakes. This is likely a continuation of the scattering of animals

in Burial 19. The amount and variety of faunal remains represented and the fetal deer is striking.

Rather than opportunistic gathering of such animals I believe it possible at least some of these

were domesticated, especially the deer. The others may have been kept in some sort of

semi-domesticated environment.

Further investigation in the doorway of the chamber revealed the bones continued below

the surface of the chamber in this area. Some 21cm below the surface in the doorway we came

upon a cached Chen Mul incensario face and arm (Figs. 42, 43). Below these ceramic items the

bones continued for about another 10cm and included a semi-articulated portion of a what

appeared to have been a small felid. This entire deposit rested on a very compact surface which

was the original terrace surface upon which the chamber addition was originally built.

The ample representation of such fauna on decorated ceramics as well as the documented

Maya idea of wayob or spirit companions as first demonstrated by Houston and Stuart (1989)

lends support to the notion of the Maya keeping animals they believed important to their spiritual

existence. Based on these factors we believe Burial 19 represents the sacrifice of its occupant in

conjunction with the termination of Structure 6F-3. Shortly after the placement of Burial 19 and

the cached materials in the chamber doorway and southwest corner the roof of the vaulted

passage was collapsed.



53

The evidence pointing to this rather tight sequence of events is derived primarily from the

undisturbed contents of the sacrificial pit. An uncovered pit containing a dead human and the

remains of several animals left exposed in an intact vaulted passage for any length of time would

have quickly become the focus of any number of scavenging animals. The taphonomic results of

such scavenging would have destroyed the context of the internment and left it in a very different

state than the tightly articulated, coherent, and well preserved deposit we encountered and

excavated.

Further evidence of such a deliberate collapsing of vaults can be found in an examination

of the architecture itself. The outer room and outer vaulted passage are very robust

constructions. The southern and western walls of the outer room are 1.4m thick well built and

coursed, grouted and chinked masonry features. The vaults were built of stepped courses of

rectangularly shaped slab vault stones set long axis perpendicular to the long axis of the vault.

These vaults were began on well ballasted springs, the stones of the springs were also built into

the ballast in the same fashion as the vault courses themselves. The placement of the long axis of

the vault and spring stones into the surrounding ballast yielded a tenoned effect, further

reinforcing the vault. In my opinion, if all essential structural components were left in place, the

vaults of such sturdy architecture should have been found at least partially, if not totally, intact.

However, we found these roofs neither totally nor partially intact, they were entirely collapsed

into the interior of their respective rooms and passages. Part of the reason for this uniform state

of collapse is visible in the southern doorway. Originally the top of this .88m wide doorway was

spanned by either three or four stone lintels.



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As discovered, only one lintel was left in situ. This lintel is ovoid in cross section; .40m

wide by .18m thick and over a meter in length. I think the three missing lintels were deliberately

pulled in order to help collapse the vaults of both the outer vaulted passage and the outer room.

These vaults were collapsed after the internment of Burial 19, probably in conjunction with other

such termination activities carried out in other places on Structure 6F-3, much in the vein of the

termination activities recorded at Structures 6F-4 and 6F-68.

The southern wall of the outer room is also the northern wall of the outer vaulted passage.

As such, this wall supports not one but two vaulted spaces. The centrally located entrance which

pierces the southern wall of the outer room is the weakest spot along this wall, and therefore the

weakest spot for both the outer room and the outer vaulted passage. Within this doorway, the

lintels supported the vault springs of two vaults as well as the roof of the doorway. If removed,

the absence of the lintels' support would immediately destabilize 50% of the vaults in the two

areas. The shock of such a rapid destabilization would bring about almost a total collapse of the

vaults over the outer room and the outer vaulted passage. In my opinion this is exactly what the

Maya did in order to terminate the building. They knew the removal of these lintels would

provide a mortal blow to the integrity of the vaults.

Two lintel stones were pulled from the outer vaulted passage side and only one was

pulled from inside the chamber. On the outer vaulted passage side it appears stones from the

western jamb may have been removed in order to facilitate removal of the lintels. This is a

practice we have seen used at other buildings terminated at Yaxuna; specifically at the doorways

of Structure 6F-68. Following this collapse there is no evidence of any type of occupation or

activity in the area of the Structure 6F-3 summit plaza.



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At the base of Stair A we found another deposit which, in my opinion, represents a

terminal type of feature. However, in this case the tenor is much more tenuous. The feature in

question was a "pot drop" located on the surface of the fifth terrace step 2.20m west of the

eastern edge of Stair A and .20m in front of the riser for the sixth terrace step. Pending ceramic

analysis of the lot the exact type and number of vessels in the deposit are not known.. The sherds

were, however, mixed in with and lay on top of a concentration of fire cracked rocks. The entire

deposit was then covered by a layer of gray/white marl which itself was overlain by the

unconsolidated collapse which covered all of Stair A.

The burning and smashing of ceramic vessels is a practice known from both venerating

and hostile terminations. What is clear is that the performance of that activity here was one of

the last deliberate Maya events at the base of Structure 6F-3/1st. This currently leaves me unable

to answer the question of whether or not the two terminal activities: Burial 19, the Chen Mul

cache, and the animal bones at the summit plaza level, and the "pot drop" at the beginning of

Stair A proper are related. And then if they are related, in what way? Is the deposit at the bottom

of Stair A part of the hostile Burial 19 termination or is it a healing event practiced after the

desecration? Hopefully analysis of the ceramics and bone will provide the answer, if not then we

may be left with a less than satisfactory understanding of these two events.

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Documents

CHAPTER 3 - EXCAVATIONS AT STRUCTURE 6F-3