Baba Ounus Saldin; Study of a Malay Literary Savant of Sri Lanka

BABA OUNUS SALDIN: An Account of a Malay Literary Savant of Sri Lanka (b. 1832 —d. 1906)Author(s): B.A. HUSSAINMIYASource: Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 64, No. 2 (261)(1991), pp. 103-134Published by: Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41493188 .

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BABA OUNUS SALDIN: An Account of a Malay Literary Savant of Sri Lanka*

(b. 1832 - d. 1906)

by B.A. HUSSAINMIYA

Universiti Brunei Darussalam

"First there is the sociology of the writer and the profession and institu- tions of literature, the whole question of the economic basis of literary production, the social ideology, which may find expression in extra literary pronouncements and activities... Since every writer is a member of a society he can be studied as a social being. Though his biography is the main source, such a study can easily widen into one of the whole milieu from which he came and in which he lived. "

Rene Wellek and Austin Warren1 Writing biographical accounts of literary personalities once active in the field of

traditional Malay literature2 is a daunting task encountered by Malay researchers. First, biographical details of Malay writers of the pre-modern period are hard to come by. Second, the problem lies in the nature of the traditional Malay literature itself. With the exception of some syairs (poetry) and religious treatises, almost all the literary texts or manuscripts scarcely mention their authorship; Creative literature in Malay was considered more as a communal output rather than individual expression of feelings or moods. Referring specifically to the Hikayat literature, i.e. , the stories, 'epics and romances, narrated in prose, the researchers have tended to treat this anonymity as one of its most important structural features.3 As Brakel points out, such "classical Malay Hikayats are never called after the author, nor do they have an author who is identical with the protagonist after whom the text is called."4 Describ- ing the characteristics of such literature Munshi Abdullah once complained, "Ilmu Hikayat as taught in Europe is not the same as found in our country. Most of the com- positions which people here are familiar with are full of stories about jins, fairies, gods, hobgoblins, giants, dragons and various things no one has ever cast eyes upon in this world or the next."5

Autobiographical works of Malays are also extremely scarce in the pre-modern period of Malay literary history.6 Only during the nineteenth century, spurred by Western influence, were some attempts made to make a break with the past, and au- thors like 'Lauddin,7 Munshi Abdullah8 and Ahmad Rijaluddin9 began to write about themselves and their experiences in an individualistic style, characterized by an unusual emphasis on reality for its own sake. Thus Munshi Abdullah's works such as Hikayat Abdullah and Kishah Pelayaran Abdullah were as much a social commen- tary of that age as a story of their own life, making them invaluable sources for the study of Malay social and literary history. Unfortunately due to paucity of documen-

*The original version of this paper was first read at the International Conference on the Civilization of the Malay World II, held in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia from 15-20th August 1988. I wish to thank Ms. Annabelle Teh of the British Museum Library, and my colleague Dr. Geoffrey Gunn for their helpful comments.

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tation, the life stories of most other Malay literary activists of the pre-modern period can hardly be known except in bare outline.

Details of a surprisingly rich classical Malay literary tradition which thrived in the nineteenth century was brought to light10 recently in Sri Lanka, which lies outside the (physical) periphery of the Malay World. As is now well known more than a hundred Malay written texts, mostly in manuscript form have been discovered among the small community of Malays in Sri Lanka, whose forefathers were first introduced to the island as political exiles, company servants and soldiers, by the Dutch Colonial Government11 since the middle of the seventeenth century. A study of Malay literary material comprising of Hikayats, Syairs, religious Kitabs, works of di- vinity and magic thus unearthed depict that the island's Malay community belonged to a (fairly) literate society, and that while much of their literature derived from the 'great traditions' of Malay literature, i.e. versions of Malay classics popular throughout the Malay World, some of them are original writings penned by the members of the community.12

The Sri Lankan Malay Literary tradition is also characterized by the same anonymity that envelops other traditional Malay literary writings. Occasionally one comes across some description of copyists and owners of manuscripts in the colophons. Some names occur frequently in the colophons while others are recorded only once or twice. For example, one notable copyist of Sri Lankan Malay manuscripts in the nineteenth century was Baba Yusuf Jailani Jurangpati13 who lived in the hill town of Kandy . He had copied literary type classics such as HikayatAmir Hamza, Syah Kobad Ariffin as well as several religious kitabs. Another copyist was Mas Anum Weerabangsa,14 whose name is mentioned in the colophons of Hikayat Seri Rama , some religious kitabs and the only extant copy of the recently -edited "Syair Fitnahnya Khabar Orang Wolunter Benggali."15 Similarly we come across names like Baba Morseth, an ex-captain in the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, Kustor of Java, Kapitan Abu Sallay Lye and others. Little information is revealed other than some minor details of their occupations and family background.

Fortunately, it is now possible to give (an account of) biographic details of at least one of the traditional Malay elites, Baba Ounus16 Saldin, a Malay literary savant of Sri Lanka. He had performed several roles during his lifetime. His remarkable career as an editor, publisher and distributor of Malay newspapers and booklets is now well known. He wrote booklets on poetry, Malay language and grammar. He had been an entrepreneur and businessman. Also he was an Alim (religious scholar) whose advice and blessings were much sought after on religious and personal matters by the members of his community. 17 An ardent copyist of Malay manuscripts, he col- lected a number of them in his personal library:18 above all he was a community leader who devoted a great part of his life for the economic and social upliftment and maintenance of moral standards of his fellow beings.

As a literary activist of the nineteenth century, he stands as a remarkable figure, not only in Sri Lanka but also in the Malay World. He had a significant literary standing locally but also he eagerly reached out to the Malay archipelago to forge links with the social and literary developments there. At least in one area, i.e. Malay journalism he was one step ahead of his colleagues in the Malay archipelago. This aspect will be highlighted in the latter part of the paper. This article is an attempt to

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trace Baba Ounus Saldin's life, background, career as well as his contributions to Malay literary culture. In doing so, it is hoped to bring into focus the contemporary social cultural and literary conditions in the Malay community. Moreover, Saldin's life is a reminder that the community had developed a strong Malay cultural identity which needed to be constantly reinforced by a two way relationship with the Malay world in the East.

ANCESTRY Our knowledge of his family background is confined almost entirely to what is

stated in his Kitab Segala Perhingatan, 19 (a book of memorable events, hereafter referred to as KSP ) a kind of journal which was meant to register main social events that took place in his family. The KSP consists of fifty eight pages written in Jawi script in Saldin's own handwriting. No similar document of comparative detail is available for a study of any other Malay personage in Sri Lanka.

His 'notebook' mentions only details of his father and grandfather. The impres- sion one gets is that Saldin did not base his KSP on any previously written document in the possession of his family. Probably his acquired social status prompted him to initiate the recording of his family events for the reference and benefit of the successive generations of his family. On the other hand, when his son - Muhammad Khalid, later wrote his own notebook of family events in English, the task had been facilitated to a great extent by the sample of his father's notebook.20 Ounus Saldin's paternal grandfather Pantasih,21 came from the region of Sumenap, situated in the island of Madura, (which lies adjacent to the port of Surabaya) in the east of the island of Java. The date of his arrival is not certain although KSP makes us to believe that he came to the island in 1800 at the time when the English Government was engaged in a war against the Polygar chiefs of Southern India, (in the present Tamil Nadu district). The KSP refers to 500 Sumanapers and Madurese men who were chosen to fight on the side of the British.22 Except three or four chieftains ( Peng hulus ), most of the soldiers were young and unmarried. During their sojourn some of them, including Saldin's own grandfather, married Muslim women from the Cochin region in South India.23 Panthasih then returned to Colombo, Ceylon, and fathered three male children. He died in Mullaitivu, a north-eastern coastal hamlet in Sri Lanka, and his widow, i.e. Ounus Saldin's grandmother died in Colombo in 1841. 24

The Sumanapers or Madurese among the Eastern soldiers collectively known as 'Oosterlingen', (Easterners) were brought by the Dutch to garrison their forts in the island. Their presence in the Dutch garrison in Mullaitivu is traceable from at least the year 1788. 25 They were perhaps the last group to be recruited as were several other eastern nationalities such as, Amboinese, Bandanese, Javanese, Balinese, Malays for military service in Sri Lanka. With the exception of the Madurese soldiers, other groups were in the main recruited from among the residents in outer Kampungs (Malay village) or communal settlements of the Batavia (presently Jakarta) city.26 The Malay language being their lingua franca served as an important link, in uniting various Indonesian racial groups which hailed from Batavia to forge a new collective identity in the land of their adoption. As Vlekke has explained:

"Gradually this heterogeneous population developed into a new Indonesia

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Baba Ounus Saldin (1832 - 1906)

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national Group, distinct from the Sundanese of the West, and the Javanese of the East Java with a simplified Malay language, and the lingua franca of the archipelago as their native tongue."27 Indeed in Sri Lanka, the 'Malay' identity was further cemented based primarily

on their mother tongue, the Malay language, and adherence to the religion of Islam. Since the dawn of the British rule which replaced the two and half centuries of

Dutch administration in Sri Lanka in 1796, the fate of the Malay soldiers already in Dutch service was sealed - to become a permanent source of military manpower as well as to police the island on behalf of the new colonial master. Nearly all of them were drafted into a single battalion of Malay Corps which soon grew to be a well-dis- ciplined native regiment known at first as His Majesty's Malay Regiment, and subsequently incorporated into the Ceylon Rifle Regiment in 1827. 28

Saldin's grandfather Pantasih must have been one of the soldiers recruited in Sumanap, in Madura by the Dutch, and later transferred to the Ceylon Malay Regi- ment. He was among the soldiers of the five companies of Malay soldiers dispatched by the British from Ceylon under the command of Captain Whitlie to fight the Polygar Chiefs of South Indian State of Shivaganga in Pan j alam Courchy' in 1800. 29 As mentioned earlier he returned to the island with his wife, a woman of Cochin origin. Apparently this must have been his second marriage, although Saldin's diary gives a confusing picture of himself an offspring of this marriage. According to the diary, Saldin's father was born in 1796 and joined the Ceylon Malay Regiment in 1811, a fact corroborated by the Regimental records,30 and in which case Pantisah had already married in Ceylon to father his first son in 1796. Another possibility is that Pantisah was among the Malay recruits directly brought from Cochin in the early days of British rule. Apparently the Dutch had drafted other easterners to garrison their military interests in South India, and once the British consolidated their hegemony in the sub-continent, they were able to transfer the eastern soldiers once in the Dutch service to their detachments in Sri Lanka. Saldin's confusion as regards the early chronology of his family history must have arisen partly because he commenced writing down such details from his memory many years after the events.31 KSP states that Pantasih had three sons and a daughter. Ounus Saldin's father Salahudin, (whose name was shortened to read Saldin) was the eldest son while the second son was Corporal Abidin and the third was Shahidin.32

Two of Pantasih's children, including Salahudin, followed their father's footsteps by enrolling themselves in the Ceylon Malay Regiment. Recruited in 1811, Ounus Saldin's father later rose to the highest rank of Captain or Subedar in the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, in the year 1847. ( Ceylon General Order , 08-4-1847) In the following year (04-7-1848) he passed away in Colombo at the age of 52. Kapitan Saldin was married to Dayan Ingsi, daughter of one Burhan, originally from Batavia and described as a Jurutulis.33 (possibly Regimental clerk, equivalent to Malay Ke- rani-)

EARLY CAREER Baba Ounus Saldin was born in Colombo on the 1st of September 1832, the

fourth child in a family of six, comprising four boys and two girls. Typical of his generation, Ounus was made to enter the Ceylon Rifle Regiment (on 4th September

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1848), at the age of sixteen, along with his elder brother Baba Halaluddin. They were both enrolled by his uncle Adjutant Miskin.34

As mentioned before, the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, moulded out of the Ceylon Malay Regiment, was a full battalion of native infantry soldiers in the British service. The number of companies in the battalion had been raised from 16 to 22 in 1845. (the extra 6 companies were later dispatched to garrison the British Colony of Hong- kong)35 consisted also two companies of Sepoys from India and the last one had Kaffir,36 the black soldiers.

It is not known what other option Baba Ounus could have had in selecting an occupation. Obviously most of his family members were already tied to the military service. His sisters were given in marriage to soldiers; His elder sister Nyonya Kutimah was married to Adjutant Jumat of the CRR.37 His elder brother Halaludin's father-in-law Adjutant Miskin also belonged to the CRR. Most Malay families in Ceylon at that time can be said to have had such interlocking connections with the Regiment, so much so, that the CRR had emerged to be somewhat an embodiment of a larger kinship organization of the community, particularly because the Regiment was their single largest employer. Often in one single household, one would come across the past, present and future of this military service. A stereotyped view of the then Malay soldier's family would be that:

"the old pensioner who was reminiscing about the glories of his service under Governor North, the Malay soldier in service getting ready to meet the upcoun- try rebels (1818 Uva rebellion) and the young boy who looked forward to the day when he could step into his father's shoes. . . "38 Saldin's own background is clearly reflected in this stereotyped version of a

contemporary Malay family. Had Saldin continued with his career in the CRR as a soldier, and even had risen to the highest rank of a Subedar (Kapitan) as many others in the community did, it is doubtful if there arises a need to subject his story in a biographical study of this kind. He was clearly not cut out to be a soldier, to live through a routine life of drudgery, military drill and discipline. Instead he braved himself to shorten his military career and seek pastures outside.

At the beginning he served with his brother Halaludin in the Kandy garrison in Company No. 2, and returned to Colombo in 1852 and was promoted to the next rank of lance corporal. He was then transferred to the No. 6 Company and sent to Badulla, the main town garrison in the Uva Province. It was while serving in Badulla that Baba Ounus must have made a decision to quit the Regiment although his KSP does not mention the reason. In 1847 a new ruling had been introduced to limit the period of service in the CRR for a period of 10 years.39 Earlier the practice had been to enlist the soldiers for life. Taking advantage of the new rule, several other Malay soldiers are known to have shown preference to serve only the stipulated period, and enter civilian occupations after retirement. However, Saldin's case was notably a rare incident of premature retirement. Saldin had to pay a penalty of 8 British pounds40 - a hefty sum in those days, to buy his own discharge, considering his daily pay as a corporal of a meager 9 pence per diem. There must have been a very strong reason for him to opt for early retirement from the CRR.

It is known that while stationed in Badulla he came under the influence of a Sufi spiritual leader called Shaikh Lebbai Nainar Marikar Ibnu Ahmad Lebbai. Accord-

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ing to a note found in one of the religious texts copied by Saldin there is a reference to this Shaikh whom he met in the month of Muharram in the Hijra year 1271. (in the month of September 1854)41 When his Company was transferred to Colombo, he then had decided to quit the Regiment.

Presumably discipleship under the above mentioned Shaikh had influenced his decision to retire from military service. He must have received some kind of religious inspiration to direct his life to certain goals of higher order, a pursuit of religious knowledge ( ilmu ) and community service. The military life could not have fulfilled such aspirations in a young man with educational and creative impulses. What he needed was perhaps a settled life with sufficient means of income to devote to his literary and religious interests.

Saldin accepted a civilian job with an European Agency House, (Venn & Co.) and his first assignment was to serve as a store-keeper in the construction site of the Peradeniya Bridge, situated just four miles to the south of the hill country capital of Kandy. After the completion of the bridge, he was moved on to another site at Gam- pola about 8 miles away from Peradeniya.42

On returning to Colombo in 1858, he continued to work with Venn & Co. possibly as a clerk of works. Saldin mentions that his salary was increased to 12 Sterling pounds per month since April 1863, which must be considered a very attractive pay packet especially when compared to what was paid at the time to a native commis- sioned officer serving in the CRR. Had Saldin continued with his military career and assuming that he had reached the highest rank of Subedar (Captain) he would have drawn only a monthly salary of three and a half sterling pounds. Therefore by contemporary standards Saldin coúld be regarded as holding a high executive post with a substantial monthly income which ranked him within a very exclusive high income group of Malays of his time.

The Kitab Perhingatan does not mention any further details of his employment record. However, it is known that he continued to work in the private mercantile sector until his final retirement in the 1880's. The Ferguson's Directory (Ceylon) of 1881 quotes his name as a clerk attached to W. H. Davie & Company43 another Euro- pean agency house, which had its office in Colombo.

ENTREPRENEURIAL ACTIVITIES While employed as a commercial sector employee Saldin also engaged himself

in various 'side-line' businesses. He went into the lithographic printing industry and was ranked as one of the pioneers on this line in Ceylon which earned him enco- miums such as the facile prinseps of the lithographic press.44 Probably he began his printing activities since the late 1860's. His first major undertaking was the printing of a fortnightly Malay newspaper, Alamat Langkapuri , (The Address of Sri Lanka), by which name his printing press, later gained fame, particularly among the Muslim readership in Ceylon. Not only were Malay language texts printed in his lithographic press but also Saldin carried out orders placed by the Moor-Muslims, to print many 'Arabic-Tamil' booklets on religion, catechism and dogma.45

Alamat Langkapuri ceased to exist by the end of 1870 for lack of support from the local subscribers and Saldin incurred some losses on account of it. In 1877, he restarted the publication of the newspaper but was forced to wind up at the end of the

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following year probably due to the same reason. In 1895, he ventured out once again with another newspaper, Wajah Selong, which continued publication for a fairly longer period, until about the year 1900. The reason for its longer life latter being that Saldin did not solely depend on the local readership, but reached out to readers in Tanah Melayu & Java', the original birth place of the Sri Lankan Malays. He had a fairly wide network of newspaper agents in Singapore, Malacca, Penang, Siam, some of whom acted as his agents in Java as well.46 In order to attract the foreign readership, many items of foreign news were introduced, especially to interest the Muslim readership of the East. A fairly developed steamship navigational communication existed between Ceylon and South East Asia at the time, and Colombo, the sea Capital, acted as one öf the important entrepot ports of the East- West. Despite receiving news somewhat late as published in Wajah Selong , some Malay readers in the Malay Peninsula are said to have appreciated the presentation of news in Saldin's paper.47

Saldin also acted as agent for newspapers published in Malaya.48 He was perhaps one of the earliest book importing agents in Ceylon, through whom many Malay books printed in Singapore and Penang were brought down for the benefit of the members of his community. Several earliest prints of Malay books published in the late 19th century in Singapore on themes of religion, stories, historical chronicles have surfaced in Sri Lanka. His newspapers Alamat Lankapuri and Wajah Selong carried several advertisements of such book imports. English-Malay dictionaries and aids for Malay learning in English were also among the books imported by him.50

In 1870 Saldin also established his own business house to import consumer items from abroad.51 Only a couple of Malays, one being his brother-in-law Tuan Kicil Sabar were known to have involved themselves in commercial ventures at the time. The latter was a dealer in gold and silver jewellery and watch imports.52 Saldin offered to import a range of goods for local consumers.53 His firm is known to have done well and grew to be a significant commercial establishment to be owned by a Malay at the turn of the century.54

His son, Muhammad Khalid, born to his first wife, later inherited a part of the business under the name of M.K. Saldin & Company, who rose to be a rich local elite, and even became the first Malay State Councillor in 1924. 55

Saldin did not give up on his publishing activities inspite of his other involve- ments. He even improved it by importing a more advanced lithographic press from Europe, at a cost of 250 Rupees, on 2nd July 1878. 56 The improved quality of his printing work can be seen from an extant example of a text Syair Faid al Abad released in 1900. 57

In 1888, Saldin suffered considerable losses when his office complex caught fire. Apparently many of his equipment was looted during the fire. According to Saldin's KSP a noteworthy item among the ransacked goods were two Meja bola , (lit. ball table) a Malay term for billiard table. It must be pointed out that the game of billiards and snooker have been popular games and pastime among the Malay residents in Colombo, especially in the Malay dominated area of Kampung Kertel, or Slave Island. Most probably Regimental soldiers enjoyed facilities for such sports in the soldiers' mess situated in the Ceylon Rifle Regiment Recreation Club in Slave Island cantonment. On the disbandment of the Regiment in 1873, such indoor sports conti-

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nued to be played by the retired Malay soldiers. Moreover they also showed keen- ness in the game of English cricket in which the Malays exhibited extra-ordinary prowess and excellence.58 From Saldin's reference to the billiard tables owned by him it seems clear that he was in the forefront to sponsor and promote this particular indoor sport. Particularly in the post-Regimental period. In all probability he had bought them from the CRR Recreation Club together with the Malay books belonging to its library when it was closed down as a sequel to the disbandment of the CRR.59 Since the game of billiards was also a spectator sport, attracting a lot of followers and enthusiasts from among the public, it is easy to conjecture that at a time of disaster like the fire which destroyed his office, few of those spectators, especially in an area like Slave Island, in Colombo, had helped themselves to valuable items from Saldin's fire gutted office. Anyhow, Saldin was able to rebuild his business soon and move to a strategic commercial location in the Pettah district as referred earlier.

FAMILY AND SOCIAL LIFE In discussing Saldin's ancestry we have noted that he was born to a very

respectable Malay family of 'high-ranking' military officials serving the Ceylon Rifle Regiment. Both his father and his elder brother Halaludin reached the top ranks of Captains while two of his uncles had served to become adjutants in the CRR. Later history of Saldin's also demonstrates that the family tradition of upper eliteship in the community continued in the successive generations. The Saldin family produced several educated and enterprising Malays who enjoyed high social status in the society.60

CHILDREN From the first marriage in 1857 to Nyonya Nurani, daughter of Sabar Janan,

Saldin was blessed with seven children. The first two children, Munjaliha (female), Muhammad Ariffin (male) and the fifth daughter Safiyah died in infancy, and another daughter (the 3rd) Nona Juhari, wife of Baba Nur Zain, died at the age of 19 years. Only three children, namely, his fourth son Abdul Nairn, Judayrah, 6th daughter married to Buhari ibni Sarjan (sergeant) Abdu, and his last son Muham- mad Khalid survived him.61

After the demise of his wife in 1877, Saldin married for the second time, Nyonya Nun Binti Encik Kamdin ibni Temertu of Matale, and from this marriage seven children were born. All except the first three children, namely Nona Juhari, (wife of Kamaluddin Lay), Muhammad Muinuddin and Nona Safiya died very young.

The greater part of Saldin's life was spent in Colombo, the busy metropolis and port city of Sri Lanka, except his early years spent in out stations - in the hill country towns of Badulla, Peradeniya and Gampola as mentioned earlier. In all these three places he was in touch with the members of his fellow community, both the Muslim- Moors and the Malays. Badulla had a small Malay population, mostly regimental soldiers and their descendants, while Kandy had an important Malay colony only next to Colombo in terms of number and cultural importance.62

The fact that Saldin had kept himself occupied both in Peradeniya and Gampo- la during his leisure hours by copying down Malay and Arabic religious texts are

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attested by colophon of several manuscripts.63 His contacts in Kandy also helped him to cultivate friendship with potential readers and subscribers for his newspapers and booklets to be published by him later.

Some details of his social life as a prominent resident among the Colombo Malays emerge mostly through the information culled from the first series of Alamat Langkapuri , which is the only available indigenous source to study certain aspects of the life within the community. It throws light on the happenings within Kampung Kertely the traditional Malay enclave in Colombo, in which Saldin came to play a leading role.

The Colombo Malay settlement in Kertel dates back to the early days of the Dutch rule. The population of the city, like in the early Colonial cities (e.g. Batavia) had sorted itself out into various communal groups.64 Originally the Malay population was confined largely to the present Wolfendhal area, which came to be known among the Malays as Kampung Pangeran where Saldin's ancestral home was situated.

Across the Kampung Pangeran and separated by a lake known as Beira Lake, was situated afore-mentioned Kampung Kertel , which emerged to prominence in late Dutch times as the leading Malay settlement in the Colombo city. Kampung Ker- tel y probably derived from the Portuguese word Quartel , meaning barracks, since the period when the native troops of the Dutch had their residences fixed in this area. This area developed faster in the early years of the British rule, when they made it a permanent home of the Malay Regiment,65 which then consisted of an administrative block, officers mess, married men's quarters, a bachelors' mess, a military school and parade ground. In the course of time the area attracted other interested groups who could provide better services to the families of Regiment soldiers. A better description of Kampung Kertel is found in a British military officers' account of I860:66

"Pass out that sultry and much to be shunned Fort of Colombo, bend your steps by its outworks towards the east, and you will come upon a piece of ground, jutting into, and nearly surrounded by a large fresh water lake, grass- planted and well-shaped with rows of tulip trees: This is Slave Island, so called from its use during the Dutch dynasty in Ceylon, and on it, a few hundred yards in advance of a native bazaar, are a line of detached buildings - some of the improved contributions before alluded, to other still, - however, of mud walls, with roofs of the single men of coconut tree, the barrack rooms of the single men of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, an open exercising ground and front, a gravelled square in rear. Kampung Kertel was also divided into a civilian-populated area and a military

cantonment. According to AL the civilian area was known as Bai-Kandi, presently the Wekande ward in the Colombo Municipal limits while the military section was termed Kampung Kew. The main mosque for the Malay section belonging to both the military and the civilian population was situated in the Bai Kandi area in a land originally donated for that purpose in 1780, by one Pandan Balie, a well-to-do person of Bali origin.67 This was the only mosque where Jum'a or the compulsory Friday congregational prayers for Malays of the area could be held. By tradition, at least 40 residents of a given locality were required to be present in the mosque during such prayers. Besides most of the community events of the Malays, as was the custom

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among the Muslims everywhere, had revolved around the mosque. Saldin had been one of the most respected elders in Kampung Kertel, where he

strived, especially during the latter part of his life, to serve the community. An attempt to form a welfare association for the Malays of Kertel in 1869, especially to improve the standard of education in the community through his effort was doomed to failure. To determine the reasons it becomes unnecessary to understand the nature of social dynamics of the nineteenth-century Malay society in Sri Lanka, as well as the role played by a traditional elite personality like Saldin.

The AL issue of 27th June 1869 reports that the inauguration of a welfare society meeting, Perhimpunan Kertel, (lit. Kertel gathering) at Bai Kandi Jumma Mosque , (Wekande Mosque) in which fourteen leading Malays of standing including Baba Ounus Saldin took part. It had two aims, firstly to form a charitable organization, and secondly, to help funding a night school to be set up in the mosque premises. As the news of the impending dissolution of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, (which hitherto fulfilled such educational and welfare needs of the community) became certain, there arose an immediate need to find alternative means to replace such facilities by way of forming voluntary bodies. The disbandment of the CRR meant the closing down of the military school which had helped to maintain a high level of literacy in the community. It is not surprising therefore that Kertel gathering of June 1869 gave priority to the opening of the night school at their first meeting, and Ounus Saldin gracefully volunteered to supply the necessary furniture for the good cause.68

Very soon the good-intention of the civic conscious Malays ran into a snag as the voluntary body of 44 gentlemen' began to disintegrate itself. One by one, the members sent in their resignations. Miskin Dul Abdul Rahman, Hashim Janan Ahlip and Baba Ounus Saldin were among the earliest to resign from its membership. The incident seems to have been sparked off by some deep misunderstanding which developed among the soldier group or Regiment men (Orang Regimen) and the civilians or Orang Priman (freemen).69 The cause for the rift did probably originate from the election of a high 'priest' to the Wekande Mosque. Since its inception the Regi- mental people, which included soldiers, and the retired pensioners ( orang penson) had firm control in the management of the Mosque in which the position of the chief Khatib (priest) was held hereditarily by the family of Latifs.70 According to local custom when a Khatib dies or was declared unfit to hold office the Regimental people held a meeting to either elect or ratify the appointment of a new incumbent chosen from among the descendants of the family already holding office.71 It appears that when the fourth incumbent in the Latif family, Pakir Bawa Latif died after an illness in 1869, one Thaiban who claimed lineage with the Latif family was appointed Kha- tib,72 probably without the consent of the Regiment people who opposed this appointment. The reason for the opposition is not clear. Apparently the civilians of the area closed ranks with the new Khatib , an incident that drove a permanent wedge between the civilian group and the Regimental residents of the area. The latter then boycotted prayers in the Mosque. It affected the holding of the compulsory Friday congregational (J um' a) prayers which required the quorum or attendance of at least 40 permanent residents of the area. The Regiment people, despite having had to face the inconvenience of distance, chose to follow prayers in a mosque in the Pettah

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Regiment particularly when it affected their religious rights. The Regiment people assisted by the pensioners and ex-soldiers went on to

elect a new Khatib, this time from the family of Bahars, who officiated, besides fun- ctioning as the Regimental (priest)73 for the Malays, as the Imam of a small mosque situated in Java Lane area of Slave Island. This represented a breach of custom, since until that time, the Malays of Slave Island despite varying ranks in life had followed one Imam during the friday congregational prayers. Alas! the schism among the Malays of Kertel persisted nearly twenty years until the death of the controversial priest Taiban.74 When the two quarrelling parties were reconciled in 1886 the news spread not only among the Muslims in Colombo but even as far as Penang in Malaya! The Muslim Neisen (Tamil) newspaper in Colombo (30th September 1886) hailed this reunion while urging the other Muslims, especially the Moors of Sri Lanka to unite after the example set by the Slave-Island Malays.75 It must be emphasized that The Muslim Neisen issue of 23rd September 1886 especially complemented Baba Ounus Saldin for his part in bringing unity to the area. It also published a letter from a Malay-Muslim living in Penang who conveyed his warm greetings and feelings of joy to the Malays of Slave Island for having finally buried their differences.76 Even as late as 1897, when John Ferguson wrote a pamphlet on the "Mohammedanism in Cey- lon" subtitled "Moormen, Malay, Afghan and Bengali Mohammedans" - the Slave Island dispute had gained certain notoriety. Thus Ferguson referring to the Malays wrote:

"I am told that there are two sects with separate Mosques among the Ceylon Malays, but that good feelings exists between them so their religious differences can- not be much..."77

Further research is necessary to understand fully the nature and issues involved in the Slave Island dispute. Nevertheless, contemporary reference clearly point out the leading role played by Baba Ounus Saldin in the affairs of his community. He initiated a Malay pensioners association supported by the creation of a public fund to cater to the needs of the community. According to an article published on the 27th February 1957 in the Times of Ceylon by late Dr. M. P. Drahman,78 the Malay Pen- sioners' Fund was started by Baba Ounus Saldin in 1877. It is possible that certain developments connected to the afore-mentioned dispute in Slave Island activated Baba Ounus Saldin in 1877 to launch a second voluntary body to upgrade the 'pensioners' Mosque in Java Lane.79 His Alamat Langkapuri began publication for the second time in that year, perhaps an indirect means to focus attention of the Malays on the cause he espoused. It is also very interesting to note that in the same year another newspaper called Ajaib al Sailan 80 (Wonder of Sri Lanka), a bilingual newspaper in Arabic-Tamil and Malay was also published by another Malay gentleman by the name of Baba Noor Sallay, presumably belonging to the rival group of Malays who wanted to put forward their own views to the public. (Unfortunately no extant copies of both newspapers are available to elucidate the full story of the Slave Island Malay dispute.)

Much of Saldin's energies were taken up by two important community causes espoused by him during the latter part of his life. The first was with regard to the up- grading of the small Java Lane Mosque , also known as 'Pensioners' Mosque', to which reference was made earlier. Having utilized the Malay Pensioners' Fund,

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A. Jemidar , Ceylon Malay Rifle Corps. (Circa 1825)

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area, lying outside Kertel , belonging to the worshippers of the Hanafi sect. This further enraged the civilian group who tried to impose a ban on burial rights to the Regi- ment people in the Wekanda Mosque grounds.

Presumably Saldin was among those who had initially tried to bring about a re- conciliation, ostensibly by forming a voluntary association consisting of members of parties in dispute. When this attempt failed, he had to take a leading role to reorga- nize life in Kertel, particularly to resolve the problems faced by his kith and kin in the founded by him, Saldin had been mainly instrumental in converting the mosque into a fully-fledged Jum'a Mosque, which came to be officially known as Masjid aljamia since 1880's.81

Initially he served as the chief trustee of the mosque, and subsequently the mosque administration became largely the responsibility of his descendants.82

Secondly Saldin had campaigned hard to open a new Muslim burial ground (cemetery) for the Malays of Colombo, especially for the benefit of the residents of Kertel. Immediately following the Wekande Mosque crisis the Regiment people seem to have been subjected to certain embarrassment when permission was sought to bury their dead in the grave-yard situated in the Wekande Mosque premises. It must be mentioned here that Saldin's KSP refers to many burials of his immediate family members, including his father and mother which took place in the 'Wekande' grave-yard. However, the name of the KampungJawa Mosque burial ground is mentioned for the first time in 1869, in his KSP (p. 12) where his mother-in-law was laid to rest on 23rd December 1869. It appears certain that people like Saldin who were affected by the Wekande Mosque crisis had perforce to an alternative site in the Ker- tel area which was in the heart of Colombo, and as the land becoming scarce, the Municipal authorities of Colombo must have objected to the opening up of another new burial site at very close proximity to the Wekande Mosque.

The steady campaign carried out by Saldin and his associates resulted in gaining land allocation from the Municipal authorities for a new grave-yard in the presently fashionble Cinnamon Gardens area of Colombo. It was appropriately named 'Jawatte' burial ground, (meaning the garden of Javas or Malays). According to the KSP (p. 21) the first Malay burials in Jawatte took place since January 1879. Ounus Saldin also functioned as the principal trustee of the 'Jawatte' burial ground Mosque for which service a special lot was allotted in the grave-yard for the exclusive use of the Saldin clan.

Contemporary references in Muslim newspaper sources regarding various important social events such as public meetings and functions which took place in Colombo often mention Saldin's presence or participation, further indicating his importance as a notable leader recognised by others.

Saldin died peacefully on 12th May 1906 at the age of seventy six at his ancestral home in Akbar Street and was buried at the Jawatte burial ground. He appears to have been active until the previous year, when he added some family data to his KSP*3 Obituary appreciations for Saldin appeared in almost all leading Sri Lankan newspapers including, The Morning Times (16-5-1906), The Ceylon Independent (23-5-1906), Ceylon Observer (28-5-1906) and The Muslim Friend. With his demise thus ended a most important era in the history of the Malays of Sri Lanka.

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RELIGIOUS AND LITERARY CONTRIBUTIONS Saldin was the most important literary personality of the Malay community in

Sri Lanka. On closer analysis, he represented a typical Malay literati of the nineteenth century - as a person who delved in the art of reproducing Malay manuscripts by painstakingly copying them; reading great religious kitabs written by Malay sufi writers; owning a library of Malay literary and religious texts and manuscripts for self-use as well as for lending; writing Syair (poetry) for entertainment and education of his friends and the younger generation; and above all to guide and influence the thoughts and actions, albeit in a limited way, of his fellow citizens by using modern means of j ournalism .

As mentioned earlier, Saldin kept himself occupied during his working hours by copying religious texts made available to him. Evidence of such activities exist in the form of several fragments of Arabic-doa or prayer Kitabs which Saldin began copying in 1858. His interest in copying manuscripts can be said to have continued almost till the end of his life. Wherever possible he bought copies of manuscripts from others to be preserved in his library collections. In one manuscript titled Kitab Sirat al Mustaqim , (originally written by Gujerati Shaikh Nur al Din Raniri, in the middle of the 17th century in Acheh, Indonesia), Saldin carefully recorded in this colophon the details of the purchase, having paid a five rupee bill to its owner. He also paid for some Malay texts in the possession of the library of the Ceylon Rifle Re- giment Recreation Club, when the Regiment was disbanded in 1873.

An examination of the extant books and manuscripts once owned by Saldin suggests that he was fundamentally a religious-oriented scholar. His collection does not include a single text of a Hikayat or Syair of a secular nature. Perhaps this can be contrasted with the manuscript collection discovered from the families of Weerabangsa84 and Jurangpathy and others, which contain a bag of religious Kitabs and secular Hikayats and Syairs . Does this mean that Saldin never bothered himself with copying profane texts meant for entertainment? Or did he get rid of such texts as worthless possessions at any stage of his life? However, it is safe to conclude that Saldin's primary interests encompassed the fields of religion and sufism judging by the manuscripts once owned by him.

While he was still a young soldier in Badulla, he entered the order of Sufi Syaikh, who belonged probably to the school of Qadiriyya sect. The name of the sufi Shaikh Lebbai Nainar Marikkar Ibnu Ahmad Lebbai, suggests that he belonged to the community of Muslim-Moors of Sri Lanka-85 The Moors, whose mother tongue is Tamil, are the largest group among the Muslim population in the island. Their forefathers had settled on the island as early as the tenth century.86

Since time immemorial, Sri Lanka being situated strategically in the Indian Ocean, had served as a most important entrepot in the East- West trade. She was fre- quented by Arab, Persian and Indian merchants, as well as by the Malay/Indonesian and Chinese traders from the East. The Moorish population grew in Sri Lanka as a result of Arab settlers and wayfarers marrying into South Indian families in both the Malabar and the Coramandel coast, and when their descendants began to flow into the island for purposes of acting as intermediaries in trade. The local Buddhist Sinhalese rulers encouraged their settlement in order to help in the development of their sea-faring trade.

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Since the advent of the Portuguese in 1506, who finally succeeded in establish- ing their rule in the maritime provinces of Sri Lanka, the local Muslim population was persecuted relentlessly thus checking their expansion in the island.87 The Dutch followed a similar policy of harassment, not only for the sake of religion but also because the Muslim-Moors were their principal trade-rivals in the area.

One factor which reinforced the Islamic identity among the immigrant settlers of Indonesia/Malaysia since the 17th century in Sri Lanka was indeed the presence of these Muslim-Moors relatively in large numbers in the areas where the Malays first settled, especially in the coastal towns of Colombo and Galle. On the other hand when a similar group of Malay settlers were taken to the Cape of Good Hope, they found it rather difficult to practice an Islamic way of life due to lack of a previous history of Islam in the region.88

Being neighbors, the Tamil-speaking Moor-Muslims and Malays had inter- acted quite well at various levels. Significantly enough, Sri Lankan sojourn for some Indonesian political exiles proved to be a great boon in furthering their Islamic leadership career in Java. Prof. Rickleffs had found that the returning political prisoners like Raden Adipati Natakusuma, (banished to Sri Lanka in 1743 and returned to Java in 1758) was made the chief of the religious dignitaries in the Court of Jogyakarta.89 Similarly, one Wirya Kusuma born in Sri Lanka to a Javanese exile was made a religious advisor to the Prince of Jogyakarta in 1781. Sri Lanka probably was a haven for these Muslim exiles to gain competence in Islamic theology. An eighteenth-century Javanese chronicle, Baabad Giyanti explains how the Indonesian princely exiles became lay disciples of two famous Sufi teachers, namely Sayid Musa Ngidrus and Ibrahim Asmara. Pangeran Natakusuma's wife related the story of her husband's religious experiences in Sri Lanka to King Pakubuwana III.90 The exiles became pupils of the above-named teachers whose magical power achieved won- drous things, where for example, at the great recitations of the Quran each Friday Javanese delicacies were magically flown into Sri Lanka.91 The Dutch Government later banned such religious gatherings with the intention of damning the virility of Islam in the island.92 Not only people from Java but also the merchants from such far away places like Surat, the Bengal Coast and Selangor are said to have visited these teachers. Such was the strength of Islam in Sri Lanka at that time.

Saldin's religious training and experiences then must be necessarily explained in this wider context of Sri Lankan Islam, where the Malays maintained closer ties with their religious counterparts, the Moors. This was in order to reinforce their religious beliefs and practices. As a true Muslim religious elite, Saldin was not only required to be proficient in his own language, Malay, but also in Arabic and more specifically in Tamil, the language of the Moors. The transition from Malay to Tamil was not difficult because both languages came to be written in Arabic script in the Islamic community. Just as the Malay written in Arabic script came to be known as Jawi, the Tamil written in Arabic scripts also gained a new term, called Ariwi m besides its popular name Arabu-Tamil among the Moors in South Asia.

Saldin had personally copied several manuscripts in all three Islamic languages, i.e. in Arabic, Malay and Arabu-Tamil. One of such texts copied by him was G nana Mani Malai, originally written in Arabic by Maulavi Shaikh Abdul Rahim Sahib and later rendered into Arabic-Tamil.94 Besides, he also translated into Malay one of the

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Facsimile of ' Syair Faid al abaď - author and publisher В. O. Saldin

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Fly leaf of a lithographed book bought by Saldin from the library of Recreation room of the CRR.

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small Kitabs titled Muhiyadin Munajat , written by the Shaikh mentioned earlier. This was written in Arabic-Tamil with a view to refute arguments put forward by rival sufi groups belonging to Shadulliya and Nakshabandiya tarikahs. (schools).95 Appa- rently Saldin became an active promoter of the Shattariya school of Sufism in Sri Lanka since he formally joined the sect in 1884 in Colombo, initiated by one Shaikh Tambi Hasan Tambi.96

Saldin's Alamat Langkapuri press also rendered yeomen service in promoting Arabic education and Islamic instructions in Arabic-Tamil by printing several texts. In 1895, he published Tuhfatal Rakibin ,97 an Arabic teaching aid written by S. L. M. Alim. Another text, Tamrin'ul Assubian described as Arabic lessons on Quran was published in 1901. He also printed many copies of Towbiha Kovili Munjifi Tarjumati Mowlidil BerZanji, a book of hymns on the Prophet Muhammad composed by his dear friend Shaikh Abdul Rahman Alim Shahib of Colombo. Moreover Saldin was also responsible in publishing an Arabic-Tamil newspaper titled Unmai , The Truth, since 1900. 98

Publishing booklets on a commercial scale could be possible mostly in Arabu-Tamil òr Arabic, which were in demand by the majority population of Moors. According to The Register of Printed Books in Ceylon , Alamat Langkapuri Press released at least 500 copies of each lithographic booklets in these languages.99 As for the Malay texts, the people interested had to depend on reproducing their own manuscripts by laborious means, which even Saldin did despite his busy working life, e.g. he completed copying parts of Nurul Din AI Ranirťs Magnum opus Bustan-al Salatin and tracts attributed to Syaikh Yusuf Mangkasar, besides miscellaneous other te^tson Sufism and Islam in Malay. He was also able toi obtain printed Malay texts from Singapore/Penang through the courtesy of his friends in Federated Malay States besides having imported Malay books of importance for sale or distribution among his friends and relatives. Occasionally he undertook to print Malay booklets as well including his own book of poetry, Syair Faid al Abad and a booklet on Malay grammar.

Saldin's reputation as a Malay literary figure should rest largely on his printing enterprise of two Malay language newspapers, the first of which, Alamat Langkapuri was clearly well ahead in time in the Malay World. The AL, which began publication from the middle of June 1869 can now be considered as the first Malay newspaper in the Malay World to be released in (Jawi script). That honor earlier belonged to Jawi Peranakan , published in Singapore since 1876. 100 The AL appeared fortnightly on a regular basis until the first series ceased publication after 40 issues in December 1870. His enthusiasm must have waned when he found out that it was a difficult task to in- still the good habit of reading newspapers, and that too by having to pay for it from among a community of people who were not accustomed to spend for their reading material. The Malay literati at home were quite used to borrowing each others manuscripts for reading or copying!

The publication of AL, however, being a first effort by a Malay, was received with much enthusiasm. A cheerful reader Muhammad Samun of Badulla dispatched a hearty congratulatory message to the editor in which he praised him as a person who brought esteem to the Malay community. "Akan memeliharakan nama bangsa kami".101 Another reader wrote a long syair of encomium on Saldin. He said among other things that 'as the sun rises on its own, so does Alamat Langkapuri ascends on its own".102

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During its brief existence of one and a half years, AL provided its readership with a somewhat balanced presentation of news and information. The news covered a variety of local and foreign events. The coverage of foreign news in AL was mostly culled from the contemporary English language papers which increased progressively. For instance, the first 10 issues devoted only 9% of space to foreign news, increasing from thereon to 19%, 20% and 49% for each successive set of 10 issues respectively. Under the foreign news items considerable attention was paid to events related to Middle East and Istanbul involving the Turkish Empire and its confronta- tion with European powers. Other foreign news was concerned as might be expected with natural disasters and matters of interest.

As regards the presentation of local news, apart from the usual events of curios- ity and disaster, AL provided its readership with details of important family events of Malays living in Kampung Kertel and other areas. Here it may be of interest to com- pare the early character of Jawi Peranakan , the Malay newspaper from Singapore which though stated as its aim to give its readers the latest local and foreign news, is said to have contained very little news of interest.103 The Jawi Peranakan, also a newspaper of 4 pages, as the AL in folio size is known to have contained advertisements, official Government notifications, letters from the readers, an editorial and Malay verse "Syair". On comparison, a content analysis of AL reveals the following classification:- Notices (13%), Advertisements 4% , Letters to the Editor 23% , Local news 31% , Foreign news 24% , Miscellaneous 5% .

There was no specific opinion column in the newspaper. In most instances as might be expected, the editor's ideas and opinions are reflected in the choice of news items presented, and his emphasis on some morals or lessons arising out of specific events. For instance, the editor highlighted the lapses or criminal acts committed by Englishmen in Ceylon while emphasising that the locals would never stoop to such acts.104

The AL gave wide coverage to a dispute arising from a conversion of a Hindu girl to Islam and the resultant skirmish which broke out between the Hindus and the policemen opposite the Maradana Police station in Colombo, where the girl was held. The Muslim community of Colombo assembled at the Maradana Mosque grounds, situated opposite the said police station and carried on a campaign to defend the rights of the new convert. A special fund was launched to assist the cam- paigners sponsored indirectly by the AL. 105

The reading public was given ample opportunity to air their views through letters to the Editor column, which took almost one fourth of the space in the newspaper. A main concern of the community as reflected in the letters at that time was to resolve an inter-communal rivalry which broke out between the civilian Malay population and the Regiment Malay soldiers, as elucidated earlier. The AL published not only letters written by Malays but also those written by the Tamil-speaking Muslims who wrote in Arabu-Tamil regarding the said dispute.106 Perhaps this was the first time Arabu-Tamil had been used in a Sri Lankan Newspaper. In fact, Saldin received many requests from all over the island to venture the publication of a fully-fledged Arabu-Tamil newspaper, but he did not attempt it, possibly because he felt that he needed to have requests from at least 100 would be subscribers or persons to consider the venture.107

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The literary-oriented people also were able to exhibit their poetic talents through the columns of AL. Off and on, AL published syairs on various themes written by its readers. One such syair written to read both from right to left and from top to bottom in the form of a "cross-word puzzle, published in AL is unknown to Malay literary convention.108 The anonymous writer appears to have imitated a Tamil literary form, known as Citirak Kavi or 'visual' poetry invented in the eighteenth century in the South Indian District of Tamil Nadu.109 Other literary items included short sketches of Islamic anecdotes published regularly for purposes of entertainment and edification.

The AL had its own critics as much as it had admirers. Some smart readers took cudgels with the usage of language in the AL. One Pakiran Uthman, of Kandy, for example, pointed out some grammatical errors contained in a letter to the editor published in an earlier issue,110 such as mesyhurkan in place of mengmesyurkan , p antun in place of pantung, criteria for cetera etc. There were also arm chair critics or detractors of Saldin who scoffed at his attempt to publish a newspaper in Malay. In any case Saldin was quick to discover that notwithstanding his enthusiasm and public spiritedness in bringing enlightenment to his community, publishing a newspaper was not an economically viable venture. Similar fate overtook his second venture of publishing the AL, some seven years later, and had to be wound up for the same reason i.e. not getting enough support from his subscribers.

However, when he commenced publication of another newspaper in 1895 under a new title, Wajah Selong , he had grown much wiser and did not depend on the local readership alone. He aimed at reaching out to an overseas clientele in which he gained some success, judging by the fact that WS survived for a longer period than his previous two attempts.111

The Wajah Selong was altogether of a different character. It shed most of Sal- din's interest in local Malay affairs and also was devoid of feature articles of literary interest. The foreign subscribers' interest was for world news in which area WS specialized. Presumably, WS did have some demand in the Peninsula Malaya since the Jawi Peranakan , the longest survived Malay newspaper (before 1941) had ceased to appear since April 1895, after nearly nineteen years of publication.112 Perhaps Saldin was aware of this and tried to fill the void, through a quality newspaper to cater to the needs of Peninsula Malay readership. The other Malay newspaper which appeared simultaneously since 1895 was Pemimpin Warta from Penang but closed down its press in 1897 only after two years in circulation. It is now known that there was a slump in publishing activity by the Malays of the Peninsula in the period between 1896 - 1900, and as Ian Proudfoot has proved the circulation of Malay language newspapers fell noticeably for this period.113 It may be significant to point out that a famous contemporary Malay bookseller's catalogue from Singapore listed Saldin's Wajah Selong as the only Jawi language newspaper available for sale at the time.114

Saldin might have been aware of the market situation for Malay periodicals in Tanah Melayu at the time. In any case he was imaginative to capture the interest of the Malay subscribers abroad. Some readers in the Peninsula preferred the news presentation of WS to their own newspaper and as one happy subscriber from Malaya wrote "the Ceylon Malay paper gave more amazing international news."115

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Unfortunately it is not known until when the publication of WS had continued. It certainly survived the afore-mentioned Pemimpin Warta. The extant WS in the possession of Baba Ounus's grandson, Durham Saldin of Colombo, has only an imperfect collection of the first 71 issues of WS in which the last one is dated 20th March 1898. Probably Saldin had continued its publication much longer. Following the closure of Pemimpin Warta it may be noted that the Peninsular Malaya did not have any significant newspaper publication until the year 1900. Thereafter three newspapers appeared, namely Linkungan Bulan , Bintang Timur and Chahya Pulau Pinang all from Penang island, but they were all short-lived with a life span of only a year or two. The publication of Alamat Langkapuri and Wajah Selong are therefore important landmarks which should create a permanent niche for Baba Ounus Saldin as among the earliest pioneers among Malays to enter the world of journalism. It is now possible to revise William Roff' s contention "that the first periodical of any kind published in the Malay language was entitled, appropriately enough Jawi Peranakan ,"116 It is because Roff maintained that the pioneers of Malay journalism was the mixed-race of Indian and Malay born Muslims, but the Sri Lankan discovery proves that it was a Malay of Eastern origin to whom that credit is really due.

Like most of his contemporary Malay literati, Saldin's literary pursuits were largely confined to reading Malay texts and reproducing manuscripts in Malay and occasionally 'Arabic' and 4 Arabu-Tamil'. If he had expressed himself, it was through his newspaper although indirectly. There was hardly any need to pen his own thoughts and write lengthy literary pieces. In Sri Lanka, attempts to compose or write original literary works in Malay were not commonly pursued. Nonetheless one comes across few indigenous writings, almost all of them using the 'Malay poetic' media of Syair. An early local attempt of Syair writing can be seen in Burhan's Syair- nya Kisahnya Khabar Orang Wolunter Bengali , written in early 1820. 117 Another poem under the title of 'Syair В ida' at al Islam ' by a local-born Malay on themes of Islamic morals can also be dated to more or less the same period. 118 Special occasions such as Queen Victoria's Golden Jubilee celebrations in 1883 inspired some people to write syair s of topical interest. Apparently, original literary output on the part of the Sri Lankan Malays always seem to be equated with writing syairs, perhaps a trend not peculiar only to the Malays of Sri Lanka.

Syair had been a very popular literary form throughout the Malay World.. The nineteenth century had seen a prolific output of syairs in the Malay-speaking areas. Thus, based on her research on the small island of Penyengat, (an Indonesian island off Singapore) Virginia Matheson had commented that the syair writing, "as a pro- duct of universal and contagious interest among the Malays everywhere."119 It seems therefore that writing Syairs was the only form of literary expression available to many of the then-aspiring writers.

As a literary personality, Saldin himself would have aspired to prove his worth during his lifetime by composing a work of poetry. Whether Saldin had written poetry in his early life is not certain, but just two years preceding his death, he decided to fulfil a 'vow' made to his friends, through a book of syairs devoted to the themes he was quite fond of. It was titled ' Syair Faid al Abaď, or according to its sub- title a "store house of various knowledge" (Kediamannya berbagai Pengetahuan). It was published as a booklet in H. 1322, (1904) by lithograph at the Alamat Langkapuri Press.120

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'Syair Faid al Abaď consists of about 323 stanzas which cover several topics. The fly leaf of the booklet gives the contents as follows: The Sinhalese rule in Col- ombo and the surrounding areas, The successive rule by the Portuguese, The Dutch and the English Governments, - The English war against the Ruler of Pan j alam Courchy, The Kandyan rebellion (1818), The despatch of the (Ceylon) Rifle Regi- ment to China (Hongkong) and 1848 rebellion. In addition Syair Faida l al Abad also dealt with moral and religious themes such as devotion to the parents, the importance of the compulsory prayers, Shari'a and esoteric knowledge. Obeisance to the Prophet Muhammad and so on.

Thus in a booklet of only 48 pages (each consisting of 6 to 7 stanzas) , Saldin had tried to compress a wide variety of themes in an attempt to impart the quintissance of his knowledge to his peers and younger generation. His Syair , particularly the section on history may not be of much value as a source book for present day researchers but the publication of the booklet seems to have been received with much respect and enthusiasm by his contemporaries. It even inspired a fresh burst of poetic talent among a younger generation of Malays.121 One of them being Cooryson Hashim Mantara who paid a tribute to Saldin in his booklet published in 1906, (the year in which Saldin passed away) titled Pantong Ceylong Pada О rang Moodď (Songs of Ceylon for young men):

"Tuan Ounus Saldin itu, alim pada bangsa Melayu , Keetab Melayu bareebu reebu, suda shohorkan supaya tahu"122

On a closer analysis Syair Faid al Abad reveals the literary mood of the late nineteenth-century Malay society. Its release symbolised a culmination of traditional literary activities in Sri Lanka. By the time Saldin wrote this syair, the old literati had been slowly fading away due to old age and death. The number of people in the community who could actually read and write Jawi, the medium of writing employed by the traditional Malay literati, have declined drastically. It is true that even at the beginning of the present century, once in a while, some interested people still continued the tradition of reproducing Malay manuscripts but in general they reveal poor quality. Their productions were quite amateurish examples containing a mul- titude of dittographies. When some talented young Malays like C. H. Mantara, had the urge to write original poetry, they were only able to write in a Romanized script. 123 Thus written at the dying stage of Malay literary tradition in Sri Lanka, Sal- din's booklet of poetry tried to encapsulate, whether intentionally or uninten- tionally, all values and traditions needed to be remembered and cherished by the members of his community. His first concern was to record the most important events relevant to the local Malay history, while the emphasis of the other half of his booklet, was on customary exhortatory themes on religion and piety. Such interest in religion was in any case to be anticipated from a Malay reading public consisting mostly of old people progressively delving into spiritualism. Besides, Saldin had his interest focussed on a 'functional' literature which in the Malay context usually dealt with religious themes. As a result Malay 'litteratur' he considered it his duty to produce sacral material for the edification of his community and not merely entertainment of a profane category. His life-long interest in copying works of religious Kitab literature had already been commented upon.

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Saldin also contributed to the teaching of the local Malay language through his booklets, intended as teaching aids and introduction to grammar. Both booklets were published in the year 1891. (Dhul Hijja, 1308 A.H.) - the first of these titled Mirât al Ghulam 124 had 300 copies printed. Fortunately two copies of his second booklet called 'Assirul Jawi fi'ta'lim al Nahw al Jawi (subtitled Kebantuan kepada kanak-kanak Mengajar Rahsia dalam nahw Bahasa Jawi) have survived.

The latter consists of 32 pages containing short examples on a wide variety of grammatical categories jumbled in a somewhat irregular order. Concise lessons on tenses, number, pronouns, suffixes and prefixes are included with simple examples. In the colophon section of the booklet, Saldin pontificated, and among other things mentions that he did not have anyone to teach him the language, and the others must not scoff at his attempt or be unduly critical. It may not be proper to scrutinize his work based on modern language analysis, but it can be a very useful tool for understanding of the Sri Lankan Malay literary language of his time. His booklet would have provided the necessary initiative to those who wanted to be self-taught in the Malay language in order to further their interest in reading and understanding the treasures of Malay Manuscripts left idling in their homes. Saldin's desire to write and publish Malay language instruction booklets would have been most probably inspired by efforts on the part of some of his Moor-Muslim contemporaries who published books on Arabic grammar.125 One such book was published in his own lithographic Press. Another reason may have been to cater to the needs of pupils learning in certain night schools run by the Malays on a voluntary basis. A school founded in Kampung Kertel by Inche Abu Sallay Wahid soon gained recognition to be even qualified for aid-in grant by the Colonial Government.126

CONCLUSION The purpose of this paper has been to present a biographical sketch of Baba

Ounus Saldin as a nineteenth-century 'Malay literary entrepreneur'. His contribution to the local literary scene was unique that it is no exaggeration to state that taking into account his wide interests and contributions, he stands unrivalled among the Sri Lankan Malay literati.

When compared with other nineteenth century literary 'greats' in the Malay world such as Raja Ali Haji or Abdul Qadir Munshi, Baba Ounus Saldin's contributions may not seem significant. The latter may be considered only as a minor literary figure because he left behind not as many original works as Munshi Abdullah, who has been regarded by some as the father of modern Malay literature, having written works such as Hikayat Kepandaian yang telah jadi di Negeri Eropah , Cerifera Haji Sabar Ali , Syair Kampung Terbakar and his magnum opus Hikayat Abdullah , and Hikayat Pelayaran Abdullah. A comparison of Saldin with Abdul Qadir Munshi may however not be in order. A wide margin must be afforded to the special cir- cumstances and social milieu in which Saldin lived and worked.

His society was isolated from the Malay literary atmosphere prevalent in Singa- pore, Penang, Penyengat and Batavia at that time. Moreover he belonged to a micro- scopic minority community, whose numbers in the total population in the island never exceeded even one percent. The Malays in Sri Lanka lived in the midst of several races, the Buddhists, the Hindus and the Christians, who comprised more

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than 90% of the country's population, whereas the Muslim-Moors, their religious counterparts who outnumbered the Malays by 20 to 1 could have easily absorbed the Malays through religious and cultural domination.

Neither Saldin nor his literary colleges enjoyed the privilege of patronage particularly from persons of standing. His was rather a single-handed effort, dedicated to the cause of propagating and preserving traditions. On the contrary, Munshi Abdullah and others worked and thrived in a different literary environment. Their writing careers were nurtured, encouraged and patronized by the ruling colonial officials themselves.

As dominant powers in the Malay-speaking region both the British and Dutch Colonial governments were keen to promote the collection of Malay manuscripts and other related materials for the purpose of understanding the native societies they ruled besides training their own administrators well-versed in native cultures and languages of their native subjects. In Batavia, for instance, the Dutch established, in the early part of the nineteenth century, a regular Malay scriptorium in the general secretariat to produce copies of manuscripts for the instruction of Government officials in the Malay language.127 A number of these copies were sent to Holland where a training center for the East Indies Civil Service was set up at Delft in 1843. A similar situation was prevalent in the colonial city of Singapore under the domination of the British. People like Munshi Abdullah were much sought after by the Colonial Gov- ernment to act as translators, petition drafters and copyists of manuscripts. Further, the good services of Munshi Abdullah were even utilized by Christian missionaries to produce Malay translations of the Ten Commandments, as well as revising Dutch version of St. Matthew's Gospel and the Acts of Apostles.128 As A. H. Hill has noted "it was in the academic environment of the Singapore missions that Abdullah found leisure and encouragement to write the works, which have made his name."129 The late Cyril Skinner, an admirer of Munshi Abdullah, says that the latter obviously wrote "with one eye fixed firmly upon his patrons."130 Thus for example, his autobiography the Hikayat Abdullah itself was written at the prompting of his English promoters.

The literary atmosphere in Sri Lankan cities like Colombo and Kandy was quite different. The Malay literary activities in Sri Lanka was confined to a small minority community which naturally restricted the scope and depth affecting the quality of their literature. At best, as literary figures such as Saldin and Jurangpati, Weerabangsa and others could fulfill their role in transmitting the Malay classics while the creation of original literary works eluded them for lack of incentives. At that time even vernacular literacy rate among the Malays was fast dwindling as tes- tified in Saldin's only original poetic work, namely Syair Faid al Abad. This can be seen as a sample of 'miniature literature'. Being aware of the extremely limited nature of readership it could reach, Saldin would not have produced anything larger than a 'pamphlet'.

Saldin was among the earliest Malays to own a lithographic printing press, a significant achievement to precede his contemporaries in the Malay archipelago in such a venture. It was only in 1876 that a similar press was set up in Singapore, by an association of Jawi Peranakans. By 1880, three more lithographic presses were func- tioning in Singapore, this time with the entry of such famous Malay book-sellers and

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publishers such as Haji Muhammad Siraj, a Javanese entrepreneur.131 Hence it is befitting that Saldin be recognized for his originality and ability to venture into a new form of business to spread the art of knowledge and information.

Saldin's involvement in Malay literary matters, especially in journalism and printing trade had expanded the cultural boundary of the Malay world. For the same reason Sri Lanka, particularly her capital, Colombo, can justly claim to be among the centers of traditional Malay literary activities. In the hey day of the Malay dominion, that honor belonged to Malacca, then Acheh, followed by Pelembang and later Riau. As Roff states "In the nineteenth century the role of literacy and publication center for the Malay-Muslim world can increasingly to be assumed by Singapore."132

As we have seen, Saldin, a solitary man, working alone, shrouded in insignifi- cance and hampered by social and economic restrictions made a signal contribution to the literary achievements of the Malay World, with the publication of his Alamat

Lankapuri and Wajah Selong , among others. If Baba Ounus's services and ideals had been known earlier perhaps Roff and others would not have forgotten to mention Sri Lanka also as another important centre of Malay literary activities.

Notes 1 Rene Wellek and Austin Warren, Theory of Literature, Penguin Book Harmondsworth, 1973. p. 96. 2 i.e. literature created or transmitted in Malay between the end of the 'Hindu' periods and the intro-

duction of modern western-type education. 3 cf. L. F. Brakel, "The Origins of Malay Hikayat" , Review of Indonesian and Malay Affairs (RIMA),

1979, Vol. 13, p. 4. 4 Ibid. 5 Abdullah b. Abdul Kadir, Segala J anis Hikayat Kepandaian telah J adi di Negeri Eropah, Singapore,

1843, pp 67-69. Quoted from C. Skinner, "Transitional Malay Literature; Part I - Ahmad Rijaludin and Munshi Abdullah" BKI, 1978 Vol. 134, p. 471.

6 See for example Ann Kumar's comments on Javanese literature in the same region, "The autobiographical mode, and especially the projection of what we would call an individual personality, is not well developed in Javanese literature", Ann Kumar, The Diary of a Javanese Muslim: Religion, Politics and the Pesantren 1883-1886", Faculty of Asian Studies Monographs, New Series, No. 7, ANU, Canberra, 1985, p. 106. ^ W. Marsden (tr.) Memoirs of a Malayan Family, New York, 1968 and G.W.J. Drewes, De Bio- grafie Van een Minangkabausen Peperhendelaar in de Lampongs, s-Gravenhage, 1961 .

° See, A.H. Hill (tr.) The Hikayat Abdullah, OUP, Kuala Lumpur, 1970. 9 C. Skinner, "Transitional Malay Literature" p. 476. 10 cf. Reported in the Straits Echo, August 2, 1975. See also B.A. Hussainmiya, "Malay Manuscripts

of Ceylon", Indonesia Study Circle, a bulletin of S.O. A. S. London, 1978. pp. 39-40. 11 For details see, B.A. Hussainmiya, "Princes and soldiers: The Antecedents of Sri Lankan Malays",

in M. A. M. Shukri (ed.), The Muslims of Sri Lanka; Avenues to Antiquity. Beruwela/Colombo, 1986, pp. 279/310.

12 See B. A. Hussainmiya, "The Rise and Fall of Malay literature in Sri Lanka", Dunia Melayu Occasional Paper No. I, Institute of Malay Language, Literature and Culture, (IBKKM), Univer- siti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1986, pp. 109-140. 13 Originally from Bengkalan, Madura, a third generation Malay like Saldin. His occupation was said to be masonry. Yusuf Jurangpati was the most productive among the Malay copyists in Sri Lanka.

14 Son of Capitan Husain ibn Kapitan Weerabangsa. Served in the Police Department and retired as a seraeant. Died in Colombo in 1906.

15 B. A. Hussainmiya "Syair Kisahnya Khabar Orang Wolenter Bengali: A Sri Lankan Malay Syair, Introduction and Text", in Lost Cousins, The Malays of Sri Lanka, Occasional Paper on the Malay World No. 2, Institute of Malay Language, Literature and Culture, (IBKKM), Universiti Kebang- saan Malaysia, 1987, pp 106-152.

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16 Arabic Yunus, Saldin transcribed his name usually as Ounus as given in official documents, i.e. birth certificate, but in Arabic and Jawi he transcribed his name as Yunus.

17 "В. O. Saldin "An Obituary- Appreciation", Ceylon Observer , 28th May, 1906. 18 Upon his death, Saldin's library was dismantled and his children and grandchildren had distributed the books and manuscripts among themselves. I have come across such texts in the possession of several of his descendants living even as further as Hambantota, nearly 250 miles from Colombo, in the Southern coast of Sri Lanka. A major recipient of Saldin's manuscripts was his son Muhammad Muinuddin who had bequeathed the same to his son Durham Saldin who lived at Frederica Lane, Colombo 4 and now migrated to Canada.

19 The original manuscripts is now in the possession of the abovenamed Durham Saldin, his grandson. Microfilm of the KSP available in the Universiti Malaya library and the library of Arkib Negara Malaysia, K. L. Prof. Ismail Hussein and I are now working together to bring out an edition of this text in romanized Malay.

20 A small notebook in octavo size. Now in the possession of the family of late Hamlyn Saldin of Mount Lavinia in Sri Lanka. I have a photocopy of it.

21 The KSP, p. 51. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. 24 The KSP, p. 1. 25 (The note misplaced) 26 de. Haan -Oud Batavia , 2v Bandung, 1922, do 472-484 27 Vlekke, Nusantara , A History of the East Indian Archipelago, The Hague, 1945, p. 174. 28 For details see B. A. Hussainmiya, "Orang Regimen: The Regiment People A study of the Ceylon

Rifle Regiment, the Universiti Kebangsaan Press, Bangi 1990. 29 Colonel James Welsh, Military Reminiscences, V. I. London, 1830, p. 74. Also, (S)ri (L)anka (N)ational (A)rchives, Lot 5/1, North to Court of Directors, 30th January 1800.

30 (C)eylon (G)eneral (O)rder, 25th April, 1811. 31 Probably, Saldin began writing down KSP in late 1880's. 32 The KSP, pp 53-54. 33 The KSP. D. 49. d. 53. 34 The KSP, pp 1-2. 35 S.L.N. A. Lot 4/41. Gre v to Camobell. (Militarvi. 2/3rd December 1846. 36 Kaffir, or Caffre (Arabi Kafir infidel i.e., non believer in Islam, applied by the Arabs to pagan

Negroes and later popularised bv the Portuguese as a generic term. 37 The KSP. d. 39. 38 В . A. Hussainmiya, " Orang Rejimen - The Malays of the Ceylon Rifle Regiment 1990, p. 290. 39 (Ceylon) General Orders, 27th August 1847 "All enlistment to the CRR and Gun Lascars are to be

limited to 10 years." 40 The KSP, p. 5. 41 Ms. The Kitab Tawhid, p. 357, copied by Saldin - I have a photocopy of it. The original Manu- script was gifted to Datuk Seri Mahathir Mohammad, the Prime Minister of Malaysia, and is now in his collection.

42 The KSP. p. 5-6. 43 In fact, Ferguson's The Ceylon Handbook and Directory, published annually has retained В. O.

Saldin's name as an employee of W. H. Davies & Co. until the year 1898. 44 cf. Obituary appreciation, В. O. Saldin, A distinguished Malay Citizen of Colombo, Ceylon Obser- ver, 28th May, 1906 described him as the Facile Princeps in the art of lithography.

45 The Register of Books Printed in Ceylon , has catalogued many such books printed by В. O. Saldin from 1885 to 1905.

46 Following is a list of newspaper agents in 'Tanah Melayu' who sold Wajah Selong in the Straits Settlements, Siam and Java: (i) Mohamad Siraj , 43, Sultan Road, Singapore - WS 10th May, 1896 - (Agent for Sumatra and

other countries) (ii) Sayyid Ismail bin Marhoom Tungku Sayyid Abdul Rahman Kelana, Sub-agent for Sungai

Ujang & Jelubu appointed by Saldin's main agent in Singapore, Tambi bin Haji Hashim - WS, 15th March 1896.

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(iii) The same appointed Haji Muhammad Sahabuddin bin Tambi Kasim, of 109, Kampung 1st Street, of Malacca, as agent for Malacca - WS, 15th March, 1896.

(iv) Tuan Haji Abdul Kadir bin Haji Muhammad Salin, Agent in Penang - WS, 13th October, 1895.

47 WS, 16th February, 1896 published a letter of appreciation from a reader in 'Tanah Melayu'. 48 i.e. WS, 24 November, 1895. Saldin became an agent for Pemimpin Warta, of Penang. He also pleaded with his local readers to save Pemimpin Warta from going out of business - WS, 10th October, 1897.

49 AL of 5th September, 1869 carried an advertisement of book imports from Singapore. Also Saldin imported lithographed versions of Hikayat Amir Hamza and Hïkayat Sultan Bustamam priced at $3 and $2.50 each, respectively. WS 10th May 1896.

50 Marsden's Malay-English, English-Malay Dictionary printed in London in 1812 was among such books imported by Saldin. AL, 6th February, 1870.

51 His first business firm was housed at his residence in Akbar Street, in Colombo. Once his business developed it was shifted, in 1895 to the 4th Cross Street in Pettah which grew to be the most success- ful business district of Colombo, and remains so even until today. 52 AL, 8th August, 1869.

53 AL, 6th March, 1870. 54 The firm actually gained fame under his son's name, M. K. Saldin & Co. and even retain its business

todav. 55 See, B. A. Hussainmiya, "A note on Ethnic Consciousness among the Sri Lankan Malays", in Lost

Cousins : The Malays of Sri Lanka, pp. 14-22. 56 TheKSP, p. 21. 57 e.g. The Syair Faid al Abad had a beautiful - fly leaf printed in blue colour, obviously a sign of improved quality of printing, as compared to some contemporary 'pamphlets', printed crudely by some amateur lithographers. A sample of it can be found in A. S. Wahid's pamphlet, dated 1888 challeng- ing the appointment of a high priest to Majid al Jamia Mosque in Kertel.

58 cf. Governor W. Gregory paid a high tribute to Ceylon Malay cricketers in his Autobiography, Lon- don, 1894, p. 322. All Ceylon Malay Cricket Association, founded in 1872 is said to be an older Sports Club in Colom- bo. The achievements of Malays in the field of cricket is well documented in the Golden Jubilee Book of the All Ceylon Malay Cricket Club, Ceylon Observer Press, 1924.

59 Durham Saldin, a grandson of Ounus Saldin is in possession of a lithographed book in Malay which carries a seal of "Ceylon Rifle Regiment Recreation Club" and a note of Ounus Saldin that he bought it from the above club when it was closed down.

60 It is important to mention thať the Saldin family had always belonged to an upper-elite society, and its members banded together to form a family club of their own in 1922 which came to be known as Unique Club. Raden Sutomo the founder of Budi Utomo, an earliest Indonesian nationalist move- ment, visited members of this club in 1936, in whose honour a banquet was held in Taprobane, the Ward Place residence of M. K. Saldin. Unique Golden Jubilee Supplement, 1972 (A mimeographed pamphlet). One of the great-grandsons of Ounus Saldin, namely Dr. Dilano Saldin, is a renowned physicist who had taught in Oxford University and London Imperial College, and presently holding a prestigious research fellowship at the U.S. Wisconsin University.

61 The KSP, pp. 56-58. 62 В . A . Hussainmiya , Orang Reiimen, pp . 258-259 . 63 Discovered in the possession of Mrs. Perlin Yahya Dole a great-grand-daughter of Ounus Saldin,

now domiciled in Victoria, Australia. 64 De Haan, Oud Batavia, p. 474

For Colombo's settlements see R. L. Brohier & J. H. O. Paulusz, Lands, Maps and Surveys, Colom- bo . 1951 . nn 70-72.

65 Robert Percival, An Account of the Island of Ceylon, London, 1803, p. 172. 66 H. L. Cowan, "History of the Ceylon Regiment", Colburn's United Services Magazine, 1860, p. 325.

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67 Ceylon Malay Research Organization (CEMRO) Annual Souvenir (Murad Jayah ed.) 1968, p. 69. Also obituary appreciation of Khateeb Haji B. N. Latiff, The Ceylon Indépendant , 14th March, 1931.

68 AL, 22nd August, 1869. 69 For details , see В . A . Hussainmiy a , Orang Rejimen pp . 273-28 1 . 70 A full geneology of the Latiff family was published in The Ceylon Indépendant, 14th March 1931.

According to it, Sabu Latiff, son of Raden Farmana of Soonan Kasar, from West Borneo who came to Sri Lanka in 1762, was appointed the first khatib of the Wekanda Mosque in 1786.

71 Several such instances have come to light. A best description of an election of a khatib is given in AL, 5th September. 1869.

72 I am grateful to late Haji M.N. Latiff for giving me a typescript note containing a copy of the Ceylon Indépendant, 14th March, 1931 account of Latiff family - which also has a pencil note on the reverse, detailing these events.

73 From Letter Books and Minutes of Masjid al J ami' a, Java Lane, Slave Island. I am grateful to Mr. T. M. Mashood, Masjid's honorary secretary who supplied me with some typewritten copies from the documents maintained bv the Trustee Board.

74 Obituarv aooreciation-Khateeb Hadii B. N. Latiff. The Cevlon Indenendant. 1 4th March 1 Q41 7^ The Muslim Naisan . (Tamil) . 23rd Seotember. 1 886. 7^ The Muslim Naisan . 4th November. 1 886. 77 A . M . & J . Ferguson , Mohammadanism in Cevlon, ( pamphlet) . Colombo . 1 897 . d . 78 . 78 I am grateful to Mrs. Kartini Mohammad, (nee Drahman) the daughter of Dr. M. P. Drahman for

providing me with her father's paper cuttings and some correspondence. /y Dr. M. P. Drahman, op. cit. Ms. The Register of Declaration of Newspapers and Periodicals in Sri Lanka (Sri Lanka National Archives), 1877 series.

81 A copy of a notarial deed dated 5th August , 1 879 , signed by one E.H. Prins , Notary Public of Colom- bo, mentions that the Java Lane Mosque henceforth to be known as Masjid al Jamiyah, courtesy, Mr. T. M. Mashood. Honorarv Secretarv ( 1878). to the Board of Trustees. Masiid я! Jamivah

82 Mss . Minute books and Records Masjid al Jamiyah, since 1 94 1 . 83 His last entry was dated 23rd December, 1905 when his daughter, Nona Safiyah gave birth to a son,

Muhammad Mas Farzan . The KSP, p . 45 . 84 The late Mas Ghuice Weerabangsa, of Palayootru, Trincomalee, the eldest son of Mas Jury Weera- bangsa was gracious enough to bequeath a part of his collections to me, and the rest to Sri Lanka National Archives, in 1974. Mr. M. G. Weerabangsa died in 1976 and his modest hut with a cadjan thatched roof was totally demolished later. It is sad that several valuable documents which he did not like to part with at that time perished with him. This is the case with several others whom I met personally during my years of research. Weerabangsa had a most impressive collection of manuscripts on many literary genres in Malay together with Arabic and Arabu-Tamil texts . 85 There is also a possibility that he hailed from the south Indian district of Tamil N adu , formerly known as Mabari by Arabs. The South Indian tamil-speaking Muslims have been closely related to the tamil-speaking moors of Sri Lanka, owing to their common orieins and culture.

86 For a History of the Moors of Sri Lanka, see, A. M. A. Azeez, "Ceylon Muslims" Encyclopaedia of Islam, (new ed.) London, 1960 and K. W. Goonewardena "Some notes on the history of the Muslims of Ceylon", Annual Magazine of Peradeniya University Muslim Majlis, 1959, and M. A. M. Shukri (ed.) , The Muslims of Sri Lanka; Avenues to Antiquity. 87 K. W. Goonewardena. od. cit.

88 J. S. Mayson, The Malays of Cape Town, Manchester, 1861, p. 79. 89 For information on the activities of Javanese political exiles in Sri Lanka see, M. C. Rickleff's Jogjakarta under Sultan Mangkubumi, 1749-1792, A History of the Division of Java, London, pp 102-108. 9(^ M. C. Rickleff's Personal Communication. 10th November. 1 876.

91 M. C. Rickleffs, od. cit. 92 There is a reference to such a ban in Memoirs of Ryckloff Van Goens, Governor of Ceylon, (deli-

vered to his successors Jacob Hustuart on 26th December 1663 and Ryckloff Van Goens, the younger

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on 12th April 1675, in E. Reimers (ed. & tr.) Selections from the Dutch Records of Ceylon Govern- ment, No. 3, Colombo, 1932, p. 25. 93 Ph. S. Van Ronkel "A Tamil Malay Manuscript", Journal of Straits Branch of Royal Asiatic Society, No. 85.1922,0. 31.

94 Ronkel adds that Arwa, a (Dakhni) Hindustani word, means "of or belonging to Malabar" which nearly indicates the Tamil-speaking country. 95 Ms. Muhiyal-din Munajat, (translated into Jawi by В. O. Saldin), p. 3. Originally in the possession of Durham Saldin, a photocopy is with the writer.

96 The KSP, p. 28. 97 Information culled from the Register of Printed books Published in Ceylon , 1897. 98 A rare copy of this newspaper is in the possession of the writer . 99 Ibid. 100 W. R. Roff, Bibliography of Malay and Arab Periodicals published in the Straits Settlements and

Peninsular Malay States; 1876-1941, OUP, London, 1972, p. 3. 101 A L, 11th July, 1869. 102 Ibid. 103 Nik Ahmad bin Haji Nik Hassan, "The Malay Press: The Early Phase of the Malay Vernacular

Press, 1876-1906", Journal of Malayan Branch of Royal Asiatic Society , Vol. 36, pt. 1, 1961, p. 37. 104 AL, 12th December, 1869. 105 AL, 12th June 1870. 106 AL, 25th July, 1869 and AL, 3rd October, 1870. 107 AL, 5th September, 1869. 1U° AL, 7th August, 1870. 109 A Tamil literary form popularised during the rule of Nayakkar Kings in South India - S. Selvanaya-

кят. Thamil Ilnkkiva Varalaru. Colombo. 1958. n. 165. 110 AL, 31st October, 1869. 111 The extant collection in possession of Durham Saldin has only 71 issues with several issues missing.

The last one is No. 71 of 20th March 1898. but WS must have continued for several vears after that. 112 W. R. Roff, op. cit., p. 3. 113 Ian Proudfoot, "A Formative Period in Book Publishing", JMBRA S, 59(2), 1986, p 116. 114 See Ian Proudfoot, A Nineteenth-Century Bookseller's Catalogue, Kekal Abadi 6(4), December

1987 p. 10. Wajah Silung as it was spelt by Ian Proudfoot, was priced at $2 per annum and was distributed fortnightly by Haji Muhammad Siraj of Singapore in 1896.

115 WS, 16th February, 1896. 116 W. R. Roff, op. cit. 117 An edition of the syair can be read in B. A. Hussainmiya, " Lost Cousins: The Malays of Sri Lanka,

pp. 106-152. 118 Written by Pengeran Sepalie, of Sumenap Madura, grandfather of Baba Yusuf Jailani Jurangpati, Ms. in possession of the writer.

119 Virginia Matheson, "Question arising from a nineteenth century Riau Syair", RIMA , Vol. 17, Winter/Summer, 1983, pp. 1-16. 120 Only two copies have survived, one is in the writer's collection and the other is with the 'Perpus- takaan Negara Malaysia. 121 Cooryson Hashim Mantara is most noteworthy among them. He printed several interesting 'poetry sheets', based on the interesting and popular sinhala literary genre, 'baila', (derived from the Por- tuguese violai.

122 I have managed to copy down some stanzas from a printed booklet published by C. H. Mantara, which carried the Sri Lanka National Archives Registration number, 6886 which is now misplaced. 123 See above note.

124 The KSP, p. 36. 125 e.g. Register of Books and Pamphlets Printed in Ceylon, dated between 1890-1900 give few titles

of Arabic Grammar booklets published locally. 126 The KSP, p. 38. 127 P. Voorhoeve, "A Malay Scriptorium", John Bastian and R. Roolvink (ed), Malayan and Indone-

sian Studies; Essays presented to Sir Richard Winstedt on his eighty fifth birthday, Oxford, 1964 p. 256-262.

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128 A. H. Hill (annotated and tr .) Hikavat Abdullah. OUP . 1970, d. 20. 129 J hi И 130 С. Skinner, op. cit. 131 W. R. Roff. The Origins ofMalav Nationalism. Yale University Press, 1967, d. 44. 132 Ibid.

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Documents

Baba Ounus Saldin; Study of a Malay Literary Savant of Sri Lanka