À

(ontributori I BaHeylll.flnilah

(DichaelLBIakey ParthaChatteijee

' RuHellfi.liandiman DufuitinF.CHoll

; Thomas t. totenon I TrudieUmbRichmond I Peter R.ichmidt

JaliKuedBadillo Iraida Variai Orenai AlhonlUylie

he Prâdice of flrchâeoloçij and Hiitonj in Oon-lUeUern iettinçi

tdited bij Peter R. khmidt and Thomaj C. Patterjon

khool of American Retearch Advanced kminar Jerie»

Afr ican History: Past, Présent, a n d Future

The Unending Quest for Alternatives

AUGUSTIN r. C. n o n

T l ic s u b d i v i s i o n o f t i n i c , bc it l i u n i a n o r p h y s i c a l , is bascd to s o n i c d c -

grcc on thc image o f an a r r o w — a u i i i d i r c c t i o i i a l f l o w . A n d i n différ­

ent social S y s t e m s , concept ions o f t ime arc m o r e or less i i i t c r n a l i z c d

or c x t c r n a l i z e d . I n thc i i i t c rnal izcd s i tuat ion, c o n c e p t i o n s o f t inic n i a y

l e a d to a c y c l i c a l f r a i i i c w o r k o f social t in ic that niay i n c k u l c , for instance,

thc d y n a m i c s o f e i iv i roni i ie i i ta l S y s t e m s and tlieir interac t ion w i t h social

S y s t e m s at d i l l c r c n t Icvcls. I n thc c x t c r n a l i z e d s i tuat ion, c o n c e p t i o n s o f

t i n i c n i a y l e a d to an increasi i ig d c g r c c o f i n s t r u m e n t a t i o n , w i t h c o n s é ­

quences sucli as thc d c v e l o p m c n t o f m a c h i n e s to d i v i d c t i n i c i n t o n i c a n -

i i igful u i i i t s i i icreasi i igly Icss c o i i n c c t c d t o o b v i o n s natural p l i c i i o m c n a

sucli as i i igli t , day, m o o i i cycles , and scasoiis ( l 'omiai i 1984). T h c v a r i -

abil i ty and diversi ty o f modes o f order i i ig t i m e suggcst that t ime is more

tlian a f r a n i e w o r k for a c t i o n ; it is i i i t iniately l i n k e d to thc v c r y nature o f

l i u m a n social S y s t e m s and c o n s e q u c n t l y to thc i r e v o l u t i o n a r y pathways.

W o r l d v i e w s arc tlius bcttcr coi is idercd as s o c i o t c n i p o r a l constructs .

Uoti i i n t e r n a l i z e d and c x t c r n a l i z e d c o n c e p t i o n s o f t i m e are présent

to v a r y i n g dcgrccs in every social S y s t e m , and thc nature o f thcir c o n i -

bi i ia t ioi i d é p e n d s luostly o n thc d o m i n a n t m o d e o f social d y n a m i c s :

segmentat ion o r i i i t cgrat ion . ' l 'hcre is, t l icrcforc , a l o n g c o n t i n u u m w i t l i

niostly in ternal ized concepts o f t ime at o n c e n d a n d m o s t l y c x t c r n a l i z e d

" t i n i c - v i e w s " at thc other. T h e é m e r g e n c e o f liistory, as a s t ructurcd set

o f techniques always i n the n i a k i n g , is i tself his torical and d é p e n d s o n

a c o m b i n a t i o n o f s y m b o l i c , social , and é c o n o m i e factors. A t the s i m -

plcst level , tiiat o f i i i d i v i d u a l liistoriaiis, w c m a y consider it axioniat ic

that the p r o d u c t i o n o f comparable historical accouiits l ias to bc bascd

183

AUGUSTIN f C H O l l

o n a sliarcil concept o f t ime —tliat is, schools o f t l ioiigli t are bascd o n

a consensus a m o n g some scliolars about w b a t is relevant. A n enipliasis

o n variable , c u l t u r e - s p c c i f i c concepts o f t ime is, o f course , a rclativist

proposi t ion , w l i i c l i is inescapablc w b c n one is i l c a l i n g w i t l i social and

his tor ical sciences i n g ê n e r a i . I l u t tins does not niean that it is o u i o f

thc realni o f scientific invest igat ion, w h i c h does not n c e d to bc bascd on

o n l y o n c d o m i n a n t w o r l d v i c w . T h e t h c o r y o f gênerai relat ivi ty d i d not

lead to general izcd r c l a t i v i s m a m o n g physici.sts; rathcr, it has gencra tcd

sounder scientific investigations o f thc cosmos . 1 a m c o n v i n c c d that the

sanie th ing may bc a c h i c v c i l in the social sciences if, and o n l y i l , social

scicntists w i s h it to o c c u r in the future.

I n p r i n c i p i c , l i istory may be c o n s i d c r c d an accouiit o f past evcnts .

T l i i s m i n i m a l déf ini t ion raiscs d i l h c u l t p r o b l c m s in setting thc b o u n d -

arjcs b c t w c e n past, présent , and future. I f thc présent is v i e w e d as the

intersect ion b c t w c e n t w o planes, thc ]>ast and thc future, it i locs not

i tself bave any temporal deptl i . Coi isecjucnt ly , it is i i idividuals a n d , m o r e

gcnerally, social groups w h o " d é c i d e " to w i d e n or n a r r o w thc temporal

extent o f thc présent a c c o r d i i i g to c u l t u r a l and w i d c r social needs. l i i s ­

tory, both oral and w r i t t c i i , is a c o n t c x t u a l product o l l i u m a n m i n d s :

thc past i n i tself is not yet h is tory ; it is most ly v i r t u a l history, w h i c h

starts to é m e r g e as cxpl i c i t his tory througl i thc c l lor ts o f luni ians w l i o

selcct , t ransfori i i , and transmit w h a t is c o n s i d c r c d to bc i m p o r t a n t for

thc p r é s e n t :

Por nie, history does not correspond to any ki i id o f prc-establislicd

truth, cverlastiiig, "prc -wri t tc i i , " w h i c h lias to bc discovcrcd by thc

liistorian aftcr an ineffable trcasure liuiit ; it is constantly rcworked

and rcwrit ten accordiiig to thc spécifie tinic, habits, and socictics

o f référence. As Marc Diocli said a long time ago in Apologie pour

/<• mclicr J'Iiiiloriai, eacli pcr iod rccoiistructs the past accordiiig to

its o w n préoccupations . Uci i ig a historiaii tlius incans, bcyoïid thc

tcchnitiucs and mctlioils, bci i ig ablc to cvaluatc as lioncstly as pos­

sible the conditions dctcri i i i i i ing tlic rcquireniciits and proiiibil ions

that, wi t l i i i i thc liistorian's o w n socicty, constrain thc inaking o f

history. (Dévisse 1988:325, niy translation)

His tor iography, or the his tory o f history, is o f parai i iount i m p o r ­tance i f w c w i s h to grasp thc e x t r ê m e c o n i p l e x i t y o f thc m a k i i i g o f history. W h e t h e r in A f r i c a , Hurope, or e l s c w h c r c (e.g. , noal ie i i 1988; U o u b o u l l a m a and K i - Z e r b o 1980; Devi.sse 1988; Tage 1980; I M I I 1988; F i n l e y 1987; M o m i g h a n o 1 9 9 2 ; S a h l i i i s 1985), t l icrc arc différent dcgrccs o f diversi ty w i t h i n tradit ions o f his tor ical .scholarship, and it is o n l y d u r -

AFRICAN HIS IORY, rAf,!. PRf r>FNI, AtJI, /uRf

i n g cer tain segments o f t i n i c and social c i rcunis tanccs that thcir internai i l ivcrs i ty is r cducei l . T h e c o l o n i a l p c r i o d is s u c h a segment , o n c in w h i c h historical .scholarship c o n c e r i i i i i g c o i u j u c r c d terr i tor ics was basctl on thc déniai o f any historical dcpth and s o c i o c c o n o m i c a c h i e v c m c n t o n thc part o f |iast A f r i c a n socict ics .

Hislorical Science as an Evolutionary Process

W i t h o u t var ia t ion , c o n c c p t u a l change w o u l d bc impossible , aiid it

is a m a z i n g l i o w s o m c o f us w h o liavc bcci i t raincd to bc scicntists ablior

var ia t ion and diversity. T h e process o f k n o w l c d g e s c c k i i i g is c l iaractcr -

i z c d by tensions ami paradoxes ( K u l i n 1990; l 'oppcr 1991). T i n s simple

statcnieiit w i l l be thc cori icrstoi ie o f m y discussion. W h a t appears as

his tory in thc w o r l d o f I c a n i i n g eii ierged in différent tirnes and places

and was shapcd by i l i f lcrcnt aiiiis and purposes. T h e historiés w r i t t c n

by profcssional liistoriaiis bave eiiierged in spécifie social c i rcunis tanccs .

A c a d é m i e or scientific history, w i t h its e m l c m i c t l icoret ical and i i i e t l i o d -

ological ilcbates, its orgai i izat ion into c o i n p c t i i i g "dénies ," or "schools o f

thougli t , " and a c a d é m i e " c u r r i c i i l a , " starts to b c c o n i e intel l igible i f c o n ­

s idcrcd in e v o l u t i o n a r y ternis (I lu l l 1988:15) .

M a i i y disciplines b e l o n g to thc large d o m a i n o f thc his tor ical s c i ­

ences. I n tliis cliaptcr , I focus i i iai i i ly o n arcl iacology and history as p r a c -

t iccd i n West A f r i c a d u r i n g and aftcr thc co lonia l p c r i o d . T h c s i tuation in

archacology (De IJarros 1990; l l o l l 1990; R o b c r t s h a w 1990) is rc lat ively

simple in c o m p a r i s o n w i t h that o f history, i n thc sciise that prccolonia l

A f r i c a n socict ics had not d c v c l o p c d a c o n c e r n about archacology pcr se,

w l i i l e historical k n o w l c d g e transiii i t tcd f roni o n c gci ierat ioi i to the iicxt

was c x t r e n i c l y i m p o r t a n t in dif lcrcnt social c i r cumsta i i ccs ( B o a l i c n 1988).

A f r i c a n archacology and profcssional history, i n thc i i ioder i i sensé o f

thc ternis, arc o l lshoots o f thc c o l o n i a l c i i t c r p r i s c ; t l icy l iavc been shapcd

in thc acadcii iy by thcir rôle in c i t l i c r support i i ig or c o u i i t c r i n g d o i i i i -

iiaiit assuniptions c o n c e r n i i i g Africa 's past. C l i a n g i i i g trutlis, t h é o r i e s ,

and explanations arc o l t e n i i i tcrpreted by profcssional .scicntists as sigiis

o f progress in thc basic issues o f thcir disciplines. T l i i s attitude lias becii

c l ia l l c i igcd by inaiiy scicntists and .scholars (IJourdieu 1984; I l u l l 1988).

K u h n (1970), for instance, lias c o n v i n c i i i g l y argued that paradiginat ic

changes in .scientific explanations resuit f rom complexes o f intcrac t i i ig

factors and not n i c r c l y f r o m progress in i n t e r p r é t a t i o n :

W h a t occiirs diiriiig a scientific révolution is iiol fiilly rcdiu ibic lo

a rcintcrpretatioii o f iiidividual ami stable data. In thc lirst place.

AUGUST IN F C MOU

tlic data arc iiot cqiiivocally stable. M o r e important, tlic process by

w h i c h eitlier the individual or the comniuni ty niakcs the transition

f rom one thcory to anotlier is not one that rescmbles interpréta­

t ion. . . . G i v c n a paradigni, intcrprctatioii o f data is central to thc

cntcrpriscs that explore i l . T l i i s entcrpri.se can only articulatc a para-

digni , not correct it. l 'aradigins arc not corrigible by normal science

at ail. ( K u h n 1970:121)

C l e a r l y tlicre are m a n y advantages i n s t u d y i n g the historiés o f a r c h a c ­

ology and a c a d é m i e history in A f r i c a as a sé lec t ion process. l-irst, w c w i l l

b c in a posi t ion to realize that archacology is not s i m p l y a s t ra igl i t forward

record o f discovcr ies , and his tory is not a s imii le account o f past evcnts .

S e c o n d , w c w i l l fnid that thc data r c c o r d c d i n b o t h ficlds o f k n o w l ­

cdge are variable mixtures o l cm|)irical facts and social and idcological

assuniptions. r h i r d , w c w i l l be in a posi t ion to understand w l i y scicntists

challenge cer tain tenets and take otiiers for granted. I n tliis regard, thc

r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f thc past niiist be c o n s i d c r c d iieitl ier as an unattainable

"past in i t s e l f " nor as a séries o f " p a s t s - a s - k n o w n " but n i a i n l y as d é p e n ­

dent u p o n the scicntists ' m i n d s a n d the intel lectual and social f r a n i e w o r k

w i t h i n w h i c h t h c i r ainis and purposes are c o n c c i v e d .

T h c past can t l icrcforc serve mult iple purposes : it can be "past as

c h a r t e r " or "past as bad c x a m p l c " ( W i l k 1985:319) . Far f r o m b c i n g an

cscapc f r o m the présent , thc past assumes spécifie rôles i n thc présent in

social and polit ical sphères. A s m e m b e r s o f fielils o f researcli co i i i i i i i t ted

to s t u d y i n g the past, archaeoU)gists and li istoriaiis assert l i r i i i l y that thcre

is a c o n n e c t i o n b c t w c e n past and présent and that tliis c o n n e c t i o n is

relevant and i m p o r t a n t . T l i c r c is no n c e d for archaeologists to be d e l c i i -

sivc about c x p l i c i t l y or i m p l i c i t l y d r a w i n g o n thcir personal , c u l t u r a l ,

and poli t ical e x p é r i e n c e s i n thc i r profcssional w o r k ( H a l l 1984b; W i l k

1985). R i c h a r d W i l k (1985 :319) , for c x a m p l c , has c o n v i n c i n g l y argued

that it is i m p o r t a n t "to a c k n o w l e d g e that t l icrc is n o n c u t r a l , v a l u c - f r c c ,

o r n o n - p o l i t i c a l past" and that w e s l iould d r o p any prê teuse o f absolutc

object ivi ty .

F o r the sake o f s inipl ic i ty , at this point I consider t w o g r a n d t ra­

di t ions : thc " W e s t e r n his tor ical t radi t ion," o n o n c h a n d , and the " A f r i ­

can histor ical t radi t ion," o n the other . T h e A f r i c a n side o f the W e s t e r n

historical t radi t ion , w h i c h m a y bc t e r m e d coloi i i . i l h is tory or "oflieial

h i s t o r y " (Vargas Areiias , this v o l u m e ) , was an offshoot o f thc nat ional

his tor iés o f co lonia l p o w c r s aftcr the "scraiiible for A f r i c a " thaï l o o k

place aftcr the C o n g r e s s o f Uer l i i i in 1 8 8 4 - 8 5 . F r o n i its G r e e k o r i g i n , the

W e s t e r n histor ical t radi t ion f o l l o w e d différent e v o l u t i o n a r y pathways

t h r o u g h the R o m a n s , thc M i d d l e Ages w i t h thc i r ecclesiastic his tor ica l

AFRICAN HISTORY PAST. PRf S f N I . AIHl (IIIURF

si ibtradit ioli , and the é m e r g e n c e o f thc Nat ional school o f history aftcr thc f if tecnth c e n t u r y ( M o m i g h a n o 1992). H i s t o r y i i i a k i n g was always coi i t rovcrs ia l . I n thc n i n e l c c n t h century , l l ie nature, cliaracteristics, and ainis o f history w c r c s trongly debated, and the é m e r g e n c e o f r c v o l i i t i o i i -ary idéologies such as M a r x i s i i i aililed coniplex i ty to an aiready coi i ipicx issue (Hegel 1965; K o l a k o w s k i 1987). For H e g e l and bis fol lowcrs , ad-h c r i i i g to thc dialect ic o f the m a s t e r a n d liis slave, his tory was the m a n i ­festation o f the progress o f the i i i i i id f rom an al i is tori tal and p r i m i t i v e stage to c i v i l i z a t i o n . For M a r x and Fi igcis , w h o attein|itcd t o translate thc I legcl ian dialect ic into Icss a m b i g u o u s social i i ioilcls , history was a resiilt o f thc strnggle o f co i i t radic tory and coi iHictual modes and S y s t e m s o f p r o d u c l i o n o l i i ia tcr ial goods ; thcir approacli is cal led historical i i i a -tcrial isi i i ( K o l a k o w s k i 1987).

S c i e n c e b c i n g a sé lec t ion process, co lonial l i i s l i i ry was bascd u p o n one si ibtrail i t ion — t h c H c g e l i a i i one —.sclected f r o m a m o n g m a n y equally probable w o r l d v i e w s availabic at di l lerent t imes o f the c o l o n i a l rcgi i i ie . In a séries o f lectures g i v c n in 1822, 1828, and 1830, publ is l i cd in ( i e r -inan in 1955, and traiisl.iteil into Frenc l i in 1965, H e g e l fori i iulated lus c o n c e p t i o n s o f his tory and thc dcvc lopi i i c i i t o f i i i a n k i i i d . I lis iilcas about Africa 's past w c r c endorsed by m a n y g é n é r a t i o n s o f rcscarclicrs in h i s ­tory, ai i thropology, and the social sciences gcnerally. F o r H e g e l (1965 : 2 4 6 - 4 7 ) , A f r i c a was coiiipo.sed o f tlirec parts that had to be c o n s i d c r c d d i f l c r c n t i a l l y : n o r t h e r n A f r i c a , f r o m the Sahara to the M c d i t c r r a i i e a n Sea , w b i i h was l i i i k c d l o l ' i i rope ; l 'gypt , in the sensé o f l l ic N i l c basiii, w l i i t l i was l l ie cc i i t c r o f an autoi ioi i ious and grcat c i v i l i z a t i o n c o m i e c t e d to Asia and the M e d i t c r r a n e a i i area; and finally, sub-Sal iaran or black A f r i c a , w h i c h was ont o f thc rcali i i o f history.

A f t c r a l o n g aiiil v i v i d descr ipt ion o f thc c i i v i r o i i n i e n t a l c o n d i t i o n s o f A f r i c a and a c o n s i d é r a t i o n o f the différent patterns o f bcl iaviors thcre, H e g e l c o i i s t r u c t c d an a r c h é t y p e o f the N e g r o : " I l results f r o m thèse i l i f lcrcnt traits that the pat lern w h i c h d é t e r m i n e s the cliaracteristics of i icgrocs is thcir 'ui ibr idied-ness . ' T h c i r c o n d i t i o n is not susceptible to c i t l i c r change or é d u c a t i o n . T l i c y l iavc always been as w e l iappcii to sec t l i c i i i today" (Hegel 1 9 6 5 : 2 6 8 - 6 9 ) . C o i i c l u d i n g his p r é s e n t a t i o n o f A f r i c a , lie set the tonc o n Africa 's place i n h i s t o r y :

I l lias, properly said, no history. W c Icave Afr ica at this point w i t h ­

out furtiicr nicntioii . It does not belong to tlie historical w o r l d ; it

shows neillier inovci i icnl nor devclopiiicnt, and wlia l liappens to

occur tliere, that is, in the iiortii , beloiigs to thc Asiatic and I luro-

pcaii worlds. Carl l iage was an iin|n)rtant but passing elcineiit , Init it

beloiiged to Asia as a l 'hoeii ician colony. E g y p t w i l l bc considcrcd

AUGUSiM-J F C H O l l

ill tlic contcxt o f t l i c passage o f tlie liuniaii M i i u l f r o m tlie East to

the West, b u t it d o e s not belong to Afr ican Spiri t . W h a t w c subsuiiic

undcr thc w o r d Africa is an undcvcloped, aliistorieal w o r l d , ciit irely

prisoiicr o f thc natural Spiri t ; its place is still at the tliresliold o f

univcrsal history. (Hcgcl 1965:26V, iny translation)

A U thc arguments o f E u r o p e a n s u p c r i o r i t y are présent in I I c g e l s lec ­

tures: A f r i c a n chi ldishncss , backwardi icss , and lack o f c u l t u r a l a c h i e v c ­

m c n t , and the i l i s c o n n c c t i o i i o f E g y p t f r o m thc i i iai i is trcai i i o f A f r i c a n

history. Researchers s u c h as L é o r r o b e i i i u s (1987) took thèse proposais

for granted. E v e i i i f hc was in s y m p a t h y w i t h A f r i c a i n g ê n e r a i , and m o r e

specifically w i t h its cul tura l traditions, l ' robenius i i i i t iated his e x p é d i ­

tions in order to discover c u l t u r a l patterns o f thc c h i l d h o o d o f m a n k i i i d ,

w h i c h lie thougl i t w c r c still prcserved i n A f r i c a and d c f i n i t c l y lost i n

matcrial ist E u r o p e . T h è s e v i c w s w c r c c o i i g r u c i i t w i t h and support ive o f

thc mission civilisatrice, or the " w l i i t c iiiaii's burdc i i , " w h i c h a i n i c d to b r i i i g

thc l ight and a c h i c v c m c n t s o f c i v i l i z a t i o n to the p o o r and unfor tui ia tc

A f r i c a n Negrocs .

T h c clash b c t w c e n the W e s t e r n and thc A f r i c a n historical t radi t ion

o c c u r r c d d u r i n g thc coiic]uest o f A f r i c a and thc installation o f c o l o n i a l

r é g i m e s , and it happened that thc mission civilisatrice had to bc i m p l c -

m e i i t c d by weapoi is and c o e r c i o n . W h a t was t e r m e d " p a c i f i c a t i o n " by

the c o l o n i a l p o w c r s was " r é s i s t a n c e " to A f r i c a n leaders and latcr i i i t e l l c c -

luals and liistoriaiis (Uoal ien 1985, 1988; B o u b o u H a i i i a and K i - Z e r b o

1980; Tall 1988).

T h e A f r i c a n historical t radi t ion is a c o m p l e x o f d i l l c r c n t k i n d s o f

his tor iés . T w o c o m p o n e n t s m a y be dis t i i iguis l ied : o n c c o i i i p o s c d most ly

o f profcssional l i istoriaiis , tcacliers, and rcscarclicrs , thc other c o i i i p o s c d

o f officiai and ui iof l ic ia l " l i i s tor ia i i s " attaclicd to par t icular segments o f

the native A f r i c a n socict ics . Uot l i c o m p o n e n t s bave internai variat ions

and diversity. T h c c m c r g c n c c o f profcssional l i istoriaiis is l i n k e d to thc

d c v e l o p m c n t o f c o l o n i a l r é g i m e s w i t h thc i r di f lcrcnt a c a d é m i e and e i l u -

cat ioiial S y s t e m s . T h e second c o i i i p o n c i i t is i i u i c h m o r e diversif ied and

m a y i n c l u d c heads o f fainil ics w h o arc c i igaged i n disputes ovcr laiid and

w h o m a y use his tor ical i n f o r m a t i o n , most ly t ransini t tcd f r o m g é n é r a t i o n

to g é n é r a t i o n , to support thcir c l a i m s ; officiais o f statc w h o s c f u i i c t i o n

is to keep alive the m c m o r y and gci ica logy o f i i ie i i ibcrs o f thc royal

families or c lans ; and officiai l i istoriaiis attaclicd to spécifie rulcrs — f o r

c x a m p l c , A h i i i a d Ibii [ 'urtu (Lange 1987), w h o lias w r i t t c n a c h r o n i c l e o f

thc D o r n o e x p é d i t i o n s o f K i i i g Idris A l a u n i a ( 1 5 6 4 - 7 6 ) .

I n g ê n e r a i , i n native A f r i c a n socict ics , h is tory is c x p e r i c i i c e d and

, AFRICAN HISTORY PASI, PRtrW N I . A M D F in i I f F

c o i i c c p t u a l i z c d as social t ime, aiul k n o w l c d g e is power . T h è s e fcaturcs

are i n u c h m o r e obvions i n cei i t ral ized poli t ical S y s t e m s :

In African socictics w i t h ceiitralized political rcgimcs, tlie iiiost i i i i -

portaiil social position is that o f the king or the rulcr. In gcncral,

inenibers o f only one fainily bave access to the tlironc. Dut in thc

iiiajority o f cases, wliatcvcr the kind o f dcscciit ruies —iiiatr i l ineal

or patriliiical — i t is thc vote and not only thc order o f bir l l i that d é ­

cides the succcssor. It is tlius iiiiportaiit for thc candidate to thc office

to coiivincc thc voting mcnibcrs o f llic coiiiicils that niakc kiiigs of

thcir (]ualilies as gciuiiiic lieiis. T l i c Icgitiiiiatioii o f thcir titics and

claims can bc ba.scd solcly on historical arguments, (lloalien 1988:

256, my translation)

It tlius apjicars that it was not thc lack o f his tory pcr se that was i i i -

struii ici i tal in thc d c v c l o p n i e n t o f co lonia l his tory but thc alterity, the

violent clash w i t h other peoplcs and thcir historiés . T h c corncrs toi ie o f

tins tragic misi i iulers ta iul ing was the absence o f w r i t t c n records, w h i c h

w c r c , for i i i n e t e e i i t h - c e n t u r y E u r o p e a n liistoriaiis, l l ie sine i j u a n o n for

thc n i a k i n g o f historiés . T h e i i ic rcdible v io lence o f thc c o l o n i a l powcrs

in thcir use o f physical constraii i t , poli t ical d o m i n a t i o n , é c o n o m i e ex­

ploi ta t ion, and cul tura l a l iénat ion was d i f l c rcnt ia l ly resisted f r o m thc b e -

g i m i i i i g to thc e n d o f thc c o l o n i a l p c r i o d . D u t c o l o n i a l i s i i i wei i t beyoïul

the use o f v iolence to appropriate thc ancicnt historiés of thc colonies

t h r o u g h thc p r a c l i c c o l an archacology that was an a r m o f the colonial

c i i t c rpr isc .

The Colonial Trauma: Research Problems and Explanalory Frameworks

T h e i i i . i jori ty o f thc earliest arcl iacological reports f r o m West A f r i c a w c r c c o n c e r n e d w i t h stonc artifacts co l l cc ted at ra i idoi i i (De Uarros 1990; MoU 1990). Data f r o m thèse artifacts w c r c used to construct t y p o l o g i -cal charts s imilar to tliose for France i n order to b u i l d an approximate t i m e scalc. A i i o t h e r major c o n c e r n was w i t h m o n u m e n t s and i i i ipressivc b u i l d i n g s . T h c data col lcc ted w c r c used to locatc anc icnt poli t ical c e i i -ters and the capital cities o f West A f r i c a n empires o f the first l ia l f o f thc second m i l l c n n i u m A . i x that w c r c n i e i i t i o n e d in thc Arabie historical record (.sec Dclafosse 1916; M c l i i t o s l i and M c l i i t o s l i 1983).

IVIaiiy o f t l i c peopic w h o playcd i m p o r t a n t rôles in thc c i i i c r g c i i c c o f F r e n c l i archacology as a s e l f - c o n t a i i i c d di.scipliiie ac t ivc ly part ic ipatcd in

AUGUST IN f C H O l l

c o l o n i a l i s m . E r n c s t - T l i c o d o r c H a m y , w h o was a inc thcal ofl'iccr iu West

A f r i c a , publ ished about 12 papers b c t w c e n 1877 aiul 1907 and edi tcd sev-

eral v o l u m e s in thc séries Matériaux pour servir <) l'histoire de l'homme f r o m

1864 o n w a r d . I l e was also thc editor o f thc j o u r n a l Revue d'ethiiof^raplùe

in 1890 ( M a u n y 1968). M a u r i c e Delafo.ssc was g o v e r n o r - g e n e r a l o f t l i c

r r c i i c h colonies o f West A f r i c a ; it was his d u t y to ci iforce I-rench c o l o ­

nial policy. Dclafosse was not t ra incd as an arcliaeologist , his tor ia i i , or

c thi iologis t , but he was a .scholar w h o u.sed d i l l c r c n t k i n d s o f availabic

i n f o r m a t i o n i n order to p r o v i d e accounts o f the past, the process o f

peopl i i ig , and the c m c r g c n c c o f " c i v i l i z a t i o n " in West A f r i c a . I lis p u b l i ­

cations (Delafos,se 1900, 1916) are therefore a m o n g thc bcs l i l lustrations

o f thc c o l o n i a l attitude toward the West A f r i c a n past (I-all 1988). I n both

his tory and archacology, the pioneer ph.ise o f rescarch was cliaracteri/ .cd

by the publ ica t ion most ly o f short notes. I n history, people l ike Yves

U r v o y (1949) and 11. R . l 'aimer (1936) publ ished w o r k s that aie no longer

c o n s i d c r c d to bc g c i u i i n c history. I n archacology, the first l ' a i i - A f r i c a i i

C o n g r e s s o f l ' reliistory, o rganized by L . S. IJ. L e a k e y aiul he ld in N a i r o b i

i n 1947, can bc c o n s i d c r c d the major eveiit that brougli t gc i iu ine change

i n thc nature o f arcl iacological invest igat ion i n A f r i c a .

I n b o t h his tory and archacology, the explai iatory f r a n i e w o r k adopted

d u r i n g this p i o n e e r phase to c x p l a i n the d c v e l o p m c n t o f A f r i c a n s o c i ­

ct ics o f the past was simple and s t ra ig l i t forward : tliis was thc golden âge

o f d i f l u s i o n i s m . I n thc 1880s, F. R a t z c l , the f o u n d c r o f c u l t u r a l - l i i s t o r i c a l

studies i n G e r m a n aii thropology, argued that o n l y real historical desceiit

can cxpla in the s imi lar i ty o f f o r i n b c t w c e n objects f o u n d at places l i u n -

dreds or tliousands o f k i l o n i e t c r s apart. Me p r o m o t e d a t h c o r y o f cul ture

contact — t h e m i g r a t i o n t h c o r y — a c c o r d i i i g to w h i c h thc d r i v i n g forces

b c h i n d d y i i a m i c historical proccsscs are migrat ions . R a t z c l , w h o sliarcd

Hegel 's v i c w s o n A f r i c a , p u b l i s h e d classifications o f A f r i c a n peoplcs bascd

o n both thcir c u l t u r a l a c h i c v c m c n t s and thc i r é c o n o m i e s . T h c c u l t u r e -

bascd list i n c l u d e d , f r o m top to bot toi i i , Arabs and N u b i a n s , I l t l i i o p i -

ans, Uerbers, peoplcs o f the Sahara , peoplcs o f the central S u d a i i , and

thc F u l a n i and the " d a r k " peoplcs o f w e s t e r n S u d a n (.sec Z w e r i i c i i i a n i i

1982:29) .

A c e o r d i i i g to R a t z c l , w l i e r c older c u l t u r a l traits point to sources o u t -

sidc A f r i c a , t l icy point east; thus i r o n , eattlc, pigs, c h i c k e n s , the c u l t i v a -

t ion o f mil le t , the vert ical l o o n i , and the s imple b o w came f r o m the east.

F robenius (1987) shared R a t z d ' s point o f v i e w . T h e p r é s e n c e o f w h i t c

peopic e v e r y w l i c r c i n West A f r i c a was c o n s i d c r c d a p r e c o i i d i t i o n for c u l ­

tural é v o l u t i o n and tcchnologica l change : " I t secms that w e o w e to those

AFRICAN HISTORY PAST, PRESFNI . AND FUTURF

m o v c n i c n t s o f peoplcs i ron m c t a l l u r g y " (l 'edrals 1950:112). M u c l i é v i ­

dence f r o m iiiaterial cu l ture , such as thc use o f stone as b u i l d i n g inaterial

and thc é r e c t i o n o f mcgali ths , was sceii as p r o o f o f migrat ions o f peopic

and d i f lus ion o l cul ture traits f r o m the N i l c Valley aiul F g y p t to (hc rcs t o f thc c o n t i n e n t . "l'iie wl i i te i n a n ' s b u r i l c n was t l icrcforc val idatcd ; coloni . i l

S y s t e m s bail s i m p l y to c o n t i n u e the oi icrous task o f thcir w h i t c f o r c r i i n -

iicrs and b r i i i g the l ight o f c i v i l i z a t i o n yet agaiii to " b a c k w a r d " A f r i c a .

I n the 1950s, a slight change o c c u r r c d in thc m i l i e u o f thc c o l o ­

nial historical ami social sciences, l ' rofcssioiial rcscarclicrs begaii t o take

up appointmeii ts i n varions rescarch insti tutions. Inst i tut ions o f l i ighcr

é d u c a t i o n w c r c aiready iircsciit in s o m c Itritisli co lonies , and thc first

m u s é u m s w c r c f o u n d e d in i i i o d c r n G h a n a and N i g e r i a (Sl iaw 1978).

T h e Institut Fraii(,ais d 'Afri i i i ie Noire ( I F A N ) was f o u m i c i l i n Dakar ,

Sénégal , and published a j o u r n a i begi i i i i i i ig in 1939 in place o f the bul­

letin (lu Comité (l'Iitudes Historiques et Scientifiques Je l'Afrique Occidentale

l'rainaise ( 1916 -38 ) . T h e first l ' a i i - A f r i c a n C o n g r e s s o f l ' r chis tory and r c -

latcd tlisci|ilincs, w h i c h took place in N a i r o b i in 1947 (thc second o n e was i n A l g i e r s i n 1952), gave prolessional archaeologists thc o p p o r t u -

i i i ty to c o m p a r e and coiitrast thcir metl iods and results. l ' I i c resolutions

o f tlicsc coiigresses a inicd to achieve m e t h o d o l o g i c a l c lar i f icat ion and a

c o m n i o n tcr i i i i i iology.

M. i jor rescarch problcms o f thc pioneer stage o f West A f r i c a n archac ­

ology w c r c not coi i ipletely abai idoncd , h o w c v e r ; researchers w c r c still

c o i i l i n c i l w i t h i n the f raniework o f a cul tura l - l i i s tor i ca l paradigi i i . " R a c i -

o l o g y " — t h e défini t ion o f racial classifications — w a s still a focal point o f

investigation, usi i ig a séries o f a n t h r o p o m é t r i e indices to uncover racial

types f r o m skclc tons . S o was thc p r o b l e m o f thc or ig ins o f n i a t c r i a l -

cul ture items such as stone tool complexes , thc Leval lo is technique, bladc

tcchiiology, m i c r o l i t h i c complexes , pottery, food [ i roduct ion , and m c t ­

allurgy. C h a n g e was nianifested n i a i n l y i n greater cii iphasis o n arc l iaco­

logical artifacts, o n the descr ipt ion o f sites and fiiids, and o n typology.

w i t h only vcry b r i c i discussions o f or ig ins and attcmpts at a contcx tual

i n t e r p r é t a t i o n o f t l i c arcliacological record . Ins tcad , thc c o n s t r u c t i o n o f

c h r o n o l o g i c a l charts was the m a i n a i m o f the first g é n é r a t i o n o f p r o ­

fcssional archaeologists. M o n u m e n t a l textbooks o n A f r i c a n prchis lory ,

unequalcd today, w c r c published in F r c n e h i n the 1950s ( A l i n i e n 1955;

Ualout 1955; Vaufrey 1955 — r e n i a r k a b l y , ail threc in the saine year). I h c

process o f sé lec t ion o f relevant sources o f i n f o r m a t i o n ami iileas was at

w o r k ; références to Frobenius and his associâtes o f t l i c cul tura l - l i i s tor ica l

school ail but disappcared f r o m thc l i tcrature.

AUGUST IN f C H O l l

S o m c rcscarcli topics, l i o w c v c r , w c r c sti l l c o u c l i c d i n c r u d c d i l l u -

sionist t e n u s . T h i s was the case w i t h topics rc latcd to thc é m e r g e n c e

o f i ron t e c h n o l o g y in West A f r i c a . A c c o r d i n g to M a i i i i y (1952, 1953),

i ron t e c h n o l o g y dilfu.scd f r o m C a r t h a g i n i a n N o r t h A f r i c a to West A f r i c a

t h r o u g h contacts w i t h p r o t o - U c r b e r s . M a u n y ' s discussion is, in fact, v c r y

s imilar to thc arguments o f thc c u l t u r a l - h i s t o r i c a l school (sec Z w e r n e -

m a n n 1982:50) . Me first c o n s i d c r c d thc t cchnologica l c o n i p l e x i t y o f i ron

p r o d u c t i o n and the manufacture o f i ron i m p l c m c n t s , and t l icn statcd

that t cchnologica l proccsscs arc such c o m p l e x p l i e i i o i i i c na that repeated

i iuicpci ident i n v e n t i o n is i m p r o b a h l c . F r o m thèse preiiiises lie c o n c l i i d e d

that i ron technology was d c v c l o p c d e l s c w h c r c and latcr d i f luscd to West

A f r i c a .

I n history, thc pauci ty o f local w r i t t c n sources relevant to tlic h i s ­

tory o f A f r i c a n socic t ics gencra tcd serions m e t h o d o l o g i c a l problcms :

first, thc w r i t i i i g o f l i ighly spécula t ive historiés (l 'edrals 1950); second,

an u i i c r i t i ca l and l i tcral use o f Arabie sources ; and thi rd , difl iculties i n

the use o f al ternative records o f the past t ransinit tcd orally f r o m one

g é n é r a t i o n to the n c x t . T l i e early c o l o n i a l l i istoriaiis w h o bascd thcir ac ­

counts o f t l i c A f r i c a n past partly o n oral sources (Dclafosse 1912; l 'a imer

1936; U r v o y 1949) w c r c unsucce.ssful n i a i n l y because o f thc i r failure to

consider in contcx t the contents , s tructure , and social i i i canings o f oral

accounts (Devi.s.sc 1988; Fa l l 1988; Vaiisi i ia 1985). B u t m a n y y o u i i g A f r i ­

can liistoriaiis c o n s i d c r c d the oral accounts — o r oral tradit ions, as t l icy

w c r c t e r m e d —to bc relevant historical sources, l i i usi i ig tlu)se sources,

they faccd stroiig o j iposi t ion f r o m establislicd a c a d é m i e liistoriaiis . T h i s

o p p o s i t i o n led to the d c v e l o p m c n t o f a s c h o o l o f thougli t w i t h i n A f r i c a

in w h i c h y o u i i g researchers used oral traditions to w r i t e " g e n u i n c b i s -

tories" o f the c o n t i n e n t . T h e use o f oral traditions was also a w a y o f

d e c l a r i n g m e t h o d o l o g i c a l auto i ioniy as w c U as a d i s t i n c t i v c historical

or ig i i ia l i ty for A f r i c a (Dévisse 1988 :327) .

A c c o r d i n g to Fa l l (1988), thc risk for A f r i c a n his tory that arose w i t h

this devclopi i ie i i t — b a s c d as it was o n thc concept o f an i r reducible s p e c i -

ficity o f A f r i c a n socict ics , c x c m p l i f i c d by thc i m p o r t a n c e o f " o r a l i t y " —

was and still is that o f the eniergence o f an A f r i c a n fui idameii tal is i i i (sec

Dlakey, this v o l u m e ) bascd o n l ia r inoi i ious and roi i ia i i t ic reconstruct ions

o f the past. E v e n i f s u c h fundai i ienta l i sm was inescapablc in the c o n ­

tcxt o f c o n f r o n t a t i o n b c t w c e n c o l o n i a l Systems and A f r i c a n socict ics ,

w i t h thcir i n c o m p a t i b l e and i d e a l i z c d r e p r é s e n t a t i o n s o f l iui i ia i i cul tura l

a c h i e v c m c i i t s , it bas i i o w to bc c r i t i ca l ly s tudied and c o i i t c x t u a l i z e d . It

is n o w r c c o g n i z x d that oral accounts for i i i an i i i t c rcs t ing and i i n p o r -

AFRICAN HISTORY PAST, PRFSfI-JI, AND FIJIURF

tant botly o f data for thc historical and social sciences (Schinidt , this

v o l u m e ) , but that thc i r use requircs spécifie i i iet l iodological tools. For

Vaiisii ia (1985), oral traditions are not j u s t a source about the past Init

a " l i i s t o l o g y " o f thc past. T h e y are accounts o f b o w peo[ilc bave i i i tcr ­

preted thcir past a c c o r d i n g to c l i a n g i n g social c i rcunistanccs . It is thus

m i s l c a d i i i g to consider oral accounts s i m p l y as raw sources. W l i e i i c o n -s idcrc i l as hypothèses , s imilar to thc liistorian's or arcliaeologist's inter­

p r é t a t i o n o f the past, they have to bc tested a i u l evaluated according to a

p r o b l c n i - o r i c n t e d rescarch p r o c é d u r e . O r a l accounts arc ihcrcfore a p a r ­t icular k i i u l o f historical r e c o r d . In o r d e r to bc , i b l c t o understaiu! t h c i r

meanings aiul grasp thcir coniplexi ty , researchers iniist study t h e d y n a m ­ics of at Icast a part o f t l i c social S y s t e m and thc contexts w i t h i n v v i i i c h the accounts w c r c used aiiil r ccordcd .

S o m c i i i tcrcs t ing patterns é m e r g e f r o m thc forcgoing rcvicvv o f

West A f r i c a n archacology and history in thc c o l o n i a l p c r i o i l . "I hc v i c w s

o f a m.i jori ty o f researchers w c r c c o n g r u c i i t w i t h thc d o m i n a n t tliciiies

of c o l o n i a l i s m . T h c sociokigical m i l i e u ( I Jourdieu 1984; I l u l l 1988) o f

archaeologists, liistoriaiis, social scicntists , aiul other scicntists w a s a vc ry

n a r r o w o n c , a séries o f i i i t c rcoi i i iec ted , o v c r i a p p i n g , aiul t ightiy ki i i t

n e t w o r k s o f peopic . T h e y w c r c soldicrs , tcacliers, a n d c i v i l servants w h o w c r c o b l i g c d in thcir daily tasks to c i iforce , direc t ly or indirectly , co lonia l

polic ics and idéologies . 'F l ic demie structure that ei i ierged was formal ized

by the c r é a t i o n o f j o u r n a l s and I c a r n e d socic t ics such as the S o c i é t é des

Africanistes and its j o u r n a l , / O K H I U / de il Société des Africitiiistcs, founded in

l'aris in 1930, and the Bulletin de l'iuslilul I'iiiii(;<iis d'Afriijue Noire, founded

at D a k a r in 1939. T h è s e organizat ions w c r c i n s t r u m e n t a l in t h e d e v c l o p -

iiicii t o f A f r i c a i i i s i i i as a central rescarch interest in tiic F r c n e h académies .

' l 'hcre w c r c i iul ivi t lual and group d i n e r e n c c s in both the scopc and

the explai iatory dcpth of rescarch c a r r i e d out w i t h i n ihe ficld o f A f r i c a i i -

ist studies. D u r i n g the c l i inax o f thc c o l o n i a l p c r i o i l , a l Icast, a k i i u l o f

social d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r secms to bave operated. Soldicrs , pr i i i ia ry school

tcacliers, and clerks oftci i co l l cc ted data and publ ished descriptive w o r k s

o n fcaturcs, custoiiis , arcl iacological sites, and fiiids they happenccl to

encounter . F o l l o w i n g thc r é g u l a t i o n s o f F r c n e h c o l o n i a l adminis t ra t ion ,

sonie o f t l i e m had to send dctai led excavat ion and other reports to thcir

superiors (Watcr lo t 1909). Soldicrs , for instance, w e r e not a l l o w e d to

publisli thcir discovcries w i t h o u t the formai agrecinci i t o f thcir ofhcers.

l 'cople b e l o i i g i i i g to the c o l o n i a l él i te — i i i i l i t a r y and médica l o l i iccrs and

h i g h - r a n k i n g c i v i l servants — used thc aeeunuilatc i l data l o bui ld graïui -

scalc i n t e r p r é t a t i o n s in ternis o f t l i c historical precedence and s u p c r i o r i t y

A U G U S I I N F C I IO I l

o f w l i i t c peopic ovcr black natives, tlius r e i n f o r c i n g tl ieir mission di>ilisa-

trifc. I n this way, to v a r y i n g dcgrccs , produccrs o f arcl iacological , h i s t o r i ­

cal , and c thi io logica l k n o w l c d g e par t ic ipatcd i n the c o l o n i a l c i i tcrprisc

o f pol i t ical d o n i i n a t i o i i , é c o n o m i e exploi ta t ion , and cul tura l a l iénat ion.

T h e c o n t r a r y w o u l d bave been l i i g h l y surpris i i ig .

Africa lo Africans: Pan-Negrism, Pan-Africanism, ond Independence

A f t c r the c o l o n i a l i i i i l i tary forces c r u s i i e d A f r i c a n résistance and

c o l o n i a l administrat ive and é c o n o m i e S y s t e m s bcgaii to bc i n i p l c m e n t c d ,

n e w c i ic roacl inients o n A f r i c a n land q u i c k l y gencra tcd serions eoiil l icts

(Uoalien 1985). O u t o f thèse confl ic ts enierged native poli t ical activists

and ii i tcl lectuals w h o argued i n défense o f A f r i c a n s ' t radi t ional riglits

to thcir ancestral laiids and for respect o f local cus toms and social orga-

i i iza t io i i . D u r i n g thc c o l o n i a l p c r i o d thcre w c r c n o i i idigenous archae­

ologists. I l o w e v c r , not ail o f the profcssional archaeologists w o r k i n g in

West A f r i c a agrccd coiisisteii t ly w i t h the doi i i i i ia i i t d i l lus ionis t para-

d i g m . L h o t c (1952), for instance, disagrecd w i t h M a u n y (1952, 1953) oi\

thc p r o b l e m o f thc é m e r g e n c e o f i ron t e c h n o l o g y in West A f r i c a , c o i i -

s ider i i ig it to bc the o u t c o n i c o f local d c v c l o p i i i c i i t s . Nevertheless , w h a t

m a y be c o n s i d c r c d a rcvis ionis t c o n c e p t i o n o f arc l iacological , c t h i i o ­

logical , and historical k n o w l c d g e was i i i i t ia ted by scholars w h o w c r c

not archaeologists, l i istoriaiis , and social scicntists but intellectuals and

poli t ical t l i i i ikcrs , i iovclists and pocts. S o m c o f t l i c m met as stutleiits in

univers i t i cs i n France , G r c a t U r i t a i i i , and thc U n i t e d States in thc years

f o l l o w i n g 1920. M o s t o f t l i e m w e r e pol i t ical activists, l ig l i t i i ig for thc

d i g n i t y o f A f r i c a n peoplcs, for thc f r c c d o m o f A f r i c a , and against c o l o ­

nial pateri ial isi i i , cul tura l a l iénat ion , and n i a n i p u l a t i o n o f t l i c k n o w l c d g e

that was the m a i n subject o f thcir studies.

T h e slogan "Afr ica to A f r i c a n s " was adopted in 1919 d u r i n g the first

l ' a n - A f r i c a n C o n g r e s s , a pol i t ical c o n f c r c n c c h e l d in l'aris. T h e m.ijor

p r o b l e m fac ing thèse pioneers was l i o w to restorc A f r i c a n d i g n i t y and

cscape f r o m c u l t u r a l a l i é n a t i o n . T h c earliest r é a c t i o n s w c r c p r e d o n i i -

naiit ly cul tura l and pol i t i ca l (Ai idal i 1988; U o a h e n 1985, 1988; D i a g i i c

1977) and a i n i c d to reappropriate A f r i c a n h é r i t a g e w i t h i n the c o n t c x t o f

strugglc for p o w e r and legit i i i iacy. D i f l c r c n t ways o f a c h i c v i i i g this go.il

w e r e c x p l o r e d . A m o n g t l i e m w e r e attcmpts to i i iakc an alternative A l r i -

can his tory : the d o m i n a n t i.ssue was to study thc A f r i c a n past w i t h s c i e n ­

tific m c t h o d s in order to ident i fy thc assumptioii.s, biases, and weaknesses

o f arrogant c o l o n i a l scholarship and thus to gci ieratc a g e n u i n c basis for

AFRICAN l i r . I O R Y rAT.I. r R r S F N I . AMij (IIIURF

an A f r i c a n revival . T h e proccsscs are still at w o r k today. I I . Sylvestre-

W i l l i a m s , E . W . B l y d c i i , M a r c u s G a r v e y , and W . E . U. D u B o i s were

a m o n g the most i m p o r t a n t figures in thc earliest stage o f this strugglc,

and thcir w r i t i n g s and actions w c r c important in N e g r o c s ' l irsl attcmpts

at cul tura l and ()olitical revival ( " N c g r o " b c i n g thc terni used in the c o n ­

tcxt o f that historical discourse) . The impor tance o f intellectuals f rom

thc C a r i b b e a i i in the d c v e l o p m c n t o f A f r i c a n self -consciousi icss may

bave resultcd f r o m thc exile o f so m a n y o f t l i e m because o f poli t ical r é ­

pression, censorship, and bans on historical rescarch, as i lcscr ibed by j a l i l

S u e d Batl i l lo t luri i ig our scminar .

A f t c r the abol i t ion o f slavcry, black peoplcs f r o m thc Ai i ier icas bcgaii

a l o n g and difficult strugglc for the r é c o g n i t i o n o f thcir c i v i l riglits . Fl ic

idca o f active solidarity w i t h A f r i c a n s w h o had to combat c e o i i o m i c e x ­

ploi ta t ion and c o l o n i a l i s m enierged d u r i n g the i i i i ieteentli century. It

was I I . S y l v e s t r e - W i l l i a m s — b o n i in ' IVi i i idad , w o r k i n g as a barristcr in

L o i i d o i i , and act i i ig as adviser to A f r i c a n pol i t ical leaders f r o m Uri t is l i

co lonies w l i c n they came to E n g l a i i d for discussions w i t h the C~olonial

O l l i c c — w h o organized the first A f r i c a n coiiferci iee in L o i u i o i i in 1900.

T h e terni jhni-Afrianiisin was used for the first t ime d u r i n g that c o n f é r e n c e

( M b u y i n g a 1979; l 'adinore 1960). l ' a n - A f r i c a n i s i i i was a set o f poli t ical

and pl i i losophical ideas that a i n i c d l o guide thc actions o f A f r i c a n peoplcs

in thcir strugglc for l ibérat ion, iiide[>ciidciicc, and ui i i ty o f t l i c c o i i t i i i e i i l .

E . W . U l y d e i i was a L i b e r i a i i f r o m Tobago, a c h u r c l i i i i a i i w h o was

the p r e c u r s o r o f p a i i - A f r i c a i i i s i i i . In bis b o o k s (Ulydci i 1887, 1890, 1905),

lie t r i cd to put A f r i c a n his tory in pcrs j i cc t ivc , lo consider i l as lo i ig - ter i i i

h is tory —/o/iijuc (/ i(r( ' r—in w h i c h c o l o n i a l i s m , instcad o f b c i n g c o i i c c p t u -

al ized as an e n d , was but a p a i n f u l épisode that w o u l d sooii bc supersedcd

by a grandcr destiny for N c g r o A f r i c a . F r o m this perspective, B l y d e i i

v i e w e d c o l o n i a l i s m as possibly a logical step aftcr thc slave tradc. 1 lis

t l iouglits can bc s u m m a r i z c i l as f o l l o w i n g t w o m.ijor axes: thc i m p o r ­

tance o f l 'haraonic E g y p t for the his tory o f A f r i c a and its peoplcs, and

thc " p r o j c c t " for thc u n i f i c a t i o n o f West A f r i c a into a uiii(]ue political

c i i t i l y ( D i a g n c 1977; Fal l 1988).

B l y d e i i was fasciiiatcd by thc his tory o f l 'haraonic Egyj>t and c o n ­

s i d c r c d it to be the A f r i c a n s ' c o i i i i i i o n h é r i t a g e because it was a grcat

c u l t u r a l a c h i e v c m c n t o f N e g r o peoplcs. Uefcrei ices takeii f r o m thc B i b l e ,

I l o m e r , and I l c r o d o t u s , a long w i t h reprcscntatioiis o f t l i c grcat S p h i n x ,

w c r c used as proofs o f lus arguments o f direct historical c o i i n c c l i o n s .

H e b c l i e v c d the p c o p l i i i g o f West A f r i c a resultcd f r o m migrat ions f r o m

thc N i l c hear t land. B l y d c n was also fasciiiatcd by Is lam, espccially by

West A f r i c a n M o s l e m c o i i i i i i u i i i t i c s , and advocatcd c o o p é r a t i o n b c t w c e n

AUGUST IN F C H O U

C h r i s t i a i i s and M o s l c i n s i n inat lcrs o f é d u c a t i o n and cul ture i n a future West A f r i c a n statc. 1 le l ield a quasi - inyst ieal c o n c e p t i o n o f tlie c o i i t r i l n i -t ioi i o f N e g r o A f r i c a to future w o r l d c i v i l i z a t i o n :

liacli rate is cni lowed w i l l i particular talents, aiul watcliful at tlic

Icast dcgrcc is thc Creator ovcr thc individuality, thc freeiloni, and

indcpcndcncc of cacli. In tlic iiiusic o f the universc cacli givcs a

différent souiid, but ail arc iieccssary to thc grand syniphony. T h c r e

arc scvcral sounds not yet brouglit on and thc fceblcst o f ail is that

hithcr to bc produccd by thc ncgro, but only lie can furiiisli it. A n d

w l i c i i lie does furiiisli it, in its fullncss aiul perfection, it w i l l bc

w c l c o n i c d w i t h dclight by thc w o r l d . (Blydcn 1887, c i tcd in Diagne

1977:303)

Byidei i ' s p a n - N c g r i s i n was c x c l u s i v e l y a cul tura l and i n t c l l c c l u a l

pos i t ion , partly because he d i e d i n 1912 and d i d not e x p é r i e n c e the worst

p c r i o d o f c o l o n i a l i s m , f r o m 1920 to 1950. M a r c u s G a r v e y ' s ] i a n - N c g r i s i i i

was i i iucl i m o r e radical and active i n pol i t i ca l ternis. G a r v e y advocatcd

thc rc turi i o f ail A f r i c a n A i i i c r i c a i i s to A f r i c a . 1 lis posit ions were ovcr t ly

racist and his radical pol i t ical ac t ion d i d not last long . W . E . B . D u B o i s

playcd the major rôle i n p o p u l a r i z i n g the idcas o f p a i i - A f r i c a n i s i i i i n

A f r i c a and a m o n g A f r i c a n d i t e s and studeiits i n w e s t e r n E u r o p e a n u n i ­

versitics.

T h c first P a i i - A f r i c a i i C o n g r e s s h e l d i n l 'aris, in 1919, was attciided

c x c l u s i v e l y by delcgatcs f r o m E u r o p e and thc A m e r i c a s . T h e iiext four

meet ings w c r c at tendcd by m o r e and m o r e A f r i c a n delcgatcs, and at thc

fiftli congress, in M a n c h e s t e r in 1945, K w a i i i e N k r u i i i a l i — d c i c g a t c f r o m

thc G o l d C o a s t , prcsei i t - i lay G h a n a — w a s appointed secretary o f t l i c l ' a n -

A f r i c a n C o n g r e s s for West A f r i c a .

A U thèse early attcmpts at A f r i c a n c u l t u r a l and poli t ical revival

f o r m c d a m i l i e u that i i u r t u r c d thc grai id-scale p r o g r a m o f C h e i k h A n t a

D i o p , w h i c h I discuss at lengtl i i n the iiext sec t ion. A f t c r 1945, A n t a

D i o p was s t u d y i n g in France , and in 1952 lie becaiiie gênerai secretary o f

the studeiit o rganiza t ion R a s s e m b l e m e n t D é m o c r a t i q u e A f r i c a i n ( R D A ) ,

a c o n f é d é r a t i o n o f poli t ical parties and w o r k e r s ' organizat ions o f the

F r c n e h colonies o f West A f r i c a , w h i c h had i m p o r t a n t relations w i t h the

l ' a n - A f r i c a n Coiigress 's p e r m a n e n t secré tar ia t bascd in L o i u l o n . Because

a contcxt o f poli t ical ac t iv is i i i s u r r o u i i d e d A n t a D i o p ' s rescarch projects,

to uiulcrstaiid lus w o r k s it is csseiitial to grasp thc d y n a m i c s o f t l i c demie

structure o f poli t ical fac t ional i sm, fusion, sci.ssion, and c o m p é t i t i o n b c ­

t w c e n polit ical l i i ics and a m o n g char ismat ie figures i n the strugglc for

indepci idenec , as w e l l as changes w i t h i n F r c n e h c o l o n i a l p o l i c y - m a k i i i g .

AFRICAN I I IS IORY PASI, PRFS fNI , M h, fIJIURF

The Program of Cheikh Ania Diop

' I h c .Sencgalese scholar C h e i k h Anta D i o p can be considcrcd the

most proini i ic i i t propoi ic i i t o f t l i c use of arcliacological and c t h i i o l o g i ­

cal k n o w l c d g e , ak)iig w i t h l ingii ist ics aiul history, to gciicratc a colicrcii t

b o d y o f ideas c o n g r u e n t w i t h an A f r i c a n ratlical nat ioi ial is i i i . 1 le iicver

publ ished any i n f o r m a t i o n about his forii iative years and his é d u c a t i o n in

l'aris, but it .secms that his first b o o k , w r i t t c n b e t w e e n 1948 and 1953 — a

p c r i o d lie preseiitcd as a v c r y difhcul t t inic m the strugglc against c o l o ­

n i a l i s m (Anta D i o p 1955:24) — w a s j^robably intei ided as a doctoral tliesis.

For ui iki iovvn rcasoiis, it was not accepted by lus profcssors. A l t h o u g l i ,

as T l i u r s t a i i .Shaw (1978:11-12) points out, thc E g y p t i a i i d i f fus iomsm

advocateil by co lonia l adiiiiiiistrators was also eiitiuisiastically espouscd

by A f r i c a n wri ters , i f for di l lerent rcasoiis (sec D i k a - A k w a 1980; O b e n g a

1973), Anta D i o p ' s global rescarch projcc t was m o r e c o m p l e x l l ian thc

simple rcstatemciit o f car l icr ide.is (sec A n t a D i o p 1955, 19f)0a, 196()b,

1960c, 196()d, 1962, 1967, 1973a, 1973b, 1973c, 1977, 1980).

Anta D i o p b c l i e v c d thaï A f r i c a n inlc l lcc tuals s l iould study thcir past

not for iiiteUectual plcasure but as a charter for ac t ion in thc présent . I hc

m.ijor purpo.se o f lus w o r k was to figlit against cul tura l a l ic i iat ioi i . 1 le

S.1W the w h o l c b o d y o f " sc ient i f i c " statciiients o n Africa 's past in thc 1950s

to bc ut i l i tar ian and pragmatic i n thc scnsc that it was used to ei iforcc

c o l o n i a l doi i i i i ia i i cc by d e p r i v i i i g the natives o f any aptitude for cul tural

a c h i e v c m c n t . I n order to crcate nat ional self-coii .sciousiiess, Afr icans had

to s l u d y thcir p.nst cr i t ical ly . A n t a D i o p .saw historical k n o w l c d g e o f jiast

A f r i c a n socict ics as a s tratégie tool in the l ight against c o l o n i a l i s m but

also as a c r u c i a l instrument ni the c t ) i i ipc t i t io i i for p o w e r and legiti i i iacy

a m o n g A f r i c a n d i t e s and intellectuals.

At the t ime o f its i i i ccpt io i i in the 1950s, A n t a Diop's rescarch p r o ­

g r a m was rootcd in threc m a i n idcas: the strugglc for thc indcpendci i ce

o f A f r i c a , thc c r é a t i o n o f a fédéral and coi i t i i ie i i ta l A f r i c a n statc, and the

A f r i c a n and " N e g r o i d " o r i g i n o f m a i i k i n d and c i v i l i z a t i o n . T h i s rescarch

program was i n i p l e m c n t c d in threc m a j o r steps. I h c first was to establish

ancicnt E g y p t l i r n i l y as thc cradic o f almost c v c r y black A f r i c a n i n o p l c .

Fl ic second was to demoiistratc thc truc nature o f l l ie l inks b c t w c e n

l 'haraonic E g y p t and a sampic o f A f r i c a n peoplcs aiul l i i iguis l ic groups.

w h i l c a.sccrtaiiiiiig thc N c g r o itieiitity o f the Egyptia i is . A n d thc third

was to consider l 'haraonic E g y p t as a ceii ter o f c i v i l i z a t i o n that c x c r i c t l a

trci i iei i i lous i i i l iucnce u p o n ancicnt ( Jreccc and consc<|uenlly i i|ioi i thc

w h o l c Western w o r l d .

C'oiisequently. the program of C h e i k h Anta I)io]> may bc s u i n l i v u l c d

A U G U S T I N F C H O l l

into a poli t ical aspect and a scientif ic o n c . I n this regard it is s imilar to

Ulydcn's p r o g r a m , but it is not k n o w n w h e t h e r A n t a D i o p k n e w o f U l y -

den's w o r k s . T h e m a i n dif férence b e t w e e n t h e m was that A n t a D i o p was,

for a lmost ail his life, a radical pol i t i ca l activist .

The Polilical Program

T h e poli t ical part o f A n t a D i o p ' s activities was w i d e - r a n g i n g .

A s g ê n e r a i secretary o f thc R D A i n l'aris, he was situated poli t ical ly

o n the left w i n g and had to keep h i n i s c l f and otbcrs to the radical

poli t ical line o f t l i c o rganiza t ion and combat ail k inds o f fac t ional ism.

T h c préface o f his 1955 b o o k is a i i iasterpiecc o f the poli t ical r l i c t o -

ric o f A f r i c a n revolut ionar ies and radicals. It singles out threc k i n d s

o f A f r i c a n intellectuals as threats to the A f r i c a n strugglc for i n d c p c n ­

d c n c c and c u l t u r a l r e v i v a l . First w c r c thc "cosi i iopol i ta i is -sc ient is ts -

modcr i i i s ts , " w h o , v i c t i i i i s o f c u l t u r a l a l iénat ion , disrcgarded thc s tudy

o f t l i c A f r i c a n past and c o n s i d c r c d it uscless i n thc fabric o f t l i c n i o d e r n

w o r l d . T l i e n came the " i n t e l l e c t u a l - w l i o - l i a s - f o r g o t t c n - t o - i i i i p r o v e - l i i s -

M a r x i s t - t r a i i i i i i g , " w h o d i s c o n n e c t e d his r c v o l u t i o n a r y k n o w l c d g e f r o m

poli t ical pract icc . F inal ly , thcre w c r c thc "formalis ts -antinat ioi ial is ts , "

w h o c o n s i d c r c d na t ional i n d e p e n d e n c e o f A f r i c a n coui i t r i cs undesirable

because o f the increas ing i i i t e r d c p e n d e n c c o f the w o r l d s c c o n o n i y . As

was c o m n i o n i n this poli t ical r h c t o r i c , A n t a D i o p c i t c d no one by naine ,

but poli t ical activists and thc i r fo l lowcrs k n e w exact ly w h i c h indiv iduals

and groups w e r e b c i n g s t igmat ized .

IJy r cadi i ig b c t w c e n thc liiics, it is possible to naine s o m c future

A f r i c a n statesiiieii w h o m A n t a D i o p niust bave i n t c n d c d : L . S. Sei igl ior

o f Sénégal in the first category and I lot iphouet U o i g i i y o f I v o r y C o a s t in

the t h i r d , and m a n y y o u i i g A f r i c a n M a r x i s t s such as M a h m o u d D i o p and

A b d o u l a y e W a d c i n thc second category. A t the begi i i i i i i ig , the strugglc

for i n d c p c n d c n c c was not v c r y appeali i ig for m a n y profcssional A f r i c a n

poli t iciai is w h o latcr j u i i i p c d o n the b a i i d w a g o n ( M b u y i n g a 1979). It is

w e l l k n o w n that s o m c poli t ical leaders o f West A f r i c a , such as Boigny,

w c r c not v c r y cii t l iusiastic about thc idca o f indcpei idei i cc but c o u l d do

n o t h i n g to stop the process. Consccj i iei i t ly , aftcr j iol i t ical i i idcpendei ice

they were o b l i g c d to change thc i r discourse and c la i i i ied always to bave

been in thc vanguard o f thc strugglc for f r c c d o m . A n t a D i o p , w h o w i t -

nessed ail thèse o i ipor tui i is t i c bcl iaviors , sadiy w r o t e the f o l l o w i n g :

That was in l 'cbruary 1952, at w h i c h time I was actiiig as tlic g c n ­

cral secretary of thc student organization of thc U D A , wl ic i i w c

AFRICAN HISTORY PAST . P R r S t N T . AMD F l I Î U P r

foriiiulatcd the problcms o f the political indcpcndcncc o f t l i c black

continent and thc créat ion o f a future fédéral statc. . . . It is certain

that at that time, w i t h the exception of Malagasy représentatives

and the Cameroonian leader R u b e n U n i Nyobc , not a single f r a i i c o -

plioiic African politiciaii dareil talk o f i i K l c p e i i d c n c e , of culture —

ycs, o f culture and African nations. T h c statcmcnts that are pro-

claimcd today about that subject are clo.se to imposture and are. at

the least, flagrant lies. (Anta D i o p 1974a:6, my translation)

A l s o i i i tcrcs t ing is that ail the ijiiotatioiis in the préface to Anta D i o p ' s

1955 l iook were f r o m L c i i i i i , S l a l i i i , and wri ters associatcd w i t l i thc C l i i -

nese and V i e t n a m e s c e x p é r i e n c e s - w h i c h were at that t ime exemplary

cases o f nat ional r é v o l u t i o n s that fired the i m a g i n a t i o n o f an important

part of the w o r l d ' s intel l igentsia , espccially that o f intellectuals o r i g i -

i ia t ing i n colonies i n thc p r c s e i i t - d a y ' l ' I i i r d W o r k i . Political strugglc was

thus geared to face d i l l c r c n t si tuations: the c l i a n g i n g subtletics o f colonia l

p o l i c y - m a k i i i g , w h i c h ainiei l to initiate d i v i s i o n and c o n f u s i o n w i t h i n

A f r i c a n nationalist i i iovcmei i t s , and the variat ions and diversity o f o j i i i i -

ioiis and jiolit ical l incs a m o n g A f r i c a n intellectuals and polit iciaiis .

A f t c r ilcbates ovcr thc impor tant p r o b l e m o f i i idepciulei icc , thcre

w c r c dcbatcs about the pol i t ical nature o f i i idepciident A f r i c a . For somc ,

such as Anta D i o p , K w a i i i c N k r u i i i a l i , S e k o u T o u r é , and M o d i b o K c i t a ,

w h o may bc cal led progressives —that is, revolut ionaries and radicals,

a c c o r d i n g to thc usual pol i t ical t c r m i n o l o g y — futvire A f r i c a had to bc

a c o n t i n e n t a l fédéral statc, i i i i i ted against any attcmpts at neocolonia l

d o m i n a t i o n . Anta D i o p d e v o t c d threc books (196()a, 196()b, 19f)0c) lo

the stiiily o f the cul tura l u n i t y o f N e g r o A f r i c a , its prccolonia l history,

and thc é c o n o m i e and cul tura l fouiidations o f an A f r i c a n fédéral statc.

For thc progressives, thc A f r i c a n past had to bc rcappropria tcd ; thc CK)ld

C o a s t was nai i ied G h a n a , aftcr the fanions G h a n a empire (ca. A D . 8 0 0 -

1200), and F r c n e h S u d a n was nai i i cd M a l i , al ler l l ie M a l i empire (ca.

A. i ) . 1 2 0 0 - 1 5 0 0 ) . The projcct o f a feilcral statc was thus coiisidereti to be

bascd o n a soui id and g e n u i n c c u l t u r a l and historical i i ia tr ix .

For otiiers, such as B o i g n y , Sei igl ior , and A . A l i i d j o , w h o c o n s i d ­

c r c d thcmselves moderatc or pragmat ic but w c r c called conservat ivc or

reac t ionary by thc i r I c f t - w i i i g pol i t i ca l opponci i ts , future A f r i c a w o u l d

bave to bc buil t s t c p - b y - s t c p accor i l i i ig to thc part icular i t ics o f cach

couii t ry . Toget l ic r they c o u l d i i iovc lowart l greater political a n d c e o ­

i i o m i c i n t é g r a t i o n at régional levels and t l ic i i , i f succcssful , at s i i l x o n -

tineiital and cont inenta l Icvcls . It was tins second posi t ion , also t c r m c i l

rcalistic , that was favorcd by A f r i c a n heads o f States . I h c O r g a n i / a l i o n

AUGUSTIN F C . MOU

for A f r i c a n U n i t y ( O A U ) , c r c a t c d at A d t l i s - A b a b a i n 1963, s a n c t i o n c d

thc dcfcat o f thc radical u n i t a r y pos i t ion . A f c w years latcr, i n the 1970s,

A f r i c a n radicals c o n s i d c r c d thc O A U to bc a total failure — a dcad e n d

and a n i e r c "syndicate o f A f r i c a n heads o f states" ( M b u y i n g a 1979). I n

Sénégal i n 1974, w i t h the e n d o f the " o n c - p a r t y S y s t e m " that had char -

acter ized thc p o s t - i n d e p e n d e n c c pol i t ical drift o f ail A f r i c a n states, A n t a

D i o p c r c a t c d a n e w party, thc R a s s e m b l e m e n t N.i t ion. i l D é m o c r a t i q u e ,

to c o n t i n u e the pol i t ical s trugglc and popularizx his ideas on cul tural

revival and s c l f - r e l i a n c c . In 1983, this party split into t w o parts, and a

di.ssidcnt organizat ion , thc Parti de la L i b é r a t i o n d u Peuple, w. is c rca tcd .

A n t a D i o p ' s first b o o k (19.S5), Nalioiis nr\;rcs cl culture, s u b - t i t l c d De

l'iuitiquitc ncfirc Cf^ypticunc lUi.x prohlàucs culturels, de l'Afrique d'aujourd' tiui

(I-roni N e g r o E g y p t i a n A i i t i q u i t y to C u l t u r a l Problcms o f N c g r o A f r i c a

Tod. iy) , captures the essence and scopc o f his poli t ical and sciei i t i l ic p r o ­

g r a m . It is most ly p r o g r a m i n a t i c , w i t h an a d m i x t u r e o f poli t ical i i i a n i -

festo that is apparent not o n l y i n the style o f w r i t i n g but also in cxpl ic i t

s tatcmcnts about thc c i r c u n i s t a n c c s o f thc book's p r o d u c t i o n and its

ainis, togetlicr w i t h a bricoLifie o f d i l l c r c n t A f r i c a n S y s t e m s o f values, past

and présent , and discussions o f w i d e - r a n g i n g scientific issues i i s i n g w h a t

w e r e c o n s i d c r c d s o u n d and r igorous .scientific metl iods. T h c p r o g r a m

is a liiige onc , and A n t a D i o p (1979 [1955): 2 9 - 3 0 ) confcsscd that " thc

w h o l c w o r k is but a sketch in w h i c h ail thc i iceded détails are lacki i ig . It

was h u i i i a n l y impo.ssiblc for a single i n d i v i d u a l to get a total grasp o( ail

o f t l i e m . T h i s can bc achieved o n l y t h r o u g h the w o r k o f m a n y g é n é r a ­

tions o f Afr icans . W c are c o i i s c i o u s o f thèse weaknesses, and our needs

f o r a r igorous invest igat ion sulfcr f r o m that si tuation. 1 l o w e v c r , thc m a i n

lincs arc stroiig c i i o u g l i and the perspectives arc r i g h t " (my translation).

The Research Program

A n t a D i o p ' s rescarch p r o g r a m was aiready est.iblished in bis lirst

b o o k , and ail his life hc laborcd to elaboratc the détails o f his m a i n

arguments o n di f l c rcnt planes. T h c s c planes ranged f r o m dat ing thc p.ast

w i t h .scientific m c t h o d s (Anta D i o p 1974a) and the a n t c r i o r i t y o f N e g r o

E g y p t i a n c i v i l i z a t i o n (1967) t o his torical l inguist ics (1977) , studies o f

A f r i c a n migra t ions (1973.») , the early c m c r g c n c c o f i ron technology in

N c g r o E g y p t (1973b), aiiil physical and biologica l a i i thropology (1967,

1973c, 1980).

A n t a D i o p c o n s i d c r c d ancicnt E g y p t the cradic o f almost ail A f r i ­

c a n Negrocs . T h c idca was not really n e w (Ulyden 1887; Dclafosse 1900;

AFRICAN HIS IORY. PASI, PRrSFfJI , AUO FIIHIRF

O b e n g a 1973; S h a w 1978); it was thc .scopc that was différent. A n c i c n t

E g y p t was a part o f A f r i c a that had seen a g lor ious and grcat c i v i l i z a ­

t i o n ; thu.s, as n o t c d by S h a w (1978:11) , it gave added lustcr to A f r i c a n

pride to trace cul tura l and even physical ancestry (o that s o n n e . D u r i n g

thc c o l o n i a l p c r i o d , tins a rgument had been usetl in a différent w a y —to

support the idca o f A f r i c a n inabi l i ty to achieve a higli dcgrcc o f " c i v i l i ­

z a t i o n " w i t h o u t ex tcrnal i i i l luei ice .

A n t a D i o p used five c a t é g o r i e s o f data to argue lhat ancicnt l 'gypt

was thc cradic o f black A f r i c a . Pirst, lie e m p l o y c i l e lhnologica l data, inte-

grated w i t h i n thc f r a n i e w o r k o f discussions on to temis in , c i r c u m c i s i o n ,

k i n g s l n p , cosii iology, matriarehy, and |iattcriis o f social organizat ion , to

s h o w the existence of gênerai s imilar i t ies in the structures and thc i i i c n l a l

tcmplates o l l 'haraonic socict ics and most A f r i c a n N c g r o socict ics (Anta

D i o p 1979 119.S5|: 2 0 4 - 1 9 ) . S e c o n d , he used historical data gatliered f rom

classical G r e e k autlior.s, travelcrs, aiid liistoriaiis and f rom the w o r k s o f

latcr travelcrs of thc e ighteenth and i i i i ieteci i t l i centuries to demoiistratc

thc close c o n n e c t i o n b c t w c e n P.gypt and M e r o i t i c S u d a n , thc vcry early

a c h i e v e m c i i t o f c i v i l i z a t i o n in thc N i l o t i c S u d a n , the risc in p o w e r o f

the M e r o i t i c i lynasty ol P i a n k l i i , S l iabaka , and Sabataka in U p p e r l'^gypt,

and the co lor o f the s k i n and the N c g r o idcnt i ty o f (he Egyptiai is .

T h i r d , A n t a D i o p used physical and bioai i thropological data bascd

o n racial typologies i i f arcliacological m o r l u a r y populat ions to s h o w the

massive prcsencc o f " N c g r o i d " racial traits m those populat ions , and hc

a t tcmptci l to translate the proport ions o f racial traits i i i lo m c a n i n g f u l

p o p u l a t i o n ligures. I le also tested sainpies o f s k i n f r o m m u m i n i c s to

ev.iluate thc i r p r o p o r t i o n s o f inelaii i i i (1973c). Pourt l i , hc invcs(iga(c<l

r .gypdai i l i ieroglypbic w r i t i n g to uncover thc ancicnt I -gypiians ' sclf-

appointed naine , kmt, m e a n i n g black or N c g r o . I l e c o n s i d c r c d a r t w o r k ,

both paint ings and .sculpture, to di.spl.iy " N c g r o i d " traits, and hc p r e ­

seiitcd the S p h i n x as a typical N e g r o . A n d finally, lie e m p l o y e d l inguist ic

data, bascd on a c o m p a r i s o n o f saiiiples o f vocabulary f rom l 'haraonic

E g y p t i a n and .somc N c g r o - A f r i c a i i laiiguages, to dcinonstratc thc close

genct ic rc lat ionshii i b e t w e e n thc two.

A c c o r d i n g to A n t a D i o p , tins large b o d y o f data was sulhcic i i t m

i tself to a.sccrtain b c y o n d any doubt that N e g r o ancicnt E g y p t was thc

cradic o f A f r i c a n peoplcs. I l e furt i ier c o n s i d c r c d that o n l y lack o f in teg-

rity, d is tor t ion o f facts, i i ia i i ipulat ioi i o f é v i d e n c e , and even ils p u r p o s e -

ful i l cs t ruc t ion had led Egyptologis ts to différent c o n c l u s i o n s (Anta I )iop

1 9 8 0 : . ' î 9 ) . I l e supported lus arguments w i t h ( luotaiions f rom Voincy, a

r r c n c l i .scholar and travelcr w h o vis i t cd Egypt d u r m g the .second l ia l f o f

AUGUST IN f C H O l l

thc c i g l i t c c i i t l i century , a b o u t tlic racial traits o f thc S p h i n x , aiul f r o m

thc rcply o f C h a m p o l l i o n - F i g c a c , o n c o f thc f o u n d i n g fatlicrs o f F g y p -

tology. V o l n c y d c s c r i b c d thc E g y p t i a n s in thc f o l l o w i n g ternis :

T h e y a i l have pufly faces, swollen cycs, flat noscs, thiek lips: in s h o r t ,

a rcal mulatto face. I w a s tciiiptcd to attributc it to thc climate, but

upon m y visit to the Sphinx , its aspect siiggcsted thc f i n a l w o r d s

o f the story. Scc i i ig this cliaracteristic ncgro licad in ail its traits

r c m i n d c d me o f a rcinarkabic passage in I lcrodotus, wl icrc hc s a i d :

" I tliiiik t l i a l t h c Colc l ies are an l^gyptian colony b e c a u s e t h e y b a v e ,

like tl icin, black skin and woolly liair." T i n s n i c a i i s that ancicnt

Egyptians w c r c real negrocs like a i l thc natives o f Africa . (Volncy

1787, citcd in Anta D i o p I980;.57, my I r a n s l a t i o n )

A f c w years latcr, ( ; h . i ; n i n ) l l i o i i - r i g e a c ( 1 8 3 7 : 2 6 - 2 7 , c i t c d in A n t a

D i o p 1980:59) rcpl ied that "black s k i n and w o o l l y hair, thcsc t w o p h y s i ­

cal qualit ics arc not sulf ic icnt to cl iaracterize thc ncgro race, and Volney's

c o n c l u s i o n relative to the negro o r i g i n o f t l i c a i i c i c i i l peoplcs o f T.gypt

is o b v i o u s i y e x t r ê m e and unacccptablc . " For A n t a l)io|\s re luta t ion

by a major Egyptologis t was o n c o f thc fui idai i icntal t r icks o f m o i l c r n

c o l o n i a l his tory and Egyptology .

T h c j i r o c e s s o f the peopl i i ig o f sub-Sal iara i i A f r i c a was anotlier

t h è m e o f A n t a D i o p ' s rescarch p r o g r a m (1955, 1967, 1973.i). As thc cradic

o f almost ail A l r i c a n Negrocs , ancicnt Egy|it and thc N i l c Valley w i t -

iiessed scvcral waves o f o u t w a r d m i g r a t i o n that ratliatcd ail ovcr the

c o n t i n e n t . A c c o r d i n g to A n t a D i o p (1979 |1955|: 3 7 7 - 4 0 3 ) , the K a r a

o f S o u t h e r n S u d a n and upper O u b a i i g u i , thc K a r c - K a r e o f northeastern

N i g e r i a , the Y o r u b a o f s o u t h w e s t c r n N i g e r i a , the F u l a n i , thc l 'oular (an­

c i c n t T o u c o u l l e u r s ) , the Serer, the W o l o f , the Z u l u , and otiiers a i l o r i g i -

iiated i n the N i l c Valley. 1 le used arcl iacological i n f o r m a t i o n to trace the

routes o f m i g r a t i o n s aiul i i i tcrpreted the b u r i a l m o u i u l s o f the i i i land

N i g e r Del ta as West A f r i c a n versions o f t l i c |iyraiiiids o f t l i c N i l c Valley

(Anta D i o p 1979 |I955) : 349) . I l e c o n s i d c r c d the mcgal i ths m .Sénégal,

G a i i i b i a . and M a l i to be markers o f t l i c migra t ions o f t l i c Serer f r o m the

N i l c Valley to the A t l a n t i c coast o f West A f r i c a .

I n tins regard, the M a l i a n site o f ' I b n d i - D a r o was thc subject o f d e -

bate. T h e site is an cxtensive field o f mcgal i ths located at the base o f a

red saïulstoiic h i l l . It has been i i i tcrprctei l as thc inaterial manifcstat ioi i

o f an agrariaii ritiial (Anta D i o p 1955). For M a c s (1924 :31) , thcsc stoiics

had been c r c c t c i l by C a r l h a g i n i a i i s : " F o r lie w h o k n o w s the psychology

o f negrocs, o n c can surely asccrtaiii that tins u i i d e r t a k i n g was not e x c -

AfR ICAN HISIORY PAST. PRES IN I . Atll) lUIURF

c u t c d by the représenta t ives o f t l i c N c g r o race because it rcprcsciits such

a coiisitlerable a inouii t o f e l lor t , w i t h o u t any i i i i i i icdiate uti l i ty and bear-

ii ig no relat ion to the rcgular re ipi i rcnicnts o f f c c d i i i g aiul rcprotluctioii ,

thc o n l y fui ic t ions w h i c h a r c really appcal i i ig to thc negro." For Anta

Diop (1979 |1955|: 3 9 8 - 9 9 ) , h o w c v e r , lliis (ield o f i i icgali l l is was furtbcr

support lor bis hypothesis c o n c e r n i n g the m i g r a t i o n route o f the Serer

people l i v i i i g today in S é n é g a l , w h o still w o r s h i p such erected stones.

Negrocs leit thc N i l c Valley because o f o v c r p o p u l a t i o n and s o c i a l

crisis and peiietrated ileepcr into the cont inent , l 'hcir a d a j i t a l i on t o

the di l lerent ccologica l c o i u l i l i o n s they met on thc w a y brouglit aboiil

changes in t c c h n o l o g i c a l equipii iei i t and sciei i t i l ic k n o w l c d g e ; some fca­

turcs vi tal a long the N i l c but o f no use e lsewhere w c r c abai idoncd and

latcr forgottcii (Anta D i o p 1979 |1955|: 351). M o r e rcceiitly, A i i l a D i o p

(1973b) publishct l , in fur thcr détail , an article in w h i c h lie c l a i i n c t l to

have i i lent if icd the N i l o t i c crail lc o f |icoplcs f rom S é n é g a l . I h c article

c o i i t a i i i s discussions o f vocabulary aiul graiii i i iar , c o m p a r i i i g E g y p t i a n ,

( 'opt ic diaicct , and W o l o f , on one h a n d , and N u e r , D i i i k a , F u l a n i . Serer,

and W o l o I , on the other. It ,ilso tlisciisses a s o c i o | ) o l i t u al o r g a n i / a t i o n

bascd p r i m a r i l y o n the é v o l u t i o n o f matr iarehy i n threc m a i n stages: early

strict matr iarehy in stage I (represeiilcd by the N u b a l 'ulluslii in the cote

area), i i ia tr i local postii iarital rés idence in stage I I , and bilatéral ilescent m

stage I I I , w i t h patterns o f social d i v i s i o n ol labor and castelike S y s t e m s .

T h e purposc | o f l l i c article] is lo dcmonsiralc l l i a l at a rclalivcly

récent pcriod a migratory nK )vcnic i i t starled f r u i i i t h e sliorcs ol

Lake Albert aiul llic Nuba l i i l l s (a re ) ; ioii iiiliabiUxl i )y t l i c N i u r .

the Sl i i l luk , the D i n k a , e t c . ) and reaclicd Scncgal t h r o i i g i i a c o r r i ­

dor situated bctwcen ibc tcntli and I w c i u i c t l i parallcis i ioi l l i o f l l i c

equalor, w h i l c anotlier migration starliiig from thc saine area o f t l i c

grcat Iakcs m a y liavc followed the course o f t l i c Zaïre River to its

watersiied and from thcre c.xpaïulcd along thc coast, but not lartbcr

tliaii Cai i ierooi i aiul the Niger Delta, l'eopics from thc gulf o f nci i i i i .

from S o u t h e r n Nigeria to southerii Ivory Coast (Ibo, Yoruba, O y o ,

E w e , A k a i i , A g n i , l laoulc, etc.), may belong to an carlicr migratory

wave, coi i i i i ig similarly from thc east. (Anta D i o j i 1973c:769-7() ,

m y translation)

" I h c N i l o t i c c radic o l the Sei icgal iai i peoplcs — thcir (hhciiiuil—is t l i c r c ­

forc localc i l b e t w e e n the l iahr cl ( i l ia /za i and thc N i l c , inliabited tod . iy

b y thc N u b a , N u e r , D m k a , aiul S l i i l l u k .

A n t a D i o p (1967) .\\so cons i i i c rc i l aiicieiit I^gyj 't lo h . ivc b c c i i i l ic

AUGUSTIN f C H O l l

earliest great e i v i l i z a t i o n o f t l i c w o r l d . O n c e c i v i l i z a t i o n had d c v c l o p c d thcre, it radiatcd ail ovcr the anc i cnt w o r l d . T h i s great a c h i e v e n i c n t was real izcd by A f r i c a n N e g r o c s w h o i n v c n t e d c o n i p l e x social Systems, i r o n mcta lhi rgy (1973a), k i n g s l n p , n i o n o t h e i s m , mat hcmat i cs , science, w r i t ­i n g , m o i u n n e n t a l art and arcl i i tcctnrc , aiul sopliisticated lechni(|nes o f m u m m i f i c a t i o n (1979 [195.S]; 411). M a n y o f t l i c grcat plii losopliers and scicntists o f ancicnt G r e c c c w e r e t raincd partly by E g y p t i a n s : l ' y t l i a g o -ras. T h a ï e s , S o l o n , Arcli imede.s , Eratosthenes , and m a n y otiiers made thc tr ip to E g y p t , w h c r e science was esotcric and secret. I n Cjrecce, science lay in thc public d o m a i n , w h c r e it was progressively intcgrateil into thc inater ial w o r l d . E v c i i t u a l l y , a c c o r d i n g to w h a t w e may reler to as A n t a D i o p ' s syl logis i i i , ancicnt E g y p t brougli t c i v i l i z a t i o n to thc entire w o r l d . A n d because ancicnt T.gypt was inhabi tc i l by Negrocs , it was thc Neg ro cs w h o brougli t c i v i l i z a t i o n to h u m a i i k i n d . A n t a D i o p thus asscrtcil that black people iiiust assume this g lor ious jiast, impose it as an uii i i i is takable fact. and , in c o n t i n u i t y w i t h anc i cnt E g y p t , revive thcir nat ional j i r i i lc i n order to r e c o i u j u c r thc i r r ight ful place i n thc m o d e m w o r l d .

I n sui i iniary , A n t a Diop 's thesis is the most radically rcvis ionist and c o m p l è t e System o f thougli t ever proposée! by an Afr icai i is t c o n c e r n i n g thc past o f N c g r o A f r i c a . It enierged w i t h i n thc contcx t o f the strugglc against c o l o n i a l i s m and thc figlit for i n d c p c n d c n c c and l ibérat ion o f t l i c A f r i c a n c o n t i n e n t i n the 1950s. I n this c o n t c x t , hc succeedcd i n d c i i i o i i -strating thc weaknesses o f c o l o n i a l r h c t o r i c and thc ut i l i ta r ian nature o f an impor tant part o f t l i c co lonia l his torical accounts o f t l i c A f r i c a n past. l 'aradoxically, instcad o f d e s t i o y i n g the m e t h o d o l o g i c a l and t l icoretical foundat ions o f c o l o n i a l his torical v i c w s , A n t a D i o p helped streiigtheii thc t l i c i i - c u r r c i i t typological and di l lus ionis t paradigiiis , only reversii ig s o m c o f the waves and streams o f t l i c " h y d r a u l i c " c o n c e p t i o n o f c u l t u r a l d y ­namics . Instcad o f b c i n g c o n s i d c r c d a incre ré c i p i ent o f ideas, techniques , art, modes o f social organizat ion , and c u l t u r a l traits i n v c n t e d cl .scwhere, in A n t a D i o p ' s w o r k N e g r o A f r i c a was s h o w i i to have playcd, via E g y p t , an impor tant — i f not the most impo r t ant — r ô l e in thc d c v e l o p m c n t o f c i v i l i z a t i o n and thc dis.semiiiation o f .scvcral c u l t u r a l traits to E u r o p e .

A n e w k i n d o f t logiiiatisiii , r csul t i i ig f r o m u n c r i t i c a l and o v c r s i m -plif icd prcscntat ions o f A n t a D i o p ' s rescarch, has n o w b c c o i i i c f a s h i o n -ablc in m a n y West A f r i c a n f rancophone univers i t ics . A c c o r d i n g to this dogi i ia t is in , "almost e v e r y t i i i i i g attests that m thc b c g i n n i i i g , in rcniote preliistory, d u r i n g the U p p e r l 'a lacoli thic , negrocs w e r e doi i i i i iant . They kcpt this predoini i ia i i ce in c i v i l i z a t i o n and in i c c h n o l o g i c a l and ini l i tary s u p c r i o r i t y ail t h r o u g h thc m i l l e i m i a o f h i s t o r y " (Anta D i o p 1967:11).

' AFRICAN HISTORY PA S T. PR F S F M I. A N ( l FI) l U R F

Allernolive Hislorios os on Unending Process of Sélection

T h e n c e d for alternative historiés secms to é m e r g e at p a r t i c u ­lar j u n c t u r e s o f social S y s t e m s ; it is bascd o n an asscssinent o f relations o f p o w e r and conflicts ovcr " t r u c " leg i t imacy (Cl ia t tcr iee , this v o l u m e ; S c h m i d t , this v o l u m e ) , and it aims to redress a si tuation o f i inbalancc . Coii .seqiieiitly, attcmpts to gencrate alternative historiés are part o f an u n e n d i n g process o f sé lec t ion o f t l i c most relevant ideas, théor ies , and principles that m a y guide the actions o f thc i i ic i i ibers o f a society in situations o f s i i c i o e c o n o m i c and cul tural confri>nlatioii . Al te rnat ive l u s -tories are t l icrcforc geared to reinterpret the d y n a m i c s o f past socict ics at dif lcrcnt levels o f abstraction: metathcoret ical or général w o r l d v i e w s , t l icoret ical , m e t h o d o l o g i c a l , aiul ins t r i imental . W l i e n ail thèse Icvcls arc n i i x e d w i t l m u t ilue :itteiitioii to thcir internai consis tencics and c o n i r a -dic t ioi is , they ofteii resuit in the proi luc t io i i o f i i iythical and dogi i ia l ic historiés at best, or myst if icat ion at worst .

A n t a Diop 's attempt to i i iakc an alternative history o f N c g r o A f r i c a bas o b l i g c d m a n y Egyptologists and E u r o p e a n Afr icanis ts to reconsider scvcral ideas they had taken for granted c o n c e r n i n g , for instance, the p o p u l a t i o n o f E g y p t . O n biological grounds , i f it is consitlered that l i u m a n s ' boi l ics arc always in a process o f adaptation, dark or b r o w i i s k i n was probably Icss inaladaptivc thaii w h i l c s k i n a long thc N i l c V a l l e y But A n t a Diop 's |irograin was bandicappci l by thc m c t h o d s o f scientif ic i n ­vestigation o f his l i m e and by difl icult ies he met in obtai i i i i ig samples o f t l i c materials i i ce i lcd lo carry out lus scientif ic rescarch program. I n strict historical ternis, lus rescarch was f ramed w i t h i n a particular para-d i g m w i t h mult iple facets. T h c typological |)aradigni was d o m i n a n t , and d y n a i i i i c processes were not seriousiy i i ivestigated. Because o f its i m -pressive scopc i n ternis o f both l i m e and space, A n t a D i o p ' s projcct , as he h i n i s c l f a c k n o w l e d g e d , was w e l l b c y o n d thc capacities o f onc i n d i v i d u a l , and lie n o t c d that the w o r k o f ii iaiiy g é n é r a t i o n s o f A f r i c a n research­ers w i i u l i l bc iieccssary to achieve a m o r e accurate picturc o f t h c pasis o f A f r i c a n s o c i c t i c s (Anta D i o p 1979 [1955): 2 9 - 3 0 ) . I l e also a c k i i o w l -ei lgci l the j i o l i l i c a l c o n t c x t of lus e a r l y w r i t i n g s , up to 1960. f o r ail thcsc rcasoiis, it is not difhcul t for studcnts o f dif lcrcnt disciplines l o l i i u i i i i i -portant f l a w s in his w o r k s ( r r o i i i e i i t 1988), but such an attitude, b.ised most ly on l i i i idsight , is l i i s U i r i c a l l y i i iaccuratc and anac luoi i i s t i r . I w i l l |>resent a f c w exampics to c larify m y assertion.

A i l l a Diop 's discussions o f t l i c physical or bioani hi()pol<>};i( .d iii.i l e r ia l are c x l r e m e l y w e a k , but such weaknesses arc shared by thc m.i jori ty t:)f researchers w h o bave w o r k e i l in physical antliroj)ology in A f r i c a since

AUGUSTIN F C H O U

tlic i i i i i c t cc i i t l i century . A c c o r c l i n g to V a n C . c r v c n , C a r l s o n , ami A r n i c l . i -

gos (1973) , in order to stiiiiulate arcliacologist.s' interest in saving skeletal

materials , pliysical antliropologists i n c o r r c c t l y propo.scd tliat tlic aiialysis

and classification oftl io .se materials c o u l d provide i n f o r m a t i o n toward

the his tor ica l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f cul tura l traditions. V a n G c r v e i i , C a r l s o n ,

and A r m e l a g o s add that such analyses have consisteii t ly u t i l i z e d s i m i l a r i ­

ties in skeletal i i iorpl iology and h y p o t h c t i c a l racial a lhni t ics to estahlisli

b io logica l relat ionships b e t w e e n skeletal séries. S u c h rc lat ionships , o n c e

establislied, bave thcii been assumed to rc l lcc t the dcgrcc to w h i c h p o p u ­

lations were cul tura l ly rclatci l . Thc threc most central fcaturcs o f this

approacli arc (1) a basic o r i e n t a t i o n t o w a r d typological déf ini t ion and d e ­

s c r i p t i o n , (2) a d c p e n d c n c c u p o n a d m i x t u r e (gene flow) as an explaiiatory

i i i o d e l , ami (3) a c o i n m i t m c n t t o the object ive rcality o f thc racial type

and thc u t i l i ty o f such concepts as liybrid and nlai'isin in thc r e c o n s t r u c ­

t ion o f racial his tory (Van G e r v e n , C a r l s o n , and A r m e l a g o s 1973:.S56).

As M a c G a f l e y (1966) observes, thc reasoii the racial approacli was

m a i i i t a i i i c d in thc physical a i i thropohigy o f nor theastern A f r i c a , in spite

o f important biological i i iconsistcncies , resls in a deeply rootcd structure

and pl i i losopliy o f W e s t e r n c i v i l i z a t i o n , w h i c h calls for an idcology that

sanctions as natural and necessary a polar izat ioi i b c t w c e n rulcrs and thc

r u l c d , thc bcarers and receivers o f cul ture . A n t a D i o p was trapped w i t h i n

thèse biological i i icoiisistencies , w h i c h led h m i to attempt to natural izc

social constructs ; faccd w i t h coui i te rarguments , bis m a i n tactics c o n -

sistcd o f accusations o f myst i f ica t ion . 1 le s u c c e e i l c d , h o w c v e r , in t u r n i n g

thc S y s t e m in the i n v e r s e d i r e c t i o n . M o d e m e v o l u t i o n a r y bio logy is the

study o f p o p u l a t i o n biology w i t h inodcls o f natural .sélection and v a r i a ­

t ions o f g é n o t y p e s and plieiiotypes. W l i e n c o n s i d c r c d f r o m this point o f

v i e w , ail b io logica l traits — h a i r , s k i n color , b l o o d group, size, shape o f

nosc , and so forth — s h o w différent complexes o f o v c r i a p p i n g d i s t r i b u t i o n

patterns a m o n g the earth's populat ions ( L a n g a i i c y 1988), resul t ing f r o m

différent aspects o f natural and cul tura l processes o f s é l e c t i o n . S o c i a l c o n ­

structs s u c h as the l i ierarcliy o f "races," r a c i s m , e t h n o c e n t r i s m , and i i i i -

pcr iahs i i i have to be c o u i i t c r c d w i t h a rguments bascd o n social proccsscs

such as myst i f i ca t ion , d o m i n a t i o n , a l i é n a t i o n , exploi ta t ion , and d i v i d e -

a i i d - r u l c . In tins regard, the basic i jucstions are, W h o needs thc concept

o f race? and W h a t is its m e a n i n g ? As N i g é r i a n s used to say in the 1970s,

"the tiger does not p r o c l a i m its ' t igerhood, ' it catches its prey ami cats

i t " ( in Towa 1973; sec Ulakey, this v o l u m e ) . As anotlier scholar has n o t c d :

It is rathcr well k n o w n that i n thc relations bc twcen biology and psychology, tliis laltcr onc tends to prcvail . Racial intolérance d e -vclons startiiii: from a collective nii i id o f one's o w n social condi t ion

AFRK.ArJ HIS IORY TASI, PR ISF I I I . AMI) FUHIRI

and appro|>riatcs (plicnotypical) diflcrciices lo luojcct l l i c m i n u r m s o f .social discrimination. I l is almost disariiiiiig to fmd i l i c v r c -

lor o f "social status" i i n p l R H l i n a n y tiirii o f c u l t u r a l i lcvclopmciit . (Santangclo 1992:189)

I h i t one o f the m.ijor problcms is that A n t a D i o p , m his n i o i e récent

w r i t i n g s — u p to his ilcatli in 1986, a f c w w c c k s al ler the Internat ional

C o n f é r e n c e o n thc A r c h a c o l o g y o f C a i i i c r o o i i — b e h a v e d as i f n o t h i n g

n e w had o c c u r r c d in A f r i c a n archacology in g é n é r a l , ami espccially in

W c s l A f r i c a n archacology, history, l inguistics , and social a i i thropology

l-or c x a m p l c , lus a r g u m c n l about a rclatively r é c e n t m i g r a t i o n o l llie

Serer I r i im thcir N i l o t i c ( r.ullc c o u l d have been strongly m o d i f i c d . i f

not a b a i i d o n c d , i f lie had paid attention to m o r e r é c e n t arc l iacologi ­

cal , l inguis t ic , and antbropological rescarch. S i n c e al Icast thc I96()s, tlic

matr iarehy d c s c r i b c d by Hacliofeii has been seriousiy reconsi i icred ami

s l i o w i i lo bave resultcd f rom thc c o n f u s i o n o f n ia t r ih i i cahty as a n i l c

ol d c s c c n l w i t h a sociopol i t ica l r é g i m e charac ter izcd by thc d o m i i i a m c

o f i i iothcrs—/; ( (• iMiillaïaltl ( l é s l a r t 1992). l l i e r e is no nced to have ail

the aspects o f A f r i c a n N e g r o socict ics co i i i c f r o m o n l y one place, cvc i i

g l o r i o u s ancicnt l i g y p l . S o c i a l c r c a l i v i t y is présent e v e r y w l i c r e . In iliis

regard, an alternative to A n t a Diop 's a l le r i ia l ive is necessary i n thc h i s ­

torical sciences o f West A f r i c a , at least for l 'raiicoplioiic countr ics .

I l is truc that A n t a D i o p had grcat d i l h c u l t y gc t l i i ig thc inaterial

i i c c i l c d l o carry out bis reseaicli |)rogr.iin, j iartly because o f thc Lu k o f

c o o p é r a t i o n f r o m aul l ior i t i cs o f t l i c l -gyptian A n l i i i u i l y . S c r v u c , w h o

s y s t c m a l i c a l l y refuscd lo a i iswcr his ( juesl ions:

A m o n g thc fuiicrary furi i i lurc o f ' I b u t a n k l i a i i i o n exhibitcd al llic

C a i r o inuscum, 1 have iioticcd a fcw objects w h i c h , if tlicy arc

aulhciiticated, may show that the use o f iron was aiready well intc -

grated in daily life; such is thc case w i t h the métal liingcs o f Touia i i -

kliainoii's bed. According to Dr. R y a d , l l ic curalor o f t l i c iniiseiiiii

w h o was aeting as our guide tliiriiig the visil in Novcnibcr 1971,

thcsc métal liinges wcrc made w i t h iron. Uack at Dakar, I w r o l c two

Ictlers asking liiiii to clieek in lus records wlicthcr thcsc iron liiiigcs

do not resiill from récent rcstoralion o f t l i c bed. Uiifortunatcly, 1

diii not rcccivc any aiisvvcr. (Anta Dio|) 1974a:6, my translation)

T h e saine l l i i n g liap|iciied w l i e n A i i l a D i o p rci iucstcd sainpics o f i n i i i n m y s k i n f o r a n a l y s i s ; h o w c v e r , w l i e n lie succeedeti in g e l t i n g s o m c

samples f r o m the D e p a r t m e n t o f Ivgyptology of l l i c M u s é e de l'I l o m n i c in l 'aris, he in is rcpor tcd the results o l lus analysis on m c l a n i n ( r ro i i i c i i t 1986), raisiiig n i u c h m o r e skeptic is i i i tliaii lie c x p c c t c i l . Mis attcnipls

AUGUSTIN f C H O l l

to proi l i i cc an alternative, seientifically relevant N e g r o A f r i c a n l i istory

w e r e coiniterccl liy strong résistance, aiul lie was o b l i g c d to w o r k in a

k i n d o f s p l c n d u l isolation, sns|)icit)ns ol ail rcscarclicrs w l i o d i d not sliare

bis v i c w s .

Developing Oihcr Allernalivo Hisiories

T l i c siiiiplcst w a y to launcl i the n e w alternative (Andal i I98.S,

1990b) m a y be to break away f r o m scientif ic " p r o v i n c e s " w i t h c o i i i -

bii ie i l rescarch prograiiis that i i ic l iule , at least, archacc^logy, his lory , and

aii thropology, both biological and social . U i i d e r this perspective, thc

c m c r g c n c c o f A f r i c a n socict ics may bc s tudied w i t h i n the f r a n i e w o r k o f

lo i ig - te r i i i history. Languages , e l l i n i c groups, e thi ionyi i i s , inaterial c u l -

turc , and ii ioilcs o f social organizat ion resuit f r o m coi isc ious and " u i i c o i i -

sc ious" processes o f sc leet ion, and thc saine is truc for rescarch prograiiis ,

social c o n d i t i o n s for rescarch, c o n l c x t s o f p r o d u c t i o n o f sciei i t i l ic aiul

cul tura l k n o w l c d g e , a n d , finally, rcscarclicrs ' " m i n d s . "

O r a l trathtioii is o n e o f the most cl iaracterist ic aspects o f A f r i c a n

socict ics , and so it deserves thc at tention o f almost ail researchers in A f r i ­

can social aiul historical sciences. O r a l traditions have been ii istruii ieii tal

i n b r i i i g i i i g to l ight w h o l c scgmcii ts o f the past o f large parts o f the

w o r l d , and m o r e i i i iportaii t ly, they provide one w a y o f k n o w i n g history

f r o m the iiiside. It is w o r t h c m p l i a s i z i i i g w h a t I consider to bc one o f t l i c

most i i i i j iortaii t aspects o f scientif ic invest igat ion in g ê n e r a i : eacli k i n d

o f d e s c r i p t i o n iiiiplies a c h o i c e o f t l i c i jucst ioi i asked, a c l io ice o f relevant

ideas, and a c h o i c e o f m e a s u r i i i g deviee ( l ' r igogi i ie aiul Steiigers 1984).

M a k i i i g al ternative historiés is ncccs.sarily an u n e n d i n g process partly d c -

p c n d c n t o n thc a r r o w o f t ime and its coroUary, c l i a n g i n g scientif ic , ] i o l i l i -

cal , and social condi t ions . As n o t c d by P r i g o g i i i c and Steiigers (1984:

2 1 2 - 1 3 ) , it appears o b v i o n s that l i u m a n socict ics arc i m n i e n s e l y c o m p l e x

S y s t e m s that i i ivolve a potcnt ia l ly c n o r m o u s n u i i i b c r o f bifurcat ions , c x -

c i i i p l i l i e d by the variety o f cultures. It is k n o w n that s u c h S y s t e m s are

l i ighly sensitive to fluctuations. T h i s s i tuat ion may lead to both hope aiul

thrcat : h o p c because a m i n u t e fluctuation may grow, e x p a i i d , and i i i o d i l y

the total structure o f t l i c S y s t e m , and thrcat because the poteii t ial s e c u -

rity o f stable, durable rules is goiie forever. I n tins regard, an alternative

history bas to be bascd o n a c h o i c e o f prei loi i i i i iai i t ideas or hypothèses .

A r c h a c o l o g y may play thc rôle o f vanguard i n the n i a k i n g o f a l t c i -

nat ivc historiés in A f r i c a ; it has, w h e t h e r w c w i s h it or not , a poli t ical

and cul tura l rôle. It bas aiready playcd a significant rôle in discredi t i i ig

c o l o n i a l niytlis about A f r i c a n s and thc i r past ( S c h i m d t 1983, tins v o l -

AFRICAN HISTORY PAST. P P F S I N l , Al l l ) l lJHIFr

u m e ; T r i g g e r 1990). lUit il w i l l also bave to réfute w e l l - i n l c i i t i o n e d but

h i g h l y i i i iagi i ia t ivc c laims by some A f r i c a n researchers and i i i t c l lec tu­

als. Arch. ieological f indmgs, lo jiarapliia.sc thc w o r d s o f T r i g g c r (1990:

318) , bave ibc p o w e r lo restrain laiitasy i f sul lu ici i l dala a i e col lcc ted

and analyzed in a .scientilically r igorous fashion. l .ack o f spai c picc ludes

an c x i c i i s i v c discussion o( l l ic subject hcrc , but o n c example w i l l i l lus-

tratc thc i m p o r l a n c e o f archacology in thc process o f i n a k i n g a h c r n a l i v e

historiés ( l l o l l 1990),

U i i t i l l e c c n l l y , thc arch.ieology o f t l i c western C a m c r o o i i grassliclds

was k n o w n o n l y ln>m short notes o n surface linds o f s loi ic tools p i i b -

lisheil in llie 19.St)s ( j c l l r e y s 19,51), l iveii i f s o m c rcscarclicrs suspecled

the ex is l c i i ce ol vcry ancicnt set l lcincii ts , the ctinsciisus, bascil partly

on litcral i i i t c rprc la l ions o l oral accoi inls , was lhal l ins area was scl t lcd

o n l y (luitc rcceiit ly by waves o f i m m i g r a n t s c o i i i i i i g from the i ioril icast ,

A r c l i a c o i o g K . i l siirveys and excavations b e j ; i i i n i n g in 1974 liavc s l i o w n ,

l i o w c v c r , tliat llie area bas been i n h a b i l c i i since at leasi 90(10 ii.r. ami lhal

i ron technology w.is i n use f r o m al)oul thc l l i i r d or f o u r l h c e n t u r y A . D .

( A s o m b a i i g 1988; M a r c i 1980, 1982; W a r n i c r 1984, i - i i r l l i c r i i iorc ,

it has been suggested ih . i l thc Ingl i -a i t i tudc savanna l l ia l comprises i h c

(3amerooii grassliclds is n ia inly a b y - p r o d u c t o f l o n g - t e r m huii iai i i i i i c r -

I c r e n c c w i l l i thc c i i v i r o i i n i c i U ( W a r n i c r 1984, 198,5).

Arc l iacologica l siirveys and lests excavations bave s l iowii l l ia l liie

p r o d u c t i o n o f i ron art i lacls in thc grassficlds took place w i t h i n l l ic c o n ­

tcxt o f a l o n g - i i i s l a i i c c tradc network c o n l r o i l e d by régional ccnlers

( W a r n i c r and T o w l c r 1979). I n lliis c e i i l e r - i i c r i p l i c r y sel o f rc i .uions , iroii

tools w e r e excliai iged for p a l m o i l f r o m the s o u l h and col toi i and lextilcs

f r o m n o r t h e r n N i g e r i a ( R o w l a n d s 1986), The nature o f t l i c i r o i i - w o r k i n g

sites, thc tecliiiologies uscii , ami thc scalc o l p r o t i u c l i o n achieved ail

contradic t thc colonia l s l c r c o t y p c , a c c o r d i n g to w h i c h A f r i c a n peoplcs

l a c k c d any k i n d o f I c c l m o l o g i c a l ski l l and ini t iat ive — a stercolype tiiat

had been g i v c n c redibi l i ty by ll ie fact that al the l i m e o f c o l o n i a l c o n ­

tact, the G e r m a i i s observeil only h i g h l y disjicrsed ami v c r y small -scalc

s m e l t i n g fiirnaccs.

In l a d , threc i l i l lerci i t types of s m e l t i n g furiiaccs are n o w k n o w n lo

have c x i s l e d : a l o w c y l i n d r i c a l l u r i i a c c , w h i c h ajipcars to have been the

earliest and most w i d e s p r e a d fori i i , in use f r o m the third to the sevei i -

t e e n l h c e n t u r y ; a largcr " c l i i m p " f i i rnacc , in use f r o m thc .seveiitcentli lo

the n ineteenth c e n t u r y ; and anotlier fori i i o f sniall b o w l furi iacc similar

to thc firsl , w h i c h s u r v i v e d as thc d o m i n a n t iiicaiis o f i i idigenous iron

p r o d u c t i o n u n i i l i h c 1940s ( W a r n i c r and T o w l c r 1979). T h c lc<hiiology

of c l u i n p fiirnaccs was a response lo the intensif ica l ioi i o f long-dis tance

AUGUSTIN t C H O l l

t r a d c , l l ic c m c r g c n c c o f s t r a t i r i c d and c o m p c t i i i g poli t ics , and an c n c r g y

crisis . I l i i s p c r i o d o f intensive p r o t k i c t i o n o l i r o n i m p l c n i c i i t s resultcd in

dcforestat ion, vvliicli in l u r n c n c o i i r a g c d fnrt l icr t cc l i i io logical advanccs

i n order l o prodiice more i ron w i t l i Icss fuel . T l i i s l i igl i ly l a b o r - i n l c n s i v e

S y s t e m c o u k l b c m a i i i l a i n c d o n l y w i t l i sustaiiieil i l eniand . l l i c int rot luc-

t ioi i o f m a s s - p r o d u c e d E u r o p e a n i ron i m p l e m c n t s d u r i n g tlic c igl i teent l i

and i i i n e t e c n l l i cenl i i r i cs , c o m b i n c i l w i t l i tlic c l l cc ts o f t l i c slave tradc,

caused llie w h o l c s o c i o c c o n o m i c S y s t e m to collapsc. C h i m p furnaces

w c r c replacée! by small b o w l furnaces in w h i c h i ron and slag f rom a n carl icr p c r i o d w c r c r c c y c l c d . n u l s n i e l l e d . C o m p e l i n g poli t ics t u r n c d to

cxtensive warfare as a means oi predatory a c c u m u l a t i o n . T h e most l i k c l y

c x p l a i i a l i o n o f this radical change is the failure o f the local é c o n o m i e

S y s t e m to c o m p c t e w i t h the increas ing I k i w o f i m p o r t c d E u r o p e a n i n -

gots and h o c blaiiks i l u r i i i g the late n i i i c t c c n t h century.

T h c availabic arcl iacological é v i d e n c e f r o m thc w e s t e r n C a m e r o o i i

grassliclds suggests that thc c n c r o a c h m e n t and e x p a n s i o n o f E u r o p e a n

t rading n e t w o r k s served to break the c o n i p l e x i t y o f ex is t ing local ex -

change n e t w o r k s and social relations o f i i r o i l u c t i o i i , and also to i i iovc

local c o i i i i i i u i i i t i c s into m o r e autarkic , or .sclf-sullicient , s t ratégies o f r e ­

source p r o c u r c m e i i t and c o n s u m p t i o n . A n d , m o r e i i i iportaii t ly , it appears

that i t was largcr régional S y s t e m s that w e r e thus destabi l izcd , result ing

i n i i icreascd warfare at thc e n d o f t l i c n i n e t e e n t h century , w l i e n c o l o n i a l

p o w c r s begaii to take total cont ro l o f A f r i c a . T l i c r c f o r c , i t is not s u r p r i s -

i i ig that they l o u i i d d i s l u r b c d social and é c o n o m i e S y s t e m s ( l l o l l 1979).

T i n s case is important becau.sc it s h o w s h o w in s o m c situations, w h a t

was prcsc i i tcd as A l r i c a n " b a c k w a r d i i c s s " may have been an ar t i f i c t o l

exploi ta t ion and iinetiual exchanges mit ia te i l by thc c o l o n i a l p o w c r s .

Let me c o n c k i d e this cl iaptcr w i t h a metathcoret ica l s tatcment that

is, a c c o r d i n g to l 'oppcr (1991), n o n s c i c n t i f i c because i t is not falsifi-

ablc. S u c h statcmcnts, h o w c v e r , w h e t h e r i m p l i c i t or c x p l i c i t , arc ines ­

capablc, and they may lielp i i iakc scnsc o f thc s t ra igl i t forward i juest ion,

W l i y i i i a k e a l ler i ia l ive historiés? I w i s h to eii ipliasi /x tlie l iuii ianist ic

value o f i h c historical a i u l social sciences, w h i c h apj>cal to indiv iduals

both as indiv iduals and as i i ic i i ibers o f socict ics . T h c rescarch car r ied ont

w i t h i n thcsc fiekls o f k n o w l c d g e li i ids c o m p l è t e j u s t i f i c a t i o n i f it e n -

riches pcoiile 's e x p é r i e n c e and lielps t h e m to live m o r e abuiidaii t ly as

lieirs o f ail a g c s and as brotl icrs and sisters to one anotlier ( C l a r k 1968).

A r c h a c o l o g u a l a n d historical e x p é r i e n c e s s h o w that cul tura l a c h i e v c ­

mcnt is a complex o l in terac l i i ig proccsscs, both w i t h i n and licyoïul

any spat io - t cmiiora l cul tura l uni t . I f w c waiit to b u i l d a w o r l d o f truc

h u m a m t y , w c i i u i s t consider ail the levels o f huinai i in terac t ion , c o i n -

AFRICAN mSTORY PAST, P R r S F M I , ATIO fU l l IP t

poscd as it is o f a i icsted l i ierarcliy o f c o m p o n e n t s . At the bottoiii is

the i n d i v i d u a l , w h o belongs to a family, a corporate group, an etlinic

group, aiul a cul ture . A U thcsc c o n i p o n e n t s are inc luded in varions types

o f social groupings (band.s, c l i iefdoins , slales, empires , etc.) , only onc of

w h i c h is i h c i i i o d c r n " i i a t i o n - s l a t e " ( l l o l l 1990). At thc top o f t l i c l i ier­

arcliy, I a m i i ic l i i ied to i)lacc the vague " h u m a n k i n d , " w h i c h is adi i i i l t cdly

mcaninglcss lor some. His tor ica l aiul social sciences, therefore, have lo

gencrate a h a i n e ol i i i i i u l , a v i v i d consciousness o f pcople's bc lo i ig i i ig lo

a w o r l d socicty, t rai iscciul ing but also c o m p r c h c i i d i i i g régional a i u ! cvcii

nal ion . i l loyalties.