C. Gnecco

344 'Id Chicago· University of Chicago

T . M (1987) Shamanism colonialism and the w1 ,nan. .

auss1g, . · ' Press. . . /' · ,I' recognition. Princeton: Princeton

T I C (1994). Multiculturalism. Exam1111ng the po ii/cs o; ay or, . University Press. , . 1 . blema de/ otro Mexico: Siglo XXI.

Todorov, T. (1989). La conquista de Amenca. E pA,~hropology and. the modern world. New York: Troui\lot, M. R. (2003). Global transformatwns. n

Palgrave Macmillan. h 1 and the method of controlled uquivoca-Yiveiros de Castro, E. (2004). Perspectival ant ropo ~gy of 1 ow/and South /lmerictJ, 2(1 ), 3-22.

tion. Ttpiti: Journal of the So~iety for .the Anthr~{o :S~ociales en America Latina. Tabula Rasa, Wade, P. (2006). Etnicidad, mult1culturahsmo Y po I ,c

4, 59-81. . . . . " . ,, 1 M Bovin, A. Rosato, & V. Arribas (Eds.), Wright, S. (2007). La pohtizacion ?e lad cu~t~t: la :ntr~pologia social y cultural (pp. 128-141).

Constructores de otredad. Una intro uccwn Buenos Aires: Antropofagia.

Chapter 15 A Spectral Haunting of Society: Longue Duree Archaeologies of Capitalism and Antimarkets in Colonial Guatemala

Guido Pezzarossi

Introduction

The archaeology of capitalism, as a subtopic in historical archaeology, has cement­ed its position as a cornerstone of historical archaeology writ large. This positioning Is due in no small patt to the clear modem relevance of such projects as they in­form on the specific historical trajectory that led to the development of the modern world and its manifold problems. Among the "haunts" of historical archaeology (Orser 1996), capitalism and its mutually constitutive entanglements with Western European early modern colonialism, have emerged as central analytical objects in historical archaeology. Indeed, in many ways these concepts, analytical objects, processes, or formations of capitalism and colonialism have become central lenses through which archaeological assemblages from a post- I 492 date have been inter­preted across the globe (Croucher and Weiss 2011; Leone 1999; Mrozowski et al. 2000; Mrozowski 2006; Orser 1996). Despite the importance of tracing the de­velopment and effects of global capitalism-and thus "modernity"-archaeologi­cally across the globe, definitions of what exactly capitalism is/was have remained murky. When capitalism is defined, it is in such a way as to privilege the uniquely nineteenth century global North conceptualization and manifestation of practices and processes attributed to the onset of capitalism (but see papers in Croucher and Weiss 2011 ). In effect, these definitions drive two problematic avenues of analyses of capitalism in historical archaeology: (l) archaeologies of global capitalism (and its effects) remain focused predominantly on the articulations of capitalism in North American and Western European contexts (wherein the Latin American contexts and others remain on the "peripheries" of the emerging modem world system as founts of cheap labor and/or raw materials) and (2) capitalism remains undertheo­rized and overly applied, in essence modeled as a ubiquitous monolith, a taken-for­granted, that is responsible for changes and practices observed archaeologically.

G. Pezzarossi (181) Depaitment of Anthropology, Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY, USA e-mail: gpezzaro@maxwell.syr.edu

© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2015 345 M. P. Leone, J.E. Knauf(cds.) Nistorical Archaeologies of Capitalism, Contributions To Global Historic11l Archaeology, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-12760-6_ 15

346 G. Pezzarossi

This chapter emerges from my confrontation with these issues. Recent research in colonial period Maya communities in Guatemala quickly brought to light the incompatibility of archaeologies of "global" capitalism with the historical archae­ology of capitalist colonial contexts in Latin America. In patticular, the context of Mesoamerica provides an intriguing case study thal punctures notions of the uniqueness of capitalism, or rather the uniqueness of capitalist processes, practices and their associated effects. In particular while deliniti ns of capitaLism and argu­ments for the specific traits that delineate capitalist from noncapitalist vary wildly the definition that has come to have the most enduring traction and wide-ranging folk acceptance has been the notion of free markets and competition as the engine driving 'true capitalism. As a result, competitive free market-based exchange and thu market engagement and even dependence are among the core trait and/or tech­nologies that ha e come to define the modern global capitalist economy. However, the Mesoamerican region and Maya region in particular have yielded archaeologi­cal and documentary evidence of the presence and importance of market-based ex­change and interdependence since at least the Classic Period (200-900 CE), with some evidence for market-based exchange even earlier in the Late Preclassic ( 400 BCE-200 CE) (Hirth and Pillsbury 2013, pp. 10-11; Masson and Freidel 2012) continuing and indeed intensifying in the Postclassic (1000-1500 CE) (Braswell 201 Oa) right up until and through the Spanish colonization of the region starting in 1521 CE. My recent research at the multicomponent Kaqchikel Maya site of San Pedro Aguacatepeque, located in the Pacific Piedmont region of Guatemala (Fig. 15. l ), has provided evidence of long-te1m market engagement, and even de­pendence, for ceramic vessels from the Late Classic to the Late Colonial (1800 CE) in conjunction with specialization in cash and tribute crop cultivation, in particular cacao and later sugarcane in the Colonial period (Pezzarossi 2014a).

What are we to make of this observation? Clearly, there are parallels between these pre-Hispanic and colonial practices and those argued to be iconic of capital­ism. However, precolonial Maya contexts are argued to be clearly different from capitalist contexts. Moreover, Spanish colonial contexts writ large are frequently excluded from analysis of global capitalism on the basis of their more "feudal" relations of production (see Pezzarossi 2014a). In essence, the "feudal" relations of Spanish colonial contexts or the "precapitalist" Maya contexts are categorizations that are used to separate out modern from premodern on the basis of the central role of unequal power and coercion and/or political manipulation in structuring the exchange and labor practices of "premodern" contexts. This argument is made ex­plicitly in archaeologies focu ed on precolonial highland Maya exchange practices, a competitive "free" market-based exchange is positioned at top of the hierarchy of Maya exchange relations, only achieved in the late stages of Maya precolonial his­tory (Braswell and Glascock 2002; Braswell 2010b). These free market exchange relationships are marked as the most 'modern" form of exchange due to its alleged similarity to modern day global capitalist exchange. ln turn, modern forms of free exchange are cow1terpoi ed to manipulated fo1ms of premodern (or precapitalist) ''primitive' exchange wherein unequal power is used to control or structure the terms of exchange for the benefit of select individuals or groups. Thus, Spanish

15 A Spectral Haun ling of Society 347

Fig. 15.1 Map oflocations in Southern Guatemala mentioned in text

colonial and precolonial Maya market-based exchanges, despite numerous simil~ri­ties to "true" capitalist contexts, are differentiated on the basis of the ove~ c~erci.o~ structuring them and the "unfree" nature of their exchange. This discussion .ts c.r1t1-cal, as it exposes a pervasive and pernicious myth in the discour~e of capit~ltsm,: namely that it is in modern practice a system defined by the operation of the free

market and self-disciplined by its invisible hand. . Rather than delving into an analysis of capitalism defined on ~he basis of one. or

another trait, this chapter takes a rather experimental turn in the mtere~t of movmg beyond the baggage-laden concept of capitalism all together and ~urn mg analyses of capitalism in colonial contexts "on their head" \see Wallerstem 1991). As ~e Landa (1997, p. 48) argues: "the conceptual confusion engendered by .all the dif­ferent uses of the world "capitalism" (as "free enterprise" or as "industnal mod~ of production" ... as "world-economy") is so entrenched that it ... has reached the lim­its of its usefulness." Instead, I draw on the materialist historical framework of Fernand Braudel and its recent interpretation by Manuel De Landa to approach capitalism not as a system defined by free markets, but rather as the social and mate­rial consequences and effects of the operation ofunfree "antimarkets." Antimarkets in this perspective are defined as power/violence-manipulated 1~a'.·ket-based .com­merce and exchanges, counter to the "free" markets of Adam Smiths a~d neolibe.ral notions of capitalism that have percolated into popular knowledge. This alternative

348 G. Pezzarossi

approach does not attempt to redefine capitalism in a new way, but rather is an at­tempt to identify the effects of the operation of one of the central mechanisms of the emergence of the early modern and modern global economy (i.e., the coerced unequal exchanges of antimarkets).

. Re?rienting towards antimarkets and their effects holds great promise for deal­ing with the broader issues of defining and identifying capitalism in non-Western or non.classic capit~list contexts (Pezzarossi 20 l 4a; Stern 1993) by moving away from static, monohth1c abstractions of capitalism that are always already insufficient

110 matter the temporal or spatial context. Finally, I argue that looking for antimarkets (rather than capitalism) better situates our analyses to account for the contours of power that structured exchange in the past and present. From this perspective, the nebulous concept of capitalism is dissipated, exposing the historically constituted develop~ent, operation and effects of the mechanisms and processes that scholars ha~e attributed to the fetishized notion of capitalism since its emergence as an ana­lytical concept/object in the nineteenth century (see Chiapello 2007).

The broader conceptual goal of this chapter is to highlight the unfree nature of supposedly "free" markets of modern global capitalism and bring the role of unequal power in affording capitalist relations-and their effects-into relief. In turn, I hope to bring to light the indissoluble entanglements of the modern capitalist world economy with the violence and inequality of the Western colonial projects that afforded_ it. My p~rticul~r regionally salient goals are to contextua li ze the pr s­ence ofSpams~ colom_al ant1markets in Guatemala within the longer-term history of t~1e Meso~mencan regtoo that saw such parallel processes emerge prior to coloniza­t~on. Tracing _Parallel antimarkets deeper in time than the early modern period high­lrght~ the a t1ve role that explicitly Mesoamerican and Maya formations played in s_bapmg the form of panish colonial markets and antimarkets. In addition, the an­t1market approach provides the added benefit of deconstructing notions of capital'ist processes .and effects as unique manifestations of modernity and opens new spaces for analyzmg how parallel processes operated similarly and differently in the deeper Maya past. 111e archaeological and archival assemblage from the community of Aguacatepeque speak to the theoretical issues discussed above which indicate the community's sustained and intensive entanglements with markets and antimarkets through its l?n~ occupation. ~ather than fixate on whether Aguacatepeque was or was not cap1tahst, my analysis explores how markets and antimarkets created the conditions for the emergence of what have been labeled capitalist relations in both pre- and posthispanic contexts. Despite the similarities, however, the outco:Ues and effects differ dramatically as colonial antimarkets and their effects Jed to the inten­s!fied di~possession of Maya time and labor (Pezzarossi 20 I 4a). This disposses­s10n of time _afforded n_ew dependencies on currency, cash crops wage labor and market-acqmred ceramics th.at transformed community practice at Aguacatepeque. Howe~er, these transformations also fostered new self-organized "infom1al and ~nmampulated markets that facilitated Aguacatepeque's survival and integration mto the Guatemalan Spanish colonial world.

15 A Spectral Haunting of Society

Rethinking Capitalism: Grounding the Abstracted Capitalist Solidity and Questioning the Uniqueness of Capitalism and Its Effects

349

Embarking on the archaeology of capitalism, one is quickly confronted with the thorny issue of defining what exactly is or is not capitalism and when/where (and if) it "appears." Across disciplines, capitalism has been defined in a variety of ways, all of which are rooted in the identification of a set of traits and practices seen as iconic of and potentially unique to the capitalist system, its relations of production and its ideology. Yet it is critical to point out that what is termed capitalism (emerg­ing from the nineteenth century scholarship as a concept; Chiapello 2007) is not a single thing, but rather an elastic term used to describe entire economic systems and totalities as well as specific relations of production that may exist within a broader "noncapitalist" context (see Johnson 1996, p. 7).

In a previous publication, I have dealt with this issue as it relates to scholars' attempts at arguing for Spanish colonial contexts as capitalist or noncapitalist (Pezzarossi 2014a), an endeavor that Stern argues leads to "conceptual traps and sterile circular debati;:s" (Stern I 988, p. 84 I). Historical evidence lays bare the clear entanglements of colonialism and capitalism in Western colonial projects of the fifteenth through sixteenth centuries (Harvey 2010, p. 298; Marx 1990, p. 918), and thus can be considered an a priori justification for examining how capitalist relations and processes influenced life in Spanish colonial contexts and vice versa. However despite this, Stern's warning is frequently overlooked and studies remain locked in the unproductive task of identifying a single practice or some unique combination of a variety of practices and set of relations argued to be iconic of and unique to capitalism (e.g., industrialized "free" wage labor (Harvey 2010, p. 296; Marx I 990), market dependence (Wood 2002, p. 50, 54 ), com modification, capital accumulation, ideological shifts, etc.).

In response to the deficiencies of these approaches, Stern (I 988, I 993) has ar­gued for the need to develop models that better account for uniquely Spanish co­lonial hybrid articulations of capitalism and modernity as constituted by a "shift­ing combination of heterogeneous relations of production in a pragmatic package" (Stem 1993, p. 53). Stern's approach provides an interesting perspective for the main thrust of this chapter, as he argues that within the heterogeneous package of relations of production in the Spanish colonies, one finds components of a capi­talist economy, from "approximations of wage labor, complicated tenancy, share and debt-credit arrangements, and forced labor drafts and slavery." This diversity emerges from the "dominance of commercial capital over production" that estab­lished variegated modes of production in the interest of extracting surplus and prof­its in the most efficient manner possible across contexts (Stern I 993, pp. 54-55). Stern's contribution is critical, in large part due to their ability to account for the diversity of on-the-ground articulations of colonial and capitalist relations of pro­duction in disparate contexts within the "world system" (Wallerstein 1974) of the early modern world.

350 G. Pezzarossi

Such approaches remain flexible in terms of the diversity of forms, by depend­ing on a conception of capitalism as the outcome of the spread and impact of an ideology of greed (the "hobgoblin of capitalism"; Rollert 2014) emerging from Eu­rope. This ideological approach is elegantly and powerfully articulated in historical archaeology by Mrozowski (2006) and Mrozowski et al. (2000). Mrozowski situ­ates the rise of capitalism in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries as a result of the emerging "cupidity of the merchants class(es), their fixation on accumulation, and their activities in money lending ... [that] have all the essential earmarks of capital­ism" (Mrozowski et al. 2000, p. xv). The argument is made that the development of modern capitalism was contingent on this change in ideology that made greed, as an individualized "fixation on accumulation" of wealth both acceptable and laudable (Mrozowski 2006, p. 11). Specifically, Mrozowski argues through Lester Thurow ( 1996, p. 11) that this ideology of cupidity necessitated the acceptance of the mer­chant as "pleasing to God," wherein the "individual needed to believe that he or she had not just the right, but the duty, to make as much money as possible" (see also Aho 2006).

lnterestingly, Marx provides parallel and delightfully colorful commentary on this ideological process by arguing that global commerce and profiteering (and pre­sumably the colonial appendages tied to it) were enabled by the emergence of an ideology that resembled:

A strange God who perched himself side by side with the old divinities in Europe on the altar, and one fine day threw them all overboard with a shove and a kick. It proclaimed the making of profits as the ultimate and sole purpose of mankind. (I 990, p. 918).

At the heart of ideological approaches to capitalism is the notion of greed, con­ceived of as a drive to acquire and possesses more than necessary for basic needs, comforts, and luxuries (Oka and Kuijt 2014, p. 5). Debates about the importance and acceptance of greed within a capitalist system continue to rage in various me­dias and literature situationally, with its condemnation frequently arising in times of crisis such as that spurred by the Great Recession in 2007-2009 (Oka and Kuijt 2014). In other situations (i.e., when times are "good"), greed is seen as a positive force of "beneficial accumulation" that can drive prosperity and that stands as the end result of individual motivation and action (Oka and Kuijt 2014, p. 6). In addi­tion, greed has been justified as an end in its own right (ala Ayn Rand) as well as morally acceptable and laudable for its own sake as the manifestation of efficient evolutionary processes (Gordon Gekko's "Greed is Good"). In the latter instance, greed loses some of its specific meaning and can be conflated with the "natural" hu­man desire and will to survive and thrive, cutting close to Spinozian notions of the "conatus" that drives human action in the interest of self-preservation. In sum, ex­cessive accumulation is taken as the outcome of"natural" human desires allowed to run free/unchecked. Human history then is one "haunted" by the inevitable effects of the dialectics of"challenge and riposte" (in the spirit ofBourdieu 1977, p. 15) of attempts at excessive accumulation and measures taken to mitigate or compete with them. This process parallels the dynamics ofmeshwork and stratification De Landa sees throughout human and geologic histories (see discussion of this as it relates to antimarkets below).

15 A Spectral Haunting of Society 351

Despite the ability of these ideological models to account for the diversity of forms of capitalism on the ground, 1 argue that capitalism remains modeled as a "thing" in such approaches. In this case, capitalism's essence becomes a taken-for­granted ideology that exerts a dominant influence on the unfolding of history via human conduits who thoughtlessly reflect this ideology of cupidity in their actions. Moreover, practices, people, and ideologies remain divided into the conceptually rigid, yet practically fuzzy and porous dichotomy of capitalist and noncapitalist. This ontological division fuels the reification of capitalism as solidity and bleeds into problematic Western/non-Western binaries. As Mitchell argues: "every attempt to describe the capitalist economy inevitably attempts to capture what distinguishes [the capitalist from the noncapitalist] ... The distinction gives capitalism its identity" (Mitchell 2002, p. 245 emphasis added). This distinction is based on the idea of a characteristic that is essential and unique to capitalism that is not present in a "lo­cal" noncapitalist context. Such discourse in effect defines capitalism through the foil of the non-Western and thus noncapitalist, a process parallel to the definition of the West via the foil of the Orient in colonial discourse (Said 1979). Materialist historians and theorists have provided an alternative approach that seeks to avoid this continued reification of capitalism as coherent entity, while providing tools for the analyses of the development and effects of power, processes, and practices his­torically ascribed to capitalism yet present in pre-Hispanic, colonial, and imperial contexts in Latin America.

Markets, Antimarkets, and (New) Materialist Archaeologies of Capitalism

The above critique of the use of capitalism as a concept and interpretive model sets the stage for a reconfiguration of the archaeology of capitalism as the archaeology of changing relations of production and consumption, underwritten by emerging global disparities of power due in large part to how western colonial projects recon­figured the flows of people and things that constituted the connective tissue of the emerging "meshworks" (De Landa 1997; Ingold 2007) of the global economy or "capitalist world." These flows and the entangled unequal relations that maintained them are the "matter" upon which abstractions such as the "economy," "capital­ism," and colonialism are constructed. As a result, analyses of capitalism require that attention be given to these tangled knots of human and nonhuman relations with the intention of tracking how they developed and came together in specific contexts. As part of this, unequal power is an important element that influences (but does not determine) the way in which these tangles ofrelations come together. Reassembling the meshwork of associations that created the effects attributed to capitalism entails tracing power relations through the "contours" they create (Bennett 2010, p. 24 ).

Braudel put forward a critique that metaphorically turns the tables on the analy­sis of capitalism by arguing that capitalism was/is the "system of the antimarket," rather than a system defined by free markets that afford the "free" exchange of

352 0 . Pezzarossi

commodities, labor, and capital (Wallerste in 199 J p. 354). In uudem1ini11g Adam Smith's definit ion of capita li sm as ba ed on the invisible hand of free' markets Braudel and later De Landa situate capita li sm as the product and effects of unfree' power-backed manipulations of markets. These effects take form from the rerouting of urplus value these unequal exchanges produce into the control of lbose abl.e to affect a id manipulation of markets with the intention of accumulating wealth and power. In essence, the argument is that what ha been dubbed capita lism is in fact an 'effect' (see Coronil 2007; Pezzarossi 201 4a) of the operation of antimarkets or monopolies [that] were the product of power, cunning and intellioence' that e~ploited through 'u~equal or f orced exchange (Waller tein 199 l p. 356 empha-1s ~dded). The question is thu posed shaking free market models of capitalism to

their core: "When there was a. relationship of force of tltis kind, what exactly did the tenn upply and demand mean?' (Braudel 1979, p. 176· Wallerstein 1991 p. 356).

For Braudel economic life and the market were zones of "horizontal communi­cations be~we~n the different markets: here a degre of automatic coordination [ or self-organ1zat1on for D~ Landa] usually links supply demand and price (Braudel l 979 p. 230· Wallerstein 1991 , p. 356). However, "alongs ide, or rather above this layer comes the zone of the antim arket where the great predators roam and the law of the jungle operates. This-today a in the past, befor and after the industrial rev­ol~1 tion- is the real home of capitalism (Braudel 1979, p. 230). A crucial aspect of d11s approach resides in its conception of capitalism (and really all economic sys­tems") as a' m!x' of se lf-organ ized, decentralized markets, and market exchanges that ha~e been 111 some way manipulated to the unequal benefit of a egment of the population . The e unequal, manipulated markets are no longer self,organized, and thu no longer markets whose terms of exchange are et by fluctuations in sup­ply ~nd demand. Rath r they are antimarkets wherein supply and demand can be marupulated through the exercise and benefit of u.nequal power and acces which enable the tactical deployment of scarcity to manufacture shortages and artifi cial devaluations or valuations of good and services to the benefit of those with the means of enforcing their tactics.

Moreover, Braudel makes the point that antimarkets were never unique to the modern world.as some stage on an evolutionary latter. Rather he states: ·1 am tempt­ed to agree with Deleuze and Gualtar i t hat after a fashion , capitalism ha been a spectre haunting eve,y form of society '- capitalism that is as / have defined ft" (Braudel 1979 p. 581 emphasis added). This per pective connects w ith the above detailed conception of greed a part/parcel of conatus of the human desire and d'.·ive for self-p~·eservat!on a~d. life. Indeed if aotimarkets are present throughout ht tory (yet at different 111 tens1t1.es and scales) it speaks to the always-present move­ment towards hierarchy inequality, and stratification (a lbeit tempered by processes that tear at uch hierarchy) in hwnan society that may be consider.ed the outcome ~f various fonns of' greed" or se lf-preservation allowed to run rampant. The point ts tl~at ~reed (defined as l have here) and antimarkets are n.ot unique to capitalism/ capttaLis.t .contexts, ~ut ~ather are common aspects of human hi tory that have be­co1~e ~nt1cal to ettmg m motion the types of effects and processes we attribute to capita li sm.

15 A Spectral Haunting of Society 353

De Landa concurs, and provides the added wrinkle of indicating that capitalism as we know/define it concurs to a degree, and is the result of a specific "bifurcation" or phase transition identifiable as the outcome of historical processes: "antimarkets could have arisen anywhere, not just Europe, the moment the flows of goods through markets reach a certain level of intensity, so that an organization bent on manipulating these flows can emerge" (De Landa 1996, p. 3). In fact, De Landa takes things even further by arguing that the general organization of markets and antimarkets in soci· ety and capitalism: self-organized "meshworks" and hierarchical/structured "strata," respectively, are in no way unique, human products (De Landa 1997, p. _62). Rather these basic forms-fluid meshwork and ossified strata (or smooth and striated spaces in Delueze and Guattari 's parlance) with the possibility of one turning into or contain­ing the other-are common forms present acr?ss biology, geology, and the broader

human realm (De Landa 1997, p. 62; see Palm ls 2007, p. 18). This chapter builds up from this point, as I seek to flesh out what a .new ma­

terialist influenced archaeology of capitalism, or antimarket effects, might look like in Spanish colonial Guatemala, where a deep history of market and ~ntimarket processes in the Maya world inherently complicate the commo~ n~rrat1ves of the uniqueness of the capitalism. The goal is not to carry out a trait list_ a~proach to "finding evidence" of capitalism, which is then assigned causal power m mterpreta­tion of changes wrought by colonization and the colonial encounte'.·· As De Lan~a succinctly puts it: "what we need here is a return to the actual details of economic history" (De Landa 1996, p. 3) rather than the continued adherence or refinement of

monolithic abstractions and models of capitalism.

Background to the Southern Maya Region

Beginning in the mid-1800s with Stephens and Catherwood's exploration/docume~­tation of Classic Period Maya ruins in the lowland rainforests of the Peten and m the Yucatan and expanding in the early twentieth century as a discrete subfield, the archaeolog; of the Maya has produced some of the more iconic.archaeological ~~ds of the modern era. The Maya area is loosely defined as the reg1on/cultural trad1t1on between the southernmost area of Mexico, including the Yucatan, and into western Honduras, fully encompassing the nations of Guatemala and Belize, as well.as parts of Honduras and El Salvador. The similarity observed across the Maya region (and Mesoameric~ as well) is better conceived of not as a single cultural entity, but rather as the outcome of Jong-term intensive interactions between disparate populations. Indeed, Mesoamerica as a whole (stretching from Northern Mexico beyond Hon­duras, previously been defined as a culture area delimited by a list of cultural/ma­terial traits (Kirchoff 1943), is better considered as a "world system"(Bla~ton and Feinman J 984· Carmack and Gonzalez 2006; Smith and Berdan 2003; Smith 2001; pace Wallerste,in 1974) or as a spatially expansive cultural tradition ?ased aro~nd a "basic structuring economy," shared worldviews, beliefs (and practices associated

354 G. Pezzarossi

with those beliefs), and social stratification undergirded and enabled by material signs of status and hierarchy (Joyce 2004, p. 3).

Th Southe111 Maya region is centered in the southern high.lands of Guatemala (including the Paci fi c Piedmont and oastal regions of uatemala and Chiapas). The capital of Guatemala City overlies the large Preclass ic (2000 B E-200 CE) and CJa sic Period (200-900 E) urban center of Kaminaljuyu, among the best­studied archaeological sites in the Guatemalan highlands. The Class ic Period in the highlands lacked the monumentally impressive architecture and massive urban centers (e.g. , ikal, Ca lakmul, etc.) that proli ferated in the lowland Pe.ten region. However, the region was neverthel ss an important participant in the broader Me­soamerican world, a abundant evidence for inte11siv social and commercial ties to Teotihuacan in central Mexico and sites in the southern highlands has been recov­ered (see Braswell 2003). While the lass ie Period is characterized by large urban centers and a centralized settlement pattern, the immediately pre-Spanish colonial Postclassic Period ( 1100- 1500 AD) i instead characterized by smaller dispersed but more interdependent polities and settl.ements (Braswell 2003 . These polities were comprised ofno les than 6 (and as many as 28) distinct ethnoliJ1guistic groups (including the Kaqcbikel) organized into complex kin/lineage/house confedera­tion that controlled swaths of territory across the highlands.

The Southern Maya region became central to Spanish colonization, as init ial in­cursions began in 1524 E and focused predominantly in the Kaqchikel and K'iche regions of the southern highlands and Pacific coast. After the initial push of colo11i­zation, the Audiencia de Guatemala (an administrative/judicial unit encompassing most of modem day Central America and Chiapas) was established at Santiago de Guatemala (modern day Antigua, Guatemala) in the outhern highland region of Guatemala. Maya towns were incorporated into die new colonial administration with many towns forcibly resettled and merged as part of the practice of Spanish colonial reduccion tJ10t attempted to gather disper ed populations into more easily accessible sett lements near Spani h town . Maya individuals and communities were quickly subject to Spanish colonial labor polic.ies directed at acquiring precious metal and subsistence for col.onists via forced labor and tribute. Native and African slavery encomienda grants of Maya community s labor and later repartlmiento forced la bor drafts all became ways of coercing labor from colonized and enslaved populations in colonial Guatemala.

However Guatemala presented an obstacle to colonial des ire for gold and silver (more easily fulfilled in the mine of Mexico and Peru) as the region boasted little in the way of easily worked. placer deposits (Hill 1992 p. 22). Instead the Fi cus in Guatemala quickly hift:ed to bioprospection . The fi r t, and perhaps most im­po1tant export crop colonists fi xated on was the cacao tree, who e pods provided precolonial Maya people with pulp for fermented beverages (Hender on et al. 2007) and seeds that could be toasted, ground and mixed into foamiJ1g chocolate dri11ks flavored with chili honey and a va riety of spices and flowers. Prior to Spanish colonization (and indeed throughout the Colonial period) cacao had served as a crit ically important ex bange resource both because it could produce said drinks but al o because the cacao seeds orb ans were used as a form ofcurren y with which to

15 A Spectral Haunting of Society 355

facilitate market transactions and accumulate wealth (Reents-Budet 2006, p. 220). The importance of cacao prior to colonization was not lost on Spanish colonists, and this crop quickly became the focus of colonial labor and tribute demands. Cacao paid as tribute to colonists was distributed via markets and trade routes throughout colonial Mesoamerica (where abundant demand existed), as well across the Atlantic to Spain and beyond. In the process, precolonial Maya demand for cacao and the markets through which it flowed served as the foundation upon which new global tastes, desires, and markets for cacao emerged.

Markets and Antimarkets in Mesoamerica and the Maya Region over the Longue Duree

Summarizing all of the evidence for/against Maya markets is outside of the scope of this chapter, especially considering the vast expanse and great diversity of what is considered the Maya region, not to mention Mesoamerica (for recent research and arguments for the presence of markets in the Maya region see Berdan et al. 2003 ; Braswell and Glascock 2002; Braswell 2010b; Dahlin et al. 2010; Dahlin et al. 2007; Hill 1992; Hirth and Pillsbury 2013; Masson and Freidel 2012). However, an abbreviated discussion provides a foundation upon which to build the arguments made from the archaeological and ceramic data about shifts in Aguacatepeque's market engagement and consumption practices in part due to the influence of Span­ish colonial antimarket effects.

Questions abound about the development of markets in the Maya region, despite evidence of their presence just prior to Spanish colonization in the Postclassic (Hirth and Pillsbury 2013, p. 9). Perhaps the most striking evidence presented for markets comes from Diego De Landa's sixteenth century eyewitness accounts of Maya life in the Yucatan area (a region tied to the highlands through obsidian exchange rela­tionships; Golitko et al. 2012; Nazaroff et al. 2010). De Landa stated that the "oc­cupation to which they had the greatest inclination was trade ... exchanging all they had for cacao and stone beads which were their money ... and at their markets they traded in everything which there was in that country" (Hirth and Pillsbury 201~ , p. 10). Hill ( 1992, pp. 81-82) similarly argues for the importance of markets m highland Guatemala among the Postclassic Kaqchikel as an "ancient and enduring feature of Mesoamerican life, whereby the products of diverse environmental and ecological zones find their ways to consumers." In the highlands, regional markets were held within or in association with the main "capitals" or largest settlements while smaller markets were held in the public spaces of smaller scale settlements tied to or dependent on the larger polities and their capitals (Hill 1992, p. 81 ). De­spite this evidence of market exchange and marketplaces, the Maya region has been excluded from analysis of markets and market exchange on the grounds that the political control over market exchange by elite Maya resulted in limit~d, small-sc~le monopolized exchanges (Hirth and Pillsbury 2013, pp. 9-10) benefitmg those with the power to manipulate the terms of trade and exchange (yielding a striking parallel

356 G. Pezzarossi

with antimarket operations of late capitalism [De Landa 1996, 1997] and colonial Guatemala [Pezzarossi 2014a]).

This elision of Maya contexts from discussions of market economies treads on social evolutionary ground, such that economies exist on a ladder of complexity on which Maya regions are lower than others on the basis of the political control and manipulation of their markets (thus placing the idealized "free" markets of Adam Smith's and neoliberal models of free market capitalism and economic systems as the apex of development and complexity . . . problematic to say the least). However, as Braswell (201 Oa, p. 139) comments, greater economic complexity does not mean lesser political intervention in the economy, but in fact data from the Maya region appears to indicate the exact opposite. Noting a general lack of correspondence between Maya political and economic cycles (except in the Terminal Classic when elevated political complexity corresponded with full-scale commercialization of the economy), Braswell (2010a, p. 139 emphasis added) argues that "the interdepen­dence of economic and political systems becomes greater rather than less as com­plexity increases" in the Maya region. Indeed, we need only think of the modem global economic network and the antimarkets that conb·ol various aspects of it and the effects they spawn to find a clear example of greater complexity entangled with political interven tions buttressed by unequal power and violence.

As an example (McAnany 2013) argues that tributing Maya populations in the Late Classic would have become reliant on merchants and markets that connect­ed them to ecological and "task" (in spirit of Ingold I 993) specific niches across the Maya landscape in order to acquire goods demanded by Maya elites as tribute (Hirth and Pillsbury 2013 ; McAnany 2013). Markets, rather than emerging spon­taneously in the Classic Maya context, are instead argued to have "existed for the conversion of generic tribute items to those specifically needed at royal courts" (McAnany 2013, p. 231), in a sense emerging out of the control and potential vio­lence of Classic Maya rulers. This monetized economy (with generic tribute items such as cacao, cloth, etc. serving as monetary units) brought markets into existence as a "side effect" of the new found need to exchange goods and labor in order to ac­quire tribute currency by any means possible (Graeber 2011, p. 50; Macleod 1983, p. 191 for parallel colonial Guatemalan example, and Gutierrez 2013 for Aztec pe­riod example). In such cases, markets did not spring up of their own accord as "free" institutions facilitating trade and exchange; rather as Graeber (2011 , p. 50) argues, the emergence of (anti)markets is always inextricably entangled with the unequal power of the state and/or other institution(s) to enforce "tax policies designed to cre­ate markets where they had not existed before" (see also Forstater 2005 , p. 53 and Aztec example detailed below).

If we reorient to Colonial Guatemala, we find a similar confluence of complex­ity and politics in economic matters, such that we find a resurgence of valence to the term "political economy" if we buy into the intricately entangled relationship between politics, power and economic practice at all expressions of societal com­plexity. Spanish colonial tribute demands for cacao, from communities unable to grow cacao, appear to have spurred market activity with cacao growing regions as

15 A Spectral Haunting of Society 357

a means of acquiring cacao demanded in tribute (Eber 2000, p. 20). Other examples from colonial Guatemala abound .

The introduction of silver currency as tribute in silver and currency poor regions of Guatemala, in particular Verapaz, served as an instrument for displacing and coercing Maya populations into laboring for wages in the cacao plantations on the Pacific Coast of Guatemala, as well as turning to market-oriented cash-crop and craft production as a means of generating currency with which to fulfill tribute demands (Macleod 1983, p. 191), all practices that drew native communities into developing Spanish colonial antimarkets. Contrary to MacLeod (1983) however, I argue that these shifts in market engagement and antimarket entanglement did not come about as a disruption to the isolated, "self-sufficient" way of life of Maya and Mesoamerican populations, as the archaeological work cited above provides abundant evidence of the longue duree presence of such anti market processes and effects in the deep Maya past.

This pattern is not without precedent elsewhere in Mesoamerica. I have previ­ously argued for the presence of antimarkets in the central highlands of Mexico by drawing on the work of Brumfiel (Brumfiel et al. 1980) and Rodriguez-Alegria (2008) to show the interrelationships between imperial power, tribute demands, manufactured resource scarcity, and intensification of (anti)market exchanges (Pezzarossi 2014a). In Guatemala, colonial antimarkets shared a "family resem­blance" with Aztec Triple Alliance antimarkets in the "structurally similar" prac­tices of coerced tribute, tax, and labor demands made of colonized populations, with parallel and "broadly comparable" effects (see Scott 1990, pp. x- xi).

One particularly notorious antimarket in early colonial Guatemala was the repar­timiento de bienes, that in combination with taxes and tributes demanded in cur­rency, drew in and entrapped Maya communities in unequal relations of production, exchange, and debt (Baskes 2005; Eber 2000, pp. 20-21; Larson and Wasserstrom 1983; Macleod 1973, pp. 73- 74, 1989). Briefly, the repartamiento the bienes is the epitome of an antimarket; initiated by Spanish colonists throughout the colonies. It attempted to draw native populations into the colonial economy as coerced consum­ers and produc~rs: "by engineering an artificial market for their [colonist's] mer­chandise, they set out to mobilize native labor and channel it into the production of export crops such as cacao, cochineal and indigo" (Larson and Wasserstrom 1983, p. 62). Exchange crops and goods such as cacao and cotton cloth, were demanded of communities as tribute or bought at below market price and/or paid in rum and other goods rather than currency (Eber 2000, p. 20; MacLeod 1989, p. 43).

The repartimiento the bienes could also take form as a loan- in currency or in kind- for Maya communities in need of additional income or materials to make ends meet, including paying required tributes and taxes (Baskes 2005). Frequently, the loans were paid out with the understanding that Maya agricultural producers of cash crops such as cochineal and cacao would provide their harvest the follow­ing year as repayment for the original loan (Baskes 2005). However, the terms of these deals were heavily in favor of the Spanish official. Cash-crop harvests were intensely undervalued as a way to hedge against possible delinquency in the loan and as a way to "build in" interest charges without actually doing so and exposing

358 G. Pezzarossi

the official to charges of usury (Baskes 2005, p. 202). Moreover, while some stan­dards for prices existed as a way to mitigate all out price gouging (Baskes 2005, pp. 189-190), other scholars have rightly called into the question the likelihood that these regulations were ostensibly met, as the potential for abuse was quite high (Larson and Wasserstrom 1983 ).

In many cases, these repartimiento loans were Jet out to native communities under duress, looking to pay the burdensome tributes levied by Spanish colonists, in particular when tributes and taxes were demanded in Spanish controlled currency (MacLeod 1983, p. 191 ). Spanish colonial taxation and tribute, when demanded in currency, led to the immediate valorization of said currency through the implicit or explicit threat of force if the currency was not acquired and the tribute or tax paid with it (see Graeber 2011, pp. 49-50 for parallels). When wage labor and/or cash-crop production and sale were not feasible or simply failed to generate suf­ficient currency and goods for tribute and subsistence, the repartimiento de bienes provided an alternative means of getting by, yet at a high cost that ensnared com­munities in the cycles of debt, devaluation, and dispossession iconic of antimarkets.

These repartimiento de bienes and the antimarket(s) that they afforded were pos­sible not because of a self-organized demand by native communities for credit and advances. Rather, they became a necessity explicitly because of Spanish colonial tribute and taxation demands enforced by the threat or application of violence. Con­trary to Baskes' apparent naturalization of native communities' need for credit to subsist and survive (although see Herrera 2003, pp. 16-20 for examples of impor­tance of credit to broader Spanish colonial commerce in Guatemala), the develop­ment of credit as a necessary instrument/technology to help native communities was itself an effect of power-laden, coercive Spanish colonial policies that appropriated native labor and time through onerous tribute demands in currency, labor, and agri­cultural cash crops.

As Baskes himself (2005) points out for repartimiento de bienes debt collection, and Borg (1986, p. 54) for head of household tributes, the threat of incarceration, beatings, or worse for those who refused or were unable to cancel their debts and tribute obligations created the force by which needs and necessities, and thus na­tive production and consumption practices, were reconfigured in Spanish colonial Guatemala.

MacLeod (I 983, pp. 194-195) has brought to light a similarly related practice of derramas, wherein Maya laborers were coerced into the production of manufac­tured goods (such as textiles), paid below going rates or not at all for the labor and the finished production of their labor, the latter of which was sold at markup for substantial profit (MacLeod 1983, p. 195). Similarly, at times textiles were used by merchants in Santiago to pay worker's wages, a strategy that parallels the iconic capitalist "company store" model that in effect forces the fruits ofnative wage labor remain entangled with the capital pool of the merchant, proprietor, or vecino who had hired them. Moreover, it was common practice for the merchant to overvalue the textiles used to pay laborers (Herrera 2003, p. 40), with the effect that when they were sold or exchanged for other goods (potentially to acquire "basic inputs" for subsistence or currency to pay tribute/taxes), the unequal terms of exchange would

15 A Spectral Haunting of Society 359

become clear, with the discrepancy settling into the account books and coffers of the proprietor, merchant, or vecino.

There are several examples of colonial period Spanish antimarkets and the ef­fects they had on the Native and settler populations were profound. Notably, wheat and maize were important goods that "rich monopolists from the city" (Lutz 1994, p. 145) hoarded in order to cause artificial scarcities that would facilitate selling and profiting from them "at a rate of their own will and pleasure" (Fernandez Mo­lina 1992, p. 14; Gage and Thompson 1969, pp. 206-207; Lutz 1994, pp. 144-145; Soria 1988, p. 84 ). Perhaps most relevant to this case study is the sugarcane and sugar-product market because it provides examples of the influence and operation of antimarkets, as well as the operation of parallel self-organized informal markets and "illegitimate"/illegal (Hartnett and Dawdy 2013) markets in colonial Guatema­la. Indeed, operation and success of the "great numbers of little sugar mills" found in Maya communities provided an alternative supply of sugar and sugar products (such as melada and rapadura) presumably to Maya, castas and Spanish colonists alike. This production (as native wheat production had done) contributed to de­clining sugar and sugar-product prices in the local economy that troubled Spanish colonial observers and proprietors of larger sugar plantations who sought to corner and control prices and supply of sugar (Fuentes y Guzman 1969, p. I, 316; Hill 1992, p. 122). However, attempts at stopping native production and "black" market trading of sugar were only marginally successful, as with most other antimarkets in colonial Guatemala, due to the necessity and importance of informal and illegal markets to the subsistence and tribute/taxation needs of native communities and casta populations (Lutz 1994, pp. 153-154).

In addition, sugarcane cultivation and processing would have provided an addi­tional source of income for native communities both through the sale and exchange of illicit fermented beverages ( chicha) and distilled spirits (see Eber 2000, p. 22 for discussion of the importance of informal alcohol sales to the nineteenth-century highland Maya families in Chiapas; Fuentes y Guzman 1969, p. 316; Hill 1992, p. 122). Much of this alcohol would have been exchanged through informal markets and exchanges, as prohibitions against the sale of wine and alcohol to native com­munities were frequently in effect (see Lutz 1994, pp. 153, 306--307 for discussion of colonial black markets and alcohol). Local officials were especially concerned with this brisk trade in alcohol as it proved a threat to the local colonial administra­tion's monopoly/antimarket on wine and aguardiente de cana distribution and thus a hindrance to their ability to artificially elevate prices and increase profits, a now fa­miliar story from the above examples (Lutz 1994, p. 153, 306-7; Carey 2012, p. 7).

What comes through from these sources and examples is the expected presence of markets and antimarkets, within and amongst one another. In a sense, the push and pull between private encomenderos and the Crown for control of important and lucrative resources-and the market networks that they circulated through-afford­ed the emergence of self-organized illegitimate markets and "gray area" exchanges (see Hartnett and Dawdy 2013) between native communities, traders, merchants, and the casta populations in colonial Guatemala that could become central to sub­sistence and life (see Eber 2000, p. 22; Lutz 1994, pp. 152-154).

360 G. Pezzarossi

The community of San Pedro Aguacatepeque provides an interesting case study ofa sugar producing Maya community whose sugar products-sugar loafs and like­ly alcoholic beverages-were made explicitly for sale at local Spanish controlled (anti)markets, local community and regional markets, and iJJegal self-organized "black" markets rather than for tribute. Such products would have provided an av­enue for Aguacatepeque to generate critical currency needed for tribute and for the necessities of day-to-day life, which increasingly were only available at market (due to demands on native time and labor that shifted production and market-dependence practices; see Pezzarossi 2014a).

Local Manifestations of (Anti)market Effects over the Longue Duree: Archaeology and History at San Pedro Aguacatepeque

The Kaqchikel Maya community of San Pedro Aguacatepeque was located on the eastern flank of the Vo lean de Fuego, at the transition between the Pacific piedmont and the central highlands of Guatemala, within a microclimate that allows for the cultivation of sugarcane and cacao (Robinson and Pezzarossi 2012). Since 2010, the Highland Maya Colonial Archaeology Project has conducted archaeological research at the site and identified extensive community midden deposits associ­ated with the colonial and pre-Hispanic occupations of Aguacatepeque as well as the remains of a colonial period public space and plaza (Pezzarossi and Escobar 2011, 2013; Pezzarossi 2014b). Deposits at the site have been dated using ceramic chronologies, documentary sources and AMS dating, and yielded evidence of a long-term, continuous occupation of the settlement ranging from the Classic Pe­riod (300-1000 CE), through the Postclassic (1100-1521 CE) to the Late Colonial (1814 CE) (see Pezzarossi and Escobar 2013; Pezzarossi 2014b). Aguacatepeque is mentioned in a series of documents from the early sixteenth century to the early nineteenth century as a community fluctuating between 50 and 300 individuals with documents citing their eventual disbanding in 1814 CE.

Throughout its colonial history, Aguacatepeque found itself enmeshed in various antimarket processes, with the effect of shifting various production and consump­tion practices within the community towards cash-crop production and market de­pendence for ceramics and other goods (see Pezzarossi 2014a, b). The archaeology and documentary history of the community provides insight into the localized re­sponses to the constraints and opportunities of these coercive colonial policies and one of the possible set of outcomes emerging from such antimarket entanglement. However, Aguacatepeque's entanglement with antimarkets and markets was not unique to the post-1524 Spanish capitalist colonial incursions to the region. In fact, Aguacatepeque's role as a community specialized in the cultivation, production, and circulation of tribute and exchange crops has a long history. It was common for Maya polities in the highlands to demand tribute in various goods and labor, includ-

15 A Spectral Haunting of Society 361

ing cacao, of subjugated communities on the Pacific Coast and Piedmont where Aguacatepeque is located (Berdan et al. 2003, p. 105; Orellana 1995, pp. 40-41). A I 549 Franciscan missionary's account states that the "guardiania" of Alotenango (within which Aguacatepeque would have been located as the town of Alotenango is only 5 km away) was a cacaotale (or cacao producer) and anexo of the highland Iximche Kaqchikel confederation (Vazquez and Lamadrid 1944, pp. I 11, 128).

This document implies that in the immediately pre-Hispanic Late Postclassic Period, the community of Aguacatepeque-likely due to its location within a mi­croclimate that would support cacao cultivation (see Pezzarossi 2011 )-served as a cacao growing "outpost" for the highland Iximche Kaqchikel confederation, in a sense a role similar to that played by the Soconusco region for the Aztec Triple Al­liance (Gasco 1996, pp. 389-390). This role as a cacaotale would potentially have meant a specialization in the cultivation and exchange of cacao, and thus a dearth of other localized "multicrafting" activities common to the Maya household (see Hirth 2009; Sheets 2000 for examples of Maya crafting practices). This evidence lays the groundwork for considering that Aguacatepeque's prior experience as a tributary of the Iximche Kaqchikel, specifically in the cultivation of cacao as an exchange/ tribute crop may have prepared the community to seize upon and take advantage of the production of prized tribute and cash crops in the colonial period, namely sugar. However, in the colonial period, as tributes remained high and populations declined due to disease, migration, and overworking, cash-crop production catalyzed greater reliance on the labor and goods of others outside of the community. These goods would have been acquired through local informal markets (legal or illegal) and/or manipulated colonial (anti)markets as part of Aguacatepeque's emerging strategies and practices of colonial "residence" (Silliman 2001, p. 195) and to survival (see Pezzarossi 2014a, b for discussion of market dependence).

The centrality of tribute obligations-and the practices directed at meeting them-to the seasonal rhythms of life at Aguacatepeque can be gleaned from the abundant documented demands made of the community. Documentary sources spanning the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries fixate on tribute and taxa­tions, as the community was made to produce agricultural subsistence crops and livestock (particularly maize, honey, chickens), as well as tribute and taxes in cur­rency (AGCA A3-23 I 6-34167) twice per year (see Simpson 1959). In addition, community members were compelled to serve as coerced wage laborers as part of the repartimiento (Sherman 1979, p. 203) for Spanish officials, local estate owners (AGCA Al. Leg. 5368 Ex. 45405), and in a sugar mill near Escuintla (AGI, Guate­mala, 27, R. 1, N. 29, F. 88-89).

As a result of these demands, Aguacatepeque found itself needing to produce tribute in kind and in currency twice per year, and all the while being drawn into repartimiento as compelled wage laborers. Indeed, wage labor as part of repar­timiento, while providing income, brought with it a suite of hardships. As an exam­ple, sixteenth-century Spanish judge Alonso de Zorita commented about the coerced labor drafts of the repartimiento that took native people away from their homes for a week at a time, and that sometimes necessitated multiple days of travel to get to the work site (Borg 1986, p. 124; Zorita 1963, pp 214-216). Aguacatepeque was

362 G. Pezzarossi

particularly impacted by the increasing demands on the communities' time and la­bor and their concomitant i111pact on local production . . It seems U1at the community responded by in tensify ing their cash-crop production in the seventeenth century, specifica lly focus ing on sugar and sugar products as a means of mitigating the ef­fects of the c lonial antiniarkets and labor requ irements . urrency generated from the sale of sugar could be used to pay both ll'ibute demanded in currency, as well as be substi tuted for tr ibute in kind and lab r drafts (see Borg 1986 pp. ll 7- 1 18; Feldman I 992 pp. 11 - 50, 60) providing a measure of tl e ibility for the commu­nity. However, intensify ing production of t ime-intensive sugar product appears to have in turn cata lyzed other effects, namely growing dependence on informal and potentially illegal markets and exchanges.

Markets and Meshworks Within Spanish colonial Antimarkets: Sugar and Alcohol at Aguacatepeque

Numerous mentions are made ofAguacatepeque's involvement in "un-coerced" (or less coerced if we consider economic need catalyzed by colonial labor demands as a form of coercion) cash-crop production, particularly sugar and sugar products. In 1689, Fuentes y Guzman (Fuentes y Guzman 1969, p. 2, 50) commented on the vast amounts of sugarcane that grew at Aguacatepeque, and in that same year Fray Fran­cisco de Zuaza mentions the community's cultivation of maize, beans, cacao (an important tribute and market crop itself), and sugarcane, the last of which was used in the production of unrefined sugar loafs (rapaduras) produced explicitly for sale at market as a cash crop (Vazquez and Lamadrid 1944, pp. 57-58). A 1690 tribute tasacion for Aguacatepeque shows that maize, chickens, and honey were requested, but not sugar or cacao, despite the fact that both were growing at the community only a year before de Zuaza visited (AGCA. A3.IO Leg. 1601, Exp. 26391, Folio 161).

In fact, tribute assessments from 1575 (Feldman 1992, p. 28), 1637, 1680, 1690, 1788, 180 I, and 1811 never list cacao or sugarcane/sugar products as goods de­manded in tribute. Their absence from these tribute rolls supports the contention that the sugarcane cultivated and processed was not directly turned over for tribute but was intended for market sale. I argue that Aguacatepeque's investment in the time and labor intensive practice of sugar production was influenced by a variety of factors unique to its physical and historical positioning. First, the community's knowledge and experience as an agricultural tribute producing community in the Postclassic would have presented the residents of Aguacatepeque with a poten­tial course of action not available or desirable to other communities. Second, the community's location in a climate able to produce sugarcane was, for obvious rea­sons, critical. Third, Aguacatepeque's residents were specifically knowledgeable of sugarcane cultivation and sugar production, as men from the town were known to have worked as repartimiento laborers at a neighboring ingenio or sugar plantation (AGT Guatemala 27, R. I, N. 29). Finally, the pressure exerted onAguacatepeque to

15 A Spectral Haunting of Society 363

generate currency at regular intervals for colonial taxes, tribute, and (increasingly) subsistence, colluded with the factors listed above to afford sugar production as a focal point of community time and labor.

The viability of sugar production as a means of subsisting and residing in the colonial world, despite the excessive demands on labor, time, and resources of Spanish colonization, is evidenced by the longevity of both the community on the landscape and its sugar production and exchange. In 17 40, 51 years removed from the first mention of sugar production in 1689, Aguacatepeque was still cultivat­ing sugarcane and producing both molasses (meladas) and "pane/as " (similar to rapaduras) "from which they pa[id] their tribute" (Crespo I 740, p. 9 translation by

author). Direct archaeological evidence of sugar production at Aguacatepeque has been

difficult to identify, however some indirect evidence does exist. A series of extreme­ly thick-walled (12.3 mm mean, 34.2 mm max wall thickness) coarse vessels, with heavy micaceous inclusions appear only in the colonial contexts at Aguacatepeque (Fig. I 5.2). At first glance, these rather innocuous vessels stand out only because of their sheer size, with the lack of decoration or specialized form standing in stark contrast to the intricately decorated polychrome Chinautla ceramics and brightly painted majolicas of ·Spanish technology and design found at the site. However, these thick-walled coarse vessels provide important insights into the productive ac­tivities of the inhabitants that cannot be recovered from documentary sources.

Of the 63 recovered thick-walled coarse sherds (3 % of total analyzed colonial ceramic sample), 32 % exhibit evidence of burning, or sooting on exterior surfaces indicating their use over open fires. In addition, the paste analysis of these sherds identified the presence of very large mica flakes in the paste, in contrast to the fine

Fig. 15.2 Large, Coarse paste ceramic vesssel possibly used for sugar production

•••••

364 G. Pezzarossi

naturally occurring mica seen in the pastes of other ceramics from the site. This ob­servation points to the likely intentional addition of mica to these ceramic wares in orde~ to pr?duce vess~ls with better thermal properties (see Tite et al. 2001, p. 316 for d1scus_s10n o~t~e high thermal shock resistance of mica-tempered ceramics).

The mica add1t1ons, plus the thickness of the vessel walls, indicates ceramic ves­sels made _for lon~-term exp_osure to heat, with the thick walls possibly serving as a buffer during heating to avoid scorching and burning as well as serving as an insula­tor for maintaining heat once heated (particularly important if the intention was to reach and maintain a boil of the liquid contained). Of these, 13 % show blackened interiors with poss ible residue adhering, a further indication of their use in boiling o'. other preparation of ~iquids. In addition, these vessels are mainly of very large diameter and depth with one vessel of greater than 40 cm diameter and more than 40 cm deep from rim to base (potentially holding upwards of 50 L of liquid). Taken together,. ~hese attributes indicate a vessel well suited for, and potentially used as, sugar b01hng vats for the evaporation of large volumes of cane juice into sugar loafs and molasses.

If evidence of sugar production is scarce, then evidence of alcohol production­an illegal/illicit activity-is even more difficult to identify. None of the historic doc­uments encountered to date make any mention of Aguacatepeque's production or distribution of alcoholic chicha. However, some clues emerge that make speculation warranted. First, Aguacatepeque was known to produce sugarcane and honey, two sour~es"of abundant sugars for fermentation. As Fernandez Molina (1992, p. 16) put~ it:. :Vhoever had [sugar] could make homemade liquor" and its production and ava1lab1hty were so common that bootlegging of this sort was blamed for the failure of the Crown run aguardiente monopoly in the eighteenth century.

S~cond, a substantial portion of the ceramic assemblage from Aguacatepeque consisted of large, lead-glazed liquid storage vessels that would be ideal fermenta­tion vats. Over 15.5 % (n=376) of the entire colonial ceramic assemblage was made up of lead-glazed wares (both interior and exterior glazed), with at least 165 of these sherds representing large hollowware pots or alias. Fifty individual rims from these ollas were recovered in colonial deposits, all of which were open orifice ollas (in contrast t? the necked water jars common in the past and present in Guatemala) with a mean diameter of 44 cm. These ollas were all clearly wheel made in a standard­ized and som.ewhat mass-produc:d manner, as most all of the rims were identically rolled and thickened to the extenor (see Fig. 15.3). In addition, the rim design ac­commodates a f~bric cover held in place by a small cord fixed beneath the overhang ~re~ted_ by the lip. Only two ollas showed any evidence of being used over a fire, m~tc~tmg that they were likely used as storage containers, with the lead glazing pomtmg to the storage of liquid or liquid-based food and/or drinks.

~ile possibly used as water-storage containers, their large volume and lead gl~zmg would make them ideal for fermenting batches of chicha while the open onfic~ would_ make the addition and subsequent removal and cleanup of additives to the c~1cha quite easy. Thomas Gage, observed fermented beverage production in the late sixteenth century Kaqchikel towns: "Among themselves they make drinks far stronger than wine. These they confection in those great jars that come from Spain.

15 A Spectral Haunting of Society

Fig. 15.3 Lead-glazedjar, possibly used to fe1ment chi cha

365

They put in them a little water, and fill up the jar with some molasses or juice from sugar cane, or some honey to sweeten it ... put in roots and leaves oftobacco .. . and [close] up the jar for a fort-night or a month, till all that they have put in be thor­oughly steeped ... this drink they call chicha" (Gage and Thompson 1958, p. 225; cited in Hill 1992, p. 69). The "great jars that come from Spain" mentioned by Gage are the large botijas used to transport wine and olive oil from Spain across the colo­nies, however, none of these types of restricted opening ollas have been located at Aguacatepeque, perhaps indicating a lack of access to such imported vessels and the goods that came in them. What the open-orifice ollas share with the bot(jas however is the lead glazing which would help stop the evaporation of liquids held within; not critical when simply storing water, yet more important when the Liquid stored within was difficult to make and could be sold (i.e., unglazed fermentation vessels would lead to a loss of sellable chicha).

The above tentative argument for alcohol production at Aguacatepeque leads to the question of how and to whom was it potentially sold. A petition filed to the Real Audiencia of Guatemala in 1647 by native individuals from the town of Alote­nango, (located about 5 km from Aguacatepeque) requesting that they be allowed to trade their wares to native communities on the Pacific coast offers insight into the mechanism of illegal alcohol commerce in the region (AGCAAJ.24-4647-39630). Thi petition was fil ed as a result of the actions of Spanish colonial officials from

uazacapan and Escuin tla two communities on the Pacific coast, who had impris­oned and beat the petit ioners in order to keep them from trading their wares with local native community members .

The corregidor of Cotzumalguapa a town near Escuintla, Capitan Francisco de Fuentes y Guzman responded to this petition by claiming that the native traders from Alotenango were stopped from selling their wares in order to protect local populations and their ability to labor for tribute and subsistence. Fuentes y Guz­man claimed that traders would arrive under the pretext of selling needed goods

366 G. Pezzarossi

(including sugar) to native communities in the region, as well as tempting local populations with an assortment of candies and other things that were "bad for the health." Once tempted, Fuentes y Guzman claimed that traders would sell "con­traband" wine and liquor to the native communities under his watch. He claimed that the difficult terrain and its heavily wooded nature facilitated these illegal ex­changes, as both traders and consumer could sneak away into the hillside and carry out these transactions away from authorities.

The effects of these illegal liquor sales according to Fuentes y Guzman were manifold, as he argued that it led to persistent drunkenness, and the inability of na­tive communities to pay their tribute obligations as they were spending all of their available money on the contraband alcohol and neglecting their fields and labors. Moreover, once plied with liquor, the native community members of Guazacapan and Escuintla were persuaded to sell their cacao harvest by these same traders, a problem indeed if such harvests were owed as loan repayments made by Span­ish officials and encomenderos as part of the repartimiento de bienes (see Baskes 2005) or as tribute in kind (which they both were asked to provide; Feldman 1992, p. 31, 45).

While this document concerns traders from Alotenango, we can at the very least consider a similar scenario for Aguacatepeque, where informal markets attended by local community members as well as illegal commerce, became avenues for evad­ing broader Spanish controlled antimarkets and perhaps mitigating the effects of those antimarkets in other parts of life through fairer, more beneficial exchanges. While the main market in Santiago was a potential destination for Aguacatepeque's non-alcoholic sugar products, the obstacles to this trade were many, including being coerced outside of the city walls by middle men looking to buy goods cheap and resell them at a profit in the market (Lutz 1994, pp. 141-154) and later in the mid­eighteenth century, having to pay a tax of four reales for each load ofpanela/rapadu­ra (Fernandez Molina 1992, p. 16). As the above document makes clear, demand for sugar and sugar products was steady in communities neighboring Aguacatepeque to the south, and with the more favorable terms of exchange, may have been preferable to traveling up to the capital and risking engaging the colonially controlled anti­markets based there. Moreover, these informal markets and exchanges on the coast also made possible the trade in illegal alcohol, a separate-but riskier-means of generating currency for the increasingly market- and antimarket-engaged livelihood of Aguacatepeque's residents.

(Anti)Market Dependence in Colonial Guatemala

In addition to shedding light on the manner in which contraband alcohol may have been distributed between native communities, the 1647 petition described above also speaks to the dynamics of native exchange for necessities of daily life, their en­tanglements with colonial markets, antimarkets, tribute, and Crown regulation. Of particular interest is the claim that the necessity of this self-organized inter-native

15 A Spectral Haunting of Society 367

community commerce was manifold. Consumers on the coast were dependent on traders and markets to acquire the goods of day-to-day life and were also dependent on traders to buy and distribute the cacao that they cultivated and for the traders themselves, as this commerce in products that they made in Alotenango generated the money needed to pay their tributes (and likely to purchase goods at market that they themselves needed) (AGCA A 1.24-4647-39630).

What comes through in the above document is the persistent and important need for markets and exchange for "basic inputs" of day-to-day life, as well as the curren­cy needed to pay tribute. In other words, we see evidence of the market dependence that some scholars have held up as a critical effect or outcome of the development of capitalism (Brenner 2001; Wood 2002). The effects of colonial tribute and taxa­tion policies, at least in part, appear to have intensified intraregional subsistence exchange-a critical aspect of the emergence of capitalism in Marx's model (Har­vey 2010, p. 297)-yet not through the dispossession of land and means of produc­tion, but rather through the dispossession of time through coerced labor and tribute demands. These demands reoriented production towards market sellable crops and crafts as well as intensified consumption of goods needed for day-to-day life.

The cumulative effect of Spanish colonial antimarkets, structured by coercive practices like the repartimiento de bienes, derrames, repartimiento, and wage labor was to catalyze shifts in community and household production practices at Agua­catepque towards mixed cash- and tribute-crop production-namely sugar and al­cohol as discussed above-as a means of generating necessary income with which to pay tributes and taxes (see Larson and Wasserstrom 1983, p. 74). Indeed, the in­troduction of taxes and tributes and credit/debt payable only in tostones, reales, and pesos in colonial Guatemala became a central instrument of more tightly/densely entangling native communities into colonial markets (see Gasco 1997, p. 58) and (similarly) antimarkets, that in turn fostered intensifying market dependence for manufactured goods. However, as the 1647 petition above hints at, informal mar­kets and other forms of exchange between communities buttressed a network of interdependent communities (likely persisting from the Postclassic, yet in changed form) carrying on trade outside of colonially controlled antimarkets.

As I have argued in an earlier publication (Pezzarossi 2014a), analyses of ceramic artifacts recovered from Aguacatepeque indicate a well-established dependence on markets for ceramic vessels used in day-to-day life, from tablewares to cooking ves­sels, with at least 57% (and likely more) of definitive nonlocal origin (see also Pez­zarossi and Escobar 2013; Pezzarossi 2014a). In addition, the large lead-glazed ollas discussed previously that were potentially used for chicha fermentation are of likely nonlocal, market-acquired origin. The lead-glazed wares, a new technique introduced by Spanish potters, were almost assuredly produced in Santiago at one of the various ceramic workshops within the capital with the knowledge, material, and facilities to produce glazed wares. While majolicas recovered at Aguacatepeque were also pro­duced and acquired in Santiago through "official" Spanish-controlled markets, the rest of the ceramics that are a continuation of extant precolonial highland Maya ce­ramic styles, may have been acquired through the informal markets in local communi­ties that maintained some autonomy from direct Spanish control and manipulation.

368 G. Pezzarossi

Conclusion

I have attempted to do a few things in this chapter, starting with the conceptu­al reframing of capitalism as a system of antimarkets. Drawing on Braudel and De Landa, I build the argument that antimarkets and the "greed" that drives their formation are not unique to the early modern and modern world, but rather have been a "spectre haunting every form of society" that only emerged in a dominant form in the early modem period through the catalysts of Western European colonial projects and the massive influxes of wealth (both resource and labor-power) that they provided. From there I have drawn on examples from precolonial and colo­nial Guatemala that highlight the presence, articulation, and effects of antimarkets in the region over the longue duree as support for my contention of antimarket's "haunting." Finally, having established the presence of antimarkets, I then turn to the equally important consideration of the presence of actual markets alongside and within broader colonial antimarkets. I illustrate these dynamic entanglements between markets and antimakets in colonial Guatemala via the history and archae­ology of the Maya community of San Pedro Aguacatepeque. Situating my analy­sis on the sugar and alcohol produced at the community level for market sale and tribute, I explore how markets and antimarkets intersected, folded into one another, and together afforded and catalyzed shifts in market dependence, subsistence, and productive activities at Aguacatepeque.

Selling both sugar loafs and alcohol derived from sugarcane may have helped Aguacatepeque weather the effects of colonial antimarkets by navigating local and regional informal market networks persisting from the Postclassic and exploiting the newly emergent lucrative illegal market for alcohol. Indeed, this strategy ap­pears to have been successful, as the town remained a fixture on the landscape for close to 300 years despite the difficulties imposed by colonization. This successful "residence" (Silliman 2001) on the landscape was made possible in part by the presence and importance of markets (legal and illegal) and exchanges taking place within or alongside broader colonial antimarkets. These exchanges are the self-or­ganized "meshworks" (as per De Landa I 997) present within or alongside the strata and hierarchies of antimarkets, or what Braudel calls the zone of economic life and the market where a "degree of automatic coordination ... links supply, demand and prices" (Braudel 1979, p. 230; Wallerstein 1991, p. 356). These markets are the smooth spaces from which the striated spaces of antimarkets emerge, yet they are also the means by which antimarkets can be undermined and their hierarchies and effects dissolved. Hartnett and Dawdy (2013, p. 38) argue that illegal and informal markets have long been a source of anxiety for colonial and state officials, explicitly because of their potential to forge interdependent and intimate "alliances of deceit" between colonial populations and outside of colonial control (see McAnany 2013 for parallel argument for the anxiety commoner class merchants caused among elite Maya in the Classic Period).

By moving beyond the concept of capitalism, I have attempted to open up space for exploring the "actual details of economic history" that impacted Maya lives and practices in colonial Guatemala and at Aguacatepeque. In the process, assumptions of what we would expect to see in a capitalist context have fallen away, replaced

15 A Speclral Haunting of Society 369

by an itinerant journey from the deep Maya past through to the nineteenth century where practices that could be labeled "capitalist" are encountered in clearly non­capitalist and clearly capitalist contexts (according to conventional definitions) and vice-versa. What is left is a messy history of the diverse emergences and effects of power- and violence-backed manipulations of economic life through time. These are the mechanisms that set in motion the effects on life upon which abstractions such as capitalism are built. Archaeologies and histories of capitalism-or rather of antimarkets-have the potential to expose these roots, the specific and unique entanglements between power, violence, colonialism, and economy that have struc­tured and made the modern world (and the colonial Guatemalan world for that mat­ter) what it is.

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