#394 4 - 10 April 2008 16 pages Rs 30

Weekly Internet Poll # 395. To vote go to: www.nepalitimes.comQ. What do you expect the electionsto be?

Weekly Internet Poll # 394

Q. Who still doesn’t want elections?

Total votes: 8,264

ith only a week to gofor elections, those whohave the most to lose

seem to be getting frantic.Ultra-royalists have

threatened more bombs toprovoke communal violence. Butwhatever they are planning, thenation is committed to electionsand it’s all systems go for10 April.

The Maoists are also gettingnervous that the defeat of some ofits top leaders would be hard tostomach for its hardline cadre.The escalation in attacks by theMaoists against NC and UMLcandidates in the past monthfollowed failure of talks between

the Big Three to secretlydistribute seats amongthemselves.

The violence continued thisweek and appears to be part of theMaoist bargaining tactic. Theywant guarantees that no less than20 of their top leaders be allowedto win from at least oneconstituency each. PrimeMinister Koirala reportedly hassaid he can fix that. But theUML’s Madhab Kumar Nepal isunder pressure from his ownparty not to give in to theMaoists.

One source told us theMaoists are using their tried andtested method of threatening toresign from the government andboycott elections if they aren’t

assured a minimum electoral winby Friday evening. Privately,Maoist chairman Pushpa KamalDahal has told other leaders itwill be difficult to control hiscadre if there is a rout. Publicly,however, Maoist leaders denythere is any deal. BaburamBhattarai reportedly told theUML his party doesn’t need“charity” from them.

A deal may not be democratic,but most analysts say the Maoistsmay need to be accommodated forthe sake of their party unity andlong-term peace. They are moreworried about violence againstcandidates, and the Maoiststrategy of intimidating voters inconstituencies where they areweak so there is a low turnout.

KUNDA DIXIT

Behave yourselves

OR ELSE: As campaignviolence escalated, ChiefElection CommissionerBhoj Raj Pokhrelsummoned top leaders onMonday and warned themto follow rules. The verynext day, Maoist attackedNC and UML rallies inRasuwa and elsewhere,seriously woundingcandidates.

EDITORIALWhat’s left of the right p2STATE OF THE STATE CK LalObserver observing observers p2

Across the country theMaoists have been telling votersthey have special gadgets to findout who they vote for, or theyhave threatened entire VDCs withpunishment if they let anotherparty win.

The challenge for thehundreds of elections observers,including Jimmy Carter whoarrives next week, is to focus notjust on polling day but theimpact of voter intimidationduring the campaign.

The ultra left and right are main threats to peaceful polls

W

KIRAN PANDAY

2 4 - 10 APRIL 2008 #394EDITORIAL

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B

GUEST COLUMNRichard Ragan

STATE OF THE STATEC K Lal

T

y now we’ve all heard aboutit, and certainly felt it as ourrupees buy a whole lot less

food at the market these days.Growing energy expenses,

competition between bio-fuel andfood demands, increases in thefrequency and severity of naturaldisasters, variations in globalweather, and changing

consumption patterns in Chinaand India are some of the reasonsfor the rising price of food.

Coupled with other political,climatic and geographicalcomplications, this makes Nepal’spopulation particularlyvulnerable. Drought and othernatural disasters in 2006 resultedin a national 13 percent cerealproduction deficit.

The following year Nepal washit again with drought andmassive monsoon flooding.Ironically, hidden amidst thedevastation was a silver lining:Nepal’s summer 2007 paddyharvest bounced back with anestimated 17 percent increase overlast year’s production.

We collectively all breathed asigh of relief. The calamitousflooding brought water to theTarai, resulting in a bumper crop.Some suggested food production

Food insecurityCost of food increases hunger in Nepal

finally might be returning tonormal levels.

Unfortunately, that optimismwas short lived. Market prices forkey commodities have risensharply over the last few months.WFP estimates that the number ofNepalis struggling with foodsecurity has doubled to nearly8 million people. Generalinstability, civil conflict and theincreasing number of bandas aresignificant obstacles to foodaccess for many families.

Another worrying trend is thathouseholds are already adoptingsevere coping strategies that theywould normally undertake onlyduring lean seasons in a low cropproduction year: migrating earlier,selling assets, cutting the numberof meals, using savings or seekingcredit to purchase food, sellingland and even taking theirchildren out of school.

Over the last few decades,Nepal has become a food deficitcountry. Yields per hectare havenot kept pace with populationgrowth. In fact, Nepal has thelowest yield per hectare for riceand wheat in South Asia. Evenduring a good or normal harvestyear, millions of families struggleto meet basic food needs. Nepalrelies on imports fromneighboring countries and aid tomeet the food gap. Vulnerable,food insecure populations relyupon complex migration patternsto travel to places where economicactivities and food are accessible.(see also: ‘Not just supply anddemand,’ p9)

There is now a newcomplication. Because ofincreased domestic demandscombined with poor harvests,India has temporarily banned theexport of non-basmati rice andwheat. Nepal, which depends onIndia to balance its productiondeficit, is in a lurch.

According to the latest FAO/WFP food security assessment,

more than 10 million people inNepal are undernourished. Many ofthese vulnerable populations can’tproduce enough food to meet theirneeds, are too poor to buyadditional food and/or do not haveaccess to food because they live inremote communities.

The impact of the lack of foodis most obvious in Nepal’schildren. The latest NationalDemographic Health Survey findsthat 39 percent of children underfive are underweight. Stunting ratesfor children under five in Nepal are49 percent. Wasting, a measure ofacute malnutrition, has increasedin the past five years to 13 percentand in some areas in the Tarai, it isas high as 20 percent, which is anemergency situation according toWHO standards.

The Government of Nepal hascommitted itself to make bothagriculture and food security apriority in their new Three YearInterim Plan. Yet, the challenge ofachieving food security is great andit doesn’t happen overnight. Muchof Nepal’s crop land remains rain-fed and prone to natural disasterswhich can severely impact cropproduction, food availability andaccess, particularly for the mostvulnerable populations.

How will families alreadyliving on the edge of poverty copewith the current trend in risingprices and decreasing supplies? Thegovernment, WFP and the donorsmust step-up our efforts toimplement quick-impact programsthat result in long-term solutionsto break the cycle of hunger andpoverty in Nepal.

Last year WFP fed nearly twomillion people in the country.We’ve been working here for over 41years, and the happiest day forWFP will be when Nepal doesn’tneed us anymore.

Richard Ragan is the Representativefor the United Nations World FoodProgram (WFP) in Nepal.

he act of observation is inherentlyintrusive. The observer has a directeffect on the object being observed.

As reports of Maoist excesses continue todominate the media, it’s time we took noticeof the class, community and caste biases ofthe observers themselves.

Just as a completely free, fair andcredible election is an ideal, the mythicalneutral observer is a convenient construct,a model. Nothing like that exists in real life.

Contrary to conventional wisdom,election observation isn’t limited to pre-pollmonitoring of code of conduct for electionsor post-poll assessment of governmentmachinery. It also includes the task ofunderstanding social processes at work.The impact of structural inequalities uponthe outcome of an election is well-knownbut so little understood that most observers

choose to ignore it.Poll observers of the media, civil

society and international monitoringmissions tend to ignore the most basicelement of any election: the voter. It is lessof a hassle and much more glamorous toobserve those with power: political parties,armed groups, extremists, and electionofficers.

The poor rarely have representation.Modern elections are elaborate andexpensive affairs. Physical resourcesapart, those who have to work for a livingcan’t devote the time required to be able tobe considered as a probable candidate, letalone contest. For the vast majority of theelectorate, participation in a poll is thuslimited to speaking frankly and votingfreely. Unless these two primaryconditions are created, an election runsthe risk of becoming a farce.

A voter, however, is seldom free tospeak and the risk of retaliation fromarmed groups, including Maoists, is oftenlast on the list of his fears. The mostprimal fear of the poor is inability to find a

job or the risk of losing it if he happens tohave one. The unorganised sector,including households with domestics, is thesingle largest employer of the poor inNepal.

People running cycle and tyre repairshops, roadside eateries, back alleyboarding schools, impromptu foodpackagers, family-run NGOs andimprovised fabricators of shop-shutters andwindow grills belong to the UML. Small-time entrepreneurs form the backbone ofthe UML’s financial muscle. Their influencehad been somewhat curtailed by the rise ofmilitant Maoist unionism.

Emboldened by the poll prospects oftheir political front, employers nowroutinely threaten their flock of direconsequences if election results were toshow employee’s infidelity. You hear ittalked about on every street corner, but itdoesn’t get reported for reasons not difficultto fathom. Class bias certainly, but UMLcadres that dominate the media aretrained not to publicise anything that harmsthe party.

With just a few days to go for long-awaited and twice-postponed elections, asection of the ruling elite hasn’t stoppedspreading doubts about the impossibility orfutility of polls. These are the people who‘man’ almost all formal election observationcommittees.

Nepali observers have politicalaffiliation and most internationals are hereon electoral tourism junkets.

Let’s face facts: with a war-wearyinsurgent group fearful of electoral drubbingin the fray, the elections will be far fromfree. Establishmentarian forces closingranks imply that the competition willprobably be less than fair. Then there arethe faux-commies crying wolf.

Nothing new there, no election is eithercompletely free or truly fair. We will have toaccept the polls if it meets minimumacceptability criterion set by the ElectionCommission and endorsed by UNMIN.Meanwhile, let the observers observe.They’re at best harmless, at worst,irritants.

No election is either completely free or truly fairAn observer observing observers

WHAT’S LEFT OF THE RIGHTThroughout recent Nepali history, the extreme left and the extremeright have always shared a sense of common purpose.

Ever since king Mahendra coopted communists to counter theCongress in the 1960s, the autocratic monarchy and those withtotalitarian ideals have seen democrats as their main enemy. Thetwo have often colluded to squeeze the middle.

The Maoists were talking to the palace during Birendra’s reign.And Gyanendra just followed Daddy’s footsteps when he negotiatedwith Pushpa Kamal Dahal in January 2005 to divide up the spoilsand sideline the parties. When these negotiations failed, Gyanendrastaged his military-backed coup in February 2005. Dahal, who wasready to embrace an absolute monarchy, never forgave Gyanendrafor double-crossing him.

But both are still untied by a deep loathing for the politicalparties and their fecklessness. They reason that Nepal can neverbe truly independent and would never prosper under a western-styledemocracy. Up to there, many in Nepal may actually agree withthem because they have seen the parties squander hard-wonfreedoms.

What they forget is that we already tried absolute monarchy for30 years, and it was worse. And direct royal rule after Feburary2005 was an unmitigated disaster.

There are two forces that still don’t want elections. The radicalroyal right because the polls will consign Nepal’s 240 year-oldmonarchy to the history books, and the ultra left which foreseesdefeat in the polls and therefore wants to either scuttle it or usurpvotes through threats. The Madhesi militants are also againstelections, but don’t have the nationwide network to disrupt voting.

There may not be collusion yet between these militancies butthere is a convergence of interest. There is evidence the extremeright will stop at nothing to provoke communal violence throughterrorist attacks like the one in Biratnagar on Saturday. With nothingleft to lose, this lunatic fringe of Nepali politics may want to take thecountry down with it.

Ultra-radical Maoists, who always felt their leaders snatcheddefeat from the jaws of victory by engaging in the peace process,also want to sabotage elections. That is certainly the feeling onegets looking at their deliberate use of violence against candidatesand threats against voters in the past months.

As argued last week in this space (‘Their own worst enemy’,#393) this tactic will backfire on the Maoist party and deprive it of afairly decent showing in the polls.International observers and Nepalicivil society should stop sitting inthe sidelines and condemn YCLexcesses in the strongest terms.

The Maoists are aiding andabetting the absolute monarchistsby their actions. It is still not too latefor comrades to stop using violentlanguage in their election rallies. Ifthey behave like mature politicianswho believe in pluralism anddemocracy, who knows, they maybe the kingmaker party.

SAM KANG LI

34 - 10 APRIL 2008 #394

LLLLL E T T E R SE T T E R SE T T E R SE T T E R SE T T E R S

POLL VIOLENCEThe ongoing violence of the YCL against thecadres, candidates and voters of other parties hasconvinced me that the Maoists mean to keepmoderate voters away from the election so thatthey can do well in the PR vote, even if they don’tin first-past-the-post (‘Insecure’, ‘A swastika onthe hammer and sickle’, #393). The seven partiescan smoke the peace pipe but it is not going tochange this basic strategy of the Maoists. Theyseem to have given up the idea of winning heartsand minds, not to mention playing by the rules ofthe game.

The Maoists have fielded a strong candidate inmy constituency and I was considering voting forthem. But now I have given up that idea and madeup my mind that I cannot and will never vote for aparty which disenfranchises people fromexercising their voting rights.

Name withheld, Lalitpur

Zimbabwe’s Mugabe and the Maoists are thesame. Robert Mugabeused a YCL-typeyouth organisationto win the firstconstitutionelections againstNkomo. Since thenviolence andintimidation havesecured him successin every election. It isno surprise that theMaoists are followingMugabe’s techniques.They do have apopular base but it isnot sufficient to give them a majority of seats.Violence and intimidation have been their tools formany years, why would you think they willrelinquish them now?

Kishor Kamal, USA

TIBETIndia has always maintained a huge interest inNepali politics. But China only seems to beinterested because of the Tibetans who are livinghere, and is now twisting the Nepali government’sarm to make life difficult for them. Tibetans hereare not even allowed to carry out a peaceful showof solidarity. It is unfortunate that the Nepaligovernment has forgotten that it came to powerthrough similar democratic protests. Theharshness with which the Tibetan protestors arebeing treated is a shame for Nepal (‘Cold blood’,#392).

Yes, we all know that Nepal is a small countryand comes under heavy diplomatic pressure butthe country should not just kowtow to China onissues of human rights.

Name withheld, email

DREAM ONOur civil aviation authorities refused to grantpermission to engineering students to test flythe ultra-light plane they designed (‘Flightcancelled’, #388) and Suraj Vaidya’s idea ofmanufacturing three-wheelers in Nepal wasrejected (‘Making things happen’, #393). Bothshow how narrow-minded our authorities are.

People are creative and inventive when noidea is regarded as being too wild, nothing toocrazy. The young dare to dream, we must letthem.

The students of the Pulchok engineeringcampus built the Danfe ultra-light withresearch and professionalism. And how doesour government react? By being petty, throwingthe rule books at them, being obstructive.

My son, Kirtan, spent endless nights todesign, research, test and forage the metalscrap heaps for the right materials to build a350cc motorbike called the ‘Nepali Chopper’. Itwas an eight foot monster and despite the

grime, grease (and stealth test runs atmidnight) was a hunk of a machine.

He wanted to start a workshop to makecustom bikes, but met one obstacle afteranother. Registration was denied. Just likethe Danfe is sitting in a hangar inPokhara, the Nepali Chopper also gathersdust in my shed. The dreamer is now inthe United States designing and testingengines for launch in 2010 as part of aresearch team. Thanks to ourbureaucracy and outdated laws, hisdreams live on, but not in Nepal wherethey are needed the most.

Prabhu Ram Bhandary, Kathmandu

CHILDREN FIRSTAs Kul Chandra Gautam says in his GuestColumn (‘Children first’, #393) children shouldbe the first priority of the New Nepal that willbe constructed after the polls. Fourteenthousand children dying every 14 weeks isdismal. Let’s hope all the political parties,which claim to work for their people, will thinkabout this number and try to reduce it. Childrendeserve to live better in the New Nepal.

Prerana M, India

CLIMACTIC CHANGEThe World Bank has provided Nepal with$514,286 for clean development mechanism(‘Climactic change’, #393). But nobody istalking about who will manage the money orhow transparently it will be invested. It’s ashame that most of this money will probablydisappear in various people’s pockets inNepal. Bhutan has a much better track recordof transparency and sound utilisation of funds.Maybe we should emulate them.

Asish Dhakal, email

4 NATION 4 - 10 APRIL 2008 #394

mong the three big parties,only the NC has anelection manifesto in

which hydropower is regardedwith pragmatism and notnationalism. This is logical sincethe NC’s Gyanendra BahadurKarki has been Water ResourcesMinister since April 2006, andhas survived efforts by otherparties to seize this lucrativeministry. It is under Karki thattwo major hydropower projectshave been approved, and anotheris pending– all in the past sixmonths and all to Indian privatesector firms.

This has raised eyebrows, andopponents of the projects havetaken their case to the SupremeCourt arguing they should havebeen approved by the parliament.Even if the three export projectsthat cumulatively total 1,500MWgo through smoothly, the bigquestion is whether they willsolve the country’s domesticpower shortage. It’s not likely.

MoWR officials say it’s a win-win for Nepal as projects likeUpper Karnali, Arun III, BudiGandaki and West Seti will bebuilt and operated by foreigncompanies before they areultimately handed back to Nepal.Until then Nepal will get freepower, royalties and export tax.

“Nepal will earn millions ofrupees from these projects,Nepalis will get jobs and we willalso end up owning thehydropower plants,” MinisterKarki told Nepali Times. “The

Padma JyotiIndustries are barely able to survive.Politics is responsible for thedeceleration of industries. The problemsare created by unions linked to politicalparties. New parties are encouragingunions so as to bolster their vote banks,and the Maoists are taking the lead.

Radhesh PantIn 1996-97, industrial growth was14.7 percent, but today it is just 2.2percent. GDP growth has come down from5 percent to 2 percent. Recently, when abusinessman was beaten up, all theindustrialists came together. There shouldbe such unity because there are many

groups with ulterior motives. Competitionin business is one thing but if there is nounity the private sector can’t moveforward.

Pradip Kumar ShresthaIf the industrialists say the country isdoomed, it will be doomed. We need to

“Can’t do much more than

journey to making Nepal prosperfrom hydropower exports hasbegun.”

But how? The journey isalready looking rocky and long.And it looks like Nepal may beearning money exporting power toIndia, but continues to suffer sixhours of daily power cuts athome.

Large projects in Nepal arefraught with delays. UpperKarnali and Arun III will take atleast two more years forconstruction to begin. After that itwill be another five years ifeverything goes according to plan.In that period Nepal will probably

be a federal republic, and theautonomous regions will wanttheir share of revenue from plantsbuilt on rivers in their territory.

Even the relatively small70MW Middle Marsyangdi hasbeen delayed by more than threeyears because of local disputes andits cost has doubled to Rs 26billion.

The recently signed MoUs forUpper Karnali and Arun III has aclause that says ‘Neither partyshall be liable for default if thereis war, riots, civil disobedience,terrorism or any other causebeyond the reasonable control ofeither party.’ This is leaving a lot

to chance.The Australian joint-venture

West Seti has been delayed by12 years as it negotiated withIndian power purchasers, linedup finances and insurance.“This time we have made suredelays like the West Seti willnot be repeated,” explains AnupUpadhyay, MoWR jointsecretary. “Developers willhenceforth have to ensurefinancial closure within twoand a half years after they obtainthe survey license.”

The MoUs with the Indianinvestors of Arun III and UpperKarnali prohibit upstream and

Powerless even after pollsDelays in export-oriented hydro projects may mean more darkness aheadNAVIN SINGH KHADKA

Adownstream projects. But theMaoists in their manifesto sayhigh dams will be built on theKosi, Gandaki and Karnali basinsand their water will be taken bytunnels to irrigate the Tarai.Depending on how well theMaoists do in the elections, theycould demand a renegotiation ofthe MoUs with the Indians.

In its manifesto, the NC alsoplans to produce 5,000MW in thenext 10 years from the three riversystems, but all its plannedprojects are export-oriented. Sowho will be producing for thedomestic market?

The MoU between the MoWRand the Indian-Italian-Thaiconsortium (GMR-ITD) entitlesNepal to 12 percent free powerfrom the 300MW Upper Karnali.From the 402MW Arun III projectsigned with an Indian company(Satluj Jal Vidyut Nigam Limited)almost22 percent of free power will beplugged into the Nepali grid.

Hydropower experts argue thatfree electricity will not help Nepalmeet its increasing domesticdemand. They say projects likeArun and Upper Karnali shouldhave been built for the Nepalimarket. Nepal’s demand of700MW is increasing at 10 percenta year but supply has remainedstagnant at about 600MW.

“The real peak demand isalready 1,000MW and that meanswe need a substantial increase insupply,” says energy expert RatnaSansar Shrestha. “How are wegoing to meet our own powerneeds?”

Can industrialisation beinstrumental in theprosperity of Nepal? HasNepal been able tobenefit fromindustrialisation? Whatshould be done to makeNepali productscompetitive in the worldmarket? How can webring in foreigninvestors? HimalmediaRoundtable tried to comeup with answers lastweek. Participating werePadam Jyoti of JyotiGroup, Rajendra Khetanof Khetan Group, PradipKumar Shrestha ofPanchakanya Group,Subhas Kumar Sanghai ofSanghai Group, Joseph LPulikottil of Asian Paintsand Chairman of theBankers’ Association ofNepal and CEO of Bank ofKathmandu, RadheshPant. Excerpts:

MIN RATNA BAJRACHARYA

54 - 10 APRIL 2008 #394BUSINESS

hope for the best”encourage people. If we work together,there is a lot we can benefit from.

Rajendra KhetanWe have never faced the kind ofproblems that we are facing now. Thegovernment, political parties and theadministrative sector are responsible forthe degradation of the businessenvironment. If the political parties wantto politicise the industries, we need tohave the right to bail out our investments.We can take our money and invest it inBhutan or Mumbai but that would destroythis country’s industries.

Joseph L PulikottilWorkers’ unions, unskilled manpower,lack of transparency and outreach tomarkets are some of the problems we arefacing today. But the main problem ispolicy. Is industrialisation a priority forthe nation? If so, it should be reflected inthe policies and actions of thegovernment and political parties.

Subhas SanghaiIf the problems continue for a couple ofyears, we will lose everything. Thepolitics of parties, the electricity and fuelshortages will bring industries to astandstill. Our competitiveness in the

international market has taken a knock.Although we are a small country, we can alsobounce back quickly once we have stability.The private sector needs to be positive.

Pradip Kumar ShresthaWe aren’t money poor, but idea poor. Wehave all the resources but we haven’t utilisedthem. A national agreement can easily solvethis problem but unfortunately, we don’t evenhave an agreement among the private sector.

Rajendra KhetanNepal took a great leap forward between1980 and 1996. A dramatic increase inagriculture or the discovery of mineraldeposits may change things, but even if wedo the maximum to encourage manufacturingit won’t give us more than 10-15 percentgrowth in GDP. Ram Sharan Mahat, BharatMohan Adhikari, Prakash Chandra Lohaniand a few others might have understood thisbut the rest haven’t.

Radhesh PantManufacturing has its limitations in Nepal.Farming and herbs may have somepossibilities, but we must be prepared for2010 when Nepal has to open up domesticindustries for international players underWTO rules. Amongst the industries we havetoday, cement industry is the only one that

ECONOMIC SENSEArtha Beed

he answers at governmentoffices are similar to the‘try again later’ message

you get on cell phones. From nowon, no requests will be processedor work done until after elections.It’s as if Dasain came in Chait thisyear. Seeing as anthropologistslove multi-ethnic and exoticNepal so much, maybe they coulddo us a favour and have somestudies into this facet of theNepali character.

We need to understand whywe love to ‘dodge’ work. Even atthe highest levels of government,discussions are not focussed onmaking the constituent assemblyfunctional after elections, but onhow to add more holidays to ouralready holiday-laden nationalcalendar. Demanding a holiday atany time will be our firstconstitutional right. While theworld is moving towards 24-hour,365-day operations, we still preferto work upto 4PM for half theyear, and preferably not at all,given the opportunity.

Our love for festivals andbreaks from doing nothing hasheld Nepal back severely, and Ibelieve that if we really want tosee Nepal change for the better, weneed to mend our ways. Althoughour incorporation of otherreligions’ festivals apart fromHindu ones to the nationalcalendar scores top marks oninclusivity, it also means that ourcalendars now have more red days

Avoiding work is Nepal’s national hallmarkAnother Dasain

than black ones.The elect of the constituent

assembly must actually attend itand legislate, not just bask in thesun on their verandahs. Perhapstheir salaries should bedependent on how many sessionsthey attend rather than a fixedsum. Then we might be able tocoax them to come and do whatthey’re paid Rs 70,000 a monthfor.

The onus of pushingefficiency and productivity lieswith the private sector, which isconsidered more efficient andproductive than other sectors. Butthis sector has its own Dashains,tea breaks and pointlessinterminable karyakrams. It needsto move beyond self-congratulatory expressions ofmutual admiration in thenewspapers to something concretethat will bring about realimprovements inprofessionalism, governance andcompetence-building.

It is a sobering thought thatmore column inches are devotedto the announcement ofcandidates and candidate officesfor the Association of ForeignEmployment Agencies than to

reporting on their work andensuring better regulation of thisbusiness so that fewer people arecheated, and normal Nepalis getthe best services at the bestprices.

The business communitymissed the opportunity to setthe economic agenda for theparties as they were busy settingtheir own election agenda. Whenthe CA is actually constituted,rather than just putting BestWishes messages in the papers asusual, the business people ofNepal need to work together withthe assembly to bring about aconstitution which guaranteesprivate property rights, rights todo proper business and cruciallymore rights for the consumer.

Perhaps the first issue totackle could be getting a labourlaw framework which wouldallow enterprises to link paywith productivity. This mayruffle feathers in many places,but in Naya Nepal it is time for areal change.

But for now anyway, HolidayGreetings on the occasion ofanother long break.

www.arthabeed.com

T

may still do well because of export potentialto India. But for that we need to plan at least5-10 years in advance.

Padma JyotiWe need to decide which sectors havemanufacturing and industrial potential inNepal. We cannot forget that small andmedium scale industries can still bebeneficial for us.

Joseph L PulikottilNepal does not produce any raw materials.We cannot compete in the internationalmarket by processing imported materials.Such products can only be used in theinternal market. The industries we have donot provide huge employment opportunities.We need means to respond tounemployment. Nepal needs to think aboutbringing in multinational companies.

Pradip Kumar ShresthaOur government lacks good policies,implementation and a decision makingability. The hydropower sector needs a newpolicy but the government isn’t moving.

Joseph L PulikottilWe haven’t been able to utilise the educatedmanpower in our country. Banks andcooperatives are the first priority whereas

international and national organisationscome second. The industrial sectorcomes third. As long as industrial sectoris not a priority, there is little chance ofinternational competition.

Radhesh PantThe country will move to a positivedirection after the polls. A lot of thingshave come to surface in the past twoyears. We cannot move on withoutresponding to these issues.

Padma JyotiThis election is to build a newconstitution. We cannot hope for a drasticchange in our financial policy. Since thepolitical parties differ so much, a neweconomic policy looks iffy.

Joseph L PulikottilThere is talk about federalism andinclusion in the nation. We need toanalyse the possible effects of federalismon the economy. Is it also going to beinclusive?

Rajendra KhetanWe cannot expect the elections to changeeverything. There might be some changesin administration, but we can’t do muchmore now than hope for the best.

SAM KANG LI

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BoK in DangBank of Kathmandu’s 19th branch opened in Ghorahi, Dang. Thenew branch will serve customers from Salyan, Pyuthan, Rolpa, andRukum with deposits, loans and advances, remittance and ATMservice. BoK has been providing banking services through 19branches and six service counters.

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New chairmanNeeraj Sworoop was appointed chairman of theStandard Chartered Bank at the bank’s 235th boardmeeting. Swaroop is the regional chief executive ofStandard Chartered Bank, India and South Asia andsucceeds Jaspal Singh Bindra, who now assumesthe role of CEO Asia.

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Loan schemeUnited Finance Limited has launched a 100 percent valuation loanscheme, under which, customers can obtain a loan equal to thetotal valuation of the collateral. Customers can apply for homeconstruction, land and building, business, education and personalloans. Interest for this type of loan starts from 10.5 percent.

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To Euro 2008Carlsberg is launching a new promotionwhere on every purchase of two bottles ofCarlsberg beer, the customer gets a coupon.This coupon can win the customer a chanceto go to Switzerland to watch the Euro 2008 quarterfinal match on21 June and also present the Man of the Match award.

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Flying yetiflyyeti.com has launched a fullscale promotional and awarenesscampaign to promote Nepal’s firstlow cost carrier airplane. Inaddition to the free merchandise, flyyeti.com is also promoting theircall centre number where every 100th caller receives free tickets.Arun Kumar and BK Shrestha have already won the first two freetickets.

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100 years of DaihatsuHansraj Hulaschand, on the completion of 100 years of Daihatsu,has launched a new offer where customers can now purchase theSirion at factory price with extratransportation and taxes/customcharges. Hansraj Hulashchand is theauthorized distributor of DaihatsuMotors in Nepal.

6 4 - 10 APRIL 2008 #394FROM THE NEPALI PRESS

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MindlessEditorial in Gorkhapatra,31 March

As the election nears, anti-democratic elements are doingtheir best to scupper it. A case inpoint is the explosion in amosque in Biratnagar, whichkilled two people. It was acarefully orchestrated act ofviolence aimed at instilling

out a strong message to the peopleof Nepal and the internationalcommunity that the governmentis committed to promoting andprotecting all religions and ethniccommunities.

The Muslim community, inthis hour of grief, must bepatient. We know they are feelinghumiliated and outraged at themoment but they should knowthat all Nepalis are with them.Nepal believes in humanity, goodwill and fraternity of people. Wemust not let these criminalsdamage this, and should uniteagainst anyone who tries to do so.

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ComplaintBudhabar, 2 April

A complaint has been filedagainst Minister of PhysicalPlanning and Works Hisila Yami( CPN-Maoist candidate forKathmandu-7), and Maoistchairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal(CPN-Maoist candidate forKathmandu-10) at the ElectionCommission by the KathmanduValley Mobilisation Committee.

The complaint was filedagainst them for not adhering tothe EC code of conduct duringcampaigning and for notremoving election graffiti asdirected. A complaint has alsobeen filed against the Maoists forusing government funds tocampaign in Lalitpur-1. HisilaYami has included statistics offunds allocated by the ministryfor development works in her

campaign pamphlet. Thecomplaint lambasts Yami formaking public governmentexpenditure in her electioncampaign to get votes.

It is understood that theMobilisation Committee will sitwith the organisationsmonitoring the election todiscuss the issues raised.

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Electoral barbsKantipur, 2 April

UML general secretary MadhabKumar Nepal wants to be theexecutive head of the country. Inresponse to a question askingwhether he would prefer to bepresident or prime minister onthe Kantipur television showSarokar, Nepal replied, “I am just53. I am not old or disabled. I amenergetic and dynamic, which iswhy I wish to be executivehead.”

Even if the UML win amajority in the CA elections,Nepal said that a joint centralgovernment will be formed andthat political alliances will beheld until the constitution iswritten. He said the three mainchallenges for the country are theremnants of monarchism, thestatus quo and the far left.

An audience member saidthat the UML is not a realcommunist party and that theconstituent assembly andrepublic were not on theiragenda. Nepal responded: “Thosewho are pushing for a republic

HIGH HORSES: Prachanda (CPN-M) and Sher Bahadur Deuba (NC) take to horseback for the longcampaign trail in their constituencies in Rolpa and Dadeldhura.

hatred and anger into the Muslimcommunity.

Although the majority ofNepalis are Hindu, there is equalrespect for other religions. Butsome extremists, taking advantageof Nepal’s transitional period, areattempting to jeopardise the goodrelations between differentcommunities. This bomb attackwas such an attempt.

The government shouldstrengthen overall security along

with that of religious places. Theperpetrators should be brought tojustice. This is not just a questionof the security of devotees at holyplaces, it is an attack on thebeliefs of normal people. Thetime has come for the governmentto prove that Nepal as a secularcountry has equal respect for allreligions and those who targetothers’ beliefs will not be let off.If the criminals are swiftlybrought to justice, it will send

BIKASH KARKIPARSURAM KAFLE

74 - 10 APRIL 2008 #394FROM THE NEPALI PRESS

Sushil Aryal in Himal Khabarpatrika,29 March- 12 April

Lebanon—Six of the seven thousand Nepaliworkers in Lebanon are women. The contractsunder which they are employed mean that theyare unable to change employers. According tosources in Lebanon, many Nepali women liveeffectively as prisoners of their employers, andsome are also victims of physical and sexualabuse.

Sarada Phuyal who worked as domestic helpin Beirut died on 17 March this year. Policereports say it was suicide but the Nepali

communityhere issuspicious.On 21March,Di l l iPoudel,chairmanof the Non-ResidentNepalisAssociationin Lebanon

issued a press release saying that 12 hoursbefore her death, Sarada had contacted a certainMohan Prasai and told him that her mistress hadchecked her passport and she would be able tochange her place of work.

A day before the death of Sarada, 32 year-oldKamala Nigari jumped from the fifth storey of abuilding. Although she survived, she broke bothher legs. A few months ago, the dead body ofGanga Rana, who also committed suicide toescape abuse, was brought back to Nepal.Manamaya Giri has been reported missing sinceshe asked for her wages. The list goes on.

These incidents provide only a glimpse ofwhat Nepali workers in Lebanon are facing. “Noone is addressing our problems. The consulateshould try harder to understand our situation orhe should be replaced,” says Dilli Poudel.

Most Nepali workers in Lebanon are simplelabourers. Women working as domestic helpsearn between $125-250 per month. However,they are often kept waiting for years before beingpaid.

now weren’t even born when theNepal Communist Party first putforward the republican agenda in1949.”

Nepal also came under fire fornot performing the last rites forhis mother but yet paying respectto king Gyanendra. Nepal had aready answer: “As long as he washead of the country, everyonerespected him. When Baburamwas being arrested in Rolpa, at thesame time Prachanda wasnegotiating with king Gyanendrato become the next president.”

He also warned the Maoistsagainst threatening his candidateslike KP Sharma Oli and RajendraPandey. “If anything happens tothem, Prachanda will be heldresponsible.” He warned: “Aswith king Gyanendra, we won’tlet the Maoists go.”

Women workers

DRISTI

8 BUSINESS 4 - 10 APRIL 2008 #394

n the 600 metre stretch ofroad between Pulchok andJawalakhel there are three

big supermarkets. At KamalPokhari, the fancy new CityCentre Mall is coming up. Just inthe past two years, we have seenthe opening of the United WorldTrade Centre and the KathmanduMall.

Despite a burgeoning mallculture, Kathmandu’s citizenshaven’t given up on theirneighbourhood kirana pasal. Infact, these mom and pop storesare doing quite well despite thecompetition from the megastores.

Economic liberalisation in the1990s brought a flux of importedforeign goods, and middle-classincomes rose because ofremittances from abroad. Theeconomy went into freefall duringthe conflict years, and is only nowpicking up.

But despite growth sinceBluebird became the firstsupermarket in Kathmandu22 years ago, there are still onlyeight supermarkets and malls forthe Valley’s population of2 million. So, for most of thepopulation the neighbourhoodshop is still where they buy mostof their basic needs.

Kathmandu’s family grocery

MALLMANDUshops have been slightly affectedby supermarkets, but only if theyused to be located near a big mall.“Kirana pasals are still a trustedpart of the local community,” saysbusiness analyst Ashutosh Tiwari,“many allow regulars credit andthey serve as social centres fortheir neighbourhood.”

Ram Shrestha in Sanepa hasbeen patronising the same grocerfor more than 20 years, eschewingthe range of goods available in thesupermarket just a stone’s throwaway. “The owner provides a goodservice and makes me feelimportant,” he says.

Most Kathmanduites believekirana pasals are cheaper thansupermarkets, although this is notalways the case. For instance,Druk canned pineapple slices costRs 100 at Bhatbhateni but Rs 106at a neighbourhood store in Patan;Rara instant noodles cost Rs 10 atSaleways but Rs 11 at a familygrocer.

Some Kathmandusupermarkets wonder if theirfailure to capture a larger share ofthe market is because of lack ofmarketing. But they say instabilityin the country makes investing in along-term advertising campaigntoo risky. Apart from that, ArpanaMohpal, managing director ofTrends Advertising and MarketingConsultants, explains: “Brandloyalty is non-existent in Nepal.”

At the end of the day Nepal isstill a low-income country, with asmall middle class and lowpurchasing power. “Comparing usto America or even India is likecomparing an apple to an orange”says Binod Tuladhar, executivedirector of Bluebird Mall.

Tuladhar says big retailbusiness is constricted byemployment laws and powerfulunions, and complains that he

loses a lot of money frominefficiency among staff. Theoverheads for small shops aremuch less and in many casesstaff are unpaid family memberswho help out when they are free.

Kirana pasals are now gettingin on the act with importedfoodstuffs. Uttam provision shopat Pulchok, for example, hasbrought in fancy foreign imports tomeet the demand of expatsstaying in the area.

Entertainment may be the wayfor big players to expand theirmarket. In July a new mall, CityCentre, will open at KamalPokhari. It will stand five storeyshigh, will be fully air-conditioned,and will have a multiplex cinema,supermarket and a wide range ofinternational brands.

This may be the first of many.In 10 or 15 years’ time, the retaillandscape of Kathmandu may bevery different. But malls will havea long hard battle to capture thehearts and minds ofKathmanduites.

LIST OF SUPERMARKETS:

Bhat-Bhateni Supermarket &Departmental StoreBhatbhateni

Gemini Supermarket-Jawalakhel-Boudha Main Street

Saleways Department Store-Jawalakhel

Namaste Supermarket-Pulchok-Maharajganj,

Bluebird Department Store-Tripureswor-Lazimpat

Why mom andpop shops stilldo welldespiteKathmandu’small culture

SHEERE NG

O

PICS: SHEERE NG

94 - 10 APRIL 2008 #394NATION

ndia has banned all riceexports except Basmati.Pakistan has reintroduced

rationing. Food riots have brokenout in some African countries.The world is facing anunprecedented food shortage, andit is the poorest who are hithardest by rising prices.

In Nepal the price of manyfood items have doubled in thepast year (See box). Preoccupiedwith elections, the government

seems unconcerned about thehardships suffered by millions ofNepalis.

The price of cooking oil hasgone up by more than half in justthree months. The prices of rice,pulses and meat have alsoincreased significantly. India’sexport ban on non-Basmati riceand wheat has worsened Nepal’s

Not just supply and demandshortage (See also: ‘Foodinsecurity’, p 2)

But this is not the onlyreason for the price hike. Thedramatic rise in oil prices, andthe trend towards bio-fuels,increased demand for food andmeat and growing affluence inIndia and China are the otherreasons for worldwideshortages.

In Nepal, traders haveanother reason to raise prices ofcommodities: to recoup moneythey have ‘donated’ to various

political parties for theelections. “Many traders havebeen compelled to increase theprices in order to make up fordonations,” said Jyoti Baniya,general secretary of theConsumers’ Protection Forum.

Pabitra Bajracharya,president of Retailers’Association said that

DEWAN RAI

The real reason food pricesare rocketing in Nepal andworldwide

I

Dear foodDec 2007 March 2008

Rice (kg) Retail price Retail priceShort grain Rs 24 Rs 30Mansuli Rs 32 Rs 40Fine grain Rs 41 Rs 48 Cooking oil (litre)Mustard oil Rs 102 Rs 150Soybean oil Rs 95 Rs 150Sunflower oil Rs 90 Rs 160

Meat (kg)Mutton Rs 335 Rs 350Chicken Rs 130 Rs 165

wholesalers are sellingfoodstuffs at a price higherthan production cost, and thecurrent price hikes arearbitrary and unnecessary. Thefact that wholesalers are notissuing retailers with receiptsis a tacit admittance of thisfact.

“If we ask for a bill theyrefuse to sell us the goods atall. We have complained tothe Department of Commerce,but no action has been taken,”Bajracharya says.

Food economist JagannathAdhikari says Nepal is feelingthe spillover effect of the foodshortage in India, but addsthat traders are also creatingan artificial shortage to gougecustomers. Adhikari toldNepali Times: “Changing foodhabits are having an effect onprices, but the growingcorporate control of food isstarting to pose a seriousthreat to food security.”

The WFP reports say thatsummer rice production inthe Mid and Far WesternRegions increased by 17percent last year, but despitethese good crop yields, foodprices have increasedsignificantly leaving anestimated 3.8 millionextremely vulnerable.

In these regions, averagehousehold food stocks aredown by half compared to ayear ago. Many areas in theMid and Far West have hadbad winter harvests and arefacing growing food deficit.

“Inadequate supply andprice increases in food andnon-food items have had asignificant impact on theoverall food securitysituation,” the reportstates.

SAM KANG LI

10 4 - 10 APRIL 2008 #394

axmi Bista was preparingbreakfast in Sitapila whenthe election campaigners

arrived at her doorstep. She hasmet several candidates who havecome house to house here onKathmandu’s outskirts to ask forvotes, and she has now made upher mind.

“I will vote for a womancandidate,” she says resolutely,and looks on as UML candidate

Astha Laxmi Shakya’s entouragepasses by. Laxmi is encouraged bythe number of women contestingin this election, and believesmore women in the parliamentmeans a pro-women constitution.

Still, out of 3,947 candidatesin this election, only 367 arewomen. When the constituentassembly sits 200 (33 percent) ofthe 601 MPs will have to bewomen. The proportionalrepresentation ballot (PR)guarantees 168 seats for women.In the first-past-the-post ballot(FPTP), the parties have selected10 percent women candidates for240 seats.

But it is clear that only a few

ith the election only a week away, largenumbers of youth are leaving the Valley

for their homes. The long lines at ticket countersand crowds waiting for village-bound busessuggest young Nepalis are excited about thiselection.

Nepal has not had an election for nine years,and more than 22 percent of the listed voterswill be voting for the first time.The direction of the country willbe decided by those younger than35, who form 51 percent of thetotal electorate.

Although more than 50 percentof the voters are ‘young’, youthrepresentation amongst electioncandidates is dismal. In the FPTPballot, the UML, NC and Maoistshave nine, four and 96 candidatesbelow the age of 36 respectively.Can we trust the same old faces toforge a new road for young Nepal?

Raju Thapa, an undergraduatestudent says, “the olderpoliticians might have more seatsbecause they are more experienced. If they haveunderstood the people’s desires and adoptedmodern ideology, we can still expect change.”

Talking to Nepali Times, Pradip Poudel,chairman of the NC-affiliated Nepal StudentsUnion said: “we are not satisfied with the wayour party has selected its candidates but we dostill support the party since it has included ouragenda for republicanism and federalism in itselection manifesto. Right now we are 100 percent

he constituent assemblyelection is supposed toright historic wrongs. It

is supposed to bring those leftout of the political mainstreaminto decision-making.

But looking at the line-up ofcandidates for the first-past-the-post ballot and the proportionalrepresentation vote, Janajatisand Dalits may still not berepresented in the constituentassembly in numbersproportionate to theirpopulation.

“The constituent assembly isgoing to be more inclusive thistime but it will not be asproportional as it should be,”UML MP Phatik Thapa toldNepali Times. Although partycandidate lists for this electionfeature more women, Madhesis,Janajatis and Dalits than in

Even afterelections,Janajatisand Dalitswill not befairlyrepresented

Some are still more equal

DEWAN RAI

And whatabout youth? women will win in the FPTP

ballot, and this will mean theproposed 33 percent ratio forwomen in the assembly isunlikely to be reached.

Hisila Yami, Maoist candidatefor Kathmandu-7, is confidentthat more women MPs will makea difference. “We have never beenthis inclusive in terms ofethnicity or gender,” she toldNepali Times.

But politicians from otherparties are not convinced. “It is a

ploy to deprive women of ourrights,” says Uma Adhikari ofInter-Party Women’s Alliance,who is concerned women havenot been given the recommendednumber of tickets. “It is not thatthe parties don’t have capablewomen, but deep-rootedpatriarchy screens out womenwho are proactive, capable, andsmart,” she says.

The PR vote may also not be asdemocratic as it should. Partyleaders will choose theirrepresentatives according to theproportion of their overall vote.So voters have no way of knowingwhich of the up to 335 candidateson the PR lists will be selected.

behind our leadership but if they shy away fromfulfilling the people’s mandate, we won’t be silentspectators.”

In a recent press briefing, the electioncommission stated that 22 candidates under PRwere below the required age of 25. Youth leaderAmrita Thapa of the CPN-Maoist said: “We had toreject a lot of qualified candidates who applied for

the PR list because of their age. The youth aredynamic and have an important role in bringingabout change. Age should not be a barrier forcandidates who are qualified otherwise.”

Although there is no strict provision for theinclusion of the youth in the CA polls, there are atleast some candidates who can be consideredyoung. While they are not proportional to theircontingent of the population, it is a start. Srishti Adhikari

Despite promises of inclusion,women are sidelined again

MALLIKA ARYAL

L

T

W

Janjati population breakdown %

Magar 7.14Tharu 6.75Tamang 5.64Newar 5.48Rai 2.79Gurung 2.34Limbu 1.58Other 6.08Total 37.8

Janjati candidate breakdown %

Magar 4.75Tharu 1.44Tamang 1.27Newar 6.34Rai 2.72Gurung 3.13Limbu 2.31Other 7.13Total 29.2

Same old

SAM KANG LI

SAM KANG LI

114 - 10 APRIL 2008 #394NATION

n this bustling border town where grain traders, cementindustrialists and gravel exporters dominate, the people can’twait to get the elections over with. Not so much because

Nepal will have a new constitution, but because they hope it willend extortion.

Last month, Maoists torched industralist Rajeev KumarBeriwal’s Rs 40 million plywood factory. The 33-year-old hadreceived a call on his cellphone demanding Rs 1 million incampaign funding.

"When I said I couldn’t pay, by 7.30 PM they had burnt down myfactory,” says Beriwal (pictured, above) who doesn’t pick up hiscellphone anymore.

Other Bhairawa businessmen keep private cellphone numbersjust for family members and close friends. “I don’t disclose thenumber to anyone else,” says industrialist Rajesh Kumar Agrawalwhose factory was also bombed by Maoists six years ago.

Agarwal says the extortion hasn’t stopped, and he admits he’sstill paying up just so they’ll leave him alone. “I pay to avoidtrouble, that’s life,” he told Nepali Times with a shrug.

Agarwal and others are all excited about the elections becausethey hope it will close this chapter of Nepal’s unstable transitionand allow economic growth. “India is seeing 10 percent growth andwe could benefit. For us the next two years will be a test,” Agarwalsays hopefully.

The conflict destroyed Rajendra Prasad Baniya’s ambitiousbusiness plans. “Now I want the elections because that is the lastchance for my business to expand,” he says. The 47-year-olddistributes Nestle products and says he will support the NCbecause it believes in economic liberalisation.

Because their economic policies are so similar, Bhairawa willsee a keen race between the NC and UML. But not everyone ishopeful that the elections will improve the business climate. “Allthe parties have approached me for donations for their campaigns,but they rarely explain what they will do if they win,” says KrishnaPrasad Sharma, 42. “It shows that they are not sincere aboutdeveloping the country economically.”

Sharma is into export of Nepal’s boulders and gravel to Indiawhere growth has spurred demand for construction material. Thereare now 35 stone and gravel exporters in the Lumbini area aloneand they can’t keep up with demand from India. Sharma’s biggestgripe is that while he pays the government Rs 60 million a year intaxes, he also has to pay a parallel Maoist tax.

Then, there are others like Rishikesh Agrawal, 41, who hasgiven up on elections and on Nepal. Agarwal moved himself and hisfamily to India for good after the JTMM demanded money. When herefused to pay up, they bombed his home and factories.

previous polls, they are stillbelow their population ratios.

Janajatis, for instance,comprise 37.8 percent of thepopulation and the electoralcommission has recommendedthat an equivalent number ofcandidates in the variousparties should be drawn fromtheir ranks.

But not all Janajaticommunities are includedbecause some have very smallpopulations. Of 59 registeredJanajati groups, only 31 haveany candidates at all in the CApolls. Sociologist and Janajatiactivist Krishna Bhattachanexplains: “It is practicablyimpossible to include allJanajati groups under a mixedelectoral system. It would onlybe possible if the system wascompletely proportional.”

The Maoists seem to be themost inclusive party in ethnicand caste terms. Some 194(33 percent) of their candidatesare from Janajati communities,and 47 (8 percent) are Dalits.The NC has 162 (28 percent)Janajati and 30 (5 percent) Dalitcandidates, and the UML has148 (25 percent) and 30 (5percent) respectively. Each ofthese parties is fielding a totalof 575 candidates.

Whereas the Maoists comefairly close to meeting therecommended quota forJanajatis, both the other main

parties are far behind, and noneof the three parties is close tomeeting the 13 percent quotarecommended for Dalits.

Even among Janajatis, somegroups dominate others. Takingthe three main parties together,there are a total of 111 Newarcandidates, 82 Magars, 25Tharus and 22 Tamangs. This isin spite of the fact that Magars,Tharus and Tamangs have largerpopulations than Newars.

Apart from sheer numbers,list which they are on is alsoimportant. There are twoelectoral systems that votershave to choose from: first-past-the-post (FPTP) andproportional representation(PR). Candidates in the FPTPsystem are able to campaign forthemselves, and if they areelected in their constituency, areguaranteed a seat. Howevercandidates on the PR lists canonly campaign on behalf of theirparty. They form a pool fromwhich their parties willnominate representativesaccording to their overallnational share of the votes. Forcandidates on the PR list gettinga seat is far from guaranteed.

Of all the Janajati candidatesin the three main parties, onlyabout 40 percent are on theFPTP list, meaning 60 percentwill still have to be nominatedto the assembly again by theirleadership after the election.

UML leader Shankar Pokharelsees nothing wrong with theselection process. “What’simportant is that candidates havedevoted time to the party, remainloyal to the party and help theparty in campaigning,” he said.“Why should we select someonewho criticises the party?”

The parties are under nocompulsion to selectproportional numbers of Janajatisand Dalits to represent them inthe assembly. There are worriesthat central selection procedureswill favour those groups close tothe leadership, which, in allparties, are Bahun and Chhetri.

“The selection process hasalready made certain segments ofthe population feel excluded inthe attempt to draft the firstsupposedly inclusiveconstitution,” Bhattachan says.

It’s likely that many Bahunsand Chhetris also feel excludedby the some of the Janajatigroups’ demands (now adoptedby the Maoists) for ethnically-based federal states. Most areas ofNepal are too ethnicallyheterogeneous for this scheme towork (See: ‘Mapping a mosaic’,#392).

However, as long as allregions, castes and ethnic groupsare not equally represented inan elected assembly, analystssay, simmering resentmentamongst the excluded is likely toremain.

Sticking it outBhairawa’s businessmen paya high price for elections

I

than others

Central selection procedures arelikely to favour men.

Sujita Shakya of the All NepalWomen’s Association says thatthe parties have deliberately putprominent women in seats wherethey are bound to lose. “Womenwho were sure to win from theirarea have not been allowed tocontest in FPTP, and thosewomen who were selected areeither contesting in places wherethey have no influence, or instrongholds of other political

parties,” Shakya says.Kopila Adhikari of the

Advocacy Forum wonders howmany capable women willactually end up as MPs. “Weneed qualified women inparliament who can speak upfor the rest of us, but the partieshave basically selected tokenyes-women.”

Sociologist KrishnaBhattachan advises women totake steps right after theelections to ensure that they are

not sidelined in the constituentassembly.

He suggests pressuring thepolitical parties to recommendnames of women for toppositions, organising an inclusivenational women’s conference towork on a separate draft of theconstitution, and advocating theircause in the streets.

Says Bhattachan: “The strongerthe pressure from the outside, themore effective decisions are goingto be inside the parliament.”

WONG SHU YUN in BHAIRAWA

‘menstream’ politics

WONG SHU YUN

KIRAN PANDAY

DOING THE ROUNDS: UMLcandidate for Kathmandu-8

Astha Laxmi Shakya goes door-to-door in Sitapaila last week.

12 4 - 10 APRIL 2008 #394

SARLAHI—The face of theMadhesi movement is running aneck-to-neck race against a maninstrumental in the peaceprocess here in Constituency 6of Sarlahi.

The NC’s Amresh Singh maynot be very well known, but heis powerful. A favourite ofIndian ambassadors ShyamSaran and Shiv ShankarMukherjee, he has been anintermediary in the peaceprocess from November 2005onwards. Trouble is, MahantaThakur is also Delhi’s man inMadhesi politics.

The even greater irony is thatThakur had a lot to do withSingh’s success story.

“Amresh was Thakur’ssycophant,” quips DeepakMishra in Thakur’s Brahminstronghold of Laxmanpur inthis eastern Tarai district. Whenasked to comment Singh toldNepali Times: “I also helpedhim, and he had independentaccess to Girijababu.”

Singh was a student at

t 33, Ajay Gupta has comea full circle. After startingout as a Sadbhabana

activist, quitting the party whenBadri Mandal and Anandi Debisplit, winning the royalmunicipal elections to becomeGaur mayor as an independent,allegedly encouraging themassacre of Maoists last year, andjoining the TMLP for twomonths, Gupta has returned toSadbhabana as their candidate forRautahat 1.

Still, Gupta says: “I havebeen consistent and never joinedany big party.”

On campaign trail at theBarharva village he speaks to agroup of men playing cards andsmoking bidis. “There are twoparties in the country, Pahadisand Madhesis. Vote for me,otherwise we will have to live asslaves for another 100 years.”

Gupta visits women at home,asking them to pat him on hisback. He tells the young thatonly a Madhes sarkar can createjobs so that they do not need togo to Punjab, and among hisaccomplishments cites an“international” crickettournament he organised asmayor.

Gupta is banking on votesfrom the municipality andsupport of the young acrosscastes. “I will get 8,000 votesfrom Gaur, five or six thousandfrom nearby villages,” hepredicts. But he facescompetition from NC’s BrajKishore Singh, UML’s RewantJha, formerly a secretary toMadhab Nepal, and the MJF’sAmar Yadav.

Gupta’s bright prospectsrepresent a change in electoraldynamics from Rautahat toSunsari over the past two weeks.Madhesi parties are finallypicking up steam, with moreactive campaigning. They aremaking inroads in most seats inthe eastern Tarai. The question

is, can they capitalise on it in thelast three days?

The MJF was relatively strong,but the TMLP and SP are alsopicking up. For its part, NC isfacing an uphill battle in mostareas of its traditional vote banksin the eastern Tarai, especially inDhanusha, Siraha, Saptari andSunsari.

Across the region, however,there is also fear andapprehension. The failure of talkswith the four minor militantgroups, Biratnagar mosque attack,blasts in Rajbiraj, Janakpur andBirganj, and Jwala Singh’sthreatened disruptions havecaused worry.

“You really think polls willhappen? Won’t people be scaredto vote once the banda begins?”asks Indresh Jha, a Janakpur hotelmanager. Journalist Alok Thakursays, “Most people either sayelections will not happen or thatthey will not vote.”

A low turnout will help thosewho want to question thelegitimacy of the process later,and this seems to be what thearmed groups want. Jwala sourcestold Nepali Times they will killand kidnap a few candidates nextweek.

“We do not have the capacityto stop polls but want to createfear,” he said bluntly. Jwala istrying to patch up with Goit’sgroup. And royalists arethreatening more blasts toprovoke communal violence.

PRASHANT JHA in GAUR

Fear and votingin the Tarai

Madhesi parties pick up steam,amidst fear of violence

Delhi’s JNU, and after the king’scoup of 1 February 2005introduced Nepali politicalexiles to the Indian bureacuracy.From messenger, Singh soonbecame a player in talks betweenKoirala, Prachanda and India. Aconfidante of Home MinisterKrishna Sitaula, he wasnominated into the interimlegislature.

Singh is rumoured to haveencouraged Thakur to quit theNC, but he himself stuck it outin the party. Thakur loyalists seethis as a “betrayal and anti-Madhesi act”. Singh counters itwas Thakur who betrayed him,by promising he would stand inPR but filing his nomination.

At Balra village, telephonebooth owner Raja Ram has gotthe caste politics all figured out.“Brahmins will vote for Thakur,Bhumihars for Singh. Rajputswill split. The Mahato, Sahaniand Dalit vote is going forSingh. Yadavs will go to MJF’sShiv Pujan Yadav,” he says.Others however believe Thakur

will win easily. Malangwajournalist Rajesh Mishra says,“Thakurji will sail throughbecause of his image, work andcredentials.”

Even a local sitting at theBalra tea-shop, Ali, knows who iswho. He tells us: “Amresh hasthe blessings of the ambassador.”

As elections draw closer, therhetoric is getting sharper.Thakur camp accuses Singh ofspending money to buy voters,and planning to capture boothswith the complicity of “hisfriend Situala”. Singh retorts:“Mahantaji has ten cars and isusing armed groups to threatenme.”

Singh may be forced to courtthe MJF. But because Thakur’sdefeat will embolden UpendraYadav who is not Delhi’sfavourite, Lainchour may like tosee Thakur win. If that happens,Amresh Singh could still beaccommodated in theprime minister’s quota of 26members. Prashant Jha in Sarlahi

eturning to Kathmandu after travelling for three weeksthrough the Tarai and Bihar, the pessimism and impendingsense of doom in the capital is striking.

Will elections take place? What happens after 10 April? Howis a bad election better than no election? Will it be violent? Whatwill the Maoists do if they lose? Are the royalists allying withMadhesis?

Valid questions. But let’s begin with what seems to be goingrelatively right. Theelectoral violence in theMadhes could have been alot worse. Violations of thecode of conduct are withinSouth Asian norms. The

attempt to provoke a religious backlash by bombing mosqueshas not worked. The security forces have tightened their grip onthe Tarai without gross human rights violations yet. Armedgroups are reconciled to polls.

This is not to discount the potential for violence withroyalists andmilitants keen todiscredit theprocess.

The electedassembly will be themost representativehouse in Nepal’shistory. Madhesiswill constitute closeto 30 percent of themembers, given thatthere will be almost115 Madhesis in thePR list andtentatively 60-70elected Madhesisthrough FPTP.

Most will win asmembers of thebigger nationalparties. But thatdoes not mean, asMadhesi partieswould like us tobelieve, that they areall Pahadi dalals.The radicalisation inthe Tarai means thateven theserepresentatives will be forced to take into account popularexpectations, develop cross-party alliances on common issueslike the shape and powers of federal units, and speak up.

If they fail to do so, however, or if the party leadershiprefuses to take their voices into account, it will deepen thealienation of the people. The Madhesi parties and armed groupswill once again monopolise the space to speak on Madhesiissues.

The MJF, TMLP and SP may not fare well enough to justifytheir bluster over the past few months, but it is important forKathmandu to show magnanimity and incorporate them in thepost-poll power structure. Giving them a stake in both theconstituent assembly process and the government will makeMadhesi parties less irresponsible and send a symbolic gestureto the Tarai. It is time to think of a Madhesi chairing theconstituent assembly.

The most important battle will now be the shape of thefederal structure. None of the actors, except possibly theMaoists, have done any homework on the issue. Madhesi partiesknow one Madhes is not possible but see it as an effective ployto counter attempts by Kathmandu to stick to the present verticaldevelopment zone model. The dynamics among Madhesi partiesin the assembly will be a mix of cooperation and conflict.

They will cooperate to oppose centralisation, but there willbe conflict that will stem from caste rivalries, differences inpolitical ideologies, and because leaders are already competingto become the first chief minister of the Madhes.

Politics never works in a linear manner. The Madhes, likethe rest of the country, is really at the crossroads. A bumpy butprogressive road lies ahead if all actors stay the course, learnlessons of the past year, recognise issues of Madhesi identityand representation, build reformed state institutions, reconcilecaste diversities and conceive of ways to implement a federalsystem as soon as possible.

On the other hand, militant radicalisation, Pahadi-Madhesipolarisation, caste wars, institutional breakdown and aprolonged armed conflict could complicate matters. 10 April andits aftermath will determine which path the Madhes will take.

TARAI EYEPrashant Jha

After 4/10Give the Madhes a stake inthe constituent assemblyprocess and government

R

Amresh vs Mahanta

A

RAJESH MISHRA

4 - 10 APRIL 2008 #394 13REVIEW

n unidentified parcel dropped from an aeroplane driftsponderously from a parachute. The opening shot of BabakPayami’s Secret Ballot is indicative of the gentle hold the film

intends to cast on its viewer. It delicately lures your attention withquiet humour and ironic questions about one of the most reveredinstitutions in our times.

We soon learn, if the title wasn’t enough of a clue, that the parcelis related to an election. In fact it carries the ballot box that will holdthe votes of a remote, sleepy island off Iran’s coast, along withinstructions to its recipient—a very surly soldier played by CyrusAbidi—to escort the election agent through the island. Not too excited

with the change of routine tobegin with, the agent (NassimAbdi) who shows up turns outto be a woman, which onlyincreases the soldier’s

scepticism about the electoral exercise. Nassim Abdi’s character isboth the champion and the instrument of elections, her boundingoptimism and authorised entitlement overruling Cyrus Abidi’sobjections. The soldier is drafted to play chauffeur—and critic—to theagent and her roving voting post.

Secret Ballot nimbly interrogates the nature of democracy. Theagent is fixated on regulation and the appearance of order in a heroicbattle against the messy realities of collecting votes. Episodically, thesoldier and agent are confronted with situations which illuminateanother complication or contradiction of her project. In one instance,an unseen matriarch oversees a settlement of renegade farmers abidingby their own governance, hinting that distant elections may makelittle difference here. In another, a group of enthusiastic voters cannotrecognise the names of the approved list of candidates. The series ofvariations on this theme both poke fun at and confirm the importanceof elections.

The quiet humour is propelled by the dynamics of Cyrus Abidiand Nassim Abdi’s mutual antagonism. Over the course of the film,Cyrus Abidi’s character changes from sceptic to believer, but thesoldier, whose main occupation was chasing smugglers, has thepropensity to shoot at anyone who runs away from him, a habit ill-suited to the agent’s aims. Their exchanges—sometimes haranguingeach other, other times teasing and almost flirtatious—provide someof the surest chuckles, but also sketch the doubts that beset the agent.Nassim Abdi’s enduring optimism seems in equal parts faith andperformance, as she finds she may have to smudge some of her idealsto reach her goal.

Secret Ballot has a slow pulse that quickens slightly towards itsend with anxieties that the agent will not be able to return with hervotes in time, rendering her effort, and consequently her purpose,futile. But this twist is little more than a flimsy narrative structure tohold together a meditation on democracy’s totemic practice: the act ofvoting. Imperfect and uncertain, yet meaningful and vital, it is thatact the film ultimately affirms.

This modest entry in the annals of Iranian New Wave films is afew years old now. But in our own electoral times, Secret Ballot seemsapt to remind us how messy yet critical elections are. And its lightly-posed questions will leave you pondering for some time after.

Secret BallotDirector: Babak PayamiCast: Nassim Abdi, Cyrus Abidi.2001. R. 105 min.

CRITICAL CINEMAA Angelo D’Silva

Secret Ballot reminds us whyelections are important

Messy butnecessary

A

KATHMANDU VALLEY

14 4 - 10 APRIL 2008 #394CITY

ABOUT TOWN

WEEKEND WEATHER by NGAMINDRA DAHAL

The chilly storm on Tuesday afternoon was the result of westerlymoisture caught up in a Himalayan updraft. You can see it onWednesday morning’s satellite pictures bringing in moisture-heavyclouds from the west. A low pressure trough along the Himalayanfoothills has combined with the system to produce a series of isolatedstorms across the midhills. Temperatures have fallen because ofthis. On 1 April, the Valley received 8mm of its 57mm rainfall quotafor this month. Since there is still a bit of moisture in the atmosphere,expect breezy or stormy afternoons with short showers and sunnyintervals, clear nights and soothing mornings.

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Call 4442220 for show timings at Jai Nepalwww.jainepal.com

One Two Three is a comedy thriller about threemen who share the same name: Laxmi Narayan.Laxmi Narayan One (Tushar Kapoor) is anaspiring contract killer while Two (Suniel Shetty)is an automobile salesman from Mumbai andThree (Paresh Rawal) is a rich lingeriesalesman. When the three of them reach Pondytogether, confusion ensues. They end up mixingup their locations and people they’re supposedto meet.

Fri Sat Sun

27-11 27-10 26-10

For inclusion in the listing send information to editors(at)nepalitimes.com

EXHIB IT IONSSmiling state a smiling portfolio of Nepali leaders by Pushpa KC,at Gallery 32, until 10 April, 10AM-6PM. 4241942Passing Through paintings by Pramila Bajracharya, until 6 April,11AM-5PM at Park Gallery, Lazimpat. 4419353Collection One paintings by Amir and Anup Chitrakar, until10 May, at the Saturday Café, Boudha. 9851106626

E V E N T SNaya Barsha Party 4 April, 7 PM at the Alliance Francaise,Rs 100 with a complimentary drink.India Education Expo 2008 at the Direction Exhibition andConvention Centre, United World Trade Centre, 4-6 April.Nostalgia Nite with songs from the 60s-80s, live music by DineshRai, Jyoti Ghimire, Pravin Manandhar and Sonam Tshering, 7PM,on 5 April at the Pulchok Bakery Café, Rs 1,200 per couple.Weekly human rights film screenings with Newsroom Bahira afilm by Dilbhusan Pathak at the Sama Theatre, Gurukul, 5PM on30 March. 4466956

MUSICBobin and friends performing live at Jatra, Thamel, 4 April.Rudra night fusion and classical Nepali music by Shyam Nepaliand friends, every Friday, 7PM at Le Meridien, Gokarna. 4451212Sufi music by Hemanta Rana, every Friday at 7.30 PM at DhabaRestaurant and Bar, Thapathali.Yankey and friends live acoustic music every Friday at theBourbon room Restro-bar, Lal Darbar.Anil Shahi every Wednesday and Rashmi Singh every Friday,live at the Absolute Bar, Hotel Narayani Complex, 8PM. 5521408

D I N I N GThe Kaiser Café open now at the Garden of Dreams, operated byDwarika’s Group of Hotels, open from 9AM-10PM. 4425341Steak escape with Kathmandu’s premier steaks available forlunch and dinner at the Olive Bar and Bistro, Hotel Radisson.4411818Jalan Jalan Restaurant with a new Italian menu, Kupondole.5544872Cocktails and grooves with jazz by InnerGroove at Fusion-the bar at Dwarika’s, everyWednesday, at Dwarika’s Hotel.Cocktails, mocktails and liqueurs at the AsahiLounge, opening hours 1-10PM, aboveHimalayan Java, Thamel.Continental and Chinese cuisine andcomplimentary fresh brewed coffee after everymeal a Zest Restaurant and Bar, Pulchok.Illy espresso coffee at the Galleria cafe, everyFriday espresso cocktails. International buffet at the Sunrise Café, and Russian specialtiesat Chimney, Hotel Yak and Yeti. 4248999Salmon promotion with salmon delicacies at the Rox Restaurant,Hyatt Regency, from 7PM onwards. 4489361Saturday special barbeque, sekuwa, momos, dal-bhat at The TeaHouse Inn, Windy Hills, Nagarkot every Saturday. 9841250848.Dice-licious brunch at Kakori, Soaltee Crowne Plaza, roll thedice to the number of the day and get 50% discount on anindividual meal, Saturdays and Sundays, 12.30-3.30 PM.4273999Scrumptious wood fired pizzas, cocktails and specialty coffees atRoadhouse, Bhatbateni 4426587, Pulchok 5521755 and Thamel4260187.Starry night barbecue at Hotel Shangri-la with Live performanceby Ciney Gurung, Rs. 666.00 nett. per person, at the ShambalaGarden, every Friday 6.30 PM onwards. 4412999Calcutta’s rolls, biryani, kebabs Indian cuisine at Bawarchi,Bluebird Mall Food Court. 9741000735Lavazza coffee Italy’s favourite coffee at La Dolce Vita, Thamel.4700612Little Britain coffee shop fresh organic coffee, homemade cakes,WiFi internet, open all day, everyday. 4496207Pizza from the woodfired oven at Java, Thamel. 4422519

GETAWAYSRelax Package with a one night stay, full buffet breakfast at TheCafé and access to Club Oasis at Hyatt Regency, until29 February, Rs 5,000 plus taxes, valid only for Nepalis and localresidents. 4489800Fulbari Resort and Spa, Pokhara Rs 10,999 for Nepali double,$219 for expat double, two days and three nights package, withtransportation from the airport, drinks, tennis and swimming,discounts on food and beverages.Weekend getaways at Le Meridien, Kathmandu, Resident NightRs 4,999 and two nights package Rs 9,998. Also includesbreakfast, lunch, dinner, spa facilities, swimming pool, steamsauna, Jacuzzi and gym facilities.

4 - 10 APRIL 2008 #394 15

“DALAI CLIQUE”: Chinese ambassador (right) addresses a pressconference on Wednesday about the unrest in Tibet. Assembledjournalists were shown video footage of Tibetans attacking Chinese-owned shops in Lhasa on 14 March.

HAPPENINGS

TAXI STANDSTILLt a

NEW CONTRAPTION: Election commission staff demonstrate anelectronic voting machine this week. The machines will be used inconstituency Kathmandu-1. This is the first election in Nepal that willinclude electronic voting.

POLITICS IS FUN: A woman dances at the Maoist rally in Khula Manchon Wednesday. The rally was equipped with a pumping sound system.

INTERCESSION: Tibetan monks at the Helmu Office, Boudha, chantprayers on Wednesday for those who lost their lives in the Lhasaprotests. Monks continued their protests this week and demonstratedoutside the Chinese Embassy.

KIRAN PANDAY

MIN RATNA BAJRACHARYA

DEEPENDRA BAJRACHARYA

KIRAN PANDAY

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CDO Regd No 194/056/57 Lalitpur, Central Region Postal Regd. No 04/058/59

4 - 10 APRIL 2008 #39416 BACKSIDE

ass(at)nepalitimes.com

As elections approach, thegovernment hasannounced a Dasain-style

weeklong hibernation. The idea isto depend on the traditional Nepalihabit of playing marathon cardgames, drinking ourselvesunconscious with beer-seer andwine-swine so that electoralviolence can be reduced tominima. Can’t go around beatingup candidates if you are so drunkyou can’t even stand up straightnow can you?

But all governments arespoilsports, and ours is noexception. An April Fool spoof in ahighly-respected English dailyapparently gave the ElectionCommission the idea that it shouldindeed declare the country dry inthe final week before voting. Noworries, though, we have thewhole weekend to stock up onbooze-sooze so you can be firstpast the toast.

OK, now that we have got theliquidity crisis sorted out, let’smove on to the next item on theagenda which is ComradeLaldhoj’s assertion that thereds will under no circumstanceslose the election. “There is nochance we will lose, it isimpossible,” he told a campaignrally this week, “which means wewon’t have to carry out our threatof capturing Narayanhiti if wedo.” Thank god for that, becauseComrade Shock and Awe had usall worried that he was reallygoing to invade India and Americaif he lost his seat.

First past the toastThe Ass is a bit slow, as you mayhave noticed by now, which is whyit took some time to understandwhy there was an escalation ofelectoral violence as soon as thetripartite Maoist-UML-NC talks onseat distribution failed. Hence,UML candidates are having theirskulls fractured and bonespulversied--it is all to put pressureon MKN and GPK to agree onPKD’s forumla of an electoralbandfand and talmel.

Under this, the NC and theUML would agree to let 16 topMaoist honchos “win” in at leastone each of their constituenciesas well as obtain at least 25percent of the seats. ComradeFearsomeness’ tactics seem tohave worked because now thetalks are on again and the Ass’slong ears have picked up signalsthat a deal is near. Prediction:expect poll violence to die downand a lot of Stalin-style smoochingamong UML and MLMPP.

After The Fierce One’s Bolero hitsix students in Inaruwa last weekand triggered moderate-intensitymayhem on the East-WestHighway, El Presidente has notjust switched to a slick blackTATA Safari but has alsoreplaced his driver with his sonPrakash. There can be no one astrustworthy as the fruit of one’sloins, but Crown Prince Prakashis known to be an erratic driverand has side-swiped quite anumber vehicles in Kathmandubecause he is distracted by hisnew business partnership with the

scion of an absolute monarchist.Speaking of which, Kingji has

come down from Nagarjun and hasbeen visiting various godmen tofigure out what he should do next.They have told him not to worryand he’ll remain king for a whilelonger. Which must be why KG isso cool. But in order to ensure the

longevity of the monarchy, onesoothsayer advised Kingji to wearbeige, turn vegetarian, and “golive near water”. Godman meantSingapore, but G thinks Pokharais also near water and will do.

Our entire volleyball teamabsconded in Japan, athleteskeep disappearing in Europe,even senior government officersdon’t return from junkets. But forthe first time, Nepalis in the Indian

Army have gone AWOL inAmerica. Two soldiers from the 1/1 Gorkha Rifles deserted their ExShatrujeet joint training exerciseswith the 15th MarineExpeditionary Unit at CampPendleton inCalifornia. Could theyhave defected to theMaoists and becometheir deep penetrationagents in America?