View
216
Download
2
Category
Preview:
Citation preview
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
55
3
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
Punjab known as Sapt Sandhu1(the land of seven rivers) in the ancient Sanskrit
texts, derives its name from the Persian compound expression ‘Panj’ (five) and ‘aab’
(water), a territory of five rivers viz. Sutlaj, Beas, Ravi, Chenab and Jhelum2.
Punjab has been in the spotlight of history over ages and has witnessed trials and
tribulations much more than any other part of India. Initially, as a gateway to India for
traders and traveller’s in the past, it might have gained by way of economic advantages
and civilization interactions, but it suffered much from the trauma of repeated invasions
by foreign invaders. The most agonizing event was the gruesome division of Punjab with
the partition of the country in 19473, the east part becoming Indian Punjab
4 and the west
Punjab falling into Pakistan. The Indian-fractured Punjab had to go yet another cesarian
as late as in 1966 in response to some political-linguistic demands, resulting in the
present truncated entity.
Punjab is situated in the North – West of the Indian Union approximately
between 29o - 32
o North latitude and 73
o - 77
o East longitude
5. Its configuration is
roughly triangular, with the apex towards North. It is flanked in the South by Rajasthan
and Haryana, in the East by Himachal Pradesh and in the North by Jammu and Kashmir.
The Ravi and Satluj mark its western boundary with Pakistan. The desert belt of
Rajasthan touches its southern districts and its northern part is bound by the Shivalik
Hills6.
It accounts for 1.53 per cent of the total area of the country and 2.4 per cent of the
country’s total population (according to 2001 Census). It has an area of 50,362 sq km
and is a densely populated state, with a density of 484 persons per sq km. It ranks tenth
in the population rate while 15th
in literacy rate in the country7.
Punjab is a semi–tropical region of continental conditions, which is responsible
for bringing extreme climatic conditions in Punjab.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
56
Fig. 1. Map of Punjab State.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
57
At present Punjab consists of 20 districts, 74 tehsils, 79 sub–tehsils, 141
community development blocks, 157 towns, 139 stationary towns, 12,673 villages and
12,278 inhabited villages8. Chandigarh is the joint capital of two States - Punjab and
Haryana9. In Punjab, there are 5 Municipal Corporations, i.e. Amritsar, Jalandhar,
Patiala, Bathinda and Ludhiana, and 13 Parliamentary and 117 Vidhan Sabha
constituencies. Besides this, there are 4-administrative divisions: Jalandhar, Patiala,
Faridkot and Ferozpur; 20 Zilla Parishads (district level panchayats), 138 Block Samitis
(block level panchayats) and 12,085 Gram Panchayat (village Panchayat)10
.
Punjab has traditionally been divided into three cultural zones: i.e. Majha, Doaba
and Malwa. Majha region covers the area between Ravi and Beas rivers, which consists
of three districts i.e. Amritsar, Gurdaspur and Tarn Taran. Doaba covers the area
between Beas and Satluj rivers, and includes Jalandhar, Nawansahar, Kapurthala and
Hoshiarpur districts. The third zone is Malwa which covers the area of South and
South–West of river Satluj. It includes 13 districts i.e. Ludhiana, Sangrur, Patiala,
Rupnagar, Fatehgarh Sahib, Bathinda, Mansa, Firozpur, Faridkot, Moga, Muktsar,
Barnala and Mohali11
.
Punjab has for long been one of the prosperous States of India in terms of per
capita income and is among the top five States of India. In the year 2006-07, the per
capita income of the state at the current price was Rs. 40566, much higher than the all
India average of Rs30158/-. Only Goa, Delhi, Haryana and Maharastra were ahead of
Punjab.
Much of the prosperity of Punjab has been achieved through its dynamic agrarian
economy. The introduction of Green Revolution technology during the late 1960s
completely transformed the rural economy of Punjab. Agriculture continues to be the
main occupation of a large proportion of the working population of the state. Though
Punjab occupies less than 2 per cent of the total land area of the country, it produces
nearly one–fourth of the total food grains of the country and contributes up to two–third
of the entire central pool of food grains.
In 2006-07, the share of Punjab in the central pool of wheat was 75.3 per cent and
that of rice was 31.2 per cent. In absolute terms, Punjab farmers grow more food grains,
particularly wheat and paddy contributing around 11 per cent of all the food grains
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
58
produced in India. Its share in wheat and rice production is 19 and 10 per cent,
respectively.
In terms of literacy rate, though Punjab does not match states like Kerala, but its
performance has not been too bad. In 2001 Punjab had a literacy rate of nearly 69.7 per
cent, higher than the national average of 52.51 per cent. The literacy rate in the state has
increased from 58.51 in 1991 to 69.51 per cent in 2001. The male and female literacy
rate was 65.66 per cent and 50.41 per cent respectively in 1991 census which rose to
75.31per cent and 63.35 per cent. The literacy rate among Scheduled Castes stood at 56.2
per cent in 2001 census report, which is significantly higher than 41.1 per cent observed
in 1991 census12
. Punjab has also been expanding its educational infrastructure over the
years. The number of schools at all levels has multiplied during the last five decades as
shown in Table 3.1.
Table 3.1.
School Development in the Last Four Decades
Year Primary Schools Middle Schools High School/ Sen. Sec. Schools
1970 2758 1060 1071
1980 12383 1498 1912
1990 12400 1421 2239
1998 12633 2527 2174
2000 13078 2534 3338
2006 13291 2481 4043
Source: Statistical abstract of Punjab 2007.
For higher education also, the state has a comparatively good infrastructure. It
has 232 Arts, Commerce, Home Science and Science Colleges and 8 Universities
including an Agricultural University and a Central University established in 2009 at
Bathinda13
.
There are two major religious communities in the state, i.e. Sikhs and Hindus.
According to 2001 Census, the Sikhs constitute 62.95 per cent, Hindus 34.46 per cent
and other communities, i.e. Muslims and Christians constitute 1.19 per cent and 1.13 per
cent, respectively. Among all the states of India, Punjab has the highest population of
scheduled castes. The Dalits or Scheduled Castes in Punjab are certainly not as poor or
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
59
as deprived as their counterparts in other parts of the country. In fact, they are relatively
prosperous. However, the overall status of the dalits has not registered any notable
change and are bereft of social, economic and political opportunities. Dalits are still
deprived of ownership of crucial assets like land, capital, etc. and access to basic social
infrastructure. There are 39 Scheduled Castes in Punjab, which constitute 28.9 percent of
the total population of Punjab according to 2001 census report, much higher than the all-
India average of 16.32 percent.
Study Area
The concentration of Christians in Punjab is mostly found in the border belt of
Amritsar and Gurdaspur districts which is why this area has been selected for the
purpose of our study. There is hardly a village in the vicinity which does not have a
considerable number of Christian families; it is just here that we get to know the ground
realities of the holistic diaspora of the Christian community.
3.1.1 Amritsar
Amritsar, the most populous and the largest district in the state, is bordering
Pakistan in the west. According to 2001 census report, it is spread over an area of 5,087
sq, km - 4893 rural and the urban 193.25 sq. km14
. The population of this district is 21,
57, 020. The whole district is divided into seven sub divisions and 16 community
development blocks.
Mention be made of Amritsar city, the Vatican of the Sikhs, as one of the most
known destinations for multiple other reasons not only in India but overseas too. The
vibrant ethos of the city reflects the spirit and culture of the people in general. It has a
glorious history to be proud of and be counted. Many significant events of national and
state level reverberations have happened and do happen here.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
60
Fig. 2. Amritsar District Map.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
61
3.1.2. Gurdaspur
The Gurdaspur district is the northern most district of Punjab state. It falls in the
Jalandhar division and is sandwiched between rivers Ravi and Beas. The district lies
between north-latitude 31-36° and 32-34° and east longitude 74-56° and 75-24° and
shares common boundaries with Kathua district of Jammu & Kashmir state in the north,
Chamba and Kangra districts of Himachal Pradesh in the north-east, Hoshiarpur district
in the south-east, Kapurthala district in the south, Amritsar district in the south west and
Pakistan in the north west (Fig. 3).
The district takes its name from the district headquarters town of Gurdaspur
founded by Mohant Guriaji, who originally hailed from village Gurdaspur Bhaian
located in Pathankot tehsil. The place adopted the name from the original village of
Mohant and was made the seat of the district headquarter in the year 1852 due to its
central location and amiable climate15
.
Fig. 3. Gurdaspur District Map.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
62
The district consists of five tehsils and spreads on an area of 3562 sq.kms.
According to the Census of 2001, the population of Gurdaspur district is 21, 04,011.
There are 14 Community Development Blocks having a population of 13,96,889 and the
scheduled caste constitutes 25.96 percent of this population. At present there are 1623
villages in the district.
Our focus here is to identify and present the Socio-Economic profile of the
Christian community living along the International border districts of Amritsar and
Gurdaspur. Such a profile entails their socio-economic standing in the society like age,
academic or professional qualification, literacy, possession of the land, houses, creature
comforts, basic living facilities like availability of drinking water, toilets, sources of
income, combined income of a family, job opportunities, and working conditions. The
information is factored, structured and evaluated with relevance to our field of study.
3.2. Profiles of the Villages under study
In the 18 villages selected for data collection from the six blocks of Gurdaspur
and Amritsar, we have chosen three villages from each block to understand and analyse
the general condition of the villages and community’s contribution to the development of
the area.
(I) Amritsar District
3.2.1. Nawan Jiwan
The village Nawa Jivan, infact, came into existence after the devastating floods
far and wide in the area in 1965. Many villages were inundated and vast number of
people where rendered homeless and destitute by the fury of the flood. People from
different nearby villages took shelter at this new elevated site which soon enough
assumed the shape of a new village-Navjeevan. The new location was originally a part
of the village ‘Lochi Gujar’ but it now falls under Chougawan block in Amritsar district.
It is 2 kms away from the international border and 32 kms from Amritsar city.
The missionary zeal displayed by a pastor of Anglican Church, named Ansar
Masih in re-habilitating the distressed families was laudable. He collected funds from
various sources, approached people to lend their support, in whichever form possible and
got some houses constructed to shelter the hapless families. His untiring efforts brought
succour to the distraught people. He, with the help of one Barkhath Masih (patwari in
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
63
Chougawan those days) got much of the unused land distributed to the Christians, since
there was a lot of uncultivated fertile land lying around. Thus Christians got 500 acres of
land.
At present the village is bustling with life and activity. There are 3 Jat, 15
Mazhabi and 50 Christian families (Roman Catholic Christians) settled in the village. A
church was also constructed by the Anglican Church in 1970 which was eventually
handed over to the Roman Catholic Church, when the Anglicans shifted en masse to the
Roman Catholic Church.
Another prominent Christian Kishan Masih did equally a yeoman’s service for
the social upliftment of the community at large. Rich and influential, (he had been the
sarpanch of the village) he guided the community in a dedicated spirit. He worked in
government school and spared no efforts to serve the community in every possible way
to help them in their difficulties. People have fond memories of this noble soul.
Unfortunately, his sons didn’t prove anywhere equal to him. There is one more primary
school at Lodhi-Gujar a distance of 2 kms from Navjeevan. After primary education (i.e.
5th class) children go to Lopoke which is 9 km away for secondary education or to
Hethenpura which is 2 km away (which is up to 8th class) or to the convent school at
Chougawan.
The agricultural land which became available to these settlers at Navjeevan, is
fertile and well irrigated. Besides traditional crops like wheat and rice, cash crops,
pulses, vegetables, sugarcane etc are being grown. Some people opt for the contract
system to avoid the hassles of labour. However, no outside labourers work on the fields.
The people, unoccupied in agriculture, work as masons and do some other odd
jobs like rickshaw pullers, auto drivers, painters to augment their income. Since the
village is accessible by mettled roads, the movement of the people to and from Amritsar
and other work places is easy and frequent.
Most of the residents of the village have got themselves the benefits of the
‘reservation’ policy of the government.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
64
3.2.2. Sheikh Bhatti
Sheikh Bhatti, another boarder village (3kms from the border) is 35kms from
Amritsar and 13kms from Ajnala. The residents of this village originally hailed from
another village ‘Mulakot’ just on the international border, who quit it to move to a
comparatively safer place but close to their original home. Their new choice was the
area, the mudbanks of river Ravi, known as Tussi. But here too Ravi haunted them
during floods and war with Pakistan in 1971, uprooted them once again. They had to
temporarily escape to Raja Sansi (near the area of the Airport during the war period).
After the war was over, Government helped them in rehabilitation near Dhussi, the place
later called Sheikh Bhatti, with the grant of cultivable land of 15 marlas to each family
and some monetary help to construct their dwellings.
Sheikh Bhatti is an odd mixture of different castes and religions – Jats, Mazhabis
and of course, Christians - 4 Jats, 3 Mazhabis and 40 Christians families with a total
population of 666 reside here according to 2001 census. Though there has been an equal
allotment of land holdings, by the Government, yet we find some families have about 2.5
acres and more. Some of the people own land beyond Sheikh Bhatti and even across the
barbed fence of the border.
Agriculture is the main occupation of the people and the village being close to
Ravi river, the ground water level is quite high. Tube wells are a common sight. Many
cash crops and vegetables are grown besides the traditional crops.
Over the years, the Jat families have grown more resourceful and the Mazhabi
Sikhs are generally hired by them for agriculture and household work. The Mazhabi
Sikhs also tend cattle for the Jats. While the Christians work on their own fields or prefer
to work as artisans in and around neighboring areas as far as Ajnala.
Except one church belonging to Roman Catholic Church, there is no religious
place of worship in the village. There is one primary school after which the children are
sent to Jasserwal, a village nearby or to a convent school affiliated to ICSE board Delhi,
at Punga 2 kms away. Unfortunately, the link roads to village are not were maintained,
which cause many difficulties to the residents of Sheikh Bhatti.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
65
People generally seem to be unaware politically. They more often toe the line of the
political dispensation in power at the state level. The Panchayat elections have been by
and large, ineffective in addressing the local problems of the people.
One Iqbal Masih, a Christian happened to be the Sarpanch for 20 long years till 2008
but he was unable to effect any development in the basic amenities of the village due to
lack of support of state level political parties. In 2008, this Panchayat was put in reserved
category and a Rai sikh owing allegiance to the congress party was elected as Sarpanch
but Akali Dal got his election nullified. Though there is a panchayat at the moment, but it
is without a sarpanch.
Very little benefits for the upliftment of the rural backward and economically poor
sections of society initiated and implemented by the Government from time to time, have
reached the deserving people here.
3.2.3. Karyal
Karyal, a village situated 4 kms from Ajnala Chougawan road, 28 kms from
Amritsar and 13 kms from the border with Pakistan, is significant to our study as a large
chunk of Christians – 188 families with 900 members are residing here. The village has a
total population of 2302 of which the Jats form the majority with 388 households and
own almost all the agriculture land i.e. 709 acres. Of the rest of the people there are 1
Mazhabi Sikh family and 3 Hindu families.
The village has two Gurudawaras managed by two factions of the Jats. Both of
these have sufficient finances as they organise religious functions and celebrate melas to
attract people and to collect donations. Some people, especially Hindus felt scared at the
time of terrorist violence in Punjab in late 80’s and early 90’s and migrated to Amritsar,
some of whom ultimately settled in the city.
The Catholic Church owns 13 acres of land purchased between 1989 to1997. The
Catholic mission has done marvellous work in the educational sphere in and around the
area. The mission under the guidance of Rt. Rev. Dr. Symphorian Keeprath, opened 1
convent school named ‘The Sacred Heart School’ in this backward and neglected area,
during the days of terrorism. The school has flourished in its mission and has brought
about a sea change in the quality of the living of the people. Though there are other
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
66
schools within the reach of the people, but they prefer to send their children to this
convent school. Many prominent persons have gratefully acknowledged the role of the
missionary work done by the Catholic Church. Not only in the educational sphere, the
missionaries have done much to ameliorate the lot of the common people by bringing
them awareness about health care, social evils and getting them work for better amenities
like building good roads and providing of electricity.
Over the years much has changed in this village. The Jats, owners of big land
holdings have grown richer and have diversified their economic activities as commission
agents in the grain market, moneylenders and so on. At the same time they have become
socially and politically influential also.
Landless sections of the hamlet are as ever doing petty odd jobs to sustain
themselves. Local Christians are mostly landless labours working either on the land of
the Jats or plying some petty trades or working as artisans especially as masons. Cattle
trading and poultry farming also are seasonal engagements for these people. In the
changed scenario at present, people care more for the education of their children and
send them to Amritsar and Jalandhar to continue their education. Girls are getting equal
opportunities and partake the elementary schooling at the least, the exceptions being the
very poor families where the girls have to work as domestic helps especially in the
kitchens of the Jat families.
A qualitative change has happened in the mindset of the women in general in the
village. Though most of the women work within the four walls of their home or as
housekeepers, yet there is a sort of new found self-awareness among them. This change
in their perception has been the outcome of sustained efforts of the missionary religious
sisters who have been conducting various orientation programmes with the help of
NABARD and other like-minded social organisations. At the moment of field study there
were four self-help groups working for the social upliftment of the women among the
Dalit Christians. Some of these women work in the fields of the agriculturists at the time
of harvest, some are engaged in making ‘glichas’ (carpet weaving), but all of them, for
sure, carry a sense of new found confidence. However, the missionaries do not find the
woman of well-to-do families supportive, at all. Such families are the land owning
people more concerned to retain their social hierarchy and the display of their status by
the acquisition of material symbols of upward mobility – new houses, cars, modern
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
67
comforts and relationships. Common causes of the village bother them little. Regardless
of the different attitudes, caste and faith of the people, the booze is the common love, and
‘Shahpur’ village nearby is the loved spot.
Relatively, the ambience for the Christians is promoting a healthy and hopeful
prospect. Their living conditions are better than the other studied village. They have a
graveyard to bury their dead while in other villages, burial of the dead is a painful
problem. They practise their faith in the spirit of the true Christians, offering prayers in
the evening, attending Sunday mass, with their children for Catechism classes where
they are taught about their faith and commitments of life.
Over the years, the people of this village have become politically more conscious
and use elections to their best advantage. Health consciousness is the other key factor in
the overall development and hygienic conditions are preferred here. Of course there are a
couple of dispensaries, but people love to get their patients treated either from Ajnala or
Amritsar where better facilities are available.
It may, nonetheless, be maintained that the village has undergone a quantitative
change all around since the advent of the missionaries.
(ii) Gurdaspur District
3.2.4. Chhohan
Yet another vulnerable village Chhohan, situated at a close range of 3 kms from
international border with Pakistan in Gurdaspur district, is 6 kms from Kalanuar and 20
kms to the south west of Gurdaspur. A little hamlet with a hundred households of about
283 people is situated in ‘Chamb’ (surface water) area.
With an unease of life (like 1971 war) inherent in an area very near the border,
the village also falls easy prey to the deluge of floods (like in 1988) causing untold
devastation and misery to the people. Moreover, there are no link roads which could
otherwise help the people, which is why it has remained backward far more than the
most. However, some sort of change and development has become visible in the very
recent past – the link road has been laid.
Demographically, this little village has the casteist, conservative, socially
oppressive and rigidly hierarchical structure as could be elsewhere in a remote village of
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
68
pre-independent India, due to the brute weight of non-awareness. The Jats form only 10
households while the majority of the families are Christians viz. 40 households, the rest
comprise of Tarkhan, Kathari, Jeers and Hindus.
With a Gurudawara, a mandir, a church and above all a ‘Lakh Data Samadhi’ a
sort a secular religious shrine for joint congregations (melas), apparently all is well with
the people here, a complete harmony on all forms. But such is not the case in social,
political and above all economic spheres.
The Jats, who comprise only 10 households and a few Hindu families, own the
whole of the agricultural land. High on the caste pyramid, these economically well
placed, rule the roost in the village and decide each and every issue concerning the place.
The poor sections of the people are not only subdued entities, but have `to live and
behave within the parameters of subservience. They have to pay obeisance to the upper
caste and suffer the ignominy of the brazen high-handedness of the Jats.
The overall condition of the Christians is pathetic, indeed due to the prime reason
of them being a deprived section. Being landless they subsist by doing odd jobs. While
the men folk work here and there as artisans like masons, carpenters and labourers, the
women generally work as domestic helps in the Jat homes - like bonded labour, working
for long hours and doing very hard manual work. They have to tend to the herds of
buffaloes and cows of their masters. They are paid a pittance and that too not regularly.
The Christians had to put up a long and hard fight to get a graveyard for the
burial of their dead. Again when they were allotted 6 kanals (one kanal is equal to 500
sq.yard) of land for a community centre, the Jats would not let them have it. The
Christians put up a resistance but their struggle petered out because the Jats dried up their
sources of income, calling for the social and economic boycott of the Christians. The
Christian women dared not move out of their houses. Their daily activities were
curtailed. Such a move brought the Christians on their knees and they had to do the
bidding of the Jats. The things have gone worse for the community since then.
In the sphere of education too, the people, the Christians in particular, have
remained backward. Though there is a school, yet few children attend it. With the
exception of a very few cases, illiteracy has remained a bane in the village even till now
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
69
Politically, the Christians have no say. Panchayat is controlled by the upper caste
people, while the poor Christians simply follow what they are asked to do.
The structure of the society–economic, social and political – reminds one of the
pre-independence days of India. Such are the overall conditions of the community that
hardly any change seems to have happened here after independence.
To some extent, the Christians themselves are to be blamed for their miseries.
They are divided among themselves, each section cringing for the favours of the Jats at
the cost of the other thus heaping over themselves the sufferings of disunity.
3.2.5 Dadwan
One of the very old and a well known Christian village, with a high concentration
of Christians, Dadwan is situated just in the proximity of Dhariwal in Gurdaspur district
of Punjab. As a centre of Christian activities in and around Punjab, the place generates
keen interest for social anthropologists.
With a similar social structure and with the caste-pyramid in place as in other
villages of the border belt of the state, Dadwan, is relatively a bigger one with 525
households (a population of around 2675 people) with Christians outnumbering all others
with 181 households while Jats have 150 households, other castes comprise the rest –
Jheer (2) Mahasha (75) Jogi (40) Hindu (14) Mazhabi Sikh (30) Chaman (30) and
Rohar (3).
Dadwan is dominated by jats since they own and control most of the agricultural
land. It has two gurdwaras built and controlled by rival factions of Jat families,
nonetheless visited and worshipped by one and all. There is a tomb of a sufi saint ‘Baba
Meru Shah’ considered very holy by all people irrespective of their caste and creed. On
every Thursday, there is a big congregation of people around the ‘durgah’ where special
prayers are offered by the people, as a token of deep regard for the humanism advocated
by the Sufi cult.
The origin and remarkable development of Christianity over the years in Dadwan
is an interesting happening pointing out specifically the singular dedication and service
of the preachers and practitioners of the faith. Babu Joseph Y Diwan, one highly
committed disciple of Fr. Everest, a catholic priest in ‘Adda church’ in a far off village in
Sialkot, Pakistan, went on the mission of teaching and spreading the message of
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
70
Christianity. Being highly motivated, this young missionary moved in different villages
and chose Dadwan as his centre of activities. In no time some families from nearby areas
came and settled in the village Dadwan. Things looked congenial and the number of the
Christians began to rise remarkably. These new settlers found employment in Food
Corporation of India (Godowns) and the cotton woollen mills in Dhariwal just 2kms.
away.
Over the period, the Christians who had grown into a sizeable member extended
their community activities, built several churches. The village came into spotlight as a
Christian hub. Foreigners evinced keen interest in the community affairs and gave liberal
donations to help the community to develop in every possible way. Subsequently, huge
congregations of Christians in and around Gurdaspur were held in Dadwan. On Sundays
many army officers would specially come along to attend the Sabbath, (a day set part for
prayer in a week for the Christians which is a Sunday) making Dadwan a special
destination, with a name and fame as the oldest Catholic village. Evening prayers and
hymns too became a regular feature. However, there are Churches other than Catholic
ones. Not surprisingly, these pious sentiments and the community funds were cunningly
exploited by some evil–intentioned people working in the garb of so-called noble spirits.
Some of the Christians of Dadwan became landlords and owned about 300 acres of
agricultural lands in and around Dadwan, boosting their economic status but in the
course of time they sold these lands to the higher castes, due to various reasons.
Yet another lucrative occupation for the Christians notably, became the ‘Spying’
for the country. As some of them had no sources of income, they welcomed the
opportunity of doing a well-paid job. Many young men were recruited and paid
according to the nature and sensitivity of the task assigned to them. They were
characteristically relied upon by their employers.
The overall living conditions of the Christians are quite healthy barring a few
poor families who subsist by working in the houses of the rich Jat families. Education is
given due importance and the facilities of good education are available in plenty in
nearby Gurdaspur, Batala and Dhariwal, of course.
The people here are politically very conscious. The different political parties have
their followings among the locals. It is no surprise that many Christian leaders working
for different political parties come from this area.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
71
In 1960, a Christian named Munshi Ram was elected as the sarpanche and
continued to hold this position for good twenty years. Later, he fought assembly
elections but could not make it.
The Christians are associated with different political parties notionally. In fact
they don’t carry any political weight when it comes to the dispensation of power by
various political parties at any level, whatsoever. They are treated at the lowest rung and
with the same indifference as in the case of social hierarchy.
3.2.6 Dharam Kot Randhawa
Dhararmkot Randhawa, a village of rehabilitated people, came into being after
the fury of devastating floods in the area in 1950. It is located at a distance of 8kms from
Dera Baba Nanak in Gurdaspur district and it has a sizeable number of Christians.
It is said that the villages in the vicinity, namely Gumia, Dostpur and Rattan
Chatter were washed away by the river Ravi which changed its course rendering the
inhabitants of these villages in the border belt homeless and helpless. Much loss of life
and property was witnessed.
The Government of Punjab at the moment came to the rescue of the affected
people. It acquired land at a safer yet nearer place and distributed it among the flood
victims (allegedly in an unfair way). The then D.C Gurdaspur district made it a point that
the new settlement should grow in a planned way, sector wise with proper roads, health
centre, educational institutions and all such other civic amenities. The most of the
rehabilitated people originally came from Gumia and Dostpur villages, who of course
had their landed property left behind, and they were mostly Jats. The Government, in
furtherance of the resettlement of the affected people, launched many social welfare
schemes and small scale industrial units and cottage industries with matching subsidies.
But all these facilities did not bring the desired result. The grants were mostly misused.
The village, Dharamkot Randhawa presents the same multi caste-layered texture
with the same fixed notions and ramifications as in other village under study. The caste
pyramid has the Jats at the top who dominate economic, political as well as social
spheres of the village as a whole. They own most of the land in and around Dharmkot,
having bought the holding of other sections of the people over the time.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
72
Numerically, they comprise less households than the others (170 in total) while
others are viz. the Christians 172, Hindus 10, Jiers 4, Mazhabi Sikhs 80, Carpenters 2,
Ghumars 5, Brahmins 5 and Sinsi 17.
There is one Gurdawara where all the Sikhs are welcomed irrespective of their
caste; a temple, four ‘dargas’ looked after by ‘sainsis’ whereas there are two churches,
one belonging to the Catholic church with a dispensary and a non formal educational
centre, the other one belonging to the Protestant church.
The Catholic Church has a group of missionary sisters who impart informal
education to women on issues like social, health and hygiene. The Jats as in other
village, owning most of the land have grown more influential with the time and hence
have better standard of living with modern comforts.
But the landless class of the people here have remained deprived ones for more
than apparent reasons. They sold whatever land holding they had because of economic
compulsions or else they never liked to be bound and work as farmers. Consequent upon
the loss of land, they have lost pride and prestige (identity kit) which is closely linked to
the ownership of land in rural Punjab. And the irony of the situation is that they work as
hired labourers in the fields of Jats. They would prefer to do odd jobs and work as
artisans like tailors, masons, drivers and so on to eke out their bare existence. It is no
surprise, then that they have remained economically poor and dependent as ever and their
standard of living is a testimony to that.
By disposing of whatever little land they had, they couldn’t rear the milk cattle
because of the non-availability of the fodder and the disposal of the cow dung. Besides,
the Christians are victims to the follies of their own making. They have always been a
community divided in itself and have never presented a common front and sought
remedy to the day to day problems of their people. The baneful infighting has made them
a soft target for the wilful discrimination by the influential people.
However, it may be mentioned that they are quite zealous in all the activities of
the Church.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
73
3.3. Growth of Christianity in the villages under study
The growth of Christianity in Punjab is analyzed through different tables as follows:
3.3.1. Total Population v/s Christian Population in the Villages under study
(census 2001) : Table 3.2 shows the total population of the Christians in the
Eighteen studied villages.
Table 3.2.
Total Population and Population of Christians in the Studied Villages
(census 2001)
S.No Name of the
Villages
Total Pop-
ulation
Male Female Total
Christian
Population
Male Female
1 Thathi 795
100%
419
52.7%
376
47.3%
263
33.08%
144
54.75%
119
45.25%
2 Awan Lakha
Singh
759
(100%)
400
52.70%
359
47.30%
326
42.95%
193
59.20%
133
40.80%
3 Nawan Jiwan
Lodhi Gujjar
1057
(100%)
578
54.68%
479
45.32%
306
28.95%
158
51.63%
148
48.37%
4 Kot Sidhu 619
(100%)
304
49.11%
315
50.89%
159
25.69%
72
45.28%
87
54.72%
5 Shahpur 561
(100%)
309
55.08%
252
44.92%
172
30.66%
93
54.07%
79
45.93%
6 Karyal 2302
(100%)
1235
53.65%
1067
46.35%
812
35.27%
420
51.72%
392
48.28%
7 Jassar 1046
(100%)
538
51.43%
508
48.57%
239
22.85%
121
50.62%
118
49.38%
8 Sheikh Bhatti 666
(100%)
354
53.15%
312
46.85%
208
31.23%
108
51.92%
100
48.08%
9 Phivaria 477
(100%)
254
53.25%
223
46.75%
247
51.78%
129
52.22%
118
47.78%
10 Dharamkot
Randhawa
2461
(100%)
1302
52.90%
1159
47.10%
594
24.14%
298
50.17%
296
49.83%
11 Pakhoke
Mahmaran
704
(100%)
373
52.98%
331
47.02%
211
29.97%
117
55.45%
94
44.55%
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
74
12 Megha 393
(100%)
197
50.13%
196
49.87%
176
44.78%
94
53.40%
82
46.60%
13 Chhohan 883
(100%)
466
52.77%
417
47.23%
409
46.32%
211
51.59%
198
48.41%
14 Dostpur 334
(100%)
179
53.60%
155
46.40%
105
31.44%
45
42.85%
60
57.15%
15 Barila khurd 689
(100%)
363
52.68%
326
47.32%
190
27.57%
97
51.05%
93
48.95%
16 Shahpur
(Rajadian)
338
(100%)
170
50.30%
168
49.70%
108
31.95%
55
50.92%
53
49.08%
17 Kunjar 496
(100%)
266
53.63%
230
46.37%
266
53.63%
146
54.89%
120
45.11%
18 Dadwan 2671
(100%)
1382
51.74%
1289
48.26%
1088
40.73%
592
54.41%
496
45.59%
Total 17251
(100%)
9089
52.69%
8162
47.31%
5879
34.08%
3093
52.61%
2786
47.39%
Table 3.2 shows the total population of the villages and the population of the
Christian Community. In two villages, Phivaria (51.78percent) and Kunjar
(53.62percent). Christians are more than half of the population.
In four villages there is more than 40 per cent Christian population. They are
like: Awan Lakha Singh, Megha, Chhohan, Dadwan. Six villages Thathi, Karyal, Shaper,
Sheikh Bhatti, Dostpur, Shahpur (Rajadian) have more than 30% Christian population .
Six villages with more than 20 per cent Christian population Nawan Jiwan, Kot Sidhu,
Jassar, Dharamkot Randhawa, Pakhoke Mahmaran, Barila Khurd.
3.3.2. Christian Population in Punjab
Table 3.3 shows the growth of Christianity in Punjab from 1881–2001. Till 1941,
the Christian population is shown in undivided Punjab and later it is shown as only that
of the Indian Punjab. Among the 20 districts of Punjab, Gurdaspur has the highest
percent (7.08%) of Christians followed by Taran Taran (1.81%), Amritsar (1.62%),
Ferozepur district (1.32%), and Jalandhar (1.13%). Till the creation of Taran Taran,as a
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
75
revenue district in 2006, Amritsar was the second in Christian population in Punjab,
which has now fallen to the third position.
Table 3.3.
Christian Population in Punjab from 1881-2001
Year Population Percentage of growth
1881 3,912 ______
1891 19,750 504.85
1901 38,513 195
1911 1,63,994 425.81
1921 3,15,035 192.10
1931 3,95,269 125.46
1941 5,11,299 129.35
1951 98,985 ______
1961 1,49,834 15.37
1971 1,62,202 100.25
1981 1,84,934 114.01
1991 2,25,163 121.75
2001 2,92,800 130.03
Source: Census
The lowest Christian population according to census 2001, is in Mansa (0.06%),
followed by Barnala (0.10%), Nawanshahr (0.11%), Sangrur (0.11%), Bathinda (0.14%),
Faridkot (0.17%), Muktsar (0.18%), Fategarh Shahib (0.20%), Rupnagar (0.21%),
Patiala (0.25%), Mohali (0.26%), Moga (0.29%), Ludhiana (0.38%), Kapurthala (0.58%)
and Hoshiarpur (0.86%).
3.3.3. Distribution of Christians in 20 Districts of Punjab
Table 3.4 shows the concentration of Christian population in Punjab. A total of
72.12 per cent is in rural areas while 27.88 per cent is in the urban area. Ludhiana
district has the exception where urban Christian population 84.94 per cent exceeds rural
population 15.06 percent. The reason being that Ludhiana has the oldest Christian
institutions, like the Christian Medical College and other educational institutions. John
Lowrie along with his wife started his mission in Ludhiana in November 1834. He was
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
76
among the first missionaries to be sent out by the American Presbyterian Church16
. On
the other hand, the highest rural Christian population falls in the rural areas of Taran
Taran (90.77%) followed by Amritsar and Gurdaspur districts.
Table 3.4.
Christians in 20 Districts of Punjab [Census 2001]
District Rural Urban Total Percentage
Amritsar 19,501 (55.76%) 15,472(44.24%) 34974 1.62
Barnala* 316(57.45%) 234(42.55%) 550 0.10
Bathinda 870 (52.44%) 789 (47.56%) 1659 0.14
Faridkot 396 (42.17%) 543 (57.83%) 939 0.17
Fatehgarh Sahib 815 (75.12%) 270 (24.88%) 1085 0.20
Ferozpur 11,739 (50.83%) 11,354 (49.17%) 23,093 1.32
Gurdaspur 1,27,315(85.46%) 21,666 (14.54%) 1,48,981 7.08
Hoshiarpur 11,165 (87.73%) 1,561 (12.27%) 12,726 0.86
Jalandhar 12,271 (55.51%) 9,835 (44.49%) 22,106 1.13
Kapurthala 2,947 (67.70%) 1,406 (32.30%) 4,353 0.58
Ludhiana 1,756 (15.06%) 9900 (84.94%) 11656 0.38
Mansa 327 (82.16%) 71 (17.84%) 398 0.06
Moga 1063 (41.46%) 1501 (58.54%) 2564 0.29
Muktsar 900 (64.15%) 503 (35.85%) 1403 0.18
NawanShahr 520 (84%) 99 (16%) 619 0.11
Patiala 1568 (38.45%) 2510 (61.55%) 4078 0.25
Rupnagar 736 (55.26%) 596 (44.74%) 1332 0.21
Sangrur 903 (50.47%) 618 (40.63%) 1521 0.11
Sahibzada Ajit S.
Nagar* (Mohali)
644 (36%) 1145 (64%) 1786 0.26
Taran Taran* 15409 (90.77%) 1566 (9.23%) 16975 1.81
Total 2.11.160 72.12%) 81,640 (27.88%) 2,92,800 1.20
Source: Census 2001
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
77
Table 3.5.
Head of the Family
S. No. Person Number Percentage
1 Father 317 88.06
2 Mother 43 11.94
Total 360 100
Table 3.5 shows the head of the family in the studied villages. Out of 360
families, 317 (88.06 percent) are males, whereas 43 (11.94 percent) are females.
3.3.4. Details of Family Type
The family systems considered for the purpose of study are joint family and
single or nuclear family units. Joint family in our study means parents living with their
married sons or daughters, while nuclear family represents parents and unmarried
children living together as single unit.
Table 3.6.
Type of the Family
S. No. Type of the Family Number Percentage
1 Nuclear 271 75.28
2 Joint-Family 89 24.72
Total 360 100
Table 3.6 explains the structure of the family system in the studied villages. A
total of 271 households (75.28%) are nuclear families whereas 89 (24.72%) are joint
families.
The change in the type of the family can be attributed to the change in the socio-
economic, cultural and political changes in the society and its value system. Because of
widespread changes in every sphere, the needs of the people have changed and increased.
Living standard has gone up. In the joint family, they needed lesser room and space,
whereas today with the spread of education and changed mindset, people need more
space to live in. Thus, as they move out of traditional family, individuals begin to
purchase land or build their own houses and so more and more single families emerge.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
78
3.3.5. Village Wise Distribution of Joint and Nuclear Families
Village wise data shows that village Navajeewan has the highest percentage i.e.
11.23 per cent of joint families and lowest percentage i.e. 3.69 per cent of nuclear
families.
Table 3.7.
Type of the Family
S.
No
Village Joint family Percentage Nuclear
Family
Percentage
1 Jassar 4 4.49 16 5.90
2 Sheikh Bhatti 6 6.74 14 5.16
3 Phivaria 5 5.6 15 5.53
4 Awan Lakha Singh 6 6.74 14 5.16
5 Thathi 4 4.49 16 5.90
6 Nawan Jiwan 10 11.23 10 3.69
7 Kot Sidhu 4 4.49 16 5.90
8 Shahpur 2 2.24 18 6.64
9 Karyal 9 10.11 11 4.05
10 Dharamkot Randhawa 8 8.98 12 4.42
11 Pakhoke Mahmaran 4 4.49 16 5.90
12 Megha 3 3.37 17 6.27
13 Chhohan 2 2.24 18 6.64
14 Dostpur 8 8.98 12 4.42
15 Barila Khud 4 4.49 16 5.90
16 Shahpur Rajadian 2 2.24 18 6.64
17 Kunjar 8 8.98 12 4.42
18 Dadwan 4 4.49 16 5.90
Total 89 100 271 100
3.3.6. Christian Family Denominations and Their Divisions
The Christians are divided into two major categories i.e. Roman Catholic Church
and the Protestant Church. The Protestants Church has many sub-divisions such as the
Church of North India (CNI), The Methodists, The Salvation Army, The Seventh Day
Adventists, Assembly of God, Yahowa witnesses, and many other sects started by
individual persons.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
79
Table 3.8.
Family Denominations
S. No. Denomination Number Percentage
1 Catholic 320 88.89
2 Church of North India (CNI) 7 1.94
3 Salvation Army 8 2.22
4 Pentecostal 25 6.95
Total 360 100
The Presbyterian Church and various Pentecostal Churches are established by the
individual persons. There are no unifying forces for the protestant churches, as a result
the work of the different denominations have failed to have an identical character. The
Roman Catholic Church on the other hand is governed by the Pope together with
Bishops. There are two Catholic Bishops looking after the state of Punjab. The Diocese
of Jalandhar comprises the revenue district of Amritsar, Faridkot, Ferozepur, Gurdaspur,
Hoshiarpur, Jalandhar, Kapurthala, Ludhiana, Moga, Mukstar, Nawanshahar and Tarn
Taran. The Diocese of Simla- Chandigarh comprises of the revenue districts of S.A.S
Nagar, Sangrur, Patiala, Fatehgarh Sahib, Bathinda, Mansa and Roop Nagar. Of late
Roman Catholic Church has established its presence all over Punjab especially in the
border districts through its educational institutions, social welfare schemes, health care
centres, etc. This is the one of the reasons for a large following of the people in the
Catholic Church.
3.3.7. Caste (sub caste)
It is to be noted that rural Christians are basically the Dalit Christians. The Dalit
Christians associate themselves with the dominant Jat castes living in the village and
have identified themselves with them to get identity and respect. Thus, we have a
dominant Jat caste living in particular area and the sub–castes living close by as serfs
working with them in agricultural fields.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
80
Table 3.9.
Sub-caste
S. No Sub-caste No of Families Percentage
1 Boot 12 3.33
2 Bhatti 45 12.50
3 Chappriban 10 2.77
4 Chiide 41 11.39
5 Dapriwal 05 1.39
6 Gill 44 12.22
7 Hans 05 1.39
8 Kushar 01 0.28
9 Kalyan 02 0.56
10 Khokar 04 1.38
11 Khuwaje 04 1.11
12 Ladhar 17 4.72
13 Mattu 34 9.44
14 Momey 24 6.67
15 Malli 01 0.28
16 Nahar 03 0.83
17 Randhawa 15 4.17
18 Sher Sahota 10 2.77
19 Sahota 33 9.17
20 Sahonte 13 3.61
21 Shakriban 01 0.28
22 Sandhu 02 0.56
23 Sotra 03 0.84
24 Sidhu 11 3.06
25 Shergill 17 4.72
26 Taneja 02 0.56
Total 360 100
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
81
The majority of the Christians is from the Bhatti sub–caste followed by Gill,
Mattu, etc. and the majority of the Dalit Christians in the same village are from the same
sub–caste and most of the villages have only two or three sub – castes. If there are more
sub–castes, it is because they may not be originally the inhabitants of the same village
but have come and settled in these villages.
3.3.8. Size of the Family : Total Number 20 (Avg. of 20 families in each village)
Table 3.10.
Family Size of the Respondent (Village wise)
S.
No
Villages Male % Female % Total Average
Size of
Family
1
2
3
Awan Lakha Singh
Nawan Jiwan
Thathi
58
41
71
60.42
47.67
57.72
38
45
52
39.58
52.33
42.28
96
86
123
4.94
4.42
6.33
4
5
6
Karyal
Kot Sidhu
Shahpur
85.
42
36
51.83
44.68
49.32
79
52
37
48.17
55.32
50.68
164
94
73
8.43
4.83
3.75
7
8
9
Jassar
Phivaria
Sheikh Bhatti
46
49
49
51.11
55.05
51.58
44
40
46
48.89
44.95
48.42
90
89
95
4.63
4.58
4.88
10
11
12
DharamkotRandhwa
Megha Pakhoke
Mahmaran
65
57
64
50.39
55.88
52.89
64
45
57
49.61
44.12
47.11
129
102
121
6.63
5.24
6.22
13
14
15
Barila Khurd
Chhohan
Dostpur
59
53
79
52.21
51.96
60.31
54
49
52
47.79
48.04
39.69
113
102
131
5.81
5.24
6.74
16
17
18
Dadwan
Kunjar
Shahpur Rajadras
55
56
58
45.45
54.37
51.33
66
47
55
54.55
45.63
48.67
121
103
113
6.22
5.30
5.81
Total 1023 52.60 922 47.40 1945 100
Source: Field Study
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
82
Table 3.10 shows the village wise size of the family. Karyal has the highest
number of Christians i.e. 8.43 whereas the lowest is Shahpur with 3.75 percentages. The
reason could be that they are just few kilometres from the International border with
Pakistan and the development in these areas are almost nil.
3.3.9. Age Group Pattern in the Families of the Studied Villages
The age-group pattern within the rural Christian community reveals a few
futuristic trends. Table 3.11 shows the percentage of different age groups present within
the community.
Table 3.11.
Age Wise and Sex Ratio
S.No. Age Male Female Total Percentage
1 0 – 6 129 117 246 12.65
2 6 – 15 148 102 250 12.85
3 16 – 25 127 119 246 12.65
4 26 – 35 156 163 319 16.40
5 36 – 45 161 168 329 16.92
6 46 – 55 123 128 251 12.90
7 56 – 65 98 66 164 8.43
8 66 and above 81 59 140 7.20
Total 1023 922 1945 100
Source: Field Study
The average sex ratio in Punjab as per 2001 census is 876 females against 1000
males considered to be lower than that of all India level i.e. 933 female against 1000
males. Sex ratio of Christians according to the 2001 census is 893 female against 1000
males (Census of Punjab 2001). The table also shows that the sex ratio of Christians in
the studied villages is 901 female against 1000 males, which is the highest on all counts
in Punjab.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
83
The average Sex ratio as per 2001 census in Amritsar and Gurdaspur districts is
871 and 890 females against 1000 males respectively vis- a - vis 873 and 903 in 1991
census, which shows a downward trend in the female ratio. Christianity despises gender
bias since man and woman are created in the image of God. Not to talk of female
foeticide, it is a taboo with Christians.
3.3.10. Christian Institutions
Among the studied villages only Karyal has got a senior secondary school, which
is affiliated to Punjab School Education Board, Chandigarh. Other three villages have
primary schools, which are run by the Diocese of Jalandhar. It is to be noted here that no
other protestant mission is running any school in the rural areas, though they were the
pioneers in the field of education in Punjab at the end of 19th century. One can notice the
overall transformation and social mobility that has taken place in the villages with the
development of missionary educational centres. Of the 18 villages studied, Karyal,
Dharamkot Randhawa, Shahpur Rajadian and Dadwan each had one Christian school.
Table 3.12.
Christian Institutions in the Studied Villages
S. No Villages Church School Dispen-
sary
Veterinary
hospital
1 Jassar 1 0 0 0
2 Sheikh Bhatti 1 0 0 0
3 Phivaria 1 0 0 0
4 Awan Lakha Singh 1 0 0 0
5 Thathi 1 0 0 0
6 Nawan Jiwan 1 0 0 0
7 Kot Sidhu 1 0 1 0
8 Shahpur 1 0 0 0
9 Karyal 3 1* 0 1
10 Dharamkot Randhawa 6 1 1 1
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
84
11 Pakhoke Mahmaran 1 0 0 0
12 Megha 1 0 0 0
13 Chhohan 1 0 0 0
14 Dostpur 1 0 1 1
15 Barila Khurd 1 0 1 0
16 Shahpur Rajadian 2 1 0 0
17 Kunjar 1 0 0 0
18 Dadwan 5 1 1 0
Total 30 4 5 3
Source: Field Study
Karyal and Dharamkot Randhawa had three and six churches, respectively,
belonging to Roman Catholic Church, Salvation Army and Pentecostal Churches.
Among the studied villages Shahpur Rajadian had two churches one belonging to the
C.N.I. and other belonging to a Pentecostal family. Rest of all the surveyed villages had
only one churches each, belonging to the Roman Catholic Church (Table 3.12).
3.3.11. Literacy (Head of the Family).
Table 3.13 shows that majority of the heads of the families are illiterate i.e.
69.17percent while, 111 (30.83percent) are literate. Literacy being the basic parameter of
development in the society, the table reflects the dismal state of affairs in educational
sector.
Table 3.13.
Literacy (Head of Family)
S. No. Literacy Number Percentage
1 Literate 111 30.83
2 Illiterate 249 69.17
Total 360 100
Source: Field Study
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
85
The low level of literacy can be attributed to a number of reasons, the foremost
being the lack of motivation with financial and other auxiliary incentives. Indifference of
the community leaders is a glaring cause in this regard.
3.3. 12. Literacy: Family Members
According to 2001 Census, the literacy rate in Punjab is 69.7percent. It is 79.13
percent in urban area and 65.16 percent in rural areas. Male literacy rate is 75.63 percent
and female literacy rate is 63.55 percent. Rural literacy rate for male is 71.70 percent and
for female is 57.91percent. The total literacy rate of Christians in Punjab as given in
2001 census is 54.6 percent, male 61.4 percent and female 47.0 percent, respectively.
Table 3.14.
Education
S. No Age Male Female Total
1 0 – 6 129 117 246
2 Illiterate 219 331 550
3 Below Primary 363 251 614
4 Primary 198 164 362
5 Middle Standard 82 33 115
6 Matric 22 13 35
7 Intermediate 3 7 10
8 Graduate 3 01 4
9 Post Graduate 2 0 2
10 Staff Nurse 0 5 5
11 Technical Education 2 0 2
Total 1023 922 1945
Source: Field Study
Table 3.14 here shows the literacy rate among the Christians as 59.07 percent
(65.98 percent male and 51.40 percent female).
3.3.13. Economic Background and Occupation
The economic status of a rural family is a strong determinant of opportunities
available to its members in the socio-political structure. Usually, the people with better
economic status have influence and social standing in the village power structure. As
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
86
mentioned earlier, all the studied villages are situated close to the international border
with Pakistan and there is absence of any substantial capital investment and therefore
employment opportunities for the local people.
The economic status of the family reflects from the occupation of the headman of
the family, and the sources of income. The ownership of land is still a major source of
power, prestige and dominance in the countryside. Another important aspect of rural
areas is that it’s hardly possible for the people to talk about their income in actual figures
since their income is related with the agriculture. Very careful estimations of those
families who couldn’t come up with any credible figures of their income were made on
proper verifications.
In the following pages, an attempt has been made to present the picture of the
social and occupational mobility of the studied families for the last three generations.
Occupation is one of the most important factors, which determines the familial
social status especially in the rural areas. This is due to the fact that different occupations
have different prestige tags associated with them. This means an individual yearns to
change his occupation as compared to his father’s or fore father’s occupation to climb up
the ladder and be counted. They gain influence and preside over the community meetings
and they are the ones who are found mostly active in every activity of the villages.
Table 3.15.
Occupation of Forefather
S. No Occupation Number Percentage
1 Farmer/Agriculture 6 1.68
2 Govt. job 4 1.11
3 Self–employed 3 0.82
4 Labour 347 96.39
Total 360 100
Source: Field Study
Table 3.15 shows that 347 (96.39 percent) families were labourers, while 6 were
(1.68 percent) agriculturists. We can notice that 4 (1.11 percent) respondents had
Government service particularly with British as scavengers. The level of self-
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
87
employment was very low among the forefathers of the surveyed families (0.82 percent).
They were unable to have self-employment due to the lack of finance.
Table 3.16.
Occupation of Grandfather
S. No. Occupation Number Percentage
1 Farmer/Agriculture 8 2.22
2 Govt. job 8 2.22
3 Self–employed 5 1.39
4 Labour 339 94.17
Total 360 100
Source: Field Study
Table 3.16 shows a minor upward mobility in the occupational categories, a very
feeble sign of growth and entrepreneurship in the community as a whole. The increase of
number in the government jobs and decline in the labour force too are very negligible.
Table 3.17.
Occupation of Father
S. No. Occupation Number Percentage
1 Farmer/Agriculture 08 2.22
2 Govt. job 11 3.05
3 Self–employed 6 1.67
4 Labour 335 93.06
Total 360 100
Source: Field Study
Table 3.17 shows the occupation of the father, the head of the family in the
villages under study. When it comes to the father’s occupation there is a decrease in the
labour sector as compared to Table 15 a marginal difference.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
88
Table 3.18.
Occupation of the Head of the Family
Sr. No Occupation Number Percentage
1 Teacher 2 0.56
2 Nurse 1 0.28
3 Soldier 2 0.56
4 Farming 8 2.22
5 Policeman 1 0.28
6 Cattle Trader 3 0.83
7 Building Contractor 1 0.28
8 Editor (of the local magazine) 1 0.28
9 Breeding of worm 1 0.28
10 Shopkeeper/ Small business 4 1.11
11 Clerk 3 0.83
12 R.M.P 1 0.28
13 Photographer 1 0.28
14 Preacher 1 0.28
15 F.C.I. Worker 5 1.39
16 Ex–Serviceman 1 0.28
17 Tailor 2 0.56
18 Auto rickshaw driver 1 0.28
19 Weaver 1 0.28
20 Motor Mechanic 1 0.28
21 Electrician and Plumber 1 0.28
22 Barber 2 0.56
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
89
23 Mason/ Carpenter 6 1.67
24 Driver (Khudduka) 2 0.56
25 Rickshaw puller 3 0.83
26 Tonga Driver 2 0.56
27 Ex–spy 2 0.56
28 Illicit liquor distiller 3 0.83
29 Smuggler 6 1.67
30 Labourer 288 80
31 Bonded Labourer 4 1.11
Total 360 100.00
Source: Field Study
Table 3.18 explains the occupation of the heads of families. The largest number
i.e. 288 (80 percent) is still engaged in labour particularly farm labour. Most of the
people are daily wage workers who work in different areas.
Sr. No. 8 is an editor of a Christian magazine called “Sada Zamana” in Punjabi,
published by the Diocese of Jalandhar, is Shamaun Yousaf Sandhu, who retired as a
headmaster of a C.M.S. High School, in Majitha of Amritsar district.
Though bonded labour has been banned and strict laws have been enacted to stop
it but it is still going on in the rural areas particularly in the border belt. Whenever they
need money, they have no alternative but to go to the landlord for money at a high
interest rate. When they fail to pay money back they are automatically trapped in a
vicious circle. They agree to work for the money lender at miserably low wages. In the
meanwhile the capital amount of debt continues to grow which chains them for ever and
the entire family becomes bonded labour.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
90
3.3.14. Land Holding
Table 3.19.
Land Holdings (in Acres)
Sr.No Land (in acres) Number of persons Percentage
1 Upto 1 4 1.11
2 1.1 to 2 8 2.22
3 2.1 to 3 5 1.39
4 3.1 to 4 4 1.11
5 4.1 to 5 2 0.56
6 Above 5 1 0.28
8 Landless 336 93.33
Total 360 100
Source: Field Study
Table 3.19 shows the land holdings of the Christians. Only 24 (6.60 percent) of
the total households own land while 336 (93.40 percent) do not. Only one family has
more than 5 acres of land. During the study, it was found that a few families had their
land but they sold it due to various reasons. Because of small size of land holding and
unavailability of cultivating land, only 8 families were engaged in agriculture and the
rest had either rent out their land or remain uncultivated.
3.3.15. Monthly Family Income
Table 3.20.
Monthly Family Income (As told by the Respondent)
S.No. Monthly income Household Percentage
1 Upto 1000 121 33.62
2 1000-2000 92 25.56
3 2001-3000 75 20.83
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
91
4 3001-4000 12 3.33
5 4001-5000 8 2.22
6 5001-6000 16 4.44
7 6001-7000 9 2.50
8 7000 above 27 7.50
Total 360 100
Source: Field Study
Table 3.20 shows the household income. The figures are based on the
information provided by the head of the family. It is very difficult to get the exact
income of the most of the families as they do not have a regular source of income,
because majority of the respondents are casual labourers.
3.3.16. Working Hours
Labourers employed with the landlord have no fixed hours of work. On Sundays,
the days of obligation and festival days, they are unable to practise their religious faith
by going to the Church.
During the harvest season, working hours are 24 hours particularly in the grain
market. They are entertained with booster capsules and alcohol. Those who are employed
in the agricultural field have to stay in the paddy field close to the tube well so that when
the electricity is released they are able to switch on the tube well. They have to be awake
to check the flow of the water in the field. For those who are working in the cattle sheds,
working hours vary from time to time. Thus, it is difficult to determine their working
hours.
3.3.17. Description of Houses
Table 3.21.
Houses
S. No. Structure Number Percentage
1 Pacca 261 72.50
2 Kacha 99 27.50
Total 360 100
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
92
Source: Field Study
Table 3.21 shows the structure of the houses of Christian families. The living
standard of the people can be deduced from the structure of the house where they live. A
total of 261 (72.5 percent) families live in Pacca houses while the remaining 99 (27.5
percent) families still live in Kacha houses, which are built with both baked and unbaked
bricks.
Table 3.22.
Construction of the Houses
S. No Sources No Percentage
1 Own Sources 292 81.11
2 Loan 30 8.33
3 With Assistance From the Church 29 8.06
4 Government Assistance 9 2.5
Total 360 100
Source: Field Study
Table 3.22 shows that 292 (81.11 percent) families constructed their houses with
their own sources of income while 30 (8.33 percent) got loan from both formal and
informal sources to construct their houses. The informal sources include moneylenders,
commission agents etc. A total of 29 families (8.06 percent) were provided financial
assistance by the Diocese of Jalandhar to construct their houses. A small number of
houses, i.e. 9 (2.5 percent) were constructed with the help of various governmental
schemes for the poor people in the border villages.
Table 3.23.
Number of Rooms
S. No No of Rooms Number Percentage
1 One Room 158 43.89
2 Two Rooms 156 43.33
3 Three Rooms 37 10.28
4 Three or Above 9 2.50
Total 360 100
Source: Field Study
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
93
Table 3.22 shows the number of rooms in a house. It shows that majority of the
families i.e. 158 (43.88 percent) live in a single room while 156 families (43.33 percent)
possess two rooms. Among them, 37 families (10.28 percent) own three rooms while 9
families have houses with more than three rooms. Most of these are joint families and
relatively well off.
3.3.18. Available Amenities
Table 3.23.
Electricity
Sr. No. Number Respondents Percentage
1 223 Yes 61.94
2 137 No 38.06
Total 360 100
Source: Field Study
Table 3.23 shows that only 223 (61.94 percent) families have electricity
connection while 137 (38.06 percent) do not have electricity in their houses. Though,
Punjab claims that all the villages were electrified many years ago, yet we found that
there were large number of houses, particularly of the dalits and other poor sections of
the society, which were without electricity connection. The major reason of this is that
they cannot afford to pay the bills regularly. It is noteworthy that the majority of the
families under the study is having electricity connection only for one or two bulbs.
3.3.19. Drinking Water
Table 3.24.
Source of Drinking Water
Sr. No Source of Water Family Percentage
1 Own Hand Pump 329 91.39
2 Village Water Supply 25 6.94
3 Hand Pump and Village Water
Supply
6 1.67
Total 360 100
Source: Field Study
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
94
Table 3.24 explains the source of drinking water. A common source of drinking
water in the countryside is one’s own hand pump. A total of 329 (91.39 percent)
households have their own hand pumps, which are known as ‘Nalka’ in the local
language. There are three villages, i.e. Karyal, Kot Sidhu and Shahpur where there is a
provision of water supply. During the field study we came to know that there were a few
families in the studied villages who had neither a hand pump nor were getting supply
from water tank. They got water from the other sources.
Conclusion
The Christians of the Majha region are people who are converts from the dalits in
order to get respect and new identity in their lives. They have embraced Christianity
leaving their parent religion with the hope that they would get better position, power and
respect in the society and thus a transformation would creep into their life. Though they
changed their religion, yet, their life situation remained has the same. Their conversion
to Christianity has not got any material benefits to them. In fact they are the losers,
losing their ‘benefits of reservations’. The major source of power and prestige in the
village depends upon the land holding and occupation. The study concludes that the
largest number of Christians are landless and those who have the land are marginalized
ones. Another source of prestige is occupation and a large majority of them are farm
labourers. We have also come to know that the system of bonded labour is still there in
indirect form, though it was abolished many years ago. There is also an absence of
occupational change in the Christian population of the studied villages. As such, there is
very limited upward mobility among these families.
The literacy rate shows that they are in a disadvantageous position because
literacy is the first and foremost factor of social, political and economic mobility. The
way of living and all indicators of social, political and economic profile show that the
Christians in the border areas are excluded from all benefits of development in the
country. In most of the cases, their life is miserable than their counterparts, the dalits. All
these variables indicate that in spite of their majority in a few villages and a substantial
number in others, they do not have any say in the grass-root politics.
Socio-Economic Profile of the Community
95
END NOTE
1 K.S. Narang and H.R. Gupta, History of Punjab:1500-1858, Delhi: U.C. Kanpur, 1979, p.3.
2 K.S. Singh, I.J.S. Bansal, Swaran Singh (eds.), People of India: Punjab, Vol. XXXVII, New
Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2003, p.1.
3 H.V. Hodson, The Great Divine, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1997, p.404.
4 K.S. Narang, n.1, p.2.
5 K.S. Singh, n.2, p. 3.
6 Pritam Singh, Punjab Economy: The Emerging Pattern, New Delhi : Enkey Publications, 1995,
p.1.
7 Census of India, 2001
8 Census of India, 2001, p. XIV.
9 Statistical Abstract of Punjab, Chandigarh: Economic Advisor to Government of Punjab, 2007,
p. 82.
10 Census of India, 2001, Series – 4, Punjab, Provisional Population Totals, Punjab; Director of
Census Operations, 2002, pp. 22-23.
11 Human Development Report Punjab 2004, Government of India, 2004, pp. 13-15.
12 Ibid, pp. XIVI - XVII
13 Amarjit Singh, Punjab De Pind, Shahr Ate Kasbe, (The Village Directory of Punjab), Ludhiana:
Indian statistical Library, 2006.
14 Tony Hilton and Kumara, Adopt – A District of Punjab, Delhi: People of India, 1998, p. 32-56.
15 Gazetteer of the Gurdaspur district 1881-84, Lahore: San-e-Meel Publications, 2000, p. 11.
16 C.H. Loehlin , “The History of Christianity In Punjab” in Ganda Singh (ed.), The Singh Sabha
and other Socio-Religious Movements in the Punjab, Patiala: Punjab University, 1997, p. 187.
Recommended