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erik thomsenjapanese paintings and works of art
japanese paintings and works of art
erik thomsen asian art
Cover:
Flowers of the Four Seasons, detail, pair of six-fold screens
Anonymous artist of the Rimpa School (Nr. 1)
Sales exhibition
March 31– April 5, 2006
The International Asian Art Fair
The Seventh Regiment Armory
Park Avenue at 67th Street, New York, NY 10021
Table of contents
5
7
33
45
59
75
84
86
92
foreword and acknowledgements
screens
paintings
bamboo baskets
ceramics
lacquers
signatures, seals and inscriptions
notes
bibliography
japanese paintings and works of art
erik thomsen asian art
�
5
foreword and acknowledgements
It is with great pleasure that I present this inaugural
catalog, which includes a selection from my five
specialties within classical Japanese art: screens,
paintings, bamboo baskets, ceramics and lacquers.
Unlike most Japanese art objects seen in the West,
all items presented here were made, not with ex-
ports in mind, but rather for the Japanese market.
Such artwork avoids many of the compromises and
alterations in artistic traditions that mark the art
made to fit foreign tastes. Instead, we see works of
art that were clearly created in line with Japanese
aesthetics and traditions. Most of the objects here
were made with one or more of the four classical
arts in mind: the ways of tea, flowers, calligraphy,
and incense (Sadô, Kadô, Shodô, and Kôdô).
Ceramics used in the Way of Tea, Sadô, mirror
Japanese aesthetics especially well. The simple,
imperfect shapes of tea ceramics draw our attention
to their beautiful textures and colors that can only
truly be appreciated upon holding them in one’s
hands.
Bamboo baskets such as the ones presented in this
catalog were made for the Way of Flowers, Kadô,
to present ikebana flower arrangements. They also
represent another important element of the tea
ceremony, or Way of Tea. Highly prized by tea masters,
they commanded princely sums in the peak years of
basket making during the Taishô and early Shôwa
periods, ca. 1910 to 19�0. Their beauty is obvious in
their form, and, upon closer inspection, in the skillful
workmanship of the fine details. Signed bamboo
baskets such as these were largely unknown in the
West until the acclaimed exhibition in 1999 at the
Asia Society, New York, of the Cotsen basket
collection.
Lacquerwork, such as writing boxes and paper
boxes, are intrinsic to the Way of Calligraphy, Shodô.
They were meant to be used, but, like most artwork
in Japan, were carefully stored away into fitted boxes
when not in use. As a result, they are therefore
today, decades later, in immaculate condition. The
simple designs, such as in catalog item 22, are partic-
ularly effective against the mirror-black roiro ground,
and, when examined up close, reveal superb details.
Hanging scrolls and folding screens have been an
important part of Japanese art and culture for over
a millennium. In the tea ceremony, a tea master
would often select a scroll with a painting or callig-
raphy that provided the best match for the season
and occasion. Screens were also used within the tea
ceremony, as well as in performances of classical
arts, where they functioned as dramatic or festive
backgrounds to the event.
I would like to thank those who made this catalog
possible: the designer Valentin Beinroth for his
clean, imaginative design, attention to detail and
boundless energy, which kept me focused on the
catalog in spite of fairs and travels; the photogra-
pher Klaus Wäldele for his patience, long working
sessions and good eye; Hans Bjarne Thomsen, my
brother, professor in Japanese art history at the
University of Chicago, for his invaluable research,
which uncovered several surprises; and Inger Sigrun
Brodey, my sister, professor in literature at the
University of North Carolina, for her proof-reading
and good suggestions.
I would also like to thank Mr. Daizaburô Tanaka,
owner of the gallery Tanaka Onkodô in Tokyo, where
I apprenticed 23 years ago, and my parents, Harry
and Ene Marie Thomsen, for giving me the founda-
tions upon which I could grow.
Above all I want to thank my wife, Cornelia, for all
her support, encouragement, and help that she has
given me now during the catalog production and
over the years. I can think of no one else who better
manages the many tasks as wife, mother, exhibitor,
student and artist.
Erik Thomsen March 2006
screens
�
1
Flowers of the Four SeasonsAnonymous artist of the Rimpa School
Edo period (1615–1�6�), early 19th century
H 65" × W 1��" each
(165 cm × 366 cm)
Pair of six-fold screens
Ink, mineral colors, and gofun on gold foil.
This fine pair of Rimpa School screens presents a
journey through the four seasons of the year by
representative plants and flowers for each season.
For example, plants representing the spring are the
kodemari, sumire, and yamabuki. The summer is
represented by the iris, lily, nadeshiko, aoi, and kiri.
The fall by the chrysanthemum, morning glory, bush
clover, ominaeshi, and susuki. And the winter is
represented solely by the narcissus.
Each of the twelve clusters on the screens repre-
sents a group of plants from a particular season.
The grouping of the clusters is according to a larger
plan: the larger cluster of chrysanthemums growing
around a fence forms the left-most panels of the
right-hand screen. This group connects to another
autumn group in the right-most panels of the left-
hand screen. Placed next to each other, these two
halves combine to form a coherent program: the
panels furthest to the right display the only cluster
of spring flowers, from this, the directions (like that
of a handscroll) goes left, and we travel through
groups of summer and autumn clusters. At the very
end, we meet with the only winter group in the
screens: a small group of narcissus peeking from
around the farthest corner.
Similar examples may be seen in a number of
museum collections.1
12
2
Birds and Flowers of the SeasonsCircle of Ogata Kôrin (1658–1716)
Edo period (1615–1868), early 18th century
H 65" × W 142 ½" each
(165 cm × 362 cm)
Pair of six-fold screens
Ink, colors, and gofun on paper
An anonymous Rimpa School artist has created a
luxurious and dense undergrowth of flowering plants
and trees, which conceals not only additional flora,
but also a pair of quail and pheasants among its
vegetation. This pair of folding screens with painting
in ink, colors, and gofun represents a collection of
the flowering plants of the four seasons.
There are the spring flowers, wisteria, willow, thistle,
kodamari, suzushiro, shakuyaku, and kobushi.
The summer plants are represented by mizuaoi, uri,
tsuyukusa, iris, lily, peony, and an eggplant. The
autumn plants include susuki, kikyô, keitô, nadeshiko,
ominaeshi, kuzu, bush clover, morning glory, and
gourds. The sole winter plant is the pine. Here, as
in other works, the flowers of the autumn are clearly
favored: the autumn flowers are centered on an
entire six-fold screen, while the other six-fold screen
is divided among the flowers of the three other
seasons.
A favorite technique of Rimpa artists can be seen
here, namely the tarashikomi, a process that involves
dripping ink of differing modality into ink that has
not yet dried, thus producing a mottled effect. In
addition, the ink modalities are carefully varied, in
order to create a convincing sense of depth to the
leafy undergrowth: there is a clearly articulated layer-
ing of leaves, important in a work with this many
leaves and flowers arranged on top of each other in
a small space.
1�
Follower of Tawaraya Sôtatsu (?–16�3?)
Edo period (1615–1�6�), early 1�th century
H 6� ½" × W 7�"
(16� cm × 1�� cm)
Single two-fold screen
Ink, mineral colors, and gofun on paper,
with gold foil ground
A follower of Sôtatsu painted this fine and early
two-panel screen with the depiction of twelve fans,
scattered on a gold ground. Of the twelve, two are
closed and ten are either fully or partly opened.
Most of the fans are seasonal in nature and depict
flowers or plants in bloom or in the process of
changing colors. For example, spring is represented
by cherry blossoms and the willow; the summer
is represented by the hydrangea (ajisai), and the
autumn by the bush clover (hagi) and the maple
leaves. In addition, vigorous waves are associated
with the stormy seas of the autumn. The winter is
represented by a pair of fans to the lower left corner,
which depicts Prince Ariwara no Narihira (�25–��0),
the main character of Ise Monogatari, on horse,
looking at a snow-clad Mt. Fuji in the neighboring
fan; the distance between the rider and the far-away
mountain is here represented by separating the
scene onto two different fans. The source of the
image is a poem by Narihira that describes Mt. Fuji
as seen on a journey:
Indifferent to the seasons
Mount Fuji stands aloft
Flecked like a kanako cloth
With fallen snow
The visual representation of this famous poem
usually centers on the Prince on horseback, look-
ing over his side at the snow-clad Mt. Fuji in the
distance.
Fan screens present us with distinct puzzles: was the
placement of the fans on the screen controlled by
the artist? Are the groupings and placements of the
fans significant? And are there inner meanings within
the fans themselves? There was certainly an element
of play within some fan screens, for example, the
pairs by Sôtatsu in the Kunaichô and the Sanbôin
of the Daigoji Temple, where each fan relates to a
specific literary source.1 The object for the viewer
was then to be able to identify each scene, poem,
or chapter from the available evidence. Likewise,
identification was the key in examples where all the
fans on a screen stemmed from one narrative, as,
for example, fifty-four fans representing each of the
fifty-four chapters of the Tales of Genji.2
This particular screen may also contain an inner
meaning: a meaning that focused on the only figural
representation in the screen, namely Prince Narihira.
The placement of the Prince may be significant, as
we have another screen, a six-fold screen by the
school of Sôtatsu, that is roughly contemporary to
the two-fold screen in this catalog. In the six-panel
screen, a fan with a seated figure appears at exactly
the same position, i.e., the lower left corner, on the
last panel, second to bottom fan.3 In this case, as
with the other, a courtier appears among fans whose
subjects are all seasonal markers. In the case of the
two-fold screen, the ensemble of fans, if indeed
intended as an ensemble, may all be markers to
various poems within the Tales of the Ise. If so, this
leaves the viewer (and the reader of this catalog)
with a distinctly challenging game: the identification
of all the specific poems represented by the images
on the screen.
3
Fan Screen with Scenes from the Tales of Ise
18
Follower of Tawaraya Sôtatsu (?–1643?)
Edo period (1615–1868), early 18th century
H 64 ½" × W 74"
(164 cm × 188 cm)
Single two-fold screen
Ink, mineral colors, and gofun on paper,
with gold foil ground
A follower of Sôtatsu painted this fine and early
two-panel screen with the depiction of twelve fans,
scattered on a gold ground. Of the twelve, two are
closed and ten are either fully or partly opened.
Most of the fans are seasonal in nature and depict
flowers or plants in bloom or in the process of
changing colors. For example, spring is represented
by cherry blossoms and the willow; the summer
is represented by the hydrangea (ajisai), and the
autumn by the bush clover (hagi) and the maple
leaves. In addition, vigorous waves are associated
with the stormy seas of the autumn. The winter is
represented by a pair of fans to the lower left corner,
which depicts Prince Ariwara no Narihira (825–880),
the main character of Ise Monogatari, on horse,
looking at a snow-clad Mt. Fuji in the neighboring
fan; the distance between the rider and the far-away
mountain is here represented by separating the
scene onto two different fans. The source of the
image is a poem by Narihira that describes Mt. Fuji
as seen on a journey:
Indifferent to the seasons
Mount Fuji stands aloft
Flecked like a kanako cloth
With fallen snow
The visual representation of this famous poem
usually centers on the Prince on horseback, look-
ing over his side at the snow-clad Mt. Fuji in the
distance.
Fan screens present us with distinct puzzles: was the
placement of the fans on the screen controlled by
the artist? Are the groupings and placements of the
fans significant? And are there inner meanings within
the fans themselves? There was certainly an element
of play within some fan screens, for example, the
pairs by Sôtatsu in the Kunaichô and the Sanbôin
of the Daigoji Temple, where each fan relates to a
specific literary source.1 The object for the viewer
was then to be able to identify each scene, poem,
or chapter from the available evidence. Likewise,
identification was the key in examples where all the
fans on a screen stemmed from one narrative, as,
for example, fifty-four fans representing each of the
fifty-four chapters of the Tales of Genji.2
This particular screen may also contain an inner
meaning: a meaning that focused on the only figural
representation in the screen, namely Prince Narihira.
The placement of the Prince may be significant, as
we have another screen, a six-fold screen by the
school of Sôtatsu, that is roughly contemporary to
the two-fold screen in this catalog. In the six-panel
screen, a fan with a seated figure appears at exactly
the same position, i.e., the lower left corner, on the
last panel, second to bottom fan.3 In this case, as
with the other, a courtier appears among fans whose
subjects are all seasonal markers. In the case of the
two-fold screen, the ensemble of fans, if indeed
intended as an ensemble, may all be markers to
various poems within the Tales of the Ise. If so, this
leaves the viewer (and the reader of this catalog)
with a distinctly challenging game: the identification
of all the specific poems represented by the images
on the screen.
3
Fan Screen with Scenes from the Tales of Ise
20
4
Cranes of Summer and AutumnTosa School
Edo period (1615–1868), 18th century
H 28 ¼" × W 98 ¾" each
(72 cm × 251 cm)
Pair of six-fold screens
Ink, mineral colors and gofun
on paper and gold foil
Here four pairs of cranes are shown inhabiting a
marshy landscape against a rich gold background.
The cranes represent the different species that
frequent the Japanese archipelago. The image,
of course, represents an ideal space, one in which
the stylized cranes can strike poses and be shown
next to the flowers and plants of different seasons,
blooming at the same time within the space of the
screen surface.
The two halves of the screen pair were made to
be shown together, and the lake that is depicted
on both was constructed as the spatial unit that
combined the two compositions. When placed next
to each other, as intended, large growths of autumn
flowers anchor the extremes of the larger composi-
tion. The autumn flowers are composed of various
types of chrysanthemums as well as the kikyô plant
(a Chinese bellflower). The area between the two
large groups of plants is punctuated by smaller plant
groups, both autumnal plants (chrysanthemums and
marshy reeds) and summer plants (iris and mizuaoi).
In other words, the land mass to the extreme right
and left represents autumn, and the lake, the space
that unites the two, represents summer. Traversing
this distance in time, seasons, and space, are the
cranes and plants, all of which are shown, one after
the other, in striking poses. The artist has incorpo-
rated a relationship of equality between the plants
and cranes, all of which occupy about the same
space and have been shrunk (or expanded) to
appear to be the same height and volume as each
other. Moreover, the spacings and compositions had
been ably planned out on the basis of the twelve
individual panels of the screens: the artist has
succeeded in creating within each panel pair (tradi-
tionally thought out as a unit), a balanced, indepen-
dent composition.
An interesting aspect of the screen is the signature
to the right extreme of the combined pair. The
signature was clearly added later, as can be seen by
the discoloration of the gold surrounding the sig-
nature. Another name was probably removed and
replaced by one which reads »by the brush of Tosa
Mitsuoki, the [honorary] Imperial Guard« and a seal
marked Fujiwara.1 Both names and honorary title are
associated with the artist Tosa Mitsuoki (1617–1691),
the most important Tosa school painter of the last
four hundred years. Although the work is a very fine
example of the 18th century Tosa School, a previous
owner apparently felt it necessary to try to improve
on the pedigree of the screen by changing the
artist’s name to that of a better-known artist.
2�
5
Four Elegant PastimesShibata Zeshin (1�07–1�91)
Meiji period (1�6�–1912), 19th century
H �� ½" × W 109" each
(123 cm × 277 cm)
Signed (right screen): »Zeshin,« with
Zeshin jar seal. (left screen): »emulating older
paintings, Zeshin« (Koga ni narau Zeshin); with
Zeshin jar seal
Pair of six-fold screens
Ink, colors, gofun, and lacquer on paper
This pair is an important work in the oeuvre of Shibata
Zeshin. It is one of four variations on a theme by an
older painting. The screen pair with painting in ink,
black lacquer and mineral colors depicts women and
men partaking in the four classical Chinese elegant
pastimes. The four pastimes, or the kinki shoga,
were traditionally the koto (musical instrument),
chess, calligraphy, and painting. Within these panels
the four undergo humorous changes: the musical
25
instruments become the samisen and the biwa,
chess becomes backgammon and go, calligraphy
becomes the act of letter writing, and paintings
become the pair of standing screens located within
the right screen.
The left screen is signed »emulating older paintings,
Zeshin (Koga ni narau Zeshin) and sealed Zeshin;
while the right screen is signed and sealed Zeshin.
Zeshin based his composition on the famous Hikone
Screen, a single, six-fold screen from the early
seventeenth century.1 The screen is presently in a
Hikone museum, but was at the time of Zeshin in a
rich merchant’s house, where Zeshin was allowed to
study it closely. From the study and reworking of the
Hikone Screen emerged four innovative variations
on the Hikone theme. As a truly inspired artistic
personality, Zeshin was not satisfied with making a
26
mere copy and made all four versions significantly
different from each other.
In this particular version, two of the figures are
straight copies from the Hikone Screen, but many
others are adaptations, many by slightly changing
angles of depiction. For example, the girl pointing
at the two screens in the present version appears in
the Hikone Screen as a girl pointing in the opposite
direction. Likewise, entirely new figures abound,
most notably the three central dancers. In effect,
Zeshin started with a single six-panel screen (one
that likely joined four panels of one screen with
two from another) and stretched it out into a unified
twelve-panel composition. Up close, both the new
and old versions show a similar emphasis on textile
patterns; however, Zeshin also introduces new fea-
tures, such as the innovative use of black lacquer in
the women’s hair.
Of the four sets that Zeshin made from the Hikone
original, one is in the collection of the Metropolitan
Museum, New York, and illustrated in Gôke, vol. 1,
ills. 219–220. The second is in the Lee Institute for
27
Japanese Art at the Clark Center, Hanford, CA, and
illustrated in Gôke, vol. 1, 210–211.2 The third is the
present screen pair, illustrated in Gôke, vol. 1, ills.
221–222. And the fourth is a pair that has not yet
been illustrated, but rests in a private Japanese col-
lection.3 Most of the four have been passed down
in prestigious collections; the present pair was, for a
long time, in the collection of the industrialist
Fujiyama Raita (1�63–193�).
Provenance:
Collection of Fujiyama Raita 藤山雷太 (1�63–193�)
Exhibited:
Yugei no Bi at the Fukuoka Municipal Art Museum
in 1997.
Published:
Gôke Tadaomi, ed. Shibata Zeshin meihinshû:
Bakumatsu kaikaki no shikkô kaiga. 2 vols. Tokyo:
Gakken, 19�1, vol. 1, item 221–222.
2�
Attributed to Bai’ôken Eishun
梅翁軒永春 (active 170�–1763)
Edo period (1615–1�6�), circa 1710–1720
H �2" × W �9 ½"
(107 cm × 227 cm)
Single six-fold screen
Ink, mineral colors, and gofun on paper
This early nikuhitsu screen presents the viewer with a
festive flower viewing scene, complete with interior
scenes of lounging courtesans and outside scenes
of playing children and performers. The scene to the
right describes two buildings within a certain plea-
sure quarter. Judging from the bucket and brooms
attached the roof of the building seen below and
from the blossoming cherry trees lining the streets
surrounding the two houses, this may well refer to
the Yoshiwara area of Edo.1
The interior scene describes a number of courtesans
in relaxed modes; they are seen conversing, drinking
rice wine, and playing the samisen, a three-stringed
musical instrument. One group of courtesans, in
finely-differentiated kimono, enjoys the flowering
cherry trees from an open room that has had its
sliding doors removed. An interior room can also
be seen to the back of the building; here the doors
are almost closed, leaving, however, a crack open
to allow the viewer a voyeuristic glance into the
interiors, where a woman is seated and attending
a reclining figure, whose identity cannot be ascer-
tained. The room seems to be lit by an andon lamp,
whose light casts the shadows of the shapes within
the rooms on the paper-covered sliding doors.
The exterior scene, that occupies the entire left side
of the screen, shows a larger group of people enjoy-
ing a whole range of activities. This is a typical genre
scene showing the various contemporary games and
occupations. We have a prominently placed blind
masseur, here seeming to dance with two young
women, while observed by a large male figure. Other
girls are playing, some with a long stick, others
breaking a branch off the cherry tree, still others are
playing with a kemari ball. A dog painted on the far
left completes the last of the six panels.
The painting is unusual for its creative combination
of two known genres: one a type that shows scenes
within the Yoshiwara quarters, and the other show-
ing the daily occurrences of commoners, usually
in terms of street scenes. The combination may
well connect to the possible authorship by Bai’ôken
Eishun, who was an Osaka artist known for his
wide repertoire, with not only paintings, but with
an oeuvre that includes both surimono prints and
illustrated books.2 A number of paintings are known
by the hand of this exceptionally long-active artist,
including key works in the Freer Gallery of Art in
Washington, D.C.3
Provenance: Formerly in the collection of the Manno
Art Museum, Osaka, Japan
Published: Kobayashi Tadashi, ed. Manno Bijutsukan,
Ukiyoe nikuhitsu taikan, vol. 7. (Tokyo: Kodansha,
1996), cat. nr. 32.
6
Flower Viewing Season in the Pleasure Quarters
paintings
3�
7
Hakuin Ekaku(16�5–176�)
Edo period (1615–1�6�), circa 1765
H 35 ¼" × W 9" (incl. mounting 66 ½" × 12 ½")
(90 cm × 23 cm, 169 cm × 32 cm)
Three seals of artist: Kokanki, Hakuin and Ekaku
Hanging scroll, ink on paper
Bodhidharma in Meditation, Facing a Wall
(Menpeki Daruma 面壁達磨)
Inscription:
「為心之師莫師於心」
Become the master of your heart,
and do not let it master you.
Kokoro no shi to nari, kokoro no shi wa nashi
In this dramatic hanging scroll, the Zen Buddhist
monk Hakuin has adopted an admonition from the
Six Parmitas Sutra, and placed it in the context
of a meditating Bodhidharma (J. Daruma) figure.1
The sutra text admonishes the reader (and, in
extension, Hakuin his viewer) to disregard his or her
own heart, or worldly matters, and to instead focus
one’s energy on ruling the passions. By depicting
the meditating Bodhidharma beneath this phrase,
Hakuin may well be indicating that strict adherence
to Zen Buddhist doctrines and rituals such as seated
meditation is the correct way to become the master
of one’s passions.
A meditating Bodhidharma, here facing an imagi-
nary wall, is a singularly apt symbol of strict adher-
ence to ritual. The central, defining event in the life
of Bodhidharma, a semi-legendary monk, credited
with bringing Zen Buddhism from India to China in
the sixth century CE, was seen as his single-minded
period of meditation, said to have been conducted
in a cave, facing a blank stone wall, for nine years.
Distractions were done away with, for example,
after falling asleep during meditation, he tore away
his eyelids.2 Moreover, as seated meditation (zazen)
was one of the key rituals in Zen Buddhism, Hakuin’s
choice of the seated meditating Bodhidharma
seems quite apt.
The painting is not, however, simply an illustration
of a Buddhist dictum; there are artistic traditions
and other layers of meaning behind the painting.
One striking aspect of the painting is its brushwork
and ink modulation. It is clear that the brush moved
quickly to create the seated figure and inscription
in a few dramatic strokes, paying little attention to
finer modulation of line. However, by using coarsely
ground ink and heavy-sized paper, Hakuin was
able to create a dramatic mottling effect within the
individual lines of the figure.3 The dramatic tonal
contrasts within the lines, the vigorous speed of the
brush, and the immediacy of the brushwork signifi-
cantly heightens the intensity of the painting. In
addition, the curious mottling effect of the ink also
increases the presence of the figure: the lines seem
to imply age and a sense of permanence. Although
brushed in only a few strokes, the figure acquires
paradoxically a sense of monumentality that goes
beyond its actual space on the paper. The technique
is closely connected to the message: they reempha-
size the immobility and greatness of the Zen Bud-
dhist patriarch and create a sense of timelessness
for Bodhidharma as well as for Buddhist rituals and
doctrine. Hakuin uses the mottled ink technique in
other paintings, including other forms of the seated
Bodhidharma, but in few other example has he so
successfully created a simple figure of monumental
strength through so few lines.�
The painting is clearly also intended to take a place
in the »one-brushstroke Bodhidharma« (Ippitsu
Daruma) tradition, in which the robes of the Bod-
hidharma were drawn with one continuous stroke
of the brush.5 The tradition ultimately derives from
early Chinese depictions of the patriarch, in which
the robes were described with a bare minimum of
strokes. Numerous examples of one-brushstroke
paintings exist, including a Sengoku period (133�–
36
depth from the deeper implications of this switch in
identities. By representing himself as iconic figures,
Hakuin challenges our preconceptions through
flashes of insight and humor.
Although this painting was probably performed as
a sekiga (»seat painting«) or a performance piece
completed in an instant with only a few brush-
strokes at a communal occasion, the painting is by
no means a trifle of little meaning. Many layers and
traditions operate behind this seemingly simple
painting, giving it a profound sense of depth and
importance and, at the same time, playing humor-
ous games with the viewer. Hakuin’s paintings were
never entirely serious or entirely playful: forming a
key element within his complex and timeless art.
The painting is housed in a fitted kiri wood box,
certified and inscribed in 1960 by Tsûzan Sôkaku
(1�91–197�), the seventeenth abbot of Hakuin’s
temple, the Shôinji Temple, in Hara.
Published: Morita Shiryû. Bokubi Tokushû: Hakuin
Bokuseki. Kyoto: Bokubisha, 19�0, nr. 279.
1392) example at the Erinji Temple in Kai that may
have served as a prototype for Hakuin as well as
examples by Shôkai Reiken (1315–1396), Isshi (160�–
16�6), and other Zen monks of the Edo period.6
Hakuin, however, takes that pictorial tradition a step
further by incorporating another word-and-image
tradition, that of incorporating hidden characters
and messages into an image.
The idea of hiding characters within images is an
older Japanese tradition that has been incorporated
into a number of media, including sutra frontispiece
paintings and lacquer boxes. Hakuin, however,
seems to have been the first to combine the two
into a single image. The question then arises for
the viewer: what specific character? Various authori-
ties have attempted to describe Hakuin’s seated
Bodhidharma figure as one character: Katô Shôshun
suggests that it represents the character gu (愚,
»foolishness«), and others the character nin (忍 en-
durance). Both are possible in terms of the standard
Japanese reductions of Chinese characters. Another
possibility is the character in (the right part of the
character 隠) that forms Hakuin’s own name. This is
supported by a pair of Menpeki Daruma paintings in
the Konchi’in Temple in Tokyo.7 The two paintings of
the pair were painted by Hakuin at the same time to
commemorate the meeting between him and Gudô
愚堂, a fellow Rinzai sect monk. From reading the in-
scriptions, it is clear that the two seated figures were
the two friends, reduced to simple Chinese charac-
ters of gu and in, representing Gudô and Hakuin.�
This is then a clear case where the seated Daruma
can represent the name of Hakuin and also a clear
indication that Hakuin’s Menpeki Daruma may have
multiple meanings. In other words, the seated
Bodhidharma painting in this catalog may also be a
playful representation of the monk Hakuin himself
engaged in seated meditation. If so, this would also
play in with the Hakuin we know from other paint-
ings, where the painter sometimes takes the place
of Daruma, Hotei, or other figures, thereby gain-
ing complexity from the layering of identities and
3�
8
Hakuin Ekaku(16�5–176�)
Edo period (1615–1�6�), Late 1750’s
H 12 ¾" × W 12 ½" (incl. mounting 60 ¾" × 1� ¾")
(32.5 cm × 32 cm, 15�.5 cm × �7.5 cm)
Three seals of artist: Rinzai seishû, Hakuin, and
Ekaku no in
Hanging scroll, ink on silk
God of Agriculture Viewing Waterfall
(Takimi Shinnô zô 瀧見神農像)
Inscription:
撃草知薬 / 劉木為犁 / 人身牛首 / 斯道神農氏
Crushing herbs to understand medicines,
uprooting trees to plow the land.
Human body and head of ox:
this is the way of the Shennong
Kusa o uchi, yaku o shiru / Ki o koroshite, suki to
nasu / Karada wa hito, kubi wa ushi / Shidô Shin-
nôshi
The exotic figure with human form and ox head
in this painting is Shennong (J. Shinnô), a legend-
ary ruler of China first mentioned by Mencius and
also known as the Emperor of Fire.1 He is said to
have taught humans a variety of abilities, includ-
ing the use of fire, the ways of agriculture, and the
knowledge of herbs and medicine. The complex
mythological status of this god is retold in numerous
sources, including his conception at the sight of a
dragon and an upbringing in the wilderness. At one
time, he is also said to have harnessed dragons in
order to measure the circumference of the earth.
Shennong’s legendary status is also emphasized by
visual media that usually depict the god with horns,
wildly unkempt hair, and clothes made of natural
leaves. He usually also holds blades of grass in his
hand or mouth, symbols of his knowledge of herbs.
A long tradition of depicting Shennong in paint-
ings and sculpture exists throughout East Asia, with
Chinese versions usually showing him in a group
image with other legendary rulers, while Japanese
artists have tended to depict him alone, seated on
a rock in wilderness. Notable Japanese depictions
of Shennong include those made by Hakuin, Sesson
Shûkei (150�–15�9), Kano Tsunenobu (1636–1713),
and Ike Taiga (1723–1776), but a whole range of
painters, carvers, and printmakers participated in
the tradition.2 Interest in the god increased during
the eighteenth century—at which time this image
was made—partly through the renewed interest in
Chinese culture, through the importation of Chinese
visual materials, and through the antiquarian interest
of Japanese sinophile cultural figures.
At the same time, this painting by Hakuin presents
us with a number of innovations in this venerable
tradition. One curious departure in this paint-
ing, which the Hakuin scholar Takeuchi Naoji has
described as possessing a strange expression for
a works from his last years,3 is the ox head and
the rope leash worn around its neck. While the ox
head was long an aspect of the literary tradition
of Shennong that emphasized a human body and
an ox head, the visual tradition has persisted in
depicting his head in mostly human form, hinting at
the ox connection through the pair of horns on his
forehead.� Hakuin’s depiction of a fully bovine face
makes that aspect explicit and marks a significant
departure from tradition—seemingly unprecedented
in the visual culture of Japan and China. Hakuin may
in part have been influenced by Hakutaku images,
where depictions of the ox-headed creature vary
between a human face and an ox-like head.5
Another unusual feature of the painting is the
placement of a seated Shennong by a waterfall.
Hakuin has in fact taken the iconography of the
waterfall-viewing Kannon Takemi Kannon and
adapted that to the Shennong. While Hakuin has
made a number of waterfall-viewing Kannon figures
with similar compositions, upon looking through
Hakuin’s extant oeuvre, it becomes apparent that
�0
this work represents the unique example of a water-
fall composition centered about a person who is not
the Kannon. It is hard to give a specific reason for
this change in iconography, except to point to other
examples where Hakuin has excluded, merged,
and otherwise adapted iconographical features of
his subjects. In such variations we clearly see the
hand of an experimenting artist, unafraid of trying
new ideas in his paintings.6 The composition may
also relate to the unusual small, square format of
the painting, in which the god could hardly be seen
standing up, which is how Hakuin usually presented
Shennong in his paintings.7
The combination of unusual factors of this painting,
including the above-mentioned features, its appear-
ance on silk, the high state of finish and details, the
unusual square format, and the unusual calligraphic
style, point to a special occasion and purpose.
Perhaps it was made for a special customer? Hakuin
often did so, according to other documented cases.
Here we may look at the topic of this painting. We
know that it was a common yearly ritual for medi-
cal doctors and pharmacists to display an image of
Shennong at the winter solstice and to make offer-
ings to the god. And we also know that Edo-period
doctors were often wealthy collectors of art works. It
would make perfect sense for Hakuin to have made
this finely painted work on relatively costly silk for
such a person in return for a generous contribution
to Hakuin’s Shôinji Temple.
The painting is housed in a fitted kiri wood box,
certified and inscribed in 1960 by Tsûzan Sôkaku
(1�91–197�), the seventeenth abbot of Hakuin’s
temple, the Shôinji Temple, in Hara.
Published: Takeuchi Naoji. Hakuin. (Tokyo:
Chikuma Shobô, 196�), �0.
�2
9
Watanabe Gentai(17�� – 1�22)
Edo period (1615–1�6�)
H 19 ½" × W 27 ¼" (incl. mounting 5� ¼" × 33 ½")
(�9.� cm × 69.3 cm, 13� cm × �5 cm)
Inscribed: Hen’ei
Seals: Hen and Ei
Hanging scroll, colors and ink on silk
The artist has depicted five finely-detailed horses
in a marshy meadow by a lake. Each of the horses
seems to be of a different color and type and each is
shown in a different activity: whether drinking water,
grazing, scratching its head, looking away, or simply
lying down. The season is clearly spring and the soft,
light greens of the willow branches and meadow,
as well as the light blues and grays of the lake and
far-away shores, form the stage for the bright and
assertive colors of the five horses.
The artist of this painting, Watanabe Gentai (17��–
1�22), was one of the many talented students of
the Edo-based painter Tani Bunchô (1763–1��0).
Gentai’s connection to Bunchô may be seen here in
his interest in naturalistic detail and harmonic color
patterns, as well as in his interest in contemporary
Chinese paintings, particularly the type made popu-
lar by the Qing dynasty painter Shen Nanping and
his followers. Shen traveled to Japan and, during his
short time in the country, created great interest in
his painting style which was new for the Japanese.
After his departure, he left behind a growing group
of followers, which is popularly referred to as the
Nagasaki school of painting. The inspiration if
not prototype of this particular painting was likely
a work of this school: we see the characteristics
through the strong color contrasts of the horses; the
balanced composition of the work; the lush, marshy
placement of the work; and the strong ink brushwork
of the tree trunks.
This painting seems also to be a loose adaptation
of the popular Chinese Eight Horses of Mu Wang
theme, in which eight horses of different colors and
types belonging to a legendary emperor are shown
in a marshy meadow. Typically they are shown in ex-
pressive freedom, interacting with each other in an
equine paradise, without the interference of human
beings. Three Chinese horses, however, get lost in
the translation to this particular Japanese paint-
ing, and as a result, the connection to the story of
the Chinese emperor becomes loosened, but other
elements, such as the setting and the idea of the
freedom-loving horses are kept. Gentai may have
chosen a smaller number of horses in order to better
show the individual details of the horses.
After his apprenticeship with Bunchô, Gentai started
an atelier of his own and succeeded in establishing
a smaller school by training sons and relatives, who
in turn trained their offspring. He seems to have
been successful in gaining customers during a time
of intense competition between artists, perhaps
by balancing the public’s interest in China and other
foreign countries with domestic needs, such as
paintings of animals for the various zodiac years.
This painting was very possibly created for such a
purpose, for a discriminating merchant who needed
a painting for the year of the horse.
bamboo baskets
�6
10
Iizuka Rôkansai(1�90–195�)
Shôwa period (1926–19�9), circa 1936–19�1
H 9 ¾" × L 10 ¼" × W 10"
(25 cm × 26 cm × 25.5 cm)
Signed: Rôkansai saku
The striking bamboo ikebana basket illustrated
here is a masterpiece by Rôkansai. The cubic form
is simple yet bold and dramatic. In keeping with
the simple form, the handles are composed of two
short cylindrical sections. The body is woven with
light-colored split bamboo in the triangular asa-no-
ha pattern and is dramatically offset by dark brown
vertical supports, which continue from the inside to
the outside and from one side to the other, crossing
each other below and thereby forming a dynamic
pattern on the bottom. The two wide flattened
bamboo sections are the most striking feature of
this basket.
It is signed on the side with an incised signature
reading »Rôkansai saku« or »made by Rôkansai.«
It comes with the original fitted sugi wood box,
which is inscribed on the top of the beveled lid
»Hanakago« or »Flower Basket.« On the inside of
the lid it is titled »Shikô« or »Four Bright Things,«
which refers to the wide bamboo strips on the four
sides; signed »Rôkansai saku« or »made by Rôkansai;«
and sealed Rôkansai. The red oval seal is consistent
with those illustrated for 1936–19�9 in Iizuka Rôkansai:
Master of Modern Bamboo Crafts (Tochigi Prefectural
Museum of Fine Arts, 19�9, pages 11�–119); the box
signature most closely matches those illustrated for
1936–�1.
For similar bamboo works by Rôkansai, see Iizuka
Rôkansai: Master of Modern Bamboo Crafts, e.g.,
item 1�, a cubic brazier (ca. 1927) and item 32, a
flower basket using a similar architecture of dark
vertical supports against a light body (ca. 1932).
Rôkansai is widely acknowledged as the greatest
Japanese basket maker of the 20th century. The
sixth son of the basket maker Hôsai I, he started out
making intricate baskets in the karamono-style but
went on to develop many new ideas and techniques.
He pioneered modern bamboo crafts and exerted
great influence on numerous post-war bamboo artists.
His works are in the collections of many institutions,
including the Tokyo National Museum of Modern Art
and Idemitsu Museum of Art.
��
11
Iizuka Rôkansai(1�90–195�)
Taishô period (1912–1926), 1910’s
H 11 ½", D 11 ¾"
(29 cm, 30 cm)
Signed: Rôkansai
This round ikebana basket by the bamboo artist
Rôkansai is woven with darkly colored split bamboo
in the square yottsu-me pattern, here arranged
diagonally; the inside bottom is in the hexagonal
kumo-no-suajiro (spider web) pattern.
The basket is signed on the bottom with an incised
signature reading Rôkansai. It comes with a fitted
kiri wood box, which is inscribed on the top of the
beveled lid »Hanakago« or »Flower Basket.« On the
inside of the lid, he signed »Rôkansai kyû-saku« or
»made long ago by Rôkansai,« and stamped three
red seals, together reading Rôkansai. According to
Iizuka Rôkansai: Master of Modern Bamboo Crafts
(Tochigi Prefectural Museum of Fine Arts, 19�9,
pages 11�–119), this set of three red seals was used
by Rôkansai from the early 1920’s to circa 193�. The
signature is consistent with those illustrated in this
catalog of the large Rôkansai exhibition in 19�9 at
the Tochigi Prefectural Museum of Fine Arts, where
110 of his works were exhibited.
Accordingly, Rôkansai must have inscribed and signed
this box between 1920 and 193�, but the basket itself
is an earlier work by him, made probably in the late
1910‘s. The original box had been lost and he signed
this replacement box later for the owner of the basket,
using more valuable kiri wood.
For a similar bamboo basket using the same weave
in a round form, see Iizuka Rôkansai, item 5, a flower
basket from circa 192�.
For biographical details on Rôkansai, see previous
catalog entry.
50
12
Maeda Chikubôsai I(1�72–1950)
Shôwa period (1926–19�9), circa 1930
H 16" × L 15 ¾" × W 6 ½"
(�1 cm × �0 cm × 16.� cm)
Signed: Chikubôsai kore tsukuru
According to Chikubôsai’s box inscription, this
outstanding bamboo ikebana basket is made in the
shape of a drum; it could, however, equally well be
in the shape of the full moon. Indeed, a very similar
basket is illustrated and entitled »Moon-shaped
flower basket« in Japanese Bamboo Baskets:
Masterworks of Form & Texture from the Collection
of Lloyd Cotsen (Los Angeles, Cotsen Occasional
Press, 1999), item number 91.
Apart from the dramatic design, the exceptionally
fine details using numerous weaving techniques
sets this basket apart. It is a delight to examine the
basket details up close.
The basket is signed on the bottom with an incised
signature reading »Chikubôsai kore tsukuru« or
»this made by Chikubôsai.« It comes with a copper
liner for ikebana use and with the original fitted sugi
wood box, which is inscribed on the top of the lid
»Taiko-shiki Hanakago« or »Drum-shaped Flower
Basket.« On the inside of the lid it is signed »Senyô
Kuzezato Chikubôsai-zô« or »made by Chikubôsai of
the Senyô Studio in Kuzezato« and bears a red seal
reading Chikubôsai.
Chikubôsai was one of the greatest basket makers
of the Kansai region. His son, Chikubôsai II (1917–
2003), continued the tradition and was named a Living
National Treasure for the bamboo crafts in 1995.
52
13
Morita ChikuamiActive circa 1900–1935
Taishô period (1912–1926), circa 1920
H 2�", D 7 ½"
(61 cm, 19 cm)
Signed: Chikuami kore tsukuru
This elegant basket in the karamono-style has a tall
handle and a hexagonal body that becomes round
at the opening. It is woven using a combination of
very narrow split bamboo strips and wide lacquered
bamboo pieces.
The basket is signed on the bottom with an incised
signature reading »Chikuami kore tsukuru« or »this
made by Chikuami.« It comes with the original fit-
ted wood box, which is inscribed on the top of the
lid »Hanakago« or »Flower Basket.« On the inside
of the lid it is signed »Chikuami zô« or »made by
Chikuami« and bears a round red seal reading
Chikuami.
Chikuami was the artist name of Morita Shintarô,
who lived in Kyoto and was active from the late
Meiji to early Shôwa periods.
5�
14
Tanabe Chikuunsai II(1910–2000)
Shôwa period (1926–19�9), circa 1950
H 23 ¾", D � ¼"
(60.5 cm, 21 cm)
Signed: Chikuunsai kore tsukuru
This tall bamboo ikebana basket in double-gourd
shape is woven with very narrow strips of split bamboo.
The attractive shape is enhanced by the superb details
throughout the basket using numerous weaving
techniques. In spite of its size, it is surprisingly light
in weight.
The basket is signed on the bottom with an incised
signature reading »Chikuunsai kore tsukuru« or »this
made by Chikuunsai.« It comes with the original
fitted kiri wood box, which is inscribed on the top
of the lid »Hyô-gata Taka-te Hanakago« or »Gourd-
shaped Flower Basket with Tall Handle.« On the
inside of the lid it is signed »Sakaifu Nansô Chikuunsai
zô« or »made by Chikuunsai of the Nansô Studio in
Sakai-fu« and bears two red seals reading »Tanabe
no in« (»seal of Tanabe«) and Chikuunsai.
The artist name Chikuunsai belongs to the Tanabe
family, one of the most important bamboo-basket
makers of Osaka. Chikuunsai I lived from 1�77 to
1937; this basket was made by his son Chikuunsai
II; he in turn passed on the artist name to his oldest
son, Chikuunsai III (b. 19�0), in 1991.
56
15
Chikuunsai II(1910–2000)
Shôwa period (1926–19�9), dated 1969
H 9", D 1� ½"
(22.6 cm, 37 cm)
Signed: Chikuunsai zô
The illustrated large bamboo ikebana basket is
woven in the hexagonal muttsu-me pattern using
very narrow split bamboo strips. Entitled »En« or
»circle,« it was exhibited at the �th Japanese Con-
temporary Art Exhibition in 1969.
The artist signed the basket on the bottom with an
incised signature reading »Chikuunsai zô« or »made
by Chikuunsai.« It comes with the original fitted kiri
wood box, which is entitled on the top of the lid
»En« and inscribed »Kikkô-sukashi-ami Hanakago«
or »Hexagonal Open-Mesh Weave Flower Basket.«
On the inside of the lid, it bears the inscription
»Dai Hachi-kai Nihon Gendai Kôgei Bijutsu Tenrankai
Shuppin« or »Exhibited at the �th Japanese Contem-
porary Art Exhibition« and is signed »Tekisuikyo
Chikuunsai zô« or made by »Chikuunsai of the
Tekisuikyo Studio« and stamped with two red seals
reading »Tanabe no in« (»seal of Tanabe«) and
Chikuunsai.
For biographical details on Chikuunsai, see previous
catalog entry.
ceramics
60
Edo period (1615–1�6�), 1�th century
H 3 ¼" × L 5 ½"
(�.5 cm × 1� cm)
With fitted silk brocade pouch
and inscribed kiri wood box.
This striking Hagi tea bowl (chawan) carries with it
a long history of the tea ceremony and a complex
layering of meaning. The bowl has received its name
from a tea master and it has been handed down in
Japanese tea master collections for centuries and
comes with its set of pedigree.
The bowl was turned on the potter’s wheel as seen
in its overall symmetric form: the body curves out
gracefully from a small well-formed foot, creat-
ing rows of lines on the lower half of the bowl and
culminating in a slightly asymmetric, uneven rim.
The bowl has been immersed in a vat of glaze into
which it was dipped two or three times, as can be
seen in the uneven application of glaze close to the
foot. Some glaze was even splashed on to the foot
itself, a sign of the speed with which the application
was undertaken, adding to the sense of spontane-
ity that was highly prized by the tea connoisseurs.
Other spontaneous expressions of wabi, the tea
term that denote the sense of incompleteness and
imperfection,1 can be seen in the small circles of
unglazed areas on the side of the bowl; these could
have been bubbles in the glaze that hindered the
direct contact of the glaze to the clay surface. With
time, these imperfections have become emphasized
through the tea stains on the glaze on the inside of
the bowl, which represent evidence of appreciation
and constant use of the object within the tea world.
The stains have with time highlighted the glaze im-
perfections by forming circular stains around them.
The piece was made by a potter who was highly
aware of tea aesthetics and of the need to produce
imperfect elements within a controlled framework.
The areas of imperfection are here balanced by
areas of total control and symmetry, for example,
16
Hagi Tea Bowl, Named Usumomiji »Pale Fall Colors«
the finely carved foot with the janome kôdai, or
»snake-eye« foot, completed with a finely formed
Kugibori »carved nail« pattern in the center, formed
while turning on the potter’s wheel. The wabi aes-
thetics of incompletion are especially effective when
areas of unbalance and spontaneity are contrasted
with such areas of planned symmetry.
The name of the bowl, Usumomiji, or »pale autumn
colors,« likely refers to the unusual patterning of the
glaze, which varies in color from creamy white to
light red as one looks across the mottled surface of
the bowl. The bowl seems to have been praised for
the colors and for the poetic connotations that they
would awaken, especially in the fall tea season. The
word itself appears quite often in Japanese poetry
and many poems use the word as a marker of the
season and for creating specific settings with their
deeper implications.2 In giving names to bowls, it
was important to choose a name that would awaken
poetic connotations, either to specific poems or to
broader poetic sentiments.3
This bowl has a fascinating pedigree, as listed on
the outermost paper wrapper. The inscription to
the lower left describes the nature of the various
layers of appreciation and inscriptions that have
grown around this particular tea bowl. First of all, it
describes the »three-character ink inscription« on
the wooden box to have been written by a Hokô
甫公, which we know to be one of the artist names
used by the noted tea master, Kobori Enshu 小堀遠州
(1579–16�7).� The inscription goes on to say that a
paper attachment (kakitsuke) has a »four character
inscription« by a Sôchû, who is Kobori Sôchû Ma-
sayasu 小堀宗中政優 (17�6–1�67), the eighth genera-
tion head of the Enshû school, originally founded by
Enshû. Another layer in this trail of tea appreciation
and tea bowl ownership is provided by the unidenti-
fied writer of this inscription, who, by tradition, does
not write his own name.5 We can only assume that
he was the owner of the tea bowl after Sôchû parted
with it.
62
It is possible to match other evidence to these asser-
tions. Enshû was known for his ability to provide
poetic names and many examples of bowls that were
named by him exist; moreover, the inscription on
the box is done in his well-known calligraphic style.
Also, Sôchû was known for his reinvigoration of the
Enshû line, which had fallen into disrepair; he was
known for his immense collection of tea utensils and
also for his unusual running script calligraphic style.6
While we do see both the Enshû-like three-character
inscription on the box and a Sôchû-like four-char-
acter inscription on a (now tattered) piece of paper
that belongs to the top of it, other elements need to
be taken into consideration before conclusions can
be made. One is a list of objects in the collection of
Enshû, the Enshû kurachô 遠州蔵帳, which is a long
list of items owned by Enshû and his son, as written
by Kobori Sôjitsu, the third generation head. Our
bowl is not listed on this document. Also, the age of
the ceramic bowl itself, is more likely to be eigh-
teenth century than seventeenth century. One pos-
sible conclusion is that the bowl was given a name
and a box by someone before Sôchû, who gave the
bowl a box in the style of Enshû. The Sôchû inscrip-
tion could be genuine and the anonymous owner
after Sôchû may have interpreted the calligraphy as
being that of Enshû.
The tea ceremony is celebrated for its ability to give
layers of meaning to objects and rituals. Sometimes
the layers harmonize with each other and at other
times there are contradictions. This bowl is a case
in point: the bowl itself has taken on layers after
frequent use over two centuries and the staining
by tea has now changed the original appearance of
the bowl and glaze. Likewise, the layering of prov-
enance provides layers of meaning surrounding the
bowl within its box: here, the link of previous owners
includes a misinterpretation of one and the lack of
identity of another. The complexity of meaning in
the tea ceremony itself is here aptly echoed in this
fine Hagi bowl that continues to echo the pale colors
of early autumn.
6�
17
Takatori chawan
Edo period (1615–1�6�), 1�th century
H 2 ¾", D 5 ¼"
(7.2 cm, 13.5 cm)
With inscribed kiri wood box
This Takatori tea bowl (chawan) was created by the
descendants of Korean laborers taken from Korea
during the Japanese invasions in the 1590’s. The
Korean potter Palsan (later given the Japanese
name Takatori Hachizô) left Korea with his wife and
family and set up a kiln in the domain of Kuroda
Nagamasa, forming the origin of the Takatori kiln.1
In the process of the next generations, the Takatori
line of potters was in charge of a number of kilns in
the domain throughout the Edo period. At the time
of the production of this tea bowl, the third-genera-
tion Takatori Hachizô was in charge of the Higashi
Sarayama Kiln, where tea utensils were made.2 This
kiln, which was modeled on Korean climbing kilns,
is the likely source of this bowl. The Takatori pot-
ters combined Korean technology with Japanese
tea aesthetics; the first generation Hachizô even
traveled to Kyoto with his son to receive instructions
in tea ceramics from the famous tea master Kobori
Enshû (1579–16�7) and their tea ceramics bear the
traces of the tastes of the Kyoto tea masters.3
This tea bowl bears the marks of the type of clay
used at Higashi Sarayama, which was highly re-
fined to a density and strength approaching that
of porcelain.� The glazes applied on the bowl are
also typical to the Takatori tea wares; these glazes
were thick and of various colors and consistencies,
mainly produced by mixing different minerals, ashes,
and stones. The glazes were then applied to the
objects and mixed in a rich tapestry of colors. The
yellow-gold glaze forming the central glaze on this
tea bowl is called the dôkeiyû and is one of the
more famous of the Takatori glaze types. The glaze
application method is also typical for Takatori wares:
broad bands are applied and allowed to run down
the sides, producing mutations in colors where
glazes mix and a drop design along its bottom
edge. On this bowl, some areas on the outside did
not get covered with glaze. In the tea world, such
places of imperfection are considered to imbue a
tea object with its own personality; and, rather than
detractions, they are seen as the embodiment of tea
ceremony aesthetics of rusticity, incompletion, and
astringency.5
66
18
Shino Serving Bowl
Momoyama (1573–1615) to early Edo period
(1615 - 1�6�), first half of 17th century
H 2 ¼" × L 6" × W 6"
(5.7 cm × 15.3 cm × 15.3 cm)
Stoneware with underglaze iron.
With kiri wood box inscribed Shino Perforated
Small Bowl
This small Shino bowl was made for the kaiseki sec-
tion of the tea ceremony, in which guests were served
from small dishes filled with various refined dishes.
This vessel was created through a number of sepa-
rate steps. It was initially thrown on the wheel and
then sculpted by hand. Three loop feet were then
added to the bowl and it bears traces of spur marks
on both the top and the bottom of the bowl, indicat-
ing that it was fired as a stack of smaller bowls and
dishes. The stoneware vessel was then covered with
a thick feldsparic glaze, which fired milky-white over
a simple iron decoration that had been applied with
a brush.1
The design on the upper surface of the bowl is
separated into two zones. The inner, round area is
decorated with a simple motif of three flying plovers
(chidori) on a blank ground. In Japanese visual cul-
ture, plovers are almost always paired with waves,2
and the lack of waves on this design is at first puz-
zling until one notices the fine under-glaze kugibori
»carved nail« indentation in the center of this area:
this indentation forms a single curving wave in the
middle of the three birds. The viewer is rewarded for
looking closely and the puzzle is now solved.
The second zone of decoration is on the rim. The
decoration here is formed of quickly-drawn, styl-
ized vines, curling out from two diagonally opposed
corners. Two other sides are marked with series of
parallel lines along the edges of the vessel. The fine
perforated design of round clusters are placed close
to the vines and may well represent clusters of fruit,
such as the grape.3 While the design appears simple
and spontaneous, it is in fact highly sophisticated.
Such a design could easily be imagined to have
been ordered by a tea master or artist with a keen
sense of play and visual design.�
Similar Shino bowls and dishes were often made in
sets of five and ten and used in the tea ceremony,
during the kaiseki meal.5 This particular type of bowl
would have been appreciated as a kaiseki vessel for
a number of reasons. First, as stated above, for its
visually appealing, sophisticated design. Second,
for ease of use: the central area could easily hold a
small amount of food without spilling, the three feet
giving the vessel stability. In addition, the uneven
surface of the vessel, with its heavy glaze, would
have provided a pleasantly tactile surface to hold
during the meal. Finally, the bowl would have creat-
ed an interesting temporal program: when food was
served, the food would have been in the center of
the bowl, framed by the outer zone with the design
of vines and fruit. Upon eating the food, the central
design of the plovers become gradually visible,
and, when the food was entirely gone, the indented
central wave would suddenly become visible, per-
haps accented by the food’s liquid runoff settling in
the wave-shaped indentation. The bowl carries yet
another association as both the plover / wave design
and that of the vines/grapes carry an autumnal as-
sociation. This Shino bowl would have been an ideal
vessel to serve that important guest at the autumn
tea setting.6
6�
19
Ko-Seto Vase
Muromachi period (1392–1573), 15th century
H 9 ¾", D 6 ½"
(2�.5 cm, 16.7 cm)
Stoneware with green wood-ash glaze
With inscribed kiri wood box
This early stoneware vase stems from a Seto ware
kiln, near the present city of Seto, in present-day
Aichi Prefecture. The vase, which has been formed
on a potter’s wheel, is elegantly shaped in the
meibing shape with a gradual outward curvature
as one goes up the object. The vase ends in a firm
shoulder and a generous neck and mouth, the latter
with a large midriff. The vase has been decorated
with three sets of lines (again, while on the wheel)
on the mid-body, on the edge of the shoulder and
halfway between the second line and the mouth.
There is no stamped decoration; rather, through a
generous application of ash-glaze, small rivulets of
olive-green glaze (caused by the reductive kiln) run
down the sides of the vase.1 This particular piece is
in excellent condition with only a small chip on the
mouth that has been repaired with gold lacquer.
The Seto kiln is traditionally seen as one of the Six
Old Kilns, taken to be the six medieval kilns active
in Japan at the time. Later research has shown that
there were a much larger number of kilns active at
this time, including Suzu ware, which also appears
in this catalog. According to tradition, the Seto kiln
was founded by one man, a Katô Kagemasa, who
traveled to China in 1223 and learned the Chinese
way of producing ceramics. Upon returning to Japan
and the Seto area, he set up production here. No
matter whether a historical Katô Kagemasa existed or
not, it certainly seems true that Chinese and Korean
ceramics played a large role in the early history of the
kiln, as many of the first products were imitations of
foreign luxury objects. Tenmoku bowls from China
were imitated as were Celadon vases from Korea and
China.
The Seto kiln also seems to have been one of the
most favored kilns at the time, judging from the
Seto ware excavated throughout the country, and
it is entirely possible that the Asihikaga shogunate
government in the city of Kamakura was a close
sponsor of the kiln in its earlier days. As the gov-
ernment also largely controlled the importation of
luxury vessels from outside Japan, it made excellent
economic sense for the government to also control
the production of the Japanese imitations.
This particular vase was made in the imitation of
Chinese Yingqing ware porcelain vases from the
Jingdezhen area.2 The type of vase was the meibing
(lit. »lotus blossom«) type that were imported to
Japan at this time.3 As the Japanese potters could
not produce porcelains at the time, the next best
solution was to produce stoneware with a thick
wood-ash glaze to give the impression of a celadon
porcelain vase. These vases have in the past been
discarded by some commentators as mere imita-
tions.� Recently, however, persuasive arguments
have been made for the aesthetic values of these
remarkable objects. It is important to remember
that the act of copying in East Asia is significantly
different than that in the West, and it is likely that
the imitations were seen as acts of homage to the
luxurious imports from exotic places.5
This type of vase was used for storing liquids for
both religious and non-religious occasions. The
pronounced midriff on the neck allowed ropes and
stiff paper to be tied to the top for a close seal
over the plug. An earlier type of Ko-Seto vases with
similar forms were produced in the Kamakura period
(11�5–1392). This earlier type, however, had various
stamped patterns, whereas the type seen in this
entry was without the stamped designs and is seen
to stem from the Muromachi period (1392–1573).6
A foremost ceramic expert, Katsura Matasaburô
(1901–19�6) has certified this particular piece to
have come from the Seto kiln and to date to the
mid-Muromachi period.7 His certificate, including
the size of the vase, and his signature and seals, is
placed on the underside of the kiri box lid.�
70
20
Suzu Jar with Paddled Design
Kamakura period (11�5–1392), 13th century
H 13 ¼", D 11 ½"
(33.5 cm, 29 cm)
Stoneware with natural ash glaze
The Suzu 珠洲 kilns were located on the northern tip
of the Noto 能登 peninsula in present-day Ishikawa
Prefecture, on the coast of the Japan Sea. The kilns
are thought to be a development of the medieval
Sueki ware culture, a type of ceramics closely related
to Korean prototypes that once spread across Japan.1
Some scholars have posited that the production of
the Suzu ware with its characteristic sandy clay, dark
gray coloring, and egg-shaped vessels, was initiated
by Korean potters that had arrived in the twelfth
century from the Korean peninsula, not very far from
the Noto area.2 Whatever the origins of the kilns, the
kilns enjoyed sponsorship by religious institutions
and aristocratic families, partly through the large
Wakayama manor on the same peninsular. Through
these connections Suzu vessels spread widely: ves-
sels have been excavated from numerous places
along the western coast of Japan, reaching as far
as southern Hokkaido. The first pieces of Suzu ware
that clearly differenciated from Sueki ware can be
placed in the twelfth century during the late Heian
period (79�–11�5) and the last pieces in the fifteenth
century during the Muromachi period (1392–1573).
After this period, the kilns were abandoned, perhaps
due to intense competition from the nearby Echizen
and Tokoname kilns.
This outstanding jar dates from the thirteenth century,
which, judging from the relatively large number of
pieces produced at this time, was a period of high
activity for the Suzu kilns.3 The pieces from this
period often display a highly developed paddling
technique (tataki 叩き) – where wooden paddles
with incised lines are beaten on the still-soft clay,
resulting in a distinct appearance, often likened to
plowing marks or pinecones. On well-designed pots,
the resulting texture alternates seamlessly between
areas of horizontal lines and diagonal lines, and this
particular pot is notable for carrying this technique
to a high point of technical sophistication. As usual
with works of this type, the outline of the jar, an
egg standing on its thin end, displays traces of the
clay coils from which the upper part of the body
was formed on top of a sculpted base. The outward-
opening short mouth of the jar is segmented into
two parallel parts and successfully counter-balances
the widening shape of the jar beneath it. This
jar does not display the heavy ash glaze of other
contemporary kilns, such as Tamba or Shigaraki,
but rather a thin glaze with traces of white spotting
from ash that fell on the parts of the body that were
exposed during the reductive firing.
A distinctive kiln mark can be seen on the shoulder
of this work in the form of three arcs that form a
circle.� Marks such as this, possibly made from the
carved end of a bamboo stick, are sometimes found
on Suzu vessels of this period. Specialists have
speculated on the exact meaning of these marks;
theories often center on possible religious functions
of the vessels.5 It is certainly possible that this
particular vessel with its sophisticated and carefully-
done design may also have been created as a com-
mission for a special religious ceremony.
The Suzu kilns have gained considerable attention
since the discovery of the kiln site in the 1950’s and
Suzu objects are now eagerly collected by museums
and collectors. Although the kilns were discontinued
during the Muromachi period, the area has since
fund new ceramic life as numerous potters have now
set up businesses in the Noto peninsula, in attempts
to renew the lost traditions of the Suzu kilns.6
72
21
Shigaraki Jar
Muromachi period (1392–1573), 15th century
H 1� ½", D 15 ¼"
(�7 cm, 39 cm)
Stoneware with natural ash glaze
This stoneware jar stems from the Shigaraki region,
a mountainous area in the modern-day Shiga Prefec-
ture, to the southeast of Kyoto. The jar embodies a
sense of austere beauty and a tour-de-force display
of surface detail, including firing spots, stone inclu-
sions, cracks and melted minerals throughout the
vessel. The construction of this bulbous, generously
bulging jar echoes that of other jars from this period:
from its silhouette, it becomes clear that the jar
was created in four rounds of clay-coil construction,
where the clay was allowed to partially dry between
applications. The neck and mouth was added at the
end, on the strongly articulated shoulder. As the jar
was not turned on a potter’s wheel, its asymmetry
displays a complex sense of movement, partly bal-
anced by the firm base, made larger than the mouth.
Reading the surface of the jar provides us with a
close, blow-by-blow history of its firing process. The
dramatic color patterns on the jar shows us where
the jar was placed within the kiln: where it was partly
exposed directly to the fire (the dark koge spots),
where partly exposed to fire without being touched
by it (the lighter browns), and where it was placed
right next to other ceramic vessels (the light oranges).
In this last group of light spots, it is possible to locate
sections where a ceramic object next to the jar
actually touched it during firing and became fused
together – the resulting chip occurred when the two
vessels were separated after the firing. In addition,
the large amounts of ash from the burning pine
wood settled on the vessel during firing and created
a pattern of gray glazes. Here, too, it is possible to
map out the location of the jar within the kiln: from
the amount of glaze, we can see which side of the
jar faced the fire at the front of the kiln and we can
tell from areas untouched by glaze, where objects
shielded the jar from the ash-carrying wind that blew
at high speeds through the kiln. The broken mouth
of this vessel possibly also occurred through the
spontaneous accidents of the firing process.
The surface of the jar, with its warm, glowing mosaic
of earth tones and textures presents the viewer with
an exciting spectacle of spontaneous events. As
the clay used in this unpretentious country kiln was
largely unfiltered, many pieces of rocks and minerals
became exposed during the construction and the
firing. Larger pebbles appear in the surface, some-
times (in the case of feldspar and quartz) fusing and
partly melting away. Other times, producing minor
explosions during the firing, leaving a burst pattern
in the clay. Yet in other places are holes, where
pebbles were forced out of the hardening clay during
the firing process.1
The Shigaraki kiln was thought to be one of the
Six Ancient Kilns that were thought active during
medieval Japan.2 We know now from excavations
that dozens of other kilns were also active during this
time, including the Suzu kiln, and that the medieval
ceramic world was quite complex and differentiated.
Shigaraki kilns, however, were one of the kiln sites
to gain fame from an early date, partly due to its
proximity to the capital city of Kyoto, and partly due
to the many tea masters, from the sixteenth century
onwards, who actively promoted the ceramics from
this area. Prior to the discovery of the kiln by the
tea aficionados, however, the Shigaraki kilns made
unpretentious objects for local farmers, merchants,
and religious institutions.3 Their jars were used pri-
marily for storage, for storing food and seeds for the
next season, and for Buddhist rites, for example, for
burials and the storing of ritual objects.
lacquers
76
22
Stacked Writing Box with QuailsKôda Shûetsu (1��2–1933)
Taishô period (1912–1926), 1920’s
H 7" × L 13" × W 9"
(1� cm × 32.7 cm × 22.5 cm)
Signed: Shûetsu saku (»Made by Shûetsu«)
With fitted kiri wood box, inscribed by the artist.
This finely executed stacked writing box (suzuribako)
is composed of a lower box for paper and an upper
box for recessed ink stone and water dropper. On
the outside is the finely delineated design of seven
quails, two on the upper lid and five around the four
sides. The quails, a symbol of autumn, are crafted in
gold takamakie with a high degree of naturalism and
are shown peacefully flocking in nature, forraging for
food on the roiro mirror-black lacquer ground of the
box exterior.
The box interior is formed by a textile pattern in the
togidashi technique on a nashiji ground; the design
playfully alludes to the fine brocade silk interiors of
many writing boxes. The artist, Kôda Shûetsu, was
the author of an important book on lacquer design,
and that expertise seems to have come to good use
in deciding the particular textile pattern that would
fit with the overall design of the box.1 The forms of
the box are placed in a dynamic balance between
the angular forms of the water pourer, the ink stone,
and the outer box, and the softly rounded shapes of
the abstract flower designs and the quails.
The artist has hidden his signature inside the writ-
ing box, beneath the ink stone, which must be
removed for the identity of the artist to be known.
Kôda Shûetsu 迎田秋悦 (1��2–1933) was a major
twentieth-century Kyoto lacquer artist. He was born
into a family of lacquer artists, his father being
the fifth-generation lacquer artist Yamamoto Rihei
(1�39–190�), and he became one of the leading
lacquer artists of his generation. He actively took
part in national and regional exhibitions and in form-
ing artist organizations to further the work of fellow
lacquer artists. He was one of the artists to take part
in the influential Kôshuen (Fragrant Lacquer Garden)
under the direction of Asai Chû (1�56–1907) in 1906.
In 1927 he formed Kôgei Shunsôsha (Spring Grasses
Society of the Arts) together with Ida Kôshû and in
1930, he took was the leading force behind the for-
mation of the Kinki Shukôka Kyôkai (The Kinki-Area
Lacquer Artist Association), which dissolved follow-
ing his untimely death three years later.
Shûetsu took part in numerous major exhibitions,
starting with the exhibition in 1915 to mark the
seventh anniversary of his father’s death. In 1920,
he, together with Akazuka Jitoku (1�71–1936), took
part in the first Tokyo exhibition, which was one of
the more important exhibitions of the Taishô period
(1912–1926). And in 1932 he was selected by the
government to take part in a large government-
sponsored exhibition for export of the arts.
Shûetsu’s works are in many major institutions,
including the Tokyo National Museum.
7�
Taishô period (1912–1926)
H 5" × L 15" × W 13"
(12.9 cm × 3�.2 cm × 32.� cm)
With fitted black lacquer kiri wood box
The anonymous designer of this spectacular lacquer
box for paper documents (ryoshibako) designed
the box with a finely detailed décor of pines and
blossoming cherry trees across its outer surfaces.
Moreover, he has divided the top cover into two
opposing sections, the lower right being occupied
by pine trees among flowering plants and the upper
left showing a misty landscape with flowering cherry
trees, pine trees, and smaller flowering plants. The
plants are detailed with the most luxurious gold
lacquer effects, including details in makie, takamakie
and kirigane techniques on kinpun and nashiji
ground.
The cover opens to reveal generous profusions of
autumnal grasses and flowers in takamakie and
kirigane on nashiji and kinpun clouds. Myriad types
of fall flowers are represented, including the hagi,
kuzu, sekichiku, Suzuki, kikyô, and otokoeshi, all
traditionally seen as symbolic plants of the autumn.
To finish the box design, the artist has had the
lacquered edges of the top and bottom halves en-
cased in heavy silver rims. No expense is spared in
producing the most luxurious effects. The only place
left devoid of design is the inside bottom, which was
purposely left bare, as this is where the documents
were meant to be stored.
The seasons of the plants were calculated to rep-
resent a contrast of the inside and outside: as the
winter and spring seasons are represented on the
outside, so the autumn season will contrast on the
inside. The beginning of the year is represented by
the buoyant spring scene on the front, while the
autumn intimates the coming end of the year. And
rather than inviting the viewer to look at individual
details, the artist has elected to go for massive ef-
fects: the rich sweeps of plants, both outside and
inside the box, stand in order to impress the over-
whelming richness of design and sheer profusion of
gold details and techniques.
23
Box with Pines and Sakura Blossoms
�0
Taishô period (1912–1926)
H 5" × L 15 ½" × W 12 ¼"
(12.3 cm × 39.7 cm × 31 cm)
With inscribed fitted kiri wood box
Inscription on lacquer box:
Uguisu no haru »Spring of the bush warbler«
This large black lacquer box for paper documents
(ryoshibako) displays a thick takamakie décor of a
flowering plum branch surrounded by straw and
inlaid mother-of-pearl characters in the lower right
upper left corners. The flowering plum tree is a
symbol of perseverance of the tree in winter’s cold,
and of the dying winter and of the spring which is
fast approaching. The dramatic moment of triumph
against the cold is further emphasized by the stark,
mirror-black roiro background surrounding the
flowers and by the straw, which has been wrapped
around the plum tree trunk in order to keep it from
dying in the frost. The inside of the document box
has a relatively simple design of bamboo leaves by a
flowing stream, which could also be interpreted as a
winter design.
The moment of triumph for the plum is often de-
picted in the form of the uguisu or bush warbler,
perched on the branches of the flowering plum. In
this case, the bird appears to be absent, but, in fact,
the two symbols, the plum and uguisu, are united
in the form of the mother-of-pearl character for the
word uguisu, which is located next to the lower right
of the branch. Here, then, a word takes the part of
an image, and the symbolic pair is united in two
different media.
The box comes with the original kiri wood box,
which, according to an attached label, belonged
originally to the Taishô Emperor before it was given
as a present, to mark the anniversary of his death
in the spring of 1927, the second year of the new
Shôwa reign. If this is indeed the case, then the
design of the cover plays perfectly along with the
occasion: the inscription, »the spring of the bush
warbler,« refers to a new start, the regeneration of a
something old and venerable, and, here, the plum
could be seen as the ancient Japanese imperial line
and the new spring, heralded by the uguisu, is the
ascent to the throne of the new Shôwa emperor.
24
Box with Plum Blossoms
�2
25
Kôetsu Lacquer Box with PoemIshikawa Rôseki 石川蝋石, 3rd generation (1950–)
Heisei period (19�9–present), 1996
H 3 ¼" × L � ¾" × W � ¾"
(�.2 cm × 22 cm × 22 cm)
With fitted wood box inscribed on top: Kazaribako:
Kôetsu utsushi suminoe makie
「飾箱・光悦写住ノ江蒔絵」»Ornamental Box: Copy of Kôrin’s Lacquer Suminoe.«
Inscription on side of fitted box: Heian Shishô
Rôseki zô 「平安・漆匠蝋石造」 »Made by Kyoto
Lacquer Master Rôseki«
Inscription on lacquer box:
Does my bellowed / avoid the eyes of others /
Even on dream paths / visited by night as [waves] /
Visit Suminoe [shore]? 1
Suminoe no / [kishi] ni yoru [nami] /
yoru sae ya / yume no kayoiji /
hitome yoguramu
This display box has a complex decoration and his-
tory. As for the decoration, a raging sea with wild
waves in hiramakie technique is pounding over a
shoreline carefully formed by fitted lead plates using
the ikakeji and kakewari techniques. The characters
of the poem are in silver takamakie. The poem winds
its way around the box, starting on the top and go-
ing down, right to left. The third line is placed in the
lower left corner, and the last two lines run around
the sides of the box. There are two omissions, how-
ever, as the words for kishi »rocky shore« and nami
»waves« are not included in words, but are instead
placed next to places with actual depictions of the
objects, the images taking the place of the words.
Thus the artist creates a witty and sophisticated
design where the cover speaks through lacquer,
poetry, words, and images, all in one.
The history of this box is also complex. A lacquer
box by Kôetsu (155�–1637), now lost, was the origi-
nal of this design, hence the title of this lacquer box.
Yet Rôseki did not see the original box by Kôetsu
but rather a copy that Ogata Kôrin (165�–1716) had
made of the original. This copy is now in the Seikadô
Foundation and comes with an inscription by Kôrin
saying that he saw the original box in Kôetsu’s home
in Takagamine.2 Moreover, the copy that Kôrin made
was clearly not an exact copy as we see distinct
elements of Kôrin’s pictorial style in the depiction
of the waves. Furthermore, Rôseki, when making his
copy of the Kôrin copy, also made transformations,
changing, for one thing, a writing box with utensils
to a display box. So we have a copy of a copy of an
original, where both copies changed elements of
the original.
Copying lacquer works of prior masters was a time-
honored tradition in Japan, and there are many
records of such events, partly caused by the high
incidence of fire and the likelihood of masterpieces
going entirely lost if not replicated. Documented
examples of such events include the famous set of
notes written by Kôami Nagasuki (1661–1723), when
he was asked by the Shogunate to make a faithful
copy of »a box with a plum branch design,« originally
made by Kôami Michikiyo (1�32–1500).3 Likewise,
industrialists such as Iwasaki Koyota, (the fourth
president of the Mitsubishi and one of the founders
of the Seikadô Foundation) were known for commis-
sioning copies of key works in their collections from
artists and artisans.�
The third generation Ishikawa Rôseki (1950– ), a
lacquer artist active in Kyoto today, is known for his
creative recreations of major lacquer works from
the Momoyama and early Edo periods.5 According
to the artist, he sees the act of recreating a famous
work as an act of homage to the master who origi-
nally made the work.6 Beside the obvious aesthetic
appeal and high level of technical craftsmanship of
his version of Kôetsu and Kôrin, the present work is
important for illustrating the process of transferring
(and altering) designs of older masterpieces, and
the act of creating, in the process, new visions in art.7
��
signatures and sealsReproduced actual size
Nr. 5 left
Nr. 5 right Nr. 7
Nr. 9Nr. �
Nr. 10
Nr. 12
Nr. 22
Nr. 11
Nr. 13
Nr. 1� Nr. 15
�5
Nr. 12
Nr. 13 Nr. 1�
Nr. 16
Nr. 19Nr. 25
Nr. 2�
box inscriptionsReproduced half size
Nr. 11
Nr. �
Nr. 10
Nr. 15
�6
Nr. 1 Flowers of the Four Seasons
1 See Kôno Motoaki. Ogata Kôrin. Nihon bijutsu
kaiga zenshû, vol. 17. (Tokyo: Shûeisha, 1976), ill. 17;
Minamoto Toyomune and Hashimoto Ayako, eds.
Tawaraya Sôtatsu. Nihon bijutsu kaiga zenshû, vol. 1�.
(Tokyo: Shûeisha, 1976), cat nr. �6; Takeda, Tsuneo,
et al. Nihon byôbue shûsei. (Tokyo: Kôdansha,
1977–�1), VII, 51 and 95 / 6; and Yamane Yûzô and
Kobayashi Tadashi, eds. Nihon no bi: Rimpa ten
zuroku. (Tokyo: NHK Promotion, 1996), cat. nr. 17.
Nr. 3 Fan Screen with Scenes from the Tales of Ise
1 Minamoto Toyomune and Hashimoto Ayako,
eds. Tawaraya Sôtatsu. Nihon bijutsu kaiga zenshû,
vol. 1�. (Tokyo: Shûeisha, 1976), cat nrs. �–12 and 23.
2 A diary entry from 1�3� by Fushimi no Miya Sada-
fusa, in his Kanmon gyoki mentions such a screen,
with 5� fans pasted on a screen with a depiction of
flowing water. See also Minamoto and Hashimoto,
cat. nr. ��, for an example by Sôtatsu.
3 Yamane Yûzô and Kobayashi Tadashi, eds. Nihon
no bi: Rimpa ten zuroku. (Tokyo: NHK Promotion,
1996), cat. nr. 16. Other examples are fan screens
where all fans had depictions of or allusions to
famous sites.
Nr. 4 Cranes of Summer and Autumn
1「土佐将監光起筆」(Tosa shôgen Mitsuoki hitsu)
Nr. 5 Four Elegant Pastimes
1 For images of the »Hikone Screen,« see, Hikonejô
Hakubutsukan, ed. Ii-ke denrai no meihô: kinsei
daimyô no bi to kokoro. (Hikone: Hikone-shi Kyôiku
Iinkai, 1993), �2–5.
2 See also Ishida Yoshiya and Yamamoto Yukari, eds.
Delightful Pursuits: Highlights from the Lee
Institute for Japanese Art at the Clark Center.
(Tokyo: Nihon Keizai Shimbun, 2002), 96–7.
3 See reference in Gôke, vol. 1, 211 and Yoshiya and
Yamamoto, 97.
Nr. 6 Flower Viewing in the Pleasure Quarters
1 See Asano Shûgô’s article in Kobayashi Tadashi,
ed. Manno Bijutsukan, Ukiyoe nikuhitsu taikan, vol. 7.
(Tokyo: Kodansha, 1996), cat. nr. 32. This type of
early fire-extinguisher was common to the Yoshiwara
district. However, the identity should not be identi-
fied too firmly as the Yoshiwara, since the artist may
also be describing an expansive restaurant with
garden, establishments that were gaining popular-
ity at this time, or he may be describing a generic
pleasure quarter, of which there were many, not only
in Edo and the eastern regions, but also in western
Japan, from where the artist originally came.
2 Also called Takeda Harunobu 竹田春信 and
Koga bikô 『古画備考』has Hasegawa Mitsunobu
長谷川光信. Another well used artist name was
Shôsuiken 松翠軒. Eishun had a very long career, an-
chored by an early handscroll dated 170� (illustrated
in Kokka �76) and works dated up to 1763. See also
Shimada Shûjirô, ed. Zaigai hihô. 6 vols. (Tokyo:
Gakushû Kenkyûsha, 1969), 2, 39, for a discussion of
this artist.
3 See Shimada, 1, ill. 3�; and also a handscroll illus-
trated in Kokka �76.
Nr. 7 Hakuin Ekaku: Daruma
1 The full title of the sutra is『大乗理趣六波羅蜜多経』and the above phrase appears as the eight rule in a
set of ten admonitions for Buddhist followers:
「八者常為心師不師於心」T. �.�9�b. This influential
notes
�7
phrase reoccurs in numerous other Japanese Bud-
dhist writings, for example, in Nichiren’s »Reply to
the Lay Monk Soya« 『曽谷入道殿御返事』.
2 For a study on the legendary nature and historicity
of Bodhidharma, see Yanagida Seizan. Daruma.
(Tokyo: Kôdansha, 19�1).
3 The ink was allowed to pool and naturally formed
concentric circles around small pieces of unground
ink. The pooling effect can also be seen within the
characters of the inscription.
4 See, for example, Takeuchi Naoji. Hakuin.
(Tokyo: Chikuma Shobô, 196�), 332–33�, and 337,
and Morita Shiryû. Bokubi Tokushû: Hakuin Bokuseki.
(Kyoto: Bokubisha, 19�0), 150.
5 See, for example, Jan Fontain and Money Hick-
man. Zen: Painting & Calligraphy. (Boston: Museum
of Fine Arts, 1970), 102–3.
6 See, Takeuchi, addendum, 9; Fontain and Hickman,
103; Katô Shôshun and Fukushima Shun’ô. Zenga no
sekai. (Kyoto: Tankôsha, 197�), 36, �1, 99, 159, and
1�5; and Zen Bunka Kenkyûjo. Bodhidharma Exhibi-
tion. (Tokyo: Isetan, 19��), cat. nr. 26, 31–33, and ��.
7 Takeuchi, �6.
8 See Takeuchi, Addendum, 9 and also ibid, cat
nr. 33� for a Menpeki Daruma in the gu character
that had been in Gudô’s private collection.
Nr. 8 Hakuin Ekaku: God of Agriculture
1 Shennong was described the fist time in a �th
century BCE text, 『滕文公章句』.He was further
elaborated by the Tang historian Sima Qian 司馬貞
(1�5–90 BCE) in his 『史記補・三皇本紀』, where he
is first described as having detailed knowledge of
medicine and the hundred medicinal herbs.
2 See images, for example, in Nihon Ishi Gakkai, ed.
Zuroku Nihon iji shiryô shûsei (Tokyo: Mitsui Shobô,
19�1), vol. 5, 11–15.
3 Takeuchi Naoji. Hakuin. (Tokyo: Chikuma Shobô,
196�), Addendum, 1�.
4 For example, the early 1�th century encyclopedic
publication, Terashima Ryôan. Wakan sansai zue.
(Tokyo: Tokyo Bijutsu, 1970), vol. 1, 202, describe him
in a text, as having a head of an ox.
5 For Hakuin’s visions of the Hakutaku, see
Takeuchi, �0–�1. See also current Hakutaku research
by Donald Harper.
6 The creative changes within Hakuin’s Hamaguri
Kannon paintings is the subject of an upcoming
article by the author.
7 Besides this image, at least three Hakuin depic-
tions of Shennong are known to be extant: two are
depicted in Takeuchi, 7� and 79 and a third exists in
the Shin-wa’an Collection, Japan.
Nr. 16 Hagi Tea Bowl, Named Usumomiji
»Pale Fall Colors«
1 For a discussion of wabi aesthetics, see Haga,
Kôshirô, »The Wabi Aesthetic throughout the Ages«
in Tea in Japan: Essays on the History of Chanoyu.
Kumakura Isao and Paul Varley, eds. Honolulu:
University of Hawai’i Press, 199�, 195–230.
2 For example, a poem by Nozawa Bonchô (16�0?–
171�) in Bashô’s anthology Saruminoshû (1691,
vol. 3): »Hada samushi takekiri yama no usumomiji«
(my skin grows cold / the pale autumn colors / of the
bamboo cutters’ mountains.« In this case, the words
refer to the season: as bamboo are typically cut
down in the eighth month, when the fall colors are
not yet fully developed, hence »pale.« The sense of
paleness also implies a sense of distance, to the far-
��
away bamboos and the workers who cut them.
3 For a useful discussion of this phenomenon, see
Yagi Ichio. »Uta-mei: The Poetic Names of Tea Uten-
sils.« Chanoyu Quarterly �3 (1996), 16–�0.
4 See, for example, the secret records of Enshû,
preserved at the Secret Transmissions of Hokô
甫公伝書, one of the »four tea transmissions«
Chadô shiso densho 茶道四祖伝書. Published in
the Chadô koten sôsho 茶道古典叢書 series, edited
by Matsuya Hisashige, Matsuyama Yonetarô, and
Kumakura Isao (Kyoto: Shibunkaku, 197�).
5 For the various traditions associated with the
inscriptions on boxes and documents, see two
articles by Louise Allison Cort. »Looking at White
Dew.« Chanoyu Quarterly �3 (19�5), 36–��, and
»The Kizaemon Teabowl Reconsidered: The Making
of a Masterpiece.« Chanoyu Quarterly 71 (1992),
7–30.
6 For examples of the two, see Oda Eiichi. Chadô no
hako to hakogakii (Kyoto: Tankôsha, 2003), 9�–5.
Nr. 17 Takatori Tea Bowl
1 Many Japanese warlords took Korean potters and
other laborers with them back to Japan. For ex-
ample, the daimyô of Hirado, Satsuma, Nabeshima
took with them 125, �0, and »a large number« of
Korean laborers, there amongst potters. For details
on the Korean Takatori potters, see Andrew Maske.
»The Continental Origins of Takatori Ware: The
Introduction of Korean Potters and Technology to
Japan through the Invasions of 1592–159�.« Trans-
actions of the Asiatic Society of Japan �th ser., 9
(199�), �3–61. Andrew Maske posits that, since Palsan
left Korea with his family and received a generous
stipend, he must have left voluntarily. However, this
does not necessarily follow.
2 In contrast to the Nishi Sarayama, which made
utilitarian objects. For details, see Takeshi Nagatake.
Agano, Takatori. (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1975), �5–95
and 136–1�0; and Andrew Maske. »A Brief History
of Takatori Ware.« Originally published on Morgan
Pitelka’s Japanese Ceramics website. See also his
upcoming book: Takatori Ware: Potters and Patrons
in Edo Japan. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Council on East Asian Studies Publications, 2006).
3 Nagatake, 116–7, 13�.
4 Maske, »A Brief History.«
5 For a discussion of tea aesthetics, see Haga,
Kôshirô, »The Wabi Aesthetic throughout the Ages«
in Tea in Japan: Essays on the History of Chanoyu.
Kumakura, Isao and Paul Varley, eds. Honolulu:
University of Hawai’i Press, 199�, 195–230
Nr. 18 Shino Serving Bowl
1 Shino ware is thought to have been the first ceramic
type in Japan to have decoration applied by brush.
2 Influence of Kakinomoto Hitomaro and his poem
in the Manyôshû: »O plovers, flying over the evening
waves, / On the lake of Ômi, / When you cry, my heart
grows heavy, / With memories of by-gone days.«
「淡海の海夕波千鳥汝が鳴けば心もしのにいにしへ思ほゆ」Nippon Gakujutsu Shinkôkai. The Manyôshû.
(New York and London: Columbia University Press,
1965), 50.
3 The grape was a non-native plant, but was well-
known through its appearance in Chinese paintings
and through references in classical Chinese litera-
ture. Another possibility is the yamabudô, a native
Japanese vinous plant with small fruits, somewhat
similar to the grape.
4 Japanese scholars have claimed that the Shino
designs derive entirely from native sources. See, for
�9
example, Tadanari Mitsuoka. »Momoyama jidai no
tôgei.« Sekai tôki kôza. Nihon section. (Tokyo:
Yûzankaku, 1972), 2, 2, 1�2. Japanese sources do
seem to predominate, and this bowl is such an ex-
ample. However, other sources, such as the imported
Chinese Tianqi porcelain plates may also have influ-
ences Shino designs through their simply drawn, but
sophisticated designs, especially as they were also
used in the kaiseki section of the tea ceremony.
5 Similar bowls and dishes can be seen in many
museums, for example, Barbara Brennan Ford and
Oliver Impey. Japanese Art from the Getty Collec-
tion in The Metropolitan Museum. (New York: The
Metropolitan Museum of Art, 19�9), 53; Lorna Price,
ed. A Thousand Cranes: Treasures of Japanese Art.
(Seattle: Seattle Art Museum, 19�7), 20�–5; Edmund
Capon, et al. Japan: Masterpieces from the Idemitsu
Collection. (Sydney: International Cultural Corporation
of Australia, 19�2), 136–7; and Yoshiko Kakudo. The
Art of Japan: Masterworks in the Asian Art Museum
of San Francisco. (San Francisco: Asian Art Museum
and Chronicle Books, 1991), 166–9.
6 For an English-language summary of the kaiseki
meal, see Hiroichi Tsutsui. »The History of the Kaiseki
Meal.« Chanoyu Quarterly 78 (199�), 7–�6.
Nr. 19 Ko-Seto Vase
1 In an oxidizing kiln, the glaze would turn dark
olive brown. See color examples of both types in:
Joe Earle, ed. The Toshiba Gallery: Japanese Art
and Design. (London: Victoria and Albert Museum,
19�6), ills. 11 and 12.
2 A number of other similarly-shaped vases were
made from other models, such as vases from China
and Korea. Points of differentiation were the size
and form of the mouth and the slope of the shoulder.
See the various styles in Okuda Naoshige. Ko-Seto.
Nihon tôji taikan, vol. 6. (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 19�9),
ills. 1�–27
3 See example excavated at Ehime Castle in Tsugio
Mikami. The Art of Japanese Ceramics. (New York
and Tokyo: Weatherhill, 1972), �2.
4 Soame Jenyns writes: »…Seto kilns’ attempts to
copy these [Chinese] celadon wares were a failure. It
was impossible to imitate these successfully with the
clay that was available. They only achieved a brownish
olive-green glaze, which, owing to the over-lavish
application of wood ash, coagulated and ran down
the surface of the vessels in rivulets, giving them a
curiously mottled and wrinkled appearance.«
Japanese Pottery. (London: Faber and Faber, 197�), �1.
5 See, for the aesthetics of imitation Koga Kenzô,
»Utsushi: The Aesthetics of Imitation.« Chanoyu
Quarterly 67 (1991), 7–3�.
6 Numerous examples of both types can be found
in museum collections. For the Kamakura types, see:
Barbara Brennan Ford and Oliver Impey. Japanese
Art from the Getty Collection in The Metropolitan
Museum. (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of
Art, 19�9), ��; Okuda Naoshige. Ko-Seto. Nihon tôji
taikan, vol. 6. (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 19�9), ills. 1�–27;
Hakone Museum of Art. Hakone Bijutsukan: kanshô
tebiki. (Atami: MOA Museum of Art, 19�2), ill. 22;
and Lorna Price, ed. A Thousand Cranes: Treasures
of Japanese Art. (Seattle: Seattle Art Museum,
19�7), 200. Examples of the Muromachi type can be
seen in: Edmund Capon, et al. Japan: Masterpieces
from the Idemitsu Collection. (Sydney: International
Cultural Corporation of Australia, 19�2), 130–1;
and Louise Allison Cort. Japanese Collections in
the Freer Gallery of Art: Seto and Mino Ceramics.
(Washington DC: Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian
Institution, 1992), 62–�.
7 Katsura wrote over thirty books on older Japa-
nese ceramics and was seen as the world’s greatest
authority on old Bizen ware.
90
8 The older inscription on the lid misdates the vase
to the Kamakura period. It also states that the vase
stems from an excavation.
Nr. 20 Suzu Jar with Paddled Design
1 For a thorough discussion of this question, refer to
Yoshioka Yasunobu. Chûsei sueki no kenkyû. (Tokyo:
Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 199�).
2 Sawada posits that the Korean potters brought the
tataki technique with them to the Noto peninsular.
Sazawa Yoshiharu, Tokoname, Atsumi, Echizen, Suzu.
Nihon tôji taikei. Vol. 7. (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 19�9),
p. 125.
3 Other examples of this period can be seen in
Sazawa, ill. ��–�5; Gotô Art Museum, Hokuriku no
kotô: Echizen, Suzu. (Tokyo: Nihon Kokusai Bijutsu
Sentâ, 19�5), ills 7�–�1. Hakone Museum of Art.
Hakone Bijutsukan: kanshô tebiki. (Atami: MOA
Museum of Art, 19�2), ill. 25. See also the collection
of the Suzuyaki Shiryôkan, Ishikawa Prefecture.
4 A similar kiln mark formed of three circles can be
seen in Gotô, ill. 79, and in Yoshioka, �0� (113–5)
and �10 (172).
5 Sawada suggests that the marks were intended as
marks or devotion or as specific prayers. Some jars
were indeed also used as containers for sutra burials.
Sawada, 125–6.
6 A museum now stands in the area: the Suzuyaki
Shiryôkan offers visitors and locals publications and
tours of the local history, ceramic traditions, and
excavated objects—while showing the works of con-
temporary artists. A clear attempt is made to unite
the old and new traditions of Suzu ware.
Nr. 21 Shigaraki Jar
1 Two jars with almost exactly the same forms, firing
patterns, and proportions can be seen in Mitsuoka
Tadanari. Shigaraki Iga. Nihon tôji taikei, vol. �.
(Tokyo: Heibonsha, 19�9), ill. 6, and Louise Allison
Cort. Shigaraki, Potters’ Valley. (Tokyo, New York,
and San Francisco: Kodansha International, 1979), ill. 2.
2 The Shigaraki area saw the production of sueki
ware from the fifth to the twelfth centuries. The
exact nature of contact between the sueki ware
produced in the area and the succeeding Shigaraki-
type ceramics has not been established. Although a
large number of ancient kilns have been excavated
in the Shigaraki, none of the kilns of the Shigaraki-
type predate the Muromachi period. See Masahiko
Kawahara. Shigaraki. Nihon tôji zenshû, vol. 12.
(Tokyo: Chûô Kôransha, 1977), 50.
3 For examples of Shigaraki Jars from the same
period in museum collections, see: Barbara Brennan
Ford and Oliver Impey. Japanese Art from the Getty
Collection in The Metropolitan Museum. (New York:
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 19�9), �6–�7;
Hakone Museum of Art. Hakone Bijutsukan: kanshô
tebiki. (Atami: MOA Museum of Art, 19�2), ills. 31–35;
Lorna Price, ed. A Thousand Cranes: Treasures of
Japanese Art. (Seattle: Seattle Art Museum, 19�7),
200–201; Edmund Capon, et al. Japan: Masterpieces
from the Idemitsu Collection. (Sydney: International
Cultural Corporation of Australia, 19�2), 126–7; and
Joe Earle, ed. The Toshiba Gallery: Japanese Art
and Design. (London: Victoria and Albert Museum,
19�6), 36–37.
Nr. 22 Stacked Writing Box with Quails
1 Together with younger brother Gôda Katei
(1��6–1961), wrote the Kyô makie monyôshû
『京蒔絵文様集』 (Kyoto Lacquer Design Collec-
tion), published posthumously by the Kyoto pub-
lisher Tankôsha in 19�0.
91
Nr. 25 Kôetsu Lacquer Box with Poem
1 Poem 559 in the Kokin wakashû. Above translation
by Helen Craig McCullough in Kokin Wakashû: The
First Imperial Anthology. (Stanford: Stanford Univer-
sity Press, 19�5), 127.
2 See, for example, Seikadô Foundation. Seikadô
Art Treasures. 2 vols. (Tokyo: Seikadô Foundation,
1992), I, ill. 170 and II, ��–�9.
3 These notes were themselves copied by Shibata
Zeshin and we now have the copies of the notes, but
not the originals, which are presumed to have been
lost to fire. See Bijutsu Kenkyû 99 (19�0), �95–509
and Andrew Pekarik. Japanese Lacquer, 1600–1900.
(New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 19�0),
121–3.
4 See, for example, Christine Guth. Art, Tea, and
Industry. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
5 Ishikawa Kometarô, the first generation Rôseki
established his workshop in central Kyoto during
1��5 and was active until 19��. Ishikawa Yasuji, the
second generation relocated the shop to its present
location in Fushimi, where the third generation
Ishikawa Kôji became head of the workshop in 1992.
6 Personal communication with the artist.
7 For the aesthetics of recreating famous works, see
Koga Kenzô, »Utsushi: The Aesthetics of Imitation.«
Chanoyu Quarterly 67 (1991), 7–3�.
92
Capon, Edmund, et al. Japan: Masterpieces from
the Idemitsu Collection. Sydney: International
Cultural Corporation of Australia, 19�2.
Cort, Louise Allison. Japanese Collections in the
Freer Gallery of Art: Seto and Mino Ceramics.
Washington DC: Freer Gallery of Art, Smithsonian
Institution, 1992.
Cort, Louise Allison. »The Kizaemon Teabowl Recon-
sidered: The Making of a Masterpiece.« Chanoyu
Quarterly 71 (1992), 7–30.
Cort, Louise Allison. »Looking at White Dew.«
Chanoyu Quarterly �3 (19�5), 36–��.
Cort, Louise Allison. Shigaraki, Potters’ Valley.
Tokyo, New York, and San Francisco: Kodansha
International, 1979.
Earle, Joe, ed. The Toshiba Gallery: Japanese Art
and Design. London: Victoria and Albert Museum,
19�6.
Fontain, Jan and Money Hickman. Zen: Painting &
Calligraphy. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1970.
Ford, Barbara Brennan and Oliver Impey. Japanese
Art from the Getty Collection in the Metropolitan
Museum. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of
Art, 19�9.
Gôke Tadaomi, ed. Shibata Zeshin meihinshû:
Bakumatsu kaikaki no shikkô kaiga. 2 vols. Tokyo:
Gakken, 19�1
Gotô Art Museum, Hokuriku no kotô: Echizen, Suzu.
Tokyo: Nihon Kokusai Bijutsu Sentâ, 19�5.
Haga Kôshirô. »The Wabi Aesthetic throughout the
Ages« in Tea in Japan: Essays on the History of
Chanoyu. Kumakura Isao and Paul Varley, eds.
Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 199�, 195–230.
Hakone Museum of Art. Hakone Bijutsukan: kanshô
tebiki. Atami: MOA Museum of Art, 19�2.
Kakudo Yoshiko. The Art of Japan: Masterworks in
the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco.
San Francisco: Asian Art Museum and Chronicle
Books, 1991.
Katô Shôshun and Fukushima Shun’ô. Zenga no
sekai. Kyoto: Tankôsha, 197�.
Kawahara Masahiko. Shigaraki. Nihon tôji zenshû,
vol. 12. Tokyo: Chûô Kôransha, 1977.
Kobayashi Tadashi, ed. Manno Bijutsukan, Ukiyoe
nikuhitsu taikan, vol. 7 (Tokyo: Kodansha, 1996)
Koga Kenzô. »Utsushi: The Aesthetics of Imitation.«
Chanoyu Quarterly 67 (1991), 7–3�.
Kumakura Isao, Matsuya Hisashige, and Matsuyama
Yonetarô, eds. Chadô koten sôsho. Kyoto:
Shibunkaku, 197�.
Maske, Andrew. »A Brief History of Takatori Ware.«
Originally published on Morgan Pitelka’s Japanese
Ceramics website.
Maske, Andrew. »The Continental Origins of
Takatori Ware: The Introduction of Korean Potters
and Technology to Japan through the Invasions of
1592–159�.« Transactions of the Asiatic Society of
Japan �th ser., 9 (199�), �3–61.
Maske, Andrew. Takatori Ware: Potters and Patrons
in Edo Japan. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Council on East Asian Studies Publications, 2006,
forthcoming.
Mikami Tsugio. The Art of Japanese Ceramics.
New York and Tokyo: Weatherhill, 1972.
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Press, 1999
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Oda Eiichi. Chadô no hako to hakogaki. Kyoto:
Tankôsha, 2003.
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Nihon tôji taikei. Vol. 7. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 19�9.
Takeuchi Naoji. Hakuin. Tokyo: Chikuma Shobô,
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Tochigi Prefectural Museum of Fine Arts. Iizuka
Rôkansai: Master of Modern Bamboo Crafts. Tochigi:
Tochigi Prefectural Museum of Fine Arts, 19�9
Tsutsui Hiroichi. »The History of the Kaiseki Meal.«
Chanoyu Quarterly 7� (199�), 7–�6.
Yagi Ichio. »Uta-mei: The Poetic Names of Tea Uten-
sils.« Chanoyu Quarterly �3 (1996), 16–�0.
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erik thomsen
japanese paintings and works of art
© 2006 Erik Thomsen
Text Nr.1–9 and Nr.16–25: Hans Bjarne Thomsen
Photography: Klaus Wäldele
Design: Valentin Beinroth
Production: Henrich Druck + Medien GmbH, Frankfurt am Main
Printed in Germany
Erik Thomsen
Asian Art
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