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Early Anglo-Saxon
Cremation in 2013
Knowledge, Understanding and the
EASCREM 13 Database Project
Matt Austin, 0817300
Cardiff University MA Dissertation,
September 2013
1
This project has shown me just how little I know,
and how much archaeology there is out there,
that I may never even get around to reading,
let alone understanding.
New sites are excavated daily,
and reports published in places I‟d never even think to look.
Sometimes the thought of the sheer amount of material out there makes me frantic,
and I feel like I am drowning in a sea of unachievable knowledge.
But then I just relax,
and remember to enjoy each and every moment I can share with the past.
2
Contents
Summary 4
Declaration 5
Acknowledgments 6
A Note on the Counties of England 7
Foreword 10
1. Introduction 12
1.1. Studying Cremation Cemeteries 12
1.1.1. What is Cremation? 12
1.1.2. The Archaeological Context 13
1.1.3. Antiquarian Study 13
1.1.4. Issues of Study 15
1.1.5. The Relationship Between Inhumation and Cremation 16
1.1.6. Chronology (and Chronological Sequence within Cemeteries) 17
1.2. From Pyre to Burial 20
1.2.1. How did they Cremate? 20
1.2.2. The Vessel 22
1.2.3. The Artefacts 26
1.2.4. The Grave 30
1.2.5 The Spatial Significance of Cremation 31
1.2.6. Multiple Cremation Burial 33
1.2.7. The Distribution of Cremation Burials 34
1.2.8. Summary 34
2. The EASCREM 13 Project 37
2.1. Creating the Database 37
2.1.1. Rationale 37
2.1.2. Approach 40
2.2. Using the Database 43
2.2.1. Analysis 43
2.2.2. Project Evaluation 54
3
3. Past, Present and Future Studies of Cremation 56
3.1. Studies of Cremation 56
3.1.1. The Nature of Burial Data 56
3.1.2. Myres and the Chronology of Pottery 57
3.1.3. Richards and the Significance of Form and Decoration 59
3.1.4. The Biography of a Cremation Urn 60
3.1.5. Memory and Transformation 61
3.1.6. Spiritual Approaches to Cremation 62
3.1.7. Social Analysis of Cremation in Lincolnshire 66
3.1.8. Cremation Cemeteries as „Central Places‟ 68
3.1.9. Reflections 70
3.2. Towards the Future 71
3.2.1. An Interpretation 71
3.2.2. Archaeology or Archaeologies? 72
3.2.3. Conclusions 75
List of Figures 78
List of Tables 79
List of Maps 79
References 80
Appendix I – Site Gazetteer 103
Cover image: A 6th
century cremation urn of „Buckleurne‟ type from The British Museum‟s
Townley Collection. Its exact find spot is unknown, but it probably originated from
Lincolnshire. Image courtesy of The British Museum Free Image Service.
4
Summary
This dissertation reports on the findings of the Early Anglo-Saxon Cremation in 2013
database project (EASCREM 13); a national survey of the evidence for cremation burial in
early Anglo-Saxon England ca. AD 400-650. The project is part of a structured and extensive
review of our knowledge and understanding of the earliest Anglo-Saxon mortuary custom. As
a whole, this study is intended to inform debate on the direction and future of cremation
studies, and to function as a useful scholarly resource in developing our understanding
further. It is hoped that this research will form the basis for future publications by the author
and that the database will be hosted online, either at personal expense or through a body such
as the Archaeological Data Service. The main text of the dissertation is structured into three
parts, but a 266 site gazetteer is also included as an appendix and the database itself, and
supporting documentation, is provided in CD-ROM format. In the first part, the evidence is
fully introduced and described in its wider historical and archaeological context. Following
on from this, the rationale, approach, results and evaluation of the project are detailed,
including the provision of national statistics and up-to-date distribution maps. The third and
final part is historiographical in nature, and charts the development of our understanding and
treatment of the evidence, as well as offering a general interpretation, recommendations for
future study and some concluding remarks.
5
Declaration
CANDIDATE‟S ID NUMBER
CANDIDATE‟S SURNAME
CANDIDATE‟S FULL FORENAMES
This work has not previously been accepted in substance for any degree and is not
concurrently submitted in candidature for any degree.
Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date …………………………
STATEMENT 1
This dissertation is being submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
MA Archaeology.
Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date …………………………
STATEMENT 2
This dissertation is the result of my own independent work/investigation, except where
otherwise stated. Other sources are acknowledged by footnotes giving explicit references. A
Bibliography is appended.
Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date …………………………
STATEMENT 3 – TO BE COMPLETED WHERE THE SECOND COPY OF THE
DISSERTATION IS SUBMITTED IN AN APPROVED
ELECTRONIC FORMAT
I confirm that the electronic copy is identical to the bound copy of the dissertation
Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date …………………………
STATEMENT 4
I hereby give consent for my dissertation, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and
for inter-library loan, and for the title and summary to be made available to outside
organisations.
Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date …………………………
STATEMENT 5 - BAR ON ACCESS APPROVED
I hereby give consent for my dissertation, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and
for inter-library loans after expiry of a bar on access approved by the Graduate Development
Committee.
Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date …………………………
6
Acknowledgements
Any substantial undertaking of research owes much to the people whose academic and non-
academic support allowed for its completion. Warm thanks are therefore given to Dr Steve
Mills and Dr Andy Seaman for tuition in the use of ArcGIS. The historic county boundaries
and raw map data were kindly provided by Digimaps and The Historic County Borders
Project (Historic Counties Trust). Attendance at the „Digital Resources: Data and Databases‟
graduate workshop as part of the International Society of Anglo-Saxonists Biennial
Conference in Dublin (27-28/07/13) greatly aided the construction of the database, and
particular thanks go to Professor Mary Clayton, Dr Peter Stokes, Professor Toni Healey,
Professor Michael Drout and Dr Anthony Harvey. Brief but informative conversations with
Professor Howard Williams and Dr Alan Lane were also welcome contributions to the
research process. My deepest gratitude, however, goes to Professor John Hines for his
patience, encouragement and support, not only during my MA but for the last five years. In
many respects, I would not be writing this dissertation, or indeed preparing for doctoral
research, if it wasn‟t for the encouragement of teachers and tutors past and present, so thanks
are also given more generally to individuals too numerous to list.
It is also hoped that this research will highlight just how indebted we are to learned
individuals past and present, who have laboured, in the field and at the desk, to create a
permanent record of excavations and archaeological findings. A quick perusal through the list
of references shows just how much has been written, and how often it has been penned by
only a handful of prolific scholars. Local archaeological societies that have undertaken the
time and cost of publishing their journals online also deserve particular commendation, and
this research would not have been possible in the given timeframe had these resources not
been so readily available. Because of the time, effort and generosity invested by a few
individuals, everyone in Britain has a historic environment they can enjoy and be proud of.
7
A Note on the Counties of England
The counties of England, and indeed the UK, have long been a subject of confusion. In
country pubs across the nation it is not uncommon to overhear heated debates about which
county people actually live in nowadays, or what they are supposed to write when asked for
their postal district. This is largely due to centralised and large-scale reorganisations from the
1970s onwards and the modern county is often difficult to decipher amongst the confusing
and interlocking matrix of metropolitan counties, unitary authorities and shire counties.
In the mid-Saxon period, the Kingdom of Wessex divided the lands under its rule into shires,
which later became known as counties. From this, a dynamic but fairly robust system of
county division became entrenched in English history and remained largely unchanged until
19th
and 20th
century changes. Significant reorganisation occurred in 1974 where large
counties like Yorkshire were divided into several smaller counties, such as the East Riding of
Yorkshire. Revisions have since taken place periodically, with the latest round of changes in
2009 dividing both Cheshire and Bedfordshire into smaller, non-metropolitan counties.
The decision has been taken to use the historic counties of England for this dissertation (Fig.
1). Such a choice was not taken lightly, but it was felt beneficial for a number of reasons.
Firstly, due to the afore mentioned confusion felt by many, and the fact that there will almost
certainly be further reorganisations, it made sense to use a well-defined, pre-existing and
widely understood system. Furthermore, the use of historic counties allows the document to
concur with Audrey Meaney‟s 1964 gazetteer, which is easily still one of the most useful
reference texts we have for early Anglo-Saxon archaeology. Finally, it was felt that the
distribution of 5th
and 6th
century cremation cemeteries would have greater accord with
ancient divisions of land use, which were largely derived from the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms
themselves, than modern, often arbitrary boundaries. Alongside historic counties, modern
unitary authorities have also been recorded for all sites to provide some sense of modern
spatial position. Any inconsistencies or mistakes are, of course, the author‟s own
responsibility.
8
Fig.1: The historic counties of the UK (after The Historic Counties Trust 2010, 1)
9
ABN Aberdeenshire
AGL Anglesey
ANG Angus
ANM Antrim
ARG Argyllshire
ARH Armagh
AYS Ayrshire
BNF Banffshire
BED Bedfordshire
BER Berkshire
BRW Berwickshire
BRN Brecknockshire
BUC Buckinghamshire
BTE Buteshire
CRN Caernarfonshire
CTN Caithness
CMB Cambridgeshire
CRD Cardiganshire
CRM Carmarthenshire
CHE Cheshire
CLM Clackmannanshire
CNW Cornwall
CRT Cromartyshire
CUM Cumberland
DBH Denbighshire
DRB Derbyshire
DVN Devon
DRS Dorset
DWN Down
DMF Dumfriesshire
DUN Dunbartonshire
DRH Durham
ELT East Lothian
ESE Essex
FRM Fermanagh
FFE Fife
FLT Flintshire
GLM Glamorgan
GLC Gloucestershire
HMP Hampshire
HRF Herefordshire
HTF Hertfordshire
HNT Huntingdonshire
INS Inverness-shire
KNT Kent
KNC Kincardineshire
KNR Kinross-shire
KCB Kirkcudbrightshire
LNK Lanarkshire
LCS Lancashire
LCR Leicestershire
LNC Lincolnshire
LDR Londonderry
MRN Merionethshire
MSX Middlesex
MLT Midlothian
MNM Monmouthshire
MTG Montgomeryshire
MOY Morayshire
NRN Nairnshire
NRF Norfolk
NHP Northamptonshire
NHB Northumberland
NOT Nottinghamshire
ORN Orkney
OXD Oxfordshire
PBS Peeblesshire
PMB Pembrokeshire
PRT Perthshire
RDN Radnorshire
RNF Renfrewshire
RSS Ross-shire
RXB Roxburghshire
RTL Rutland
SKK Selkirkshire
SHT Shetland
SHP Shropshire
SMS Somerset
STF Staffordshire
STL Stirlingshire
SFF Suffolk
SUR Surrey
SUS Sussex
SRL Sutherland
TYN Tyrone
WRW Warwickshire
WLT West Lothian
WML Westmorland
WGT Wigtownshire
WTS Wiltshire
WRC Worcestershire
YRK Yorkshire
10
Foreword
Cremation cemeteries are something of an enigma in early Anglo-Saxon studies. Whilst we
have identified and excavated them for centuries we are only just starting to study them.
Antiquarian scholars were able to describe the urns, often with commendable clarity of mind
and literary eloquence, but their contents were frequently discarded (Wilson 1992, 179).
Indeed, it was not until the 1980s and 1990s that scholars started to realise that cremated
remains could reveal ageing, sexing and pathological data (e.g. McKinley 1994a). More
recent studies are really starting to get to grips with the cremation data – both in terms of
description and explanation. Close analysis and a scientific approach have allowed Gareth
Perry (2011; 2012) to argue convincingly that many urns, at least in his survey area, were
reused domestic wares and not produced specifically for the funeral. Similarly, Kevin Leahy
(2007) and Thomas Green (2008) have been developing interesting social interpretations of
the mortuary rite and its context in Lincolnshire. Howard Williams has also written widely on
the central social and spatial role of cremation cemeteries (2002a), the agency of the deceased
in cremation practice (2004) and even the mnemonic character of funerals themselves (2006a;
2006b). As the earliest funerary rite practised by Anglo-Saxon settlers, and possibly even the
natives they encountered, cremation cemeteries are phenomenally important to our
understanding of the early Anglo-Saxon period. Most notably, they are a major source of 5th
century evidence; a century shrouded in archaeological and historical mystery. They also
have important ramifications for understanding identity – be it ethnic, socio-political or even
spiritual. It is only fitting then that such a crucial body of evidence should finally be getting
the scholarly attention it deserves. Truly, it is an exciting time to be involved in such studies.
This dissertation originally started out as a spiritual analysis of cremation cemeteries titled
„Cremation Cemeteries and Religious Belief in Early England‟. It was quickly realised,
however, that such an endeavour would be hindered by the difficulty in efficiently finding
information. Most recently excavated cremation cemeteries are published with commendable
detail. Unfortunately, this is not the case for the greater number of earlier excavations.
Furthermore, there are very few general, or even specific, synthesises of the cremation
evidence. In order to understand the national and general context a database was maintained
throughout preliminary researches. This endeavour eventually snowballed into a project in its
own right, which has since been titled Early Anglo-Saxon Cremation in 2013 (EASCREM
13). A national database was attempted in order to consider the evidence for cremation in a
11
general manner, and to make broad conclusions as a means to characterise the state of
knowledge. From this, the dissertation became more about what we know and how we can
proceed than any original contribution to our understanding of the spirituality of the early
Anglo-Saxons. Despite this, as a resource and general synthesis it is hoped that this
dissertation might help inform the debate on this important body of evidence.
The EASCREM 13 project database has been included in electronic form with this
dissertation, and should be used for more complex searches and interrogations of the data
(see attached CD-ROM). A printout of the database has also been included by way of written
gazetteer, organised alphabetically (Appendix I). Where a site is referenced in the text of the
dissertation a gazetteer number is usually given e.g. EASCREM 213 for Spong Hill, Norfolk.
This number corresponds with the ID number of the site, and its numerical position in the
gazetteer, linking the text with the written gazetteer so that the reader can turn to the relevant
entry for an overview of the site and a list of relevant references.
Matt Austin, September 2013
12
1. Introduction
1.1. Studying Cremation Cemeteries
1.1.1. What is Cremation?
Cremation comes from the Latin word cremare („to burn‟) and can be simply understood as
the deliberate act of burning a deceased person‟s body as part of a mortuary rite. In modern
Britain cremation is an attractive idea due to the expense and difficulty often encountered in
finding a grave spot for inhumation, and also provides a tangible end-product which can be
stored in an urn for memorial purposes or scattered at a place of meaning to the deceased.
Such concerns would not have been felt by the inhabitants of early Anglo-Saxon England,
however, where the population was substantially lower and the landscape open and largely
unsettled. This is not to say that cremation was the only mortuary rite available to the early
Anglo-Saxons, however, as at many cemeteries people seemingly practised both cremation
and inhumation concurrently.
Scientifically speaking, cremation is the dehydration and oxidation of the organic
components of the body. It is by no means a swift process, however, and even modern
crematoriums using temperatures of 500-1000°C may take an hour or so for a single
individual (McKinley 1994a, 72-6). The time, temperature, fuel, availability of oxygen and
evenness of heat across the body dictate the success of a cremation. In perfect conditions, the
products of a cremation should be ash and calcined bone, which ranges in colour from black
(charred) to white (fully oxidised). It has been estimated that the products of a successful
cremation are typically 5.7% of the deceased‟s body weight (McKinley 1994b, 339).
Calcined bone is very resistant to environmental degradation and can be incredibly useful for
determining a range of information about an individual such as age, sex and pathology. In
modern cremations the calcined bone is frequently crushed and mixed with the ashes, which
is why modern funerary urns can be quite small (Lucy 2000, 104). In the early Anglo-Saxon
period, however, both the ashes and calcined bones were deposited in reasonably large urns,
typically 15-30cm in height (Richards 1987, 194).
13
1.1.2. The Archaeological Context
The mortuary practices of the inhabitants of southern and eastern England in the immediate
Post-Roman period are markedly different to what came before, in the Late Roman period,
and what occurred concurrently in the west and north of Britain. That the Anglo-Saxons
hailed from northern Germany and southern Scandinavia and brought new ideas, technologies
and beliefs to England in the first half of the 5th
century (or very late 4th
century as feoderati
e.g. Hawkes 1961; Welch 1993) is a long-established fact which is supported by
archaeological, historical, linguistic and toponymic evidence (Kemble 1849; Myres 1969;
Hines 1990a; Cleary 1993; Scull 1995; Hills 2003; Brugmann 2011) Whilst there was already
a long tradition of cremation in Britain by the time of the Adventus Saxonum, particularly in
the Bronze Age and Early Roman periods, it had not been practised to any real extent for
hundreds of years. It is interesting, then, that the Anglo-Saxons brought the rite of furnished
cremation to the shores of England in the 5th
century, and proceeded to practise it widespread
across the southern and eastern extents of the landmass. Such migration is part of a wider
phenomenon in north-west Europe, and beyond, called the Migration Period or occasionally
the Post-Roman transition. Between the end of the province of Britannia, which is generally
seen to occur in approximately 410 AD, and the establishment of historically-attested Anglo-
Saxon kingdoms, such as Wessex, Kent and Northumbria in the 7th
century, we can identify a
distinct archaeological shift (Cleary 1993, 58; 2011, 13-14). Accordingly, the 5th
and 6th
centuries – the so-called Dark Ages – are an incredibly potent, dynamic and formative period
for archaeological enquiry, not least in terms of mortuary practice.
1.1.3. Antiquarian Study
As a key component in this striking shift in funerary practice, cremation burials have been
observed and studied by learned individuals for centuries, possibly even as early as the 16th
century if John Leland‟s c.1540 account of “Yerthen Pottes yn order cum cineribus
mortuorum” found at Kenninghall by John Dicons is to be interpreted as Anglo-Saxon urns
(Smith 1964, 120; Meaney 1964, 177; EASCREM 132). The scholarly collection, recording
and study of early Anglo-Saxon cremations began in earnest in the 17th
century, although
whether the cremated deceased were Roman, British or Anglo-Saxon was not determined
until the late 18th
century (e.g. Camden 1607; Browne 1658; Salmon 1736; Douglas 1793;
Lucy 2000, 10-11). This idea was well refined in Kemble‟s seminal paper „Burial and
14
Cremation‟ (1855), in which he identified similarities between urns found in eastern England
and in northern Germany. Indeed, the 19th
century was a crucial time in the establishment of
Anglo-Saxon archaeology more generally, with the founding of county archaeological
societies and the writings of such prolific scholars as John Yonge Akerman, Charles Roach
Smith and John Kemble (Akerman 1855; Smith 1850-68; Kemble 1849; 1855; Hines et al
2013, 14). This is not to say that cremation has been the traditional focus of scholarly interest,
however. In fact, substantially more attention has been lavished on furnished inhumations,
and cremations are seldom afforded comparable levels of detailed study. As alluded to in the
foreword, frustrations with such an imbalanced treatment of the mortuary evidence are a key
reason for the undertaking of this study.
Despite the early recognition of Anglo-Saxon cremations, the main problem that has
seriously harmed their study has been the attitude in which the evidence has been
approached. Many early scholars had little interest in the contents of the urns and often threw
them away (Hills 1980, 197). Cremated bone was seen as worthless and there seemed little
point dwelling on burnt artefacts when unburnt versions existed in the inhumation burials.
This is not to say that such behaviour was not to be expected for the time, though, as even
unburnt bone was frequently ignored and the standards of recording and publication across
the field of archaeology were incredibly variable. Simply put, it was a different time with
different priorities, as was well summarised by David Raoul Wilson:
“So often in the past it has simply been the urns that have been considered worthy of
examination and discussion and their contents, apart from obvious artefacts, have
been ignored or thrown away, and it is only recently that we have become aware of
the range of information that the cremated bones can provide”
(Wilson 1992, 179)
The attitude articulated here has unfortunately been the common approach towards cremation
for most of Anglo-Saxon archaeology‟s existence. Indeed, Howard Williams (2002b, 62) has
gone as far as to describe the historiography of Anglo-Saxon cremation studies as a
systematic incomplete treatment of the data. Despite this, modern approaches and new
osteological and other techniques now allow us to extract a plethora of important information
from cremated bone, including age, sex, pathology, diet, provenance, date, MNI (minimum
number of individuals) and there is now even the possibility of extracting genetic material
(McKinley 1994a; 1994b; 2000; Lanting et al 2001; Williams et al 2004; Ye et al 2004; Olsen
et al 2008; Schurr et al 2008; Gonçalves 2012. 36; Harrison 2013; also see 1.2.6.). In addition
15
to this, the typological classification of burnt artefacts is more refined than ever and recent
work has shown how much information can be obtained from the study of accompanying
animal remains (Bond 1996; Hines et al 2013). The significant scope for analysing cremated
remains is only just being realised, and the detailed study of the populations who practised it
is an exciting and productive area to be working in. Indeed, the potential for cremation
studies is truly vast.
1.1.4. Issues of Study
Richards (1987, 112) has detailed four key problems associated with the study of cremated
human remains:
Cremated remains were seldom kept in early excavations
Environmental preservation levels vary, as does the extent of cremation the remains
have undergone
The useful osteological study of cremated remains is a young discipline, and lacks the
refinement of studies of unburnt bone
There is a lack of agreed criteria and age range categories in the reporting of
demographic data.
It has been over twenty five years since Richards penned that list, but all four are still relevant
concerns when considering cremation burials. The analysis of cremated remains is
developing at a rapid pace, however, and some of the research in recent years is significantly
changing our understanding of cremation (e.g. Squires et al 2011; Gonçalves 2012). That
there is a lack of agreement on age ranges and other demographic data is an issue not
exclusive to cremation studies, though, and it is common to read two different cemetery
reports with two different systems (e.g. compare Patrick et al 2007, 213-15 with Gibson
2007, 250). There are also difficulties faced in terms of preservation, with some sites being
able to produce ageing data with a high level of precision, whilst in others, particularly older
accounts, it is sometimes only possible to differentiate between adults and children.
Perhaps the biggest problem has been the fact that cremation urns are generally placed in
very shallow pits, therefore making them very susceptible to damage by wildlife and human
activities such as ploughing. Many of the large cemeteries found in the 18th
, 19th
and early
16
20th
centuries were partially destroyed by industrial means such as gravel extraction and
quarrying. Identifying a cremation from scattered remains and pot sherds is also a difficult
task. A good example of the harsh reality of cremation cemetery survival is the case of
Markshall and Caistor-by-Norwich, both in Norfolk and situated about 500m apart from each
other (EASCREM 53 and 153). Although Caistor-by-Norwich had been excavated with little
publication prior to F.R. Mann‟s excavations of 1932-1937, he was able to salvage a good
number of burials and get a feel for the extent of the cemetery, meaning that Myres and
Green (1973) were therefore able to publish a useful and scholarly account. The cemetery at
Markshall, however, was so badly destroyed and the accounts so confused that Myres and
Green (1973) were unable to publish it to any comparable standard. It goes without saying
that the full excavation of a cemetery is desirable and allows us to analyse the data in its
entirety. Few cemeteries have been completely excavated, though, and much of the data we
have to work with is a sample, which may or may not be representative of the wider
cemetery, locality, region, etc. Elsham Wold, Yorkshire (EASCREM 88), Mucking, Essex
(EASCREM 160) and Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) have all been totally excavated,
and provide incredibly useful datasets, but many other sites, particularly older excavations,
are incomplete.
1.1.5. The Relationship between Inhumation and Cremation
Cremation burials are found singularly, such as at Folkestone, Kent (EASCREM 102), in
small groups, as found at Sutton Bonnington, Nottinghamshire (EASCREM 228), as a
contingent of burials in a mixed rite cemetery, at Apple Down, Hampshire (EASCREM 10)
for example, or in vast numbers at „pure‟ cremation cemeteries, like Lackford, Suffolk
(EASCREM 140). Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) has the largest number of
cremations ever found at one site, with a minimum number of 2484. Conversely, small
numbers of cremations can be found in cemeteries with hundreds of inhumations, such as the
c.35 cremations and c.200-300 inhumations found at Highdown Hill, Sussex (EASCREM
122). Where inhumation and cremation are practised concurrently, the relative frequencies of
each rite in a cemetery are an interesting avenue of enquiry. Sometimes a small group of
cremations are found in a large inhumation cemetery but other cemeteries might have
inhumations as the minority, or in roughly equal numbers. Accordingly, the term „mixed rite
cemetery‟, which is found frequently in the literature, is perhaps a little misleading; it is a
17
term that encompasses a vast range of cemetery types and has no strict definition. In her
classic gazetteer of early Anglo-Saxon burial sites, Audrey Meaney (1964, 29) simply used
the term to describe a site where both rites were observable. However, such an approach
therefore considers an inhumation cemetery with a handful of cremations to be the same as a
cemetery where both rites were practised equally. Kevin Leahy has instead suggested:
“It might perhaps be better to divide the cemeteries into large (regional), and small
(local), rather than cremation and inhumation.”
(Leahy 2007, 10-11)
Whilst the size of a cemetery is important it seems such a system of classification suffers
from being overly simplified. Cremation was practised by a small minority at Eriswell,
Suffolk (EASCREM 91), with only 17 cremations to 426 inhumations. To say that this
cemetery is the same general classification (e.g. large) as Mucking II, Essex (EASCREM
160), which had 468 cremations and 282 inhumations, fails to acknowledge the very different
compositions of the two cemeteries. Accordingly, a classification system was developed for
the EASCREM 13 project based on the ratios of cremations and inhumations in a cemetery
(2.1.2.). Such a system allows for a distinction between sites where cremation was the only,
minority, majority or equal rite, and the minimum and maximum numbers of burials have
also been recorded to give an indication of size.
1.1.6. Chronology (and Chronological Sequence within Cemeteries)
That furnished cremation was the dominant funerary rite in Iron Age northern Germany and
southern Scandinavia has long been recognised (Ravn 2003, 22-35). Such burial practice is
markedly different to the unfurnished inhumation, primarily oriented W-E, that was
commonplace in Late Roman southern and eastern Britain (O‟Brien 1999, 1-26; 85). It is not;
therefore, a massive leap of interpretation to see the emergence of furnished inhumation in 5th
century eastern England as at least being partially influenced by the meeting of these two
cultures. Cremation consequently occupies an interesting position within the wider transition
from Late Roman Britain to Anglo-Saxon England. The funerary rite is by no means
standardised, however. For example, it was continuously practised throughout the 5th
and 6th
centuries at Cleatham, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 68) but was quickly abandoned and replaced
by inhumation at Croydon, Surrey (EASCREM 76). It was not always restricted to the 5th
and
18
6th
centuries, though, and high status cremations are known from the 7th
century at Sutton
Hoo, Suffolk (EASCREM 229) and Asthall Barrow, Oxfordshire (Leeds 1933; Dickinson and
Speake 1992; EASCREM 12). On the chronological sequence of cremation, E.T. Leeds
suggested that:
“Cremation was quickly replaced by inhumation due to practical difficulties and
cultural interactions with native groups”.
(Leeds 1933, 234)
And it is true that, chronologically speaking, cremation is less common towards the end of
the 6th
century, and quite rare indeed in the 7th
century, but Leeds‟ view does not account for
the variation observable on a site by site basis (Williams 2011, 242; Hines et al 2013, 524).
There presumably must have been a plethora of practical, socio-political and perhaps even
spiritual factors influencing the choice to cremate, which led to an early decline of the rite at
some sites whilst aiding its continuation for over a hundred years at others. It has been
suggested that the ending of cremation burial is linked to the Christian conversion, with such
scholars as Martin Carver (1998, 136) interpreting the elite cremations at Sutton Hoo, Suffolk
(EASCREM 229) as an overtly defiant reaction to Christendom. However, whilst we can be
confident in arguing that, by and large, cremation was an Anglo-Saxon phenomenon which
was brought with the Adventus Saxonum¸ we are less certain of the date and means in which
is ceased to be practised. Indeed, Rik Hoggett has commented that:
“Despite the enormous quantity of curated and published material, the precise dating
of cremation remains problematic and its chronological cut-off point is rarely
discussed in the literature.”
(Hoggett 2007, 31)
There are very few incidences of cremation that can be confidently dated to the 7th
century,
and a complete absence of cremations can often be seen as an indication of later date (Leahy
2007, 10). The most noteworthy exception to this is the single cremation burial discovered at
Kidderminster Foreign, Worcestershire (EASCREM 137) with a calibrated radiocarbon date
range of AD 663-773 at 1 sigma (Jackson et al 1994, 13-15). This case exemplifies just how
underdeveloped the chronology of early Anglo-Saxon cremation truly is. Very few
cremations have ever been radiocarbon dated, burnt artefacts are harder to identify and date
typologically than their unburnt cousins and even Myres (1969; 1977) himself gave few
absolute dates for the urns. In fact, his dates were generally only accurate to the century. Such
19
a situation is in binary opposition to studies of inhumation burials, where chronologies are
very developed – perhaps best evidenced by the recent publication of a major report which
drastically refines the chronology of 6th
and 7th
century inhumation burials and their artefacts
(Hines et al 2013). It would be difficult to even know where to begin if such a report was
commissioned for cremation burials!
Taking this strand of thought further, although few cremation burials can be confidently dated
to the 7th
century, it is also the case that the majority can neither be confidently dated to either
the 5th
or 6th
centuries. The lack of a refined chronological basis for cremation allows for
speculation for it continuing into the 7th
century, particularly in cases where cremations are
found in hanging-bowls, which are often viewed as a 7th
century „final phase‟ phenomenon
(Geake 1999, 1; 5; 17-18). The dating of cremated remains is now at an acceptable standard if
Accelerator Mass Spectrometry is used (Langting et al 2001), and there are also interesting
results from the use of Infrared Spectrometry paired with carbon stable isotope analysis
(Olsen et al 2008). However, it is possible that the cremation process can influence the
carbon content of bones, therefore disrupting accurate radiocarbon dating (Snoeck 2013).
Outdoor experiments with animal cremations found that the cremated remains exchanged
large amounts of carbon; in one example this meant that modern cremated remains were 4000
years old in radiocarbon terms. Whilst this research is preliminary and limited in scale, it is
an important consideration to bear in mind when considering the very few radiocarbon dated
cremations we have.
Dating cremations through pottery chronologies is also possible, and Myres (1969; 1977)
used continental chronologies to create the first systematic chronology for the ceramic
material. The final volume of the Spong Hill report series presents a chronology for the
cemetery which is informed by the form and decoration of urns and which dates the majority
of the cremations to the 5th
century, with some significantly earlier than AD 450 (Hills and
Lucy, forthcoming; Hines et al 2013, 518). In many respects, the timing of this paper is
unfortunate, for the full publication of said volume will likely change our understanding quite
dramatically, and provide a widely-applicable chronological framework for considering
cremation in eastern England.
20
1.2. From Pyre to Burial
1.2.1. How did they Cremate?
There is quite some debate as to the nature of early Anglo-Saxon cremation processes. Of
significance to this is the growing body of evidence for possible remains of pyres, and
examples have been found at Asthall Barrow, Oxfordshire (EASCREM 12), Chavenage,
Gloucestershire (EASCREM 62), Little Wilbraham, Cambridgeshire (EASCREM 146) and
Snape, Suffolk (EASCREM 204). One of the first serious attempts to explain the Anglo-
Saxon approach to cremation was by Wells (1960). His study of the cremations at Illington,
Norfolk (EASCREM 130) concluded that individuals had been laid out and the pyre created
on top of them, leading to incomplete cremation and causing disturbance when the pyre
collapsed. McKinley (1994a; Fig.2) has presented an alternative case in which pyres were
made from overlapping timbers to create a roughly square structure. The gaps between the
timbers would be filled with brushwood and easily combustible materials, whilst the need for
ventilation (something that Well‟s model doesn‟t properly account for) would be fulfilled by
a small pit underneath. The individual would then be laid out on top of the pyre, creating a
centre of heat around the body and possibly explaining why extremities like hands and feet
are often found incompletely cremated. It is estimated that a cremation could take up to ten
hours to finish and could reach temperatures of 1200°C (McKinley 1994a, 84; Williams
2004, 271-2). Julie Bond (1996, 80; Fig.3) has thrown an interesting point into the debate,
however. She notes the sheer quantity of animal bone present in many cremations,
occasionally including whole animals, making the required size of certain pyres much larger
than perhaps Wells or McKinley envisioned (1.2.3. and 1.2.6.).
The conditions of a pyre have traditionally been determined from macroscopic study of
cremated remains. The most common examination is based on colour, which reflects the
temperature range and oxidising conditions of the cremation process. Where oxygen is in
abundance, known as oxidising conditions, cremated bone is buff or white in colour, but if
there is a lack of oxygen the process is incomplete and remains appear charred, blue or grey
(McKinley 2000, 405). Shipman et al (1984, 312-313) have suggested a classification of five
types of burnt bone, based on colour, which is summarised in Fig.4.
In addition to macroscopic methods, microscopic analyses have been employed in recent
studies to derive more refined results. Thin-section analysis and Fourier Transform Infrared
21
Fig.2: S. Mallard‟s artistic impression of an early Anglo-Saxon funeral pyre, drawing
on the idea of the interlocking timbers and hazel brushwood put forward by McKinley
(1994a). The sheer number of burnt beads, brooches and buckles we find in cinerary
urns confirms that many people would have been buried clothed. Similarly, evidence
of refired sherds indicates the inclusion of accessory vessels on the pyre. In contrast to
this depiction, however, is the rarity of spearheads and shield bosses found with
cremations (after Glasswell 2002, 49)
Spectroscopy (FTIR) have recently been applied to cremated remains at Elsham Wold,
Lincolnshire (EASCREM 88) to more closely consider the pyre conditions and the influence
of cremation on the microstructure of bone (Squires et al 2011). The results of twenty-four
samples determined that the temperature of the pyres at Elsham ranged from 600°C-900°C
and that differential cremation occurred between upper and lower limbs at both a micro and
macroscopic level. We can therefore build up a picture of a supine individual, possibly with
22
Fig.3: The quantity of animal bone found in certain cremation cemeteries, like Spong
Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) and Sancton, Yorkshire (EASCREM 194) where
whole or almost-whole animal carcasses are found, must indicate that these pyres
could, on occasion, be huge (after Bond 1996, 80)
Reducing conditions Oxidising conditions
Yellowish-White Brownish-Grey Black/Blue Blueish-Grey White
Lower temperature Higher temperature
Fig.4: A summary of Shipman et al‟s 1984 study of the five types of burnt bone
their extremities positioned away from the torso, perhaps placed at the sides, being cremated
on a substantial timber pyre, accompanied with some of their worldly goods and animals.
1.2.2. The Vessel
After the cremation, the burnt remains appear to have been carefully transferred from the
pyre, with any burnt objects, to a ceramic urn. Cremations are also found deposited unurned
23
as evidenced by the single example at Wallingford, Berkshire (EASCREM 244) or the two
instances at Alwalton, Huntingdonshire (Gibson 2007, 238; EASCREM 7). Such burial can
be understood as representing an in-situ pyre, or more likely as the transmission of the
remains of the pyre to the grave via an unknown medium, perhaps a bucket or similar vessel.
Burnt remains have also be found placed in bronze bowls, like those from Sutton Hoo,
Suffolk (EASCREM 229), Coombe, Kent (EASCREM 72) and Illington, Norfolk
(EASCREM 130), but they can also be found in glass vessels and hanging-bowls. For
example, the largest hanging-bowl found at Loveden Hill, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 151)
contained a cremation and was associated with a belt mount, firesteel and possibly with an
accessory vessel. The deposition of cremations in hanging-bowls is interesting because the
artefact class is so unique and poorly understood that E.T. Leeds famously stated:
“They are the one thing found in Anglo-Saxon graves that neither date themselves nor
the objects associated with them.”
(Leeds 1935, 112)
The vast majority of cremations are found in cinerary urns, which can vary in terms of fabric,
form and decoration, and there is no consensus on whether they were reused domestic wares
or purpose made vessels (Laing and Laing 1979, 77; Richards 1987, 206-7; Leahy 2007, 54;
Hirst and Clarke 2009, 610; Williams 2011, 245; Perry 2011, 9; also see 3.1.4.). Early Anglo-
Saxon pottery was generally handmade, utilising readily available clays and using a variety of
tempers such as grog, mineral and vegetable (Richards 1987, 21). The vessels were fired at
relatively low temperatures, occasionally being burnished, and are mostly red, grey or black
in colour. Of particular interest for scholars studying the chronology and social-spiritual
significance of cremation is the decoration applied to these vessels. Such decoration ranges
from crudely-incised lines to elaborate systems of bosses and stamped motifs (Fig.5). At the
apex of this decorative scheme are the rare examples of figural depictions and scenes (3.1.6.).
Whilst many cinerary urns are undecorated, and difficult to date accurately, it is estimated
that about 80% of Anglo-Saxon urns have at least some form of decoration, with the most
popular forms being incised lines and dots (Williams 2005, 20; 2011, 243). Although they are
rare, urns lids have occasionally been found at a handful of sites, including Baston,
Lincolnshire (EASCREM 18), Drayton, Norfolk (EASCREM 82) and Newark,
Nottinghamshire (EASCREM 166). The most prominent example, although unfortunately
found unstratified, is known as the „Spong Man‟ or „Spong Hill Chairperson‟ (Hills et al
24
Fig.5: A reenactor decorates an early Anglo-Saxon style pot with an antler tool.
Photograph by A. Kemp, courtesy of Jewry Wall Museum Leicester (after Glasswell
2002, pl.21)
1987, 162; pl.IX; Nugent and Williams 2012, 199-201; Fig.6). The urn lid is 14cm high, of
brownish-grey fabric and is a completely unique and fascinating object. The figure, which is
presumably but not necessarily male, is seated on a small chair, with his hands cupping the
side of his face as if hearing or looking at something (Nugent and Williams 2012, 201-3). His
expression is neutral, and he appears to be wearing a rounded flat hat. This is not the only
remarkable decorated urn lid, though, and another interesting example with bird decoration
was found at Newark, Nottinghamshire (EASCREM 166) in 1836, although it is now lost
(Milner 1853; Fig.6). Flint and stone were also used to cover cremation urns, with good
25
examples being found at Castle Acre, Norfolk (EASCREM 56). Taking the evidence as a
whole, Richards (1987, 99) suggested that most urns probably had some form of covering,
with perishable textiles and leathers accounting for the majority of urns that had no surviving
or observable cover upon excavation.
Window urns are another interesting phenomenon worthy of exploration. They are vessels
with a small segment of glass inserted, perhaps functioning as a means to release the spirit
(Meaney 1964, 16) or allow for the deceased to see into the world of the living (Nugent and
Williams 2012). Window urns have been found from at least twelve sites, including Castle
Acre, Norfolk (EASCREM 56), Girton, Cambridgeshire (EASCREM 106), Westbere, Kent
(Jessup 1946, 21; EASCREM 254), Loveden Hill, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 151) and
Elsham Wold, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 88).
Fig.6: The „Spong Man‟ urn lid (left), found in 1979 at Spong Hill, Norfolk
(EASCREM 213) (after Hills et al 1987, pl.IX) and the urn lid with bird decoration
(right) from Newark, Nottinghamshire (EASCREM 166) (after Milner 1853)
26
1.2.3. The Artefacts
Once the cremation was placed in the grave, with or without a container, further objects could
be added to it, perhaps to complement the burnt objects (Fig.7). Combs, tweezers and other
toilet items, including miniature replica objects not fit for adult use but presumably of a
symbolic function, are commonly found unburnt whereas beads (Fig.8) and brooches (Fig.9)
are often found burnt. This distinction between burnt and unburnt object types may be due to
the fact that certain objects were part of an individual‟s costume, and therefore accompanied
them as they went to the flames fully dressed. The burnt and unburnt objects found with
cremations play a role in the mortuary process just as important, although in many ways
different, as the objects found with inhumations. The key issue, though, is that earlier
excavations might not have recorded them. This is for three reasons:
They threw away the contents of the urn without looking for artefacts
They could not identify the artefacts in the urn, many of which would be badly burnt
or even made from a similar material (e.g. bone, horn and antler)
They could have identified such objects but thought little can be gleaned from a burnt
or damaged artefact
Fig.7: An impression of the most common artefact types in cremation burials (after
Williams 2003, 101)
27
Fig.8: Burnt beads from urns at Cleatham, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 68) (after Leahy
2007, pl.36)
Fig.9: A burnt small-long brooch (left) and from burial 3095 and a burnt wrist-clasp
(right) from burial 2765 at Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) (adapted from Lucy
2000, 109)
28
For one, or all, of these reasons earlier accounts seldom record artefacts the way a modern
excavation report would. For example, grave goods were found in 67% of cinerary urns at
Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213), c.50% at Illington, Norfolk (EASCREM 13) and 21%
at Lackford, Suffolk (EASCREM 140) whereas many earlier accounts make no mention
whatsoever of objects accompanying cremated remains. The artefacts which are typically
found with cremations can be divided into three groups:
Objects commonly found burnt: beads, brooches, rings, buckles, wrist-claps, gaming
pieces, animal remains
Objects commonly found unburnt: toilet objects, girdle-hangers, keys, spindle-whorls,
knives, animal remains
Uncommon objects: shield bosses, spearheads, swords, buckles, strap-ends, pins,
needles, nails, coins, accessory vessels, buckets, armlets, pebbles, pendants
The number of artefacts that accompany cremation burials is, in general, significantly less
than inhumation burials, and they are also much more difficult to identify when they are
burnt. Despite this, the same sorts of artefacts are found in both inhumations and cremations
although there are some notable and interesting differences. Weaponry is rarely found with
cremations whilst gaming pieces, animal remains and cosmetic items, particularly toilet
objects (often miniature versions) and combs are found significantly more frequently than
they are with inhumations (Meaney 1964, 16; Wilson 1992, 132; Williams 2003, 101). On
such abundances Audrey Meaney wrote:
“But why, so often, miniature combs, shears, tweezers and knives were made for the
funeral (when it would have been so much easier to use an old, ordinary-sized knife
or the like) and deposited in the urns after the bones had cooled we have no basis on
which to surmise… Nor is there any obvious reason why so often playing-pieces were
burnt with the corpse, while weapons are almost entirely lacking.”
(Meaney 1964, 16)
The toilet objects found in cremation cemeteries are usually copper-alloy or iron and are
generally suspended on a metal ring. Tweezers, the most common toilet objects, but also
shears, razors, picks and earscoops are often found with cremation burials in a range of sizes,
with some incredibly small forms presumably having a symbolic rather than practical
function. Toilet objects are also found in inhumation burials, but are uncommon and usually
associated with females (Williams 2007, 72-3). In contrast, they appear to be found, usually
29
unburnt, more with male cremations, and there is a particularly interesting correlation
between age and length of utensil (Williams 2997, 79-82). It certainly seems interesting that
there is some connection with the technology of cremation and attitudes towards the care and
presentation of the body (Williams 2003; 2007, 83). Perhaps:
“The use of toilet implements as grave goods was a mnemonic act by the family
members or ritual specialists controlling the cremation cemetery. It articulated the
return of the mourners to society with their memories of the deceased, and enabled
the dead to inhabit a new identity.”
(Williams 2007, 88)
That there is a high frequency of animal bones is particularly striking, however, as it is
apparent that animals sometimes accompanied the individual on the pyre during the
cremation rite. Jacqueline McKinley (1994a, 96-7) has suggested three categories of animal
remains in cremation cemeteries, on the basis of the 43.7% of urns containing animal remains
at Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213). and other important sites:
Dogs and horses placed on the pyre whole as status markers
Sheep, cattle and pigs deposited in the urn/grave as food offerings, perhaps part of
a graveside feast
Wild animals such as deer accompanying the deceased as „amulets‟ or „trophies‟
Julie Bond (1996) has produced the best study of animal remains in recent years, and found
that horses and dogs were seen more as personal possessions – objects of status – Whereas
sheep, cattle and pig were food offerings to the deceased, but not objects worthy enough to
accompany the deceased on the pyre. There are differences between the frequencies of
animals found at cemeteries, however, with horse the most common at Spong Hill, Norfolk
(EASCREM 213) and Sancton, Yorkshire (EASCREM 194) whilst sheep predominated at
Newark, Nottinghamshire (EASCREM 166) and Illington, Norfolk (EASCREM 130). A very
peculiar phenomenon has been identified at Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) which
shows the close relationship between individual and animal. One urn would contain the
majority of the deceased with a little animal bone whilst the other urn would contain the
majority of the animal and the rest of the human remains. Surprisingly, osteological analysis
allows for the identification of a single human and animal in each case. Such burial is found
is less than 50 of the 2484 cremations at Spong Hill and in most cases contained horse
remains.
30
Weaponry, although rare in cremation cemeteries, is occasionally found. An unurned
cremation with a shield boss and spearhead was found at Thurmaston, Leicestershire
(Williams 1983, 16; EASCREM 236) whilst a sword was found alongside one the cremations
contained in a hanging-bowl at Loveden Hill, Lincolnshire (Fennell 1964, 120-30;
EASCREM 151). A further example can be found from the cremation urn covered by a shield
boss at the East Gate of Leicester, Leicestershire (EASCREM 142). Perhaps one obvious, and
purely practical, reason for the lack of weaponry in cremation burials is that urns and the
graves they are placed in are often quite small, making the placing of a spear or large shield
difficult.
A further point of note regarding the artefact assemblages which accompany cremation
burials is that there is little evidence for the sex divide found so readily in inhumations. Why
this is so is quite an understudied and difficult topic, however. Richards (1987, 114; 124)
found a significant imbalance of sexed cremations at several sites, including a 5:1
male:female ratio at Mucking II, Essex (EASCREM 160). His list of possible explanations
included differential sexing techniques, accidental sampling bias or a genuine desire to
cremate men over women. Whether there really is an imbalance, and how we might begin to
understand the very different gender roles of objects in inhumations and cremations, are
significant research agendas that are in need of attention.
1.2.4. The Grave
There is some variation in the cut of graves, in terms of depth and size, but they are generally
simple oval, shallow pits. A few notable examples exist, however, such as the two cremations
in cist burials found at Castle Acre, Norfolk (EASCREM 56). A cremation grave also appears
to have been occasionally ornamented with an above ground feature such as an earthwork,
cairn of stones, post-and-timber structure or possibly even a wooden grave marker. Although
no firm stratigraphic relationship was established, a possible example of this is the system of
earthworks recently found at The Chalet Site, Essex (EASCREM 232) which consisted of
ring-ditches, circular enclosures and linear ditches. The excavators found that these features
were arranged as part of a planned landscape and interpreted them as markers for the
cremation graves which appeared to be spatially arranged around them (Newton 2009, 20).
Similarly, several of the cremations at Andover, Hampshire (EASCREM 9) had ring-ditches
around them, possibly as markers of position. At Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213)
31
several burials may have been marked by low cairns of flint boulders. There have also been
several incidences of post-and-timber structures at various sites such as the four-post
structures associated with certain cremations at Apple down, Sussex (EASCREM 10; Fig.10),
Highdown Hill, Sussex (EASCREM 122) or Cremation 7 at Alton, Hampshire (EASCREM
5). Some of the best evidence for this phenomenon can be found at Lechlade, Gloucestershire
(EASCREM 141) where two cremations had four-post structures and rectangular ditches. The
most recently excavated example of such constructions were found at The Chalet Site, Essex
(EASCREM 232) where a six-post structure, of peculiar hexagonal form, was found
overlying Cremation C1633 (Newton 2009, 33-4). It seems that with the evidence for grave
marking and the fact that cremation grave pits seldom intercut each other we can conclude
that the early Anglo-Saxons took great care in the placement of their cremations, and
respected their position as much as they could.
Usually only the richest cremations received barrow burial, but there are many accounts of
secondary interment of a cremation into pre-existing barrows, usually Bronze Age. The best
example we have for primary interment of cremations in barrows is from Sutton Hoo, Suffolk
(EASCREM 229) where 9 cremations were found in barrows with some of the richest objects
ever found with cremation burials, but Asthall Barrow, Oxfordshire (EASCREM 12) is also
an important, richly furnished cremation barrow burial. Although the finds were limited,
good evidence of secondary interment can be found at Burn Ground, Gloucestershire
(EASCREM 50) where four Anglo-Saxon cremations and ten inhumations were placed
within a Neolithic or Bronze Age barrow cemetery.
1.2.5 The Spatial Significance of Cremation
Cremations are often found interspersed between inhumation burials or in a seemingly
random distribution across a cemetery. Significant spatial relationships such as clusters or
rows of urns are occasionally observed, however (Lee 2007, 60). A very good example of this
is the mixed rite cemetery at Andover, Hampshire (EASCREM 9) which had 87 cremations
and 67 inhumations. Although both rites were contemporary, there was a clear spatial
difference with cremations predominant in the west of the cemetery whilst most of the
inhumations were to the east. Urns are also occasionally found in rows, such as at Castle
Acre, Norfolk (EASCREM 56) and King‟s Newton, Derbyshire (EASCREM 138). A
particularly interesting example of rows of cremations was found at Wold Newton,
32
Fig.10: Two possible reconstructions of the four-post structure found at Apple Down,
Sussex (EASCREM 10) (after Down and Welch 1990, pl.53)
33
Lincolnshire (EASCREM 258) in the early 19th
century where a long barrow was found to
contain over twenty urns, apparently arranged in a single line (Gunner 1849). Whether such a
phenomenon reflected a large, single interment of urns in an ordered row, or multiple,
sequential depositions forming a line over time, either organically or by design, we will likely
never know. However, it is safe to say from the example at Wold Newton, and others cited
here, that significant spatial relationships can be identified from the placement of cremation
burials within the landscape, although it is acknowledged that this is a subject ripe for further
study.
1.2.6. Multiple Cremation Burial
The vast majority of cremations are found singularly in a small pit. However, there are
frequent incidences of the association of two or more cremations, usually urned, in the same
grave pit. The most striking example of this burial rite is at Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM
213) where 14 vessels were found in the same pit. Similarly, at Lackford, Suffolk
(EASCREM 140), urns were frequently found placed on top of each other, side by side, or
potentially even contained in the same bag (Lethbridge 1951, 3). One likely interpretation for
this phenomenon is that such burials represent kin or family groups, and it is true that there is
evidence for the reopening of grave pits to redeposit further urns at Spong Hill (Hills 1977,
11). However, such an argument is difficult to prove because of the condition of cremated
remains, rendering the identification of osteological similarities incredibly difficult. Although
the high heat of the cremation process greatly affects the preservation of ancient DNA,
largely due to the denaturation of protein strands, there has been some recent success in
extracting genetic material from cremated remains and, whilst such cases have been fraught
with problems, there is at least some hope that such techniques could be used for
archaeological means (Williams et al 2004; Ye et al 2004; Gonçalves 2012. 36). The truly
outstanding genetic research on the inhumation remains from Eriswell, Suffolk (EASCREM
91) currently taking place at Cranfield University should be able to identify familial
relationships based on similar strands of non-coding genetic material (Harrison 2013). It does
not seem unreasonable to suggest that in the next ten years or so such an approach could be
used to identify relationships in cremation cemeteries.
An albeit different but similar practice is the burial of the remains of more than one
individual in the same urn, often an adult and infant. There were around 90 cases of this at
34
Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) including about 60 incidences of child-adult burial.
The 7 cases of double burial that occur at Newark, Nottinghamshire (EASCREM 166) are
also child-adult (Kinsley 1989, 23). Other examples include the 3 double burials at Risely,
Kent (EASCREM 187) or C1686, the double burial of an adult and child, found at recent
excavations at The Chalet Site, Essex (EASCREM 232). Presumably such burial indicates the
death of both individuals within a limited timescale, unless burials are reopened and
subsequent cremated remains placed in existing urns (which must be seen as an unlikely and
cumbersome event).
1.2.7. The Distribution of Cremation Burials
Cremation has traditionally been seen as an Anglian phenomenon with a distribution
primarily in northern and eastern England. This is broadly true, and certainly the largest
numbers of both sites and burials are found in East Anglia, but more recent excavations have
found considerable material in the southern counties. The topic of distribution will be dealt
with more fully in the analysis section (2.2.1), but it is appropriate to provide a distribution
map at this introductory stage (Map 1). It should also be noted here that early Anglo-Saxon
cremations occur throughout lowland England in a manner much more widespread than many
traditional accounts have put forward.
1.2.8. Summary
The variability of wealth found in inhumations is more immediately obvious than in
cremations, and it is hard not to interpret an inhumed individual with extravagant objects as
high status and a person with only a knife as low status. However, whilst the rite of cremation
may have helped to foster a community identity, it is not an „identity equaliser‟ and more
nuanced approaches can identify several areas in which variation occurs (Williams 2011,
248). To argue that both the wealthy warlord and poor peasant are reduced to similar piles of
uncharacteristic ashes ignores the variability found in grave construction (depth, shape,
furniture) as well as the differences in pre- and post-funeral rites. Furthermore, variability is
found in both the contents of the urn (e.g. pyre goods, grave goods, animal bone) and its
appearance (form, decoration, windows, lids). Despite what we might argue about the broad
and general significance of cremation we must remember that there are degrees of variability
35
Map 1: A distribution map of all recorded geographically unique sites that contain
cremation.
36
on local and individual levels. Indeed, an unfurnished, unurned cremation does not have
equal status with that of the richly furnished barrow cremations at Sutton Hoo, Suffolk
(EASCREM 229).
From the above discussions we can begin to build up a picture of the cremation of an
individual in full dress, with associated objects of importance and possibly even animal
remains, on a structure at least large enough for a body, but probably also large enough to
accommodate a range of associated objects. After the cremation process, which could take a
long time, the remains were transferred to the ground, either unurned or placed in a ceramic,
glass or metal vessel. Such display requires a serious investment of time, and is substantially
more costly, in terms of time, effort and resources, than inhumation. Whilst it is relatively
easy to dig a grave and place a body in it, maybe an hour or so of work with a small group
and adequate tools, a cremation required skill and a serious investment of resources and time;
perhaps indicating a settled community (Kirk 1956, 126-7; McKinley 2006).
37
2. The EASCREM 13 Project
2.1. Creating the Database
2.1.1. Rationale
Studies of early Anglo-Saxon cremation tend to consider a few sites in detail instead of make
generalisations from the national dataset. This can range from Richard‟s (1987) detailed
study of 18 sites to Williams‟s (2002a) regional analysis of 4. The sites employed in
academic discourse are generally the more recent and well-published cemeteries. This is to be
expected, though, and there is often little we can say from some of the older excavations
where stratigraphic understanding, meticulous record-keeping and the publication of a grave
catalogue were not priorities. Accordingly, we reach a point where older, unpublished or less
well-known sites often do not factor into our analysis. This point alone warrants the creation
of a national database, but it is not the only reason it was decided to create one.
A frustration felt by many students of archaeology, and perhaps even veteran archaeologists,
is the difficulty in finding out information. The simple task of finding useful and relevant
information can be one of the most difficult in archaeology. In most other disciplines,
particularly the natural sciences and the more 'popular' humanities, when one searches the
internet for something they are likely to find at least some relevant information. This is
unfortunately seldom the case with specialist lines of archaeological enquiry. Archaeology is
published in a sporadic and piecemeal fashion: a site is found, excavated, deposited (ideally
in a museum or place of research) and (hopefully) published as a monograph, journal article
or grey literature publication. Such a process has a long history, and it is heartening for the
student to peruse the books and journals of the 17th
, 18th
and 19th
centuries and find reports
that are both incredibly detailed and beautifully illustrated (Fig.11). However, archaeological
reporting is particularly behind other disciplines in terms of information communication. This
is starting to change, however, and most journals are available online although often are not
accessible for free, like most scientific journals. Similarly the ADS (Archaeological Data
Service) is an useful resource for publishing open-source datasets and information pertaining
to archaeological sites. Research Gate links most (but not all) county HERs (Historic
Environment Records) and allows for one to query any aspect of British archaeology in an
(almost) national manner. Furthermore, Academia-Edu provides similarly free and online
38
Fig.11: Beautifully illustrated cremation urns from Little Wilbraham, Cambridgeshire
(EASCREM 146) (after Smith 1852, pl.28)
39
access to research. It is still the unfortunate case, however, that when the undergraduate
student searches for something relating to Anglo-Saxon archaeology on the internet, they
may not find a website with information worth reading. Similarly, the lack of citation indexes
and readily accessible online journals means that one must often rely on specialist „insider‟
knowledge of the literature.
As an undergraduate first starting out in archaeology, the fact that there was no central
repository of sites completely surprised and mystified the author. It was felt that it wasn‟t too
much to expect to go to, let‟s say, www.archaeology.gov.uk, search for a site and find a
concise summary of important information, such as the excavation dates, prominent finds,
number of graves, primary site report etc. It seems that such sentiment has been expressed by
others:
“A national, computerised database for this type of site, indeed for all early medieval
cemeteries, could be an invaluable research tool”
(Lucy and Reynolds 2002, 7)
If we have the time and money to begin new excavations, then it is argued we have the
resources available to compile all of our previous data into a useful format. The theme of
bringing past data up to a usable and modern standard will be expanded upon in the
conclusion (3.2.3.), but the frustrations felt with the state of UK archaeology are noteworthy
due to their influence on the project‟s inception. It is for two reasons, the want and need for
accessible information, that this database was created. To the author‟s knowledge it is the
first time this has been done for the rite of cremation since Audrey Meaney‟s (1964)
gazetteer.
The EASCREM 13 project database is included in the attached CD-ROM, where it can be
found in two formats; as a Microsoft Access database (.accdb) and as a Microsoft Excel
spread sheet (.xlsx). The project metadata can also be found with these documents, which is a
fulfilment of the Archaeological Data Service‟s guidelines for the presentation of databases
(Archaeological Data Service 2011). A reference list is also included in Microsoft Word
(.docx) format. A printout of the database can be found in Appendix I.
40
2.1.2. Approach
All incidences of early Anglo-Saxon cremation that were available to the author at the time of
writing have been compiled into a database of 266 geographically unique sites. The definition
of incidence used is:
Any record of, or extant archaeological material attesting to, at least one early
Anglo-Saxon cremation burial, or any distinctive vessel in which one would expect to
be found, in a geographically unique location.
In light of recent researches by such scholars as Gareth Perry (2011), it appears that the
previously-held belief that cremation urns were created especially for a deceased individual is
not always the case, and there are instances of reused domestic vessels housing cremations
(3.1.4.). Accordingly, only the presence of cremated remains qualified a certain incidence of
cremation. As a consequence, accounts of the finding of a lone or small group of urns with no
explicit mention of cremated remains have been classified as uncertain incidences. This is not
to undermine the judgment of previous scholars but it allows the reader and user of the
database to have a better grasp of the available evidence and its integrity. Incidences of
cremation are classified using the system detailed in Table 1. A „Cemetery‟ can be further
divided, based on the ratio of cremations to inhumations, as outlined in Table 2.
Description Classification
Lone cremation (with no inhumations) Single Cremation Burial
2-3 cremations (with no inhumations) Cremation Burials
1-3 burials (cremation and inhumation) Mixed Rite Burials
4+ cremations (with or without inhumations) Cemetery
Table 1: The classification of sites based on the number of burials present
Description Classification
A cemetery where cremation is the only rite practised Pure Cremation Cemetery
A cemetery where cremation accounts for ≥75% of the
total burials
Majority Cremation Cemetery
A cemetery where cremation accounts for <75% but >25%
of the total burials OR a cemetery where both rites are
present but the ratio is completely unknown
Mixed Rite Cemetery
A cemetery where cremation accounts for ≤25% of the
total burials
Minority Cremation Cemetery
Table 2: The classification of cemeteries based on the ratio of cremations and
inhumations, if the latter are present
41
Where there is uncertainty about a site, such as confused accounts or no record of cremated
remains, a site can be classified as uncertain using the parameters outlined in Table 3:
Description Classification
An uncertain account of a single cremation burial, such as the finding
of an urn without cremated remains
?Single Cremation Burial
An uncertain account of multiple cremations ?Cremation Burials
An uncertain account of c.2-3 burials where both cremation and
inhumation may be involved
?Mixed Rite Burials
An uncertain account of a cemetery where both inhumation and
cremation is practised
?Mixed Rite Cemetery
An uncertain account of a cemetery where only cremation is
practised
?Pure Cremation Cemetery
Table 3: The classification of uncertain sites, based on the number of burials and the
ratio of cremations and inhumations, if the latter are present
In summary, then, a site can be classified as 1 of 12 categories detailed in Table 4:
Classification Description
Single Cremation Burial Lone cremation (with no inhumations)
?Single Cremation Burial An uncertain account of a single cremation burial
Cremation Burials 2-3 cremations (with no inhumations)
?Cremation Burials An uncertain account of c.2-3 cremations
Mixed Rite Burials 2-3 burials (cremation and inhumation)
?Mixed Rite Burials An uncertain account of c.2-3 burials where both cremation and
inhumation may be involved
Mixed Rite Cemetery A cemetery where cremation accounts for <75% but >25% of the
total burials OR a cemetery where both rites are present but the
ratio is completely unknown.
?Mixed Rite Cemetery An uncertain account of a cemetery where both inhumation and
cremation is practised
Pure Cremation Cemetery A cemetery where cremation is the only rite practised
?Pure Cremation Cemetery An uncertain account of a cemetery where only cremation is
practised
Minority Cremation Cemetery A cemetery where cremation accounts for ≤25% of the total burials
Majority Cremation Cemetery A cemetery where cremation accounts for ≥75% of the total burials
Table 4: The 12 possible classifications of site
This research has relied heavily on previous gazetteers (e.g. Meaney‟s 1964 national
gazetteer and Myres and Green‟s 1973 East Anglian gazetteer), Medieval Archaeology‟s
annual survey of sites (from 1956 to present), English Heritage‟s PastScape website (English
Heritage 2013) and the Archaeological Data Service‟s Grey Literature Library
42
(Archaeological Data Service 2013). It is fully acknowledged that, in all probability, sites
have been missed. The data collection was undertaken periodically over a period of 3 months,
taking an estimated 300 man hours. Even still, this is not long enough to read every report
and scan every county journal in detail for mentions of sites. The author therefore takes full
responsibility for any omissions or inaccuracies.
Table 5 shows the information recorded for each site in the database:
Field Name Description
ID The unique identification number of the site
Site Name The name of the site (e.g. Spong Hill)
Site Name II The secondary name of the site (e.g. North Elmham)
Historic County The historic country in which the site is situated
Unitary Authority The modern unitary authority in which the site is situated
NGR The National Grid Reference of the site, given to 6 figures where possible but
only 4 where there is uncertainty
Cemetery Type The type of cemetery (see Table 4)
Minimum Number
of Cremations
The minimum number of cremations present at the site. Where the minimum
and maximum number is the same then exact numbers are known. A difference
between minimum and maximum indicates uncertainty or unexcavated graves.
Where it is certain that there is more than one cremation, but numbers are
unknown, then number 2 has been used
Maximum Number
of Cremations
The maximum number of cremations present at the site. Where the minimum
and maximum number is the same then exact numbers are known. A difference
between minimum and maximum indicates uncertainty or unexcavated graves.
Where it is certain that there is more than one cremation, but numbers are
unknown, the term „Unknown‟ has been used
Minimum Number
of Inhumations
The minimum number of inhumations present at the site. Where the minimum
and maximum number is the same then exact numbers are known. A difference
between minimum and maximum indicates uncertainty or unexcavated graves.
Where it is certain that there is more than one inhumation, but numbers are
unknown, then number 2 has been used
Maximum Number
of Inhumations
The maximum number of inhumations present at the site. Where the minimum
and maximum number is the same then exact numbers are known. A difference
between minimum and maximum indicates uncertainty or unexcavated graves.
Where it is certain that there is more than one inhumation, but numbers are
unknown, the term „Unknown‟ has been used
Prominent Burials Any burials of particular interest, such as a cremation with weaponry or an
associated timber structure
Date Range
The date range for the site as suggested in its publication(s). Where a specific
date is unknown, however, „5th-6
th‟ has been used as a general date. All dates
should be seen as indicative, not explicit, due to the issues associated with
dating cremations, particularly in older accounts (see 1.1.6.)
Artefact Types A list of the artefact types found at the site, or at least those that were recorded.
Entries for mixed rite sites have, where possible, the artefacts associated with
43
cremations listed first
Prominent Finds Any finds of particular interest, such as window urns or urn lids
Museum The museum(s) where the material is kept. The use of „Unknown‟ indicates that
the place of archive could not be ascertained or the material is no longer extant
Description
A brief description of the site, including the circumstances of excavation, key
findings and local, regional or national importance. Where records are
confused, a simplified summary is provided
Reference(s)
The reference(s) associated with the site. Priority is given to published site
reports but often older sites are only known from later surveys and synthesises.
Sites that are completely unpublished are labelled as such, but extra effort has
been taken to provide a Meaney reference, or a website listing
Meaney (1964)
Reference The page number(s) for Meaney‟s entry of the site, if applicable
'Medieval
Britain/Medieval
Britain and Ireland'
Reference(s)
The edition(s) and page number(s) of any reference to the site in Medieval
Archaeology‟s annual survey of sites
Website I Any website containing information about the site, most commonly the
webpage for the site on PastScape, where there is one
Website II Any website containing information about the site (II)
Excavation Date(s)
and Director(s)
A chronological account of the site‟s excavation(s) and director(s). Date is
given first, although occasionally there is uncertainty so „c.x‟ or „?x‟ is used.
Where known, director(s) or involved persons are listed according to year(s),
but „?‟ is used if it is not known who undertook the excavations e.g. various
workmen
Table 5: The information recorded for each site
2.2. Using the Database
2.2.1. Analysis
What follows here is a quantitative and statistical analysis of the database, with the primary
aim of producing national statistics for early Anglo-Saxon cremation burial. To the author‟s
knowledge this is the first time an analysis of the burial rite has been undertaken on a national
scale in almost fifty years (Meaney 1964). The various issues with the data will be
commented on, statistics calculated, distribution maps created, their meanings considered and
conclusions offered.
Of the 266 sites in the project database, 220 sites are certain, i.e. cremated human remains
were found in association with urns of Anglo-Saxon date, and 46 are uncertain, i.e. an urn
remains in a museum but there is no account of its finding or contents. Statistically, this
44
means that 17.29% of sites in the database are uncertain (Table 6). The degree of uncertainty
varies from case to case, however. For example, records of the finding of a decorated urn of
clearly Anglo-Saxon date at Flixborough, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 101) do not mention it
containing cremated remains so it cannot be considered a certain incidence of cremation,
although the fact that small-long brooches have been found in vicinity makes it highly likely.
On the other hand, the cremation cemetery attested from a note in 1728 at Addington Park,
Surrey (EASCREM 2) has no extant material and it is not even known if the urns were
Roman or Anglo-Saxon. To account for the difficulty of the uncertain sites, all of the
following statistical analyses will use both sets of data; calculations for all sites and
calculations for only the certain sites.
Type of Site Number Percentage
Certain 220 82.71%
Uncertain 46 17.29%
Table 6: The number of certain and uncertain sites.
Before the serious statistical analysis it first seems apt to list all of the cemetery types and
their relative frequencies, by way of introduction to the database (Table 7):
All sites (n=266) Certain sites (n=220)
Classification No. of
sites % (2.d.p.) No. of sites % (2.d.p.) Difference
Single Cremation Burial 26 9.77% 26 11.82% 2.05%
?Single Cremation Burial 17 6.39% N/A N/A N/A
Cremation Burials 20 7.52% 20 9.09% 1.57%
?Cremation Burials 10 3.76% N/A N/A N/A
Mixed Rite Burials 4 1.50% 4 1.82% 0.32%
?Mixed Rite Burials 3 1.13% N/A N/A N/A
Mixed Rite Cemetery 57 21.43% 57 25.91% 4.48%
?Mixed Rite Cemetery 6 2.26% N/A N/A N/A
Pure Cremation Cemetery 47 17.67% 47 21.36% 3.69%
?Pure Cremation Cemetery 10 3.76% N/A N/A N/A
Minority Cremation Cemetery 50 18.80% 50 22.73% 3.93%
Majority Cremation Cemetery 16 6.02% 16 7.27% 1.25%
Table 7: The relative frequencies of site types, using both sets of data
Cremations are found in cemeteries more commonly than they are singularly or part of a
small group, but the distribution of small-scale sites is relatively even, with the only
noticeable cluster being in the Midlands (Table 8; Map 2). When using the total database
45
(n=266), 69.92% of sites were classed as cemeteries (n=4+), with only 13.91% being found
in groups (n=2-3) and 16.17% as singular burials (n=1). If one negates the uncertain sites
(n=220), the figures become 77.27% for cemeteries, 10.91% for groups and 11.82% singular.
That cemetery sites are drastically more numerous that singular or group burial sites is
perhaps unsurprising, but there are many avenues of possible explanation. A purely
archaeological explanation for this is that investigative projects and rescue archaeology are
much more likely to find cemeteries because they are larger and harder to miss. A single
cremation burial in a highly fragmented state could be missed by a careless individual or
machine but to knowingly or unknowingly destroy a whole cemetery seems very unlikely.
Although many antiquarian accounts note the destruction of hundreds of urns before a local
person of importance was notified, the fact that these sites were too large and too ethically
important to destroy without any form of recording attests this. Even if we factor in that
singular and group burials are less likely to be found by chance and are more likely to be
accidently destroyed without adequate recording, it seems the majority of cremation burial
took place at cemeteries. Even so, the numbers of singular and group sites are not
insignificant, and a detailed study into these stray pockets of burial would be welcomed.
Classification All sites (n=266) Certain sites (n=220) Difference
Cemetery 69.92% 77.27% 7.35%
Group 13.91% 10.91% 3.00%
Singular 16.17% 11.82% 4.35%
Table 8: The relative frequencies of broad site types, based on the number of burials
present and using both sets of data
If we look at the classifications present within cemetery sites the picture gets even more
interesting (Table 9; Map 3). Minority, Mixed and Pure Cemeteries have similar figures at
about the 30% mark. That this result is found with Minority Cremation Cemeteries is
particularly striking in the all cemeteries category (26.88%) because Minority and Majority
are not available classifications for uncertain sites – an uncertain cemetery is either ?Pure or
?Mixed as the ratios of inhumations and cremations are, by definition, unknown. On the back
of this, it is therefore unsurprising that Pure and Mixed cemeteries are the most frequent in
the all cemeteries category. Accordingly, we can begin to identify a very interesting trend of
a small contingent of cremations present in many otherwise inhumation cemeteries, even
when statistical classifications would not necessarily work in the favour of their
identification.
46
Map 2: A distribution map of small-scale cremation burial, including certain and
uncertain instances of Single Cremation Burials (n=1), Cremation Burials (n=2-3) and
Mixed Rite Burials (n=2-3)
47
Map 3: A distribution map of cemeteries (n=4+), including certain and uncertain
instances of Pure Cremation Cemeteries, Mixed Rite Cemeteries, Minority Cremation
Cemeteries and Majority Cremation Cemeteries
48
Classification All cemeteries
(n=186)
Certain cemeteries
(n=170) Difference
Minority Cremation Cemetery 26.88% 29.41% 2.53%
Mixed Rite Cemetery 33.87% 33.53% 0.34%
Majority Cremation Cemetery 8.60% 9.41% 0.81%
Pure Cremation Cemetery 30.65% 27.65% 3.00%
Table 9: The relative frequencies of cemetery types, using both sets of data
Another noteworthy point when one looks at Map 3 is how Pure Cremation Cemeteries,
although clustering in East Anglia, particularly Norfolk, are also found throughout lowland
Britain, with a single instance on the south coast. Conversely, it is also noteworthy that all of
the cemeteries at the southwestern extreme of the distribution, say Hampshire to Worcester,
are all Minority Cremation Cemeteries or Mixed Rite Cemeteries. On the back of this, we can
perhaps postulate zones of differential uptake of cremation burial – with the large, pure
cemeteries of East Anglia at the apex and the minority, mixed cemeteries of the West County
being the least influenced. Despite these regional differences, however, there is a general
picture of a widely used burial rite, practised by significant numbers of people across lowland
England.
Another analytical consideration is the relative frequency of sites based on county. This is
particularly interesting because the distribution of sites might not be what one would expect,
given the traditional view that it was a predominantly „Anglian‟ rite (Map 4; Table 10). From
this analysis we can make a few important statements:
Norfolk has the most sites and occupies about 14% of the distribution
Suffolk and Northamptonshire follow, occupying about 9% of the distribution each
Lincolnshire, Sussex and Yorkshire have slightly less and occupy about 8%, 6% and
5% of the distribution respectively
There are a surprising number of sites south of the Thames, with notable distributions
along the southern coastal counties
If uncertain sites are omitted, Lancashire ceases to have any representation
The difference between calculations using all sites and certain sites exceeds 1% in
only two cases, Norfolk and Yorkshire, demonstrating that analysis using either
dataset is broadly representative
49
Map 4: A distribution map of all sites, with the historic county borders overlaid (see A
Note on the Counties of England and Fig.1 for a key to the counties)
50
All sites (n=266) Certain sites (n=220)
County No. of sites % (2.d.p.) No. of sites % (2.d.p.) Difference
Bedfordshire 11 4.14% 11 5.00% 0.86%
Berkshire 8 3.01% 8 3.64% 0.63%
Buckinghamshire 2 0.75% 2 0.91% 0.16%
Cambridgeshire 11 4.14% 8 3.64% 0.50%
Derbyshire 5 1.88% 5 2.27% 0.45%
Durham 2 0.38% 1 0.45% 0.07%
Essex 7 2.63% 6 2.73% 0.10%
Gloucestershire 5 1.88% 3 1.36% 0.52%
Hampshire 7 2.63% 7 3.18% 0.55%
Huntingdonshire 6 2.26% 5 2.27% 0.01%
Isle of Wight 3 1.13% 2 0.91% 0.22%
Kent 10 3.76% 9 4.09% 0.33%
Lancashire 2 0.75% 0 0.00% 0.75%
Leicestershire 6 2.26% 6 2.73% 0.47%
Lincolnshire 21 7.89% 18 8.18% 0.29%
Middlesex 3 1.13% 3 1.36% 0.23%
Norfolk 39 14.66% 30 13.64% 1.02%
Northamptonshire 24 9.02% 21 9.55% 0.53%
Nottinghamshire 6 2.26% 5 2.27% 0.01%
Oxfordshire 6 2.26% 4 1.82% 0.44%
Rutland 2 0.75% 1 0.45% 0.30%
Staffordshire 4 1.50% 3 1.36% 0.14%
Suffolk 25 9.40% 19 8.64% 0.76%
Surrey 9 3.38% 6 2.73% 0.65%
Sussex 16 6.02% 15 6.82% 0.80%
Warwickshire 8 3.01% 8 3.64% 0.63%
Wiltshire 3 1.13% 3 1.36% 0.23%
Worcestershire 2 0.75% 2 0.91% 0.16%
Yorkshire 14 5.26% 9 4.09% 1.17%
Table 10: The relative frequency of sites by historic county, using both sets of data
The traditional view of the distribution of early Anglo-Saxon cremation burials is that it is
predominantly an ‟Anglian‟ phenomenon of eastern and northern England, and that:
“The only „pure cremation‟ cemeteries – that is, those with no inhumations at all, or
only a few of late date – are in the Anglian areas, and particularly in East Anglia”
(Meaney 1964, 15)
51
In this statement, Meaney is absolutely correct. The only exception to this rule is West Stoke,
Sussex (EASCREM 251), which is a small barrow cemetery of c.5-15 cremations. As this is
not a large cemetery in the East Anglian sense, though, we can be fully supportive of
Meaney‟s claims that the large, „pure‟ cremation cemeteries are an eastern and northern
phenomena, with a very notable concentration in East Anglia. What is clearly not the case,
however, is the claim that cremations do not occur in any serious number south of the
Thames. For example, 55 sites are noted from the southern counties of Surrey, Kent,
Berkshire, Sussex, Hampshire, Isle of Wight, and Wiltshire. Some of these sites have
substantial numbers of cremations, too, such as Apple Down, Sussex (EASCREM 10) which
has 138. It is true we do not see the likes of Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) and
Cleatham, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 68), and it is also true that most of these cemeteries are
mixed rite, but it still needs to be stressed that cremation does occur in the south, and that it
occurs at quite a number of sites. That there is a regional difference between the traditional
Anglian lands, and those settled in the Saxon-Jutish south, is very interesting, however.
Another interesting opportunity for statistical investigation is in terms of the number of
cremations found at sites. Table 11 details the ranking of the largest sites, based on the
figures for maximum number of cremations:
Site County Database ID No. of Cremations
Spong Hill Norfolk EASCREM 213 2484-2600
Loveden Hill Lincolnshire EASCREM 151 c.1790-2000
Cleatham Lincolnshire EASCREM 68 c.1206-1466
Lackford Suffolk EASCREM 140 c.500-1000
Caistor-by-Norwich Norfolk EASCREM 53 c.379-1000
Elsham Wold Yorkshire EASCREM 88 630
Snape Suffolk EASCREM 204 c.575-625
Sancton Yorkshire EASCREM 194 c.500-600
Newark Nottinghamshire EASCREM 166 c.400-500
Mucking II Essex EASCREM 160 468
Table 11: The 10 sites with the highest numbers of cremations
This is a difficult task to undertake, though, and it must be stated that there are many sites
where there is no record of the number of burials beyond the fact that urns were found in the
plural. Accordingly, these sites have been recorded with minimum and maximum numbers of
cremations at „2‟ and „Unknown‟ respectively. Despite this, we can still make some broad
statements about the data:
52
There are 74 sites where the known minimum number of cremations is 10 or greater.
There are 31 sites where the known minimum number of cremations is 50 or greater.
There are 24 sites where the known minimum number of cremations is 100 or greater.
There are 12 sites where the known minimum number of cremations is 200 or greater.
There are 7 sites where the known minimum number of cremations is 500 or greater.
There are 3 sites where the known minimum number of cremations is 1000 or greater,
but there is 5 where the maximum number is.
There is only 1 site where the known minimum number of cremations is over 2000,
but there are 2 where the maximum number of cremations is.
Another analysis, and perhaps one of the most striking, is the determination of the total
minimum and maximum number of cremations in early Anglo-Saxon England. These figures
are presented in Table 12, both as county and national measurements (Table 12). The main
point we can draw from this data is that cremation burials were significantly more numerous
than have perhaps been previously realised. Heinrich Härke has estimated that there are:
“some 30,000 graves from sites with diagnostically Anglo-Saxon material culture of
the fifth to seventh centuries.”
(Härke 2007, 58)
If we are to take this estimation as a reference point, this would mean that cremation accounts
for a minimum of 43.2% and a maximum of 54.9% of all Anglo-Saxon burials of the 5th
to 7th
centuries. Whilst these are impressive figures in their own right, the fact that the vast majority
of cremations are found in the 5th
and 6th
centuries, with a particular concentration in the 5th
century, whilst inhumation continues deep into the 7th
century, suggests that cremation may
have even been the dominant funerary rite in the earliest Anglo-Saxon period. Such a figure
lends itself well to further investigation as to the nature of Anglo-Saxon settlement and the
demography of post-Roman Britain. It should be noted that sites and details will have
invariably been missed during the research process, so the actual figures are probably higher.
Furthermore, the minimum number of cremations for uncertain sites was often recorded as 0
for obvious reasons, and where the maximum number of cremations would be impossible to
predict, or completely unknowable, the minimum number was used instead. The implications
of these two points on the national estimates mean that both minimum and maximum
numbers of cremations are, in fact, probably underestimations themselves. It appears, then,
that cremation was practised during the 5th
and 6th
centuries on a previously unrealised scale.
53
County Min. No. of
Cremations
%
(2.d.p.)
Max. No. of
Cremations
%
(2.d.p.) Difference
Bedfordshire 184 1.42% 284 1.72% 0.30%
Berkshire 157 1.21% 158 0.96% 0.25%
Buckinghamshire 6 0.05% 8 0.05% 0.00%
Cambridgeshire 395 3.05% 796 4.83% 1.78%
Derbyshire 38 0.29% 39 0.24% 0.05%
Durham 3 0.02% 3 0.02% 0.00%
Essex 819 6.32% 920 5.58% 0.74%
Gloucestershire 41 0.32% 41 0.25% 0.07%
Hampshire 188 1.45% 189 1.15% 0.30%
Huntingdonshire 36 0.28% 37 0.22% 0.06%
Isle of Wight 13 0.10% 13 0.08% 0.02%
Kent 64 0.49% 137 0.83% 0.34%
Lancashire 0 0.00% 3 0.02% 0.02%
Leicestershire 116 0.89% 118 0.72% 0.17%
Lincolnshire 4036 31.14% 4779 28.98% 2.16%
Middlesex 7 0.05% 7 0.04% 0.01%
Norfolk 3654 28.19% 4645 28.17% 0.02%
Northamptonshire 190 1.47% 316 1.92% 0.45%
Nottinghamshire 633 4.88% 869 5.27% 0.39%
Oxfordshire 19 0.15% 22 0.13% 0.02%
Rutland 25 0.19% 26 0.16% 0.03%
Staffordshire 8 0.06% 9 0.05% 0.01%
Suffolk 1301 10.04% 1884 11.42% 1.38%
Surrey 25 0.19% 27 0.16% 0.03%
Sussex 200 1.54% 214 1.30% 0.24%
Warwickshire 140 1.08% 166 1.01% 0.07%
Wiltshire 17 0.13% 17 0.10% 0.03%
Worcestershire 5 0.04% 5 0.03% 0.01%
Yorkshire 641 4.95% 759 4.60% 0.35%
Total 12,961 16,491
Table 12: The minimum and maximum number of cremations by county, with totals,
and using both sets of data
We can also revisit the distribution of cremation burial in light of these figures (Map 4). For
example, Norfolk has the highest number of sites (c.14%) but only the second highest number
of burials (c.28%). On the other hand, Lincolnshire reverses the trend as it is only has the 4th
highest number of sites (c.8%) but by far the highest concentration of cremation burials
54
(c.31%). Similarly, it was noted previously that, in terms of sites, cremation is actually more
abundant in southern England than previously thought, but this remark cannot be claimed
with the same confidence in terms of the number of cremations. For example, the southern
counties (Surrey, Kent, Berkshire, Sussex, Hampshire, Isle of Wight, and Wiltshire) only
account for c.5% of the total minimum and maximum number of cremations respectively;
about ⅙ of the number for Lincolnshire alone.
These analyses are just a brief sample of how we can use the data collected as part of the
EASCREM 13 project, and it is with regret that limitations of space do not allow for a more
detailed study.
2.2.2. Project Evaluation
The attendance of the author at the „Digital Resources: Data and Databases‟ Graduate
Workshop (27/08/13-28/08/13), organised by the International Society of Anglo-Saxonists as
part of their Biennial Conference (Dublin, 29/07/13-02/08/13), was hugely beneficial to the
project. Expert supervision allowed for a greater understanding of relational databases and
their construction. If not for this programme, the EASCREM 13 database would have been
vastly inferior and much less useful for academic enquiry. Despite this, there are numerous
changes that, with hindsight, could have improved the project.
The first is that a database should have been constructed from the outset, and data entered
using a well-designed form with dropdown menus and specific parameters. Not only would
this have saved time but it would have ensured that data were entered into discrete categories,
and the author would not have had to manually go through the datasheet checking spelling
mistakes or misuses of capital letters. Data was collected on a Microsoft Excel spread sheet
and migrated to a pre-constructed database, but the time spent syncing the two documents
could have been better spent. Furthermore, fields such as the „Excavation Date(s) and
Director(s)‟ are in memo format, when ideally should have been deconstructed into multiple
fields with more coherent categories that could be linked to specific references.
The core of the dataset was created from a close study of Meaney‟s (1964) gazetteer, and
there would have been no way to speed up this process. However, the subsequent research
would have been more efficient had the advanced search function been properly employed on
English Heritage‟s PastScape website (English Heritage 2013) and if the existence of the
55
Archaeological Data Service‟s Grey Literature Library (Archaeological Data Service 2013)
had been made known to the author earlier. As a consequence, much time was spent chasing
written references and scanning local journals which could have been used more productively
had the electronic resources been properly interrogated. Because the primary aim of the
database was to produce statistics, maps and a written gazetteer, it is essentially a datasheet
with some of the functions of a database. This is not necessarily a weakness; however, as this
was how the project was planned with the given timeframe, but a greater understanding of
relational databases and their effective construction from the outset would have enabled
increased functionality.
Taking everything into account, though, the EASCREM 13 database project was a huge
success and has produced two very useful resources. The first is a printable gazetteer of all
sites with instances of early Anglo-Saxon cremation that can be used as reference material
much in the same way Meaney‟s (1964) gazetteer can. The second is a database which
supports many different avenues of enquiry such as data reporting and manipulation on a site
by site, county by county, cemetery type by cemetery type etc. basis.
56
3. Past, Present and Future Studies of Cremations
3.1. Studies of Cremation
3.1.1. The Nature of Burial Data
Before we begin a consideration of past and present studies of cremation, and look towards
possibilities for future study, it seems apt to contemplate the nature of the evidence. Prior to
this, the reader is encouraged to review some of the issues of study previously noted (1.1.4.).
Mortuary evidence is fragmentary, incomplete, partial, conceptual and selective (Härke 1994;
Härke 1997, 21-3; Williams and Sayer 2009, 21; Chapman 2009, 28). Such a polemical
statement might seem dramatic, but it is essential to acknowledge the issues of the data under
study. In the context of cremation burials, we can understand the evidence as fragmentary in
terms of preservation and pre- and post-burial collection, incomplete as a picture of life, death
and ritual, unrepresentative of burial in general, a reflection of aspects of human thought and
consciousness and selective in terms of variables e.g. grave goods included, grave structure,
vessel etc. Burial data can also be considered as material (formed of complex relationships
between social groups and practices) and static (reflecting biological populations) (Chapman
2009, 28). As an example, cremation cemeteries excavated in the past were often incomplete
due to discovery and partial destruction by campaigns of railway, motorway and housing
construction (Lucy and Reynolds 2002, 5). In theory, this should no longer happen with the
introduction of „PPG15‟ and „PPG16‟ in 1990, and the more recent „Planning Policy
Statement 5: Planning and the Historic Environment‟ of 2010. Developer-funded archaeology
is subject to its own set of issues, however, such as the tendering process leading to
overstretched budgets and often little allocation for detailed post-excavation analysis and
publication. There is, however, normally more allocation of resources for sites with human
remains, and two very encouraging examples of commercially excavated cremation
cemeteries published to a detailed and modern standard, albeit as grey literature, are Beetley
Quarry, Norfolk (Unger 2008; EASCREM 22) and The Chalet Site, Essex (Newton 2009;
EASCREM 232). The publication of academic excavations is not without its own issues,
either, and it is still not uncommon for publication to occur over a decade after excavation, if
not longer. For example, although Kenneth Fennell‟s (1964) doctoral thesis is widely cited,
Loveden Hill remains almost completely unpublished. Similarly, the final volume of the
57
Spong Hill report series is expected this year, 32 years after the excavations ended (Hills and
Lucy, forthcoming). In many respects, the high standards expected in academic publishing
are increasing this time lag even further, and may make the publication of older, unpublished
excavations very difficult indeed (Lucy and Reynolds 2002, 7).
Mortuary data is a key facet of the evidence for past societies, but, unlike other data such as
settlement evidence, is fraught with issues of interpretation and requires ethical
considerations. When one finds an early Anglo-Saxon timber building, one can be sure that
someone either lived in it or used it for a specific function(s). Burial evidence is more
complicated, however, and the excavated remains cannot even be considered the end point of
burial, for there were rituals before it and most likely after it:
“It is not even the end product of the rituals, but somewhere in the middle.”
(Härke 1997, 22)
Two broad approaches to the interpretation of early Anglo-Saxon mortuary remains have
been identified on different sides of the North Sea; a continental approach which views
burials as direct reflections of social status (i.e. „mirrors of life‟), and the approach of scholars
from the UK who see graves and their artefacts as more symbolic of certain aspects of the
social order (Härke 1997, 19; 25; Nielsen 1997b, 103). Noting the pitfalls associated with
both approaches, Heinrich Härke (1997, 25), a scholar well-versed in both perspectives,
viewed burials more as „halls of mirrors of life‟, presenting distorted reflections of the past.
What is therefore required when studying mortuary remains is an awareness that the evidence
is difficult, and understanding can only be found at the point where reflection and distortion
meet (Williams and Sayer 2009, 21). We must therefore be careful in the extent to which we
extrapolate burials into an understanding of the societies which created them:
“Society reflects itself in its burials, but it is not possible to reconstruct the society
directly and deductively from the burials alone.”
(Nielsen 1997b, 110)
3.1.2. Myres and the Chronology of Pottery
As the antiquarian approach to early Anglo-Saxon cremation burials has already been
considered (1.1.3.), we will begin our review of the historiography of early Anglo-Saxon
58
cremation burial by looking at the man who was in many ways the father of Anglo-Saxon
pottery studies. When asked to contribute a summary on the earliest period of Anglo-Saxon
archaeology for the first volume of The Oxford History of England, John Nowell Linton
Myres realised the considerable quantity of Anglo-Saxon pottery and how poorly it was
understood (Myres 1936; 1969, 1; 1986, xx-xxi). This became his primary research interest,
and his appointment at the Bodleian Library in 1948 allowed him to compile and catalogue
the material, with his Anglo-Saxon Pottery and the Settlement of England (1969) serving as a
synthesis of early settlement from the ceramic material and his Corpus of Anglo-Saxon
Pottery of the Pagan Period (1977) being intended as a research aid for future study.
The fundamental basis for Myres‟ chronological scheme for the ceramic material was a
reliance on Germanic typologies, and an appreciation of the historical sources, from which
the difficulty of extracting accurate dates needs no rehearsal. However, he fully
acknowledged the difficulty of the evidence:
“There is no other group of primitive hand-made pottery in Europe which displays
anything approaching the imagination, variety, and spontaneity of the ornamental
designs devised by Anglo-Saxon potters during the first two centuries of the settlement
in Britain.”
(Myres 1969, 23)
As noted by Richards (1987, 24-5; 27), whilst his contribution to the field was impressive,
there are several issues to be raised with his treatment of the material. For example, it has
been noted that Myres provided few absolute dates, assumed of a unilinear stylistic
progression over time, largely ignored the chronological significance or form and was
hesitant to date a pot without an artefact association (Hurst 1976, 294-9; Hills 1979, 324-6;
Richards 1987, 24-5; Nielsen 1997a, 72; Hoggett 2007, 31). A further criticism to level at
Myres is how he drew the pot he imagined the potter had envisioned, not what was actually
created. This meant that Myres completely misrepresented the evidence, and, in fact,
seriously damaged the usefulness of his corpus to subsequent scholars (Richards 1987, 27).
Despite this, if it wasn‟t for Myres the ceramic material might never have been organised,
recorded and studied to such an extent, and in many respects much of it might have been no
longer extant if it wasn‟t for his careful efforts of preservation after the horrors of World War
II. His contribution is well summarised by Paul Blinkhorn:
“There is no doubt that Myres‟ work was of immense value in identifying the
continental parallels for the earliest decorated English pottery of the period, but it is
59
unfortunate that his analytical methodology was deeply flawed. The art-historical
approach of his time was simply not appropriate to the character of the material.
Consequently, analyses of Anglo-Saxon pottery generally start from the assumption
that the undecorated pottery was functional, and thus, as with the industrially-
produced „coarsewares‟ of other periods, it should be possible to identify
chronological development.”
(Blinkhorn 1997, 113)
3.1.3. Richards and the Significance of Form and Decoration
The publication of Julian D Richards‟ (1987) doctoral thesis on the significance of urn form
and decoration was a landmark in the study of cremation. It was the first serious and
empirical attempt to understand the social identity of the people inside the urns. In this sense,
the work was in contrast to previous studies that had focused on chronology and the ethnicity
of a decorative scheme (e.g. Myres 1936; 1969). His large-scale study of 2440 urns from 18
cemeteries across eastern and southern England, which primarily used Principal Component
Analysis, found that the sex and age of the deceased were in some way related to the size,
shape and decoration of the urn, and the artefacts and animal remains included with it:
“In summary, it appears that aspects of the form and decoration of Anglo-Saxon
cremation vessels, can, with a limited degree of confidence, be used to predict details
of the social identity of the occupant(s), just as a more recent gravestone can tell us
about the person(s) interred beneath”
(Richards 1987, 201)
In many respects Richards‟ approach was highly empirical, even processual, and relied upon
a great many statistical analyses, in many cases using computer programmes he wrote
himself, but was informed by the post-processual fascination with decoding and
understanding symbolism. The results of his study were the identification of a series of
relationships between urn form and decoration and the age, sex and social identity of the
individual, such as the correlation of adult males with decorative standing arches, the
identification of female remains more commonly in wider vessels with standing arches and
the association of smaller vessels with infants (Richards 1987, 136-9; 184-201). That the
correlation between age of the deceased and vessel size has recently been corroborated
(Squires, forthcoming) perhaps suggests that Richards was not overconfident when he wrote:
60
“The relationship between age and height of pot is so direct that it should be possible
to estimate the age of the deceased within a known range of error simply from the
height of the cremation urn, and with no knowledge of its contents”.
(Richards 1987, 136)
Other conclusions included a very slight but interesting difference in the height between urns
from sites in the traditional Anglian and Saxon zones, and the significant imbalance found
between the sexes at certain cemeteries that was previously mentioned (Richards 1987, 96;
114; 124; 1.2.3.). One of the key issues with Richards‟ study, however, is that ageing and
sexing cremated remains was incredibly difficult in the 1980s, and in many respects still is
today. Accordingly, many of his findings were preliminary, and no such similar study has
ever been undertaken at a comparable scale to build upon them. Where it was available, a
summary of ageing and sexing data has been recorded in the EASCREM 13 database, which
could be expanded upon in the future as a basis for a study similar to Richards. All things
considered, the study holds an important position in the historiography of early Anglo-Saxon
cremation studies.
3.1.4. The Biography of a Cremation Urn
Studies such as Richards (1987) suggest that, because there is at least some correlation
between the form and decoration of a vessel and the age and sex of the deceased it contains,
that cinerary urns were made especially for the funeral. Beyond the quantitative, then, it
follows that urns might also reflect aspects of identity – be it social, spiritual or other. This
has been the traditional approach, mainly out of a desire to deliminate ethnic, cultural and
individual identities, but also due to the fact that cremation urns are found decorated
considerably more frequently than ceramics found at settlement sites (Myres 1969, 4; Laing
and Laing 1979, 77-8; Richards 1987, 206-7; Blinkhorn 1997, 117; Leahy 2007, 54-5;
Williams 2011, 245). Despite this widely-held opinion, there have been few studies which
consider the issue in any depth. For example, all that Lloyd and Jennifer Laing had to say on
the matter was:
“The pots used for cremations were usually made specially for the occasion”
(Laing and Laing 1979, 77)
61
In recent years, however, an alternative perspective has been put forward that argues for at
least some use of domestic wares as cremation urns (Hirst and Clark 2009, 590; Perry 2011).
A good example of this is the similarity between the fabrics used and motifs deployed on
ceramics found at the settlement and cemeteries at Mucking, Essex (Hirst and Clark 2009,
590; 603; 610; EASCREM 160). Furthermore, the identification of sooting, repairs and use-
alteration patterns (chemical or physical changes to the surface) attest a pre-burial origin for
any given vessel (Perry 2011, 10). Gareth Perry‟s (2011, 12-17) study of 958 urns from
Cleatham, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 68) found a number of use-alteration characteristics
such as internal pitting (28%), basal abrasion (25%), sooting (7%) and leaching (4%). Most
significantly, out of the 116 urns which had the best preservation, 71% showed some
evidence of use prior to burial. Whilst these results are interesting, it must be remembered
that this is an analysis of one site, and is not necessarily representative of the rest of early
Anglo-Saxon England. Indeed, the future of this debate surely lies in a large scale
comparative study of the ceramics from settlements and burial sites across early Anglo-Saxon
England. Obviously the data required for this is beyond the limits of the EASCREM 13
database, but it could serve to point potential researchers in the direction of sites with large
numbers of urns and their relevant publications. For now, it serves to preliminarily conclude
that both approaches have merits, and there is no reason why some urns were not created with
the deceased specifically in mind, whilst at the same time others were reused from the
domestic sphere. It may even be the case that vessels were created for both life and death.
3.1.5. Memory and Transformation
Many studies have looked at the rites employed before the cremation, such as the washing
and dressing of the body and the agency of mourners, but Williams (2004, 263-5) has
critiqued the lack of attention levelled at the agency of the deceased themselves. By this he
means that archaeologists tend to reduce the deceased to a form of material culture which is
manipulated by the agency of the living. In fact, cadavers bridge the gap between agents and
objects, and occupy something of a unique position in society. They can have a symbolic and
mnemonic significance which is articulated in their ability to affect the actions of mourners
and evoke memories (Williams 2004, 265-6). The deceased may have given individuals
instructions in life about how they wished to be treated in death, and bonds of kinship or
social hierarchies may have ensured the enactment of said wishes. Furthermore, the cadaver
62
itself can be viewed as a vehicle for remembrance; a focal point for shared experience and the
construction of memories of the deceased (Hallam and Hockey 2001; Williams 2004, 266-7;
Williams 2006b, 217). Accordingly, one interpretation of cremation is that it was a
technology of remembrance which transformed the body; constructing memories and
constituting identities (Williams 2003; Williams 2006b, 217; Williams 2011, 238; 249).
A scale above individual memories, social memory can be seen as collective notions of the
past that are relevant to the present – a kind of memory bank from which a collective or
group can draw upon (Coser 1992; Devlin 2007, 38). This phenomenon is particularly
pertinent to mortuary studies, as funerary practice can be seen as an arena for the
construction, manipulation and transmission of memories, particularly in the choice of which
objects should accompany the deceased (Williams 2004, 265-7; 2011, 238; 249; Williams
and Sayer 2009, 4; Devlin 2007, 38; 42-3). The placing of cremation urns in existing
prehistoric barrows can be seen as a good example of the creation of social memory, perhaps
functioning to tie a community to the land or extend a lineage deep into the past. Therefore,
collective understanding of the world and a culture‟s position within it is partially influenced
from this complex process of interaction and negotiation with memories. There are around
fifteen examples of secondary interment of early Anglo-Saxon cremations in the database,
although there are likely more, especially when one considers how frequently Bronze Age,
Roman and Anglo-Saxon cremations were confused in earlier accounts (1.2.4.). Confident
examples such as the small community interred into Bronze Age barrows at Hollingbourne,
Kent (Grove 1952; EASCREM 126) attest a conscious decision being made to bury the dead
with existing remains. Despite being difficult to glean any serious, quantitative conclusions,
such an approach to the study of cremation, not merely looking at the end product – the grave
and artefacts – but at the whole process with all of its social and symbolic complexities, has
many benefits.
3.1.6. Spiritual Approaches to Cremation
The Gregorian Mission brought Christianity to the Kingdom of Kent in AD 596 but that was
only the beginning of a long process of conversion and Christianisation, which eventually
saw all of England be considered as Christian many centuries later. The primary issue
encountered by individuals studying past religion is that it is so very difficult to ever know
what people truly thought. Indeed in the modern period many of us do not even know what
63
we believe ourselves. In truth, there is a tremendous amount of debate about what religion
even is. Were we to take the writings of Karl Marx (e.g. 1843), for example, we might be
tempted to claim that an Anglo-Saxon chieftain might have used religion as means to control
their warband; maintaining order and martial prowess by the promise of honour and spiritual
rewards in the next life. Alternatively, a Durkheimian (e.g. Swain 1915) approach might
emphasise the collective solidarity and reinforcement of social norms that pre-Christian
religion might have fostered in early Anglo-Saxon communities; creating authority figures,
stabilising a system of spiritual hierarchy and functioning for the benefit of society. Such an
introduction highlights how difficult it is to study belief and the plethora of possible
interpretations and theoretical approaches one could take. How best to approach the rite of
cremation in a spiritual context, then?
As is often the case in early Anglo-Saxon archaeology, a good starting point is to revisit
Audrey Meaney:
“It is difficult to assess the ritual significance of cremation; on the whole, the idea
behind it seems to be to release the spirit; to dismiss it from the body primarily in
order that it shall no longer trouble the living.”
(Meaney 1964, 16)
The fact that Meaney saw the dismissal of the soul on the grounds that it might otherwise
bother the living is an interesting angle, and was perhaps informed by later Anglo-Saxon
literature and poetry where ghosts and revenants played a role in troubling the living. Taking
a more pragmatic approach, David Mackenzie Wilson claimed that:
“From the archaeological material it is impossible to name the religion practised, the
Gods worshipped or the ritual which preceded burial”
(Wilson 1976, 3)
Whilst it is true that there are very limited references to the cremation rites of the early
medieval cultures of the North Sea, this is not to say that the references we do have cannot be
used at all. One of the most obvious literary depictions of the cremation rite is the funeral of
Beowulf, where he was burnt with the dragon‟s treasure, martial offerings of shields and mail
coats, and his own worldly possessions both as a mark of respect to a great leader, but also
presumably to accompany him into the next world, be it the Valhalla of the later Old Norse
sources or otherwise. In terms of archaeological evidence, decorated cinerary urns can be
seen as an important body of evidence with some of the greatest potential for elucidating pre-
64
Christian spiritual belief in early Anglo-Saxon England. One of the most widely cited and
frequently found motifs is the swastika (Fig.12), which David Raoul Wilson argues:
"undoubtedly had special importance for the Anglo-Saxons, either magical or
religious, or both. It seems very likely that it was the symbol of the thunder god
Thunor"
(Wilson 1992, 115)
Thunor appears to be the same as the Old Norse Þórr (Thor); son of Óðinn (Odin) and
wielder of the mighty hammer Mjölnir, of which amulets can be found in several graves
across the Viking world (Blinkenberg 2012, 58-63). On the basis of Þórr‟s apparent
association with Thunor, the Anglo-Saxon swastika, which is so frequently on decorated
urns, has been interpreted by Hilda Ellis Davidson (1965, 83) as a symbol of Mjölnir, or
whatever the Anglo-Saxon equivalent was, which in turn was perhaps derived from Bronze
Age sun crosses. It seems that there is relatively compelling evidence for a spiritual function
associated with the swastika symbol on early Anglo-Saxon cinerary urns, but we are not
currently in a position to take such an interpretation any further than it might have been
magical or protective.
Another decorative phenomenon in the repertoire of early Anglo-Saxon potters that could
potentially be seen as a spiritual in nature is the ᛏ-rune, which represented the letter T and
which, it has been argued, was associated with the god Tiw, who may be the same deity as
the Old Norse Týr (Wilson 1992, 116-17; 146-9; Fig.13). ᛏ-runes occur less frequently on
cremation urns than swastikas do, and perhaps can be even more confidently ascribed a
spiritual significance:
“There can be little doubt that the use of this particular rune by itself on pottery is due
to the fact that it stands for the god Tiw or Tig, the popularity of whose cult in the
early Anglo-Saxon period is shown not only by his name appearing in a number of
place-names, but by the allocation of a weekday, Tuesday, to his special protection. It
is therefore safe to assume that a devotion to the cult of Tiw is indicated by these T
rune pots”
(Myres and Green 1973, 66)
65
Fig.12: An urn employing swastika decoration from Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM
213). Image courtesy of The British Museum Free Image Service
Fig.13: A good example of an urn with raised ᛏ-runes from Spong Hill, Norfolk
(EASCREM 213) (after Wilson 1992, 147)
66
The so-called wyrm motif has been likened to a serpent-like creature, perhaps a dragon or
depiction of Jörmungandr, the world serpent, and is also found on a significant number of
cremation urns. This serpentine motif may have invoked protection on a cremation urn, as
dragons are frequently depicted in heroic legend and mythology as the guardians of hoards,
perhaps even the dead (Wilson 1992, 150-1):
a fierce and naked dragon, who flies by night
in a pillar of fire; people on earth
fear him greatly. It is his nature to find
a hoard in the earth, where ancient and proud,
he guards heathen gold, though it does him no good.
(Beowulf: 2273-2277, translated by R.M. Liuzza 2000, 122-3).
It is hoped that this, and the other examples in this section, demonstrate just how difficult it is
to say anything with certainty when discussing the pre-Christian spiritual beliefs of the early
Anglo-Saxons. We are not as privileged as Scandinavian scholars, who can draw upon the
rich texts of Snorri and others in the formulation of spiritual interpretations of their
archaeology. Even when they do this, there is still considerable difficulty in equating later
Christian accounts of the pre-Christian religion with archaeological artefacts that precede
them by several centuries. When studying Anglo-Saxon England, however, we have very
limited sources, and our understanding of spiritual belief is poor. This is perhaps best
evidenced by cremation urn R9/10 from Caistor-by-Norwich, Norfolk (EASCREM 53),
which has freestyle decoration of a ship and wolf-like figure and which has been interpreted
as a scene from Ragnarök, the doom of the gods, with the wolf Fenrir travelling in the boat
Naglfar (Myres and Green 1973, 118; Wilson 1992, 153-4; Fig.14). Whilst this is a
fascinating interpretation, it highlights the difficulty faced by scholars studying religion – we
simply do not know, and currently have no means in which to prove any hypothesis on the
pre-Christian spiritual belief of early Anglo-Saxon England.
3.1.7. Social Analysis of Cremation in Lincolnshire
The link between cremation cemeteries, a seemingly British post-Roman town and the later
Anglo-Saxon kingdom of Lindsey might seem tenuous at first, but recent research in the
county of Lincolnshire is yielding interesting insights and provides a useful case study in
which to consider how one might actually use cremation cemetery data. Lindsey is a
historically attested Anglo-Saxon kingdom of the 7th
century with probable British origins
67
Fig.14: The „wolf and ship‟ decorated urn from Caistor-by-Norwich, Norfolk
(EASCREM 53) (after Wilson 1992, 153)
(Green 2008, 1). In the latter half of the 5th
century, a series of cremation cemeteries emerge
in the Lincoln area which are large and reasonably distanced from each other, perhaps acting
as a central foci for burial (Green 2008, 16-17). Reflecting on large cemeteries, Myres wrote:
“Cremation, wherever it occurs in massive numbers, is a clear sign of Anglo-Saxon
settlement in sufficient density, or so well organised, as to be uninfluenced by the
native culture of Romano-British society”
(Myres 1986, 112)
However, the fact that the large cremation cemeteries of this region make a ring, with a radius
of at least 15-20 miles (25-30km), around Lincoln might suggest a controlling British force
preventing the Anglo-Saxons from encroaching too close to the city and is markedly different
to the post-Roman situation at other Roman towns in the north (Green 2008, 17-18). What is
most interesting is that the smaller inhumation cemeteries that emerge in the mid-late 6th
century do not seem to honour this apparently British zone of influence, some being situated
as close as a few miles, and have been interpreted as a sign that British influence is waning
and Anglo-Saxon power growing (Green 2008, 18). Evidence of a degree of urban
continuation has been observed, notably the late 4th
century Romano-British church being
built in Lincoln, with a suggested sequence of continuation into the 6th
century (Steane 1990-
1; Jones 1993; Green 2008, 19-22). Moreover, four of the urns from Cleatham (EASCREM
68
68) appear to have been wheel made, in a Roman fashion, but have distinct form and fabric,
thus suggesting a post-Roman British ceramic industry at some level (Leahy 2007, 126-7;
2008, 52-3; 86; Green 2008, 24). Accordingly, using the cremation burial data and other
archaeological evidence as indications of early Anglo-Saxon settlement, and noting spatial
and geographical positioning, Thomas Green has been able to draw upon historical evidence
to construct a compelling interpretation for post-Roman Lincoln:
“These immigrant groups seem to have been controlled by the Britons and prevented
– at least into the early-sixth century – from significantly encroaching upon the
Briton‟s chief settlement of Lincoln, judging from the distribution of the large
cremation cemeteries and their implied territories. The Historia Brittonum suggests
that military action c. 500 may well have played a role in this containment; indeed, it
is not beyond the realms of possibility that such action was led by Ambrosium
Aurelianus and that famous Battle of Badon could have been fought in Lindsey,
although this must remain speculative”.
(Green 2008, 33)
It is only from detailed, interdisciplinary study utilising all of the available evidence that we
are able to arrive at such nuanced conclusions. This case study has been a good example of a
scholar with a command of several different types of evidence.
3.1.8. Cremation Cemeteries as ‘Central Places’
Howard Williams (2002a) has recently put forward an interesting idea – that the large
northern and eastern cremation cemeteries can be viewed as central places. When one thinks
of central places, one‟s mind is immediately drawn to the monumental settlement complexes
with archaeologically attested socio-political, economic and spiritual dimensions, such as
Lejre, Denmark (Christensen 1991; 2007; Niles and Osborn 2007), Uppåkra, Sweden
(Larsson 2001; 2002) or Skiringssalr, Norway (Skrae 2007). Central place theory was
developed by the German geographer Walter Christaller (1933) to explain the number, size
and location of human settlements in an urban system. In the context of early medieval
archaeology, however, central place theory has allowed us to identify rich sites of socio-
political, economic and spiritual importance which were integrated into local, regional and
supra-regional networks. In this context, identifying early Anglo-Saxon cremation cemeteries
as central places might seem peculiar, but there is no reason why these sites cannot have had
central functions as well; creating communities of both the dead and the living. Indeed, it is
69
not until the later 6th
and 7th
centuries that we find elite burial grounds, such as Sutton Hoo,
Suffolk (EASCREM 229) or Snape, Suffolk (EASCREM 204), and high status elite
settlements, like the Bernician royal centre at Yeavering. Similarly, whilst the recent
excavations (particularly 2012 and 2013) at Lyminge, Kent have uncovered a complex of
large timber halls dating to the 6th
and 7th
centuries, one of the earliest elite settlements
uncovered in Anglo-Saxon England, it is not unreasonable to cast the field of enquiry wider
and look at unconventional sites-types in the search for 5th
and early 6th
century sites with
central functions (Williams 2002a, 342-3; 358; Gabor Thomas, pers. comm.). In fact, such
investigation yields interesting conclusions and throws the door open to further questioning
of the nature of social identity in the earliest years of the early Anglo-Saxon period. This is
particularly relevant when one considers that the forthcoming chronological synthesis of
Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) views the cemetery as largely 5th
century in date (Hills
and Lucy, forthcoming).
Williams (2002a, 344-5) sees the large cremation cemeteries of northern and eastern England
as different to other sites because of their large size, early date and their „pure‟ adoption of
cremation. These are cemeteries that would have served multiple communities; bringing
people together and reinforcing a shared (?ethnic) identity. Using a detailed analysis of
excavation data, field walking survey, aerial photography, metal detector and find data,
Williams considers four cemeteries in Lincolnshire at a local level, emphasising their
geographical and spatial significance. These sites were not central places in the usual
archaeological sense, but they were places where:
“concepts of the person and community were performed, created and inscribed”
(Williams 2002a, 359)
And where:
“a distinctive mortuary ideology was developed that forged powerful relationships
between place, identity, myths and memories.”
(Williams 2002a, 341)
In many respects William‟s (2002a, 358) argument can be reduced to a relatively simple one;
that the monumental scale of certain cremation cemeteries meant that they must have been
centrally planned, served central social functions and were underpinned by an impressively
efficient exploitation of resources and a scale of social cooperation not found in any other site
type. To take this line of enquiry a little to the south, the elite cremations and wider burial
70
ground dating to the first quarter of the 7th
century at Sutton Hoo, Suffolk (EASCREM 229)
demonstrates that even at this late date cremation was still practised by those at the apex of
the social hierarchy, possibly even as an overt sign of defiance against rising Christendom
(Carver 1998; 136). It should also be noted that life, death and memory are not mutually
exclusive in the Scandinavian central places, either. The funerary landscape at Lejre,
consisted of a cemetery, barrow and stone ship settings, which were separated from the living
settlement by a river, and which can be seen as a direct link between past and present; always
in sight but separate, distinct and different (Austin 2011, 39). Accordingly, William‟s paper is
an important step forward in the study of cremation burials and as more detailed datasets are
published, we should be able to consider other cremation cemeteries in the same way. Indeed,
the application of central place theory to early Anglo-Saxon material more generally is
certainly overdue, which is something the author intends to pursue at a doctoral level.
3.1.9. Reflections
In the last 30 years or so, a plethora of encouraging and interesting approaches to the study of
cremation burials have emerged. In our embrace of the multiplicity of approaches, we have
rightly gone away from Myres and the culture-historical approach, but we must always
acknowledge, respect and build upon his work. The list of questions asked of the cremation
evidence is considerably longer now, but the important and fundamental questions of
ethnicity and chronology should retain their importance. That the cremation evidence is being
used more frequently, and studied to a better standard, means that our understanding should
increase at an exponential rate in the coming years, and it is encouraging to see questions of
cremation occupy the minds of many prolific scholars of the current generation. It should be
clear by now that the most nuanced conclusions come from detailed studies of a local or
regional context that utilise all of the available evidence, be it archaeological, historical or
other. Whilst this study offers national statistics and broad generalisations, there is variation
observable at every level of Anglo-Saxon England and there really is no substitute for the
thorough analysis of a geographic locality. Despite this, a grasp of the macro level is essential
to contextualise the study of locale, and it is hoped that this dissertation can influence the
research agendas of both types of study.
71
3.2. Towards the Future
3.2.1. An Interpretation
It seems apparent that social and even spiritual considerations played a significant role in the
funerary rite of cremation and perhaps we can understand the difference between inhumation
and cremation as a dichotomy, with inhumation being an attempt at maintaining the social
personhood of the deceased and cremation seeking to destructively accelerate decay,
transform the deceased and foster a greater sense of social identity (Williams 2002a; Hines
2011, 978-9). Such a concept can be understood in the context of a people to whom
inhumation had no precedent migrating to lands where it predominated. This clash of
funerary custom would surely have led to new ways of expressing identity in death, and
perhaps we can see furnished inhumation as something of a compromise between old and
new. It is certainly true that the rite is significantly different to inhumation, and one really
does get a sense of collective identity being expressed. Inhumation burials are more variable
and status is a lot easier to detect archaeologically. On the other hand, cremation appears a
more normalised rite – status is reflected in terms of artefacts, urn decoration and grave
architecture, but much more subtly. Such a view is well presented by John Hines:
“It is entirely valid, then, to hypothesise that cremation positively embodied a more
aesthetic sense of general human nature than the particular sense of human identity
implicit in inhumation.”
(Hines 2011, 979)
This sense of a broad community identity is reinforced by Richards‟ (1987) study of 2440
urns from 18 different cemeteries around England which found that whilst there was notable
difference at an inter-site level, the “overall impression is one of a high degree of conformity
between sites” (Richards 1987, 100). We can therefore build up a picture of the widespread
practise of a mortuary rite which served to reinforce a sense of collective, cultural and ethnic
identity within the confines of a social ideology, possibly with cosmological and spiritual
aspects. Perhaps cremation was expected, or even legally required, in order for the deceased
to ascend to the next world. Their worldly possessions, or perhaps symbolic artefacts which
represented them, would accompany individuals on this spiritual transformation. The funeral
itself served to bring the community together and honour the dead in displays of agency, both
in terms of the mourners and the deceased. To apply the well-known Structuration theory of
Anthony Giddens (e.g. 1984), cremation burial can be seen as a two-way process between
72
structures (social, cultural and spiritual paradigms) and agents (including both the deceased
and the mourners). Eventually, however, as times changed and society became more
complex, new ideas emerged which questioned these beliefs and the practice of cremation
declined towards the 6th
and 7th
centuries. The social, cultural and possibly even spiritual
basis for cremation was replaced by new ways of thinking, and chieftains and kings could no
longer cling so firmly to the old ways if they were to embrace Christendom and the ever
changing geopolitical landscape of Anglo-Saxon England (Wilson 1992, 175). In conclusion,
and although there are major issues with using a later, Christian historical source, perhaps we
can turn to the works of Snorri Sturluson, the famous Icelandic historian, poet and politician,
for an impression of what the mythological context for cremation might have been for the
early Anglo-Saxons. From the first book, Heimskringla, of his Ynglinga Saga of c.1225 we
are told that:
“Odin established the same law in his land that had been in force in Asaland. Thus
he established by law that all dead men should be burned, and their belongings laid
with them upon the pile, and the ashes be cast into the sea or buried in the earth.
Thus, said he, every one will come to Valhalla with the riches he had with him upon
the pile; and he would also enjoy whatever he himself had buried in the earth. For
men of consequence a mound should be raised to their memory, and for all other
warriors who had been distinguished for manhood a standing stone; which custom
remained long after Odin's time.”
(OMACL 2013)
3.2.2. Archaeology or Archaeologies?
Most scholarly and scientific discourses aim to be as objective as possible. Indeed, many
refuse to even admit that there is subjectivity in any account. Quantitative and empirical
methodologies are by definition objective, but the mental processes that select and analyse
them are human and subjective. In the context of British and American archaeology there was
a paradigm shift to the objective and empirical in the 1960s and 1970s. This processual
approach utilised scientific and rigorous methodologies to explain the past, not merely
describe it from a cultural perspective. Archaeologists began to change tact once again in the
1980s, though, and there was in many cases an outright rejection of reducing the human to
points of data. Instead, subjectivity was to be embraced as part of the great human story.
Many modern approaches to archaeology embrace this, arguing that there is no privileged
73
account, only a multitude of competing but equally correct interpretations (Hodder and
Hutson 2003). In this theoretical context, is it perhaps misguided to attempt to construct an
archaeology, or archaeologies, of early Anglo-Saxon cremation burial? Should we even
aspire to define one?
In order to contextualise this discussion, and to develop the theme of centrality previously
discussed (3.1.8.), let us look at Scandinavian central places and, in particular, the timber
halls which characterise them. An excavated timber hall can be approached from a number of
angles;
From a social perspective (e.g. how a space facilitated social interaction)
From a political perspective (e.g. control of space and access by elites)
From an economic perspective (e.g. the control of metalwork and privileged access to
objects)
From a religious perspective (e.g. the ritual function of the building)
From a legal perspective (e.g. how was justice administered)
From an architectural perspective (e.g. the construction and development),
From a domestic perspective (e.g. private and personal space),
From a feminist perspective (e.g. the visibility of female zones and food preparation
areas),
From a corporeal perspective (e.g. how did people present themselves at the hall)
Each of these approaches is valid, and the synthesis of a plethora approaches lends to a
deeper, more nuanced interpretation. The archaeology of Scandinavian timber halls is
developed to the extent that there are multiple archaeologies of timber halls, utilising these
complex datasets to their full extent. These theories are, in turn, part of a wider study and
approach known as central place theory, which has been developed by Scandinavian
archaeologists particularly in the last 20-30 years. The situation with the study of early
Anglo-Saxon cremation burials is markedly different, however, and it would be difficult to
even identify one approach which has a detailed methodology underpinned by a developed
theoretical perspective. Whilst it would be ideal if we could develop a series of approaches to
cremation and construct the kind of complex interpretations that central place theorists can,
the complete lack of any developed approach to the study of cremation demonstrates the
need, at least as an interim measure, for a single archaeology of cremation.
74
Howard Williams (2008, 240) has called for an archaeology of cremation which has detailed
methodologies and a developed theoretical basis for understanding the variability of
cremation. Whilst this might seem a little obvious, it is certainly true that there are very few
books that deal specifically with cremation, but several which deal explicitly with unburnt
remains, or present an imbalanced synthesis from both. Cremation is a good example of a
funerary rite where we can make broad generalisations at a macro level, but observe quite
marked variation at a micro level. Accordingly, it has been argued that the main problem that
cremation studies face is that there is a lack of explicit theoretical approaches which can
adequately account for both the general similarities and specific variations which are found in
cremation burials (Williams 2008, 239). Indeed, there was no single Anglo-Saxon society just
as there was no single Anglo-Saxon way of death and just as there was no single Anglo-
Saxon cremation rite (Williams 2011, 259). Perhaps we can use a comparison of cremation
burial in eastern and southern England to contextualise some of the issues encountered when
studying cremations.
Both regions practised cremation to varying degrees from the 5th
to the 6th
or 7th
centuries.
The cremations were frequently placed in urns, often with associated artefacts, and were most
commonly deposited in shallow graves. The reuse of existing prehistoric barrows was also
practised by both south and east, with examples at Hollingbourne, Kent (EASCREM 126)
and Brightwell-Martlesham, Suffolk (EASCREM 37). Similarly, cremations deposited in
bronze bowls have been found from both regions, such as at Coombe, Kent (EASCREM 72)
and Sutton Hoo, Suffolk (EASREM 229). The phenomenon of window urns is also found
across this regional divide, with instances at Castle Acre, Norfolk (EASCREM 56) and
Westbere, Kent (EASCREM 254). Away from these generalisations, though, we can look
more closely at local variations in practice. East Anglia and the East Midlands are
characterised by high numbers of large cemeteries where cremation in the dominant funerary
practice. In the southern region, particularly the south coast and the Thames Valley, the
distribution is different, with sites containing cremation being less frequent and smaller in
scale. The fact that Norfolk has more cremation sites than Kent, Sussex, Hampshire and the
Isle of Wight combined supports these broad regional differences. Likewise, a comparison of
the 2484 cremations at Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) with the 138 at Apple Down,
Sussex (EASCREM 10) – the largest cremation site from the southern region – demonstrates
the different character of funerary practice between these areas.
75
This brief case study highlights the difficulties of a rigid theoretical and methodological
approach to cremation studies. Broad similarities at the macro level must be paired with
localised variation at the micro level. It is clear that cremations and inhumations are markedly
different, and the imposition of traditional inhumation-centric approaches can seriously harm
an accurate interpretation of the cremation evidence. Methodological and theoretical
refinement is needed if a more nuanced interpretation of cremation is to be sought. It is also
apparent that constructing an archaeology of cremation will take many years, numerous
theoretical debates and is an endeavour too large for a masters dissertation (Williams 2012,
264). What is achievable in this dissertation, however, is the provision of the tools in which
to develop such an approach. That being, a quantitative and qualititative summary of the
current state of knowledge, and some remarks about possible directions the discipline could
head.
3.2.3. Conclusions
It is a daunting task to summarise a study of over 250 sites and several centuries‟ worth of
scholarship. The first and most obvious conclusion is that there is certainly a huge amount of
work needed to bring cremation studies in line with the scholarship of inhumation burials.
This is well evidenced by the fact that we have major reports, detailed chronologies and an
extensive series of databases for the study of inhumation burials whilst this humble
postgraduate undertaking is probably the closest we have to a national database for cremation
burials. This is in no way saying that this dissertation is anything more than a mere
postgraduate attempt to tackle a difficult body of evidence, but it highlights just how
underdeveloped the study of cremation truly is.
This essential body of evidence deserves further study if we are to elucidate the earliest
chapters of Anglo-Saxon history, and the author can make wholehearted recommendations
for a number of potential research projects. It is clear that this attempt at piecing together the
evidence has been generalist and superficial, and a thorough review is greatly needed. Such
an endeavour would make a fine piece of doctoral or post-doctoral research, or even form the
basis of a much larger project bringing together many different specialists. Extended work
with the evidence we already have is also highly recommended, such as the publication of
older excavations where material is still extant, or thorough analysis of more recent
excavations where the datasets are more detailed. Particular recommendation can be made for
76
detailed studies of specific localities or regions, and one only needs to read Thomas Green‟s
(2008) study of Lincoln to gauge the tremendous possibilities of thorough and geographically
focused interdisciplinary analysis. Finally, the long-overdue publication of Kenneth Fennell‟s
1964 PhD thesis on Loveden Hill, surely one of the most widely-cited but unpublished works
on an early Anglo-Saxon cemetery, would be a welcome addition to studies of cremation.
It is encouraging to see cremation studies having a higher profile in recent publications,
however, and Gareth Perry, Howard Williams, Kevin Leahy, Tom Green and others should
be well respected for their very different but equally interesting approaches to the material.
Moreover, the chronological future of cremation looks promising and both the publication of
the final report on Spong Hill (Hills and Lucy, forthcoming) and the major chronological
report on the inhumation burials of the 6th
and 7th
centuries (Hines et al 2013) will be vital
tools in the establishment of a sequence for the early Anglo-Saxon period in general, and a
developed chronology for cremation burials more specifically, which utilises artefact
typologies, radiocarbon dated human remains and the form and function of urns. The
particular need for a refined chronology of cremations is due to the fact that the evidence
appears so concentrated to the 5th
and early 6th
centuries; the most difficult period of early
Anglo-Saxon England there is to study. In many respects the chronological prospects for
cremation are exceedingly good for two principle reasons. Firstly, all three components of the
classic cremation burial (human remains, artefacts, urns) should be closely datable both on
their own and as part of a tripartite dating suite. Particularly relevant to this is the developing
field of rehydroxylation dating, which measures the concentration of hydroxyl groups in
ceramic material, which accumulate at a constant rate after firing and which can be measured
to determine age (Wilson et al 2003; 2012). Whilst it is not commercially available at the
time of writing, such a technique has the potential to revolutionise the dating of pottery in the
coming years, and by proxy, our understanding of the chronology of cremations. Secondly,
envisioned improvements to the techniques for dating bone and the refinement of the
radiocarbon calibration curve to AD 395 should also aid this endeavour (Hines et al 2013,
518). Taken together then, the future looks incredibly promising for the construction of a
robust chronological framework.
The research undertaken for this dissertation will hopefully form the basis of future
publications by the author and it is hoped that the database, in an updated and refined form,
can be hosted online by the likes of the ADS. But, most importantly, it is hoped that this
study has demonstrated just how much information can be obtained from the mortuary rite of
77
cremation and how essential the evidence is in our understanding of the early Anglo-Saxon
period. The future of early Anglo-Saxon cremation studies is full of potential, and for the first
time we have high quality data, the techniques in which to interrogate it and a developing
awareness of the need for more explicit theory. And at a time of economic uncertainty and
diminishing academic funding, perhaps now is finally the time to take stock of the evidence
we already have and truly grasp its worth in furthering our understanding of the period.
78
List of Figures
Fig.1: The historic counties of the UK (after The Historic Counties Trust 2010, 1)
Fig.2: S. Mallard‟s artistic impression of an early Anglo-Saxon funeral pyre, drawing on the
idea of the interlocking timbers and hazel brushwood put forward by McKinley (1994a). The
sheer number of burnt beads, brooches and buckles we find in cinerary urns confirms that
many people would have been buried clothed. Similarly, evidence of refired sherds indicates
the inclusion of accessory vessels on the pyre. In contrast to this depiction, however, is the
rarity of spearheads and shield bosses found with cremations (after Glasswell 2002, 49).
Fig.3: The quantity of animal bone found in certain cremation cemeteries, like Spong Hill,
Norfolk (EASCREM 213) and Sancton, Yorkshire (EASCREM 194) where whole or almost-
whole animal carcasses are found, must indicate that these pyres could, on occasion, be huge
(after Bond 1996, 80)
Fig.4: A summary of Shipman et al‟s 1984 study of the five types of burnt bone
Fig.5: A reenactor decorates an early Anglo-Saxon style pot with an antler tool. Photograph
by A. Kemp, courtesy of Jewry Wall Museum Leicester (after Glasswell 2002, pl.21)
Fig.6: The „Spong Man‟ urn lid (left), found in 1979 at Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213)
(after Hills et al 1987, pl.IX) and the urn lid with bird decoration (right) from Newark,
Nottinghamshire (EASCREM 166) (after Milner 1853)
Fig.7: An impression of the most common artefact types in cremation burials (after Williams
2003, 101)
Fig.8: Burnt beads from urns at Cleatham, Lincolnshire (EASCREM 68) (after Leahy 2007,
pl.36)
Fig.9: A burnt small-long brooch (left) and from burial 3095 and a burnt wrist-clasp (right)
from burial 2765 at Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213) (after Lucy 2000, 109)
Fig.10: Two possible reconstructions of the four-post structure found at Apple Down, Sussex
(EASCREM 10) (after Down and Welch 1990, pl.53)
Fig.11: Beautifully illustrated cremation urns from Little Wilbraham, Cambridgeshire
(EASCREM 146) (after Smith 1852, pl.28)
Fig.12: An urn employing swastika decoration from Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM 213).
Image courtesy of The British Museum Free Image Service
Fig.13: A good example of an urn with raised ᛏ-runes from Spong Hill, Norfolk (EASCREM
213) (after Wilson 1992, 147)
Fig.14: The „wolf and ship‟ decorated urn from Caistor-by-Norwich, Norfolk (EASCREM
53) (after Wilson 1992, 153)
79
List of Maps
Map 1: A distribution map of all recorded geographically unique sites that contain cremation.
Map 2: A distribution map of small-scale cremation burial, including certain and uncertain
instances of Single Cremation Burials (n=1), Cremation Burials (n=2-3) and Mixed Rite
Burials (n=2-3)
Map 3: A distribution map of cemeteries (n=4+), including certain and uncertain instances of
Pure Cremation Cemeteries, Mixed Rite Cemeteries, Minority Cremation Cemeteries and
Majority Cremation Cemeteries
Map 4: A distribution map of all sites, with the historic county borders overlaid (see A Note
on the Counties of England and fig.1 for a key to the counties)
List of Tables
Table 1: The classification of sites based on the number of burials present
Table 2: The classification of cemeteries based on the ratio of cremations and inhumations, if
the latter are present
Table 3: The classification of uncertain sites, based on the number of burials and the ratio of
cremations and inhumations, if the latter are present
Table 4: The 12 possible classifications of site
Table 5: The information recorded for each site
Table 6: The number of certain and uncertain sites.
Table 7: The relative frequencies of site types, using both sets of data
Table 8: The relative frequencies of broad site types, based on the number of burials present
and using both sets of data
Table 9: The relative frequencies of cemetery types, using both sets of data
Table 10: The relative frequency of sites by historic county, using both sets of data
Table 11: The 10 sites with the highest numbers of cremations
Table 12: The minimum and maximum number of cremations by county, with totals, and
using both sets of data
80
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Wyatt, J. 1857. „Remarkable Saxon Urn, discovered at Kepston, Beds.‟. Collectanea Antiqua,
4. pp.159-61.
Wyatt, J. 1870. [Note in] „Thursday, December 1st, 1870‟. Proceedings of the Society of
Antiquaries of London, 5. pp.33-5.
Wylie, W.M. 1856. [Note in] „Thursday, June 1st, 1854‟. Proceedings of the Society of
Antiquaries, 3. pp.105-6.
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efficient method for extracting DNA from old and burned bone‟. Journal of Forensic
Sciences, 49 (4). pp.754-759.
Yerburgh, R. 1825. Sketches Illustrative of the Topography and History of New and Old
Sleaford. Sleaford: anonymously published by James Creasey.
103
Appendix I – Site Gazetteer
A site gazetteer is provided here for the benefit of the reader. It was created from running a
report on the EASCREM 13 project database, and includes the following information about
each of the 266 sites:
- ID
- Site Name
- Site Name II
- Historic County
- Unitary Authority
- NGR
- Data Range
- Meaney Reference
- Excavations Date(s) and Director(s)
- Min No. Crem
- Max No. Crem
- Min No. Inhum
- Max No. Inhum
- Cemetery Type
- Artefact Types
- Description
- Reference(s)
- Museum(s)
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