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8/3/2019 A Short Case Study in Cultural Memory
1/18
A Short Case Study in Cultural Memory: The
Roots, Traditions and Events that Define
Clan Donald in Scottish Culture and Society
Ian MacDonald January 2012
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A Short Case Study in Cultural Memory: The Roots, Traditions and Events that Define Clan Donald inScottish Culture and Society
Introduction
In reading Jan Assmanns, Cultural Memory and Early Civilization my interest was
heightened by his reference to the Scottish invention of tartan. Even members of my
immediate family, including my Father who is no slouch when it comes to knowledge
of Scottish history (a point I will return to in due course), have questioned this
assertion whenever I have put it to them. It was therefore rather re-assuring for me to
read this point in an academic text because it was consistent with what I discovered
in my own studies of the subject. However, because I am rather well-versed in this
particular aspect of Scottish history, I also found cause to question Assmanns
version of the events and the related reasons for tartan being so readily accepted as
a distinctive part of Scottish culture. It was this, and the related history of Clan
Donald the extended family of which I am a part that gave me to the idea to adopt
it as a case study for this paper.
Clan Donald is the largest clan in Scotland and the largest in the world, when one
adds the descendants of thousands of MacDonalds who emigrated to the USA,
Canada, Australia and other countries. One estimate places the number of MacDonalds worldwide at over 2 million. The Clan history extends back to the 6 th
Century and to the legendary Irish King, Conn of the Hundred Battles, who embodied
the poetry, grandeur and ultimately the doomed aspirations of the Celtic tradition in
Scotland.
It is no joy without Clan Donald;
it is no strength to be without them;
the best race in the round world,
To them belongs every goodly man.
The noblest race of all created,
in whom dwelt prowess and terribleness;
a race to whom tyrants bowed,
In whom dwelt wisdom and piety.
Grimble, Clans and Chiefs (1980)
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It is clear from the above verse and the following introduction to Williams (1984)
single volume history of Clan Donald,
In after centuries, when much of the old fierce blood was diluted or dispersed, theSeannachies 1 would still remember . . . and many still young among the Highland men
would recall the stories of the Clan Donald in might: when the tribal genealogy was a
testament of greatness, and the names of their ancestors could inflame the
swordsmen of the clan to battle.
that the Clan was shrouded in glory it was no ordinary clan. In fact, at the height of
its power in the mid-1400s, Clan Donald controlled most of the western Islands,
much of the western Highlands, and northeast areas of what is now Northern Ireland.
Territories of the Lord of the Isles
That this power was largely derived from prowess at sea
is reflected in the Clans motto, per mare per terras (by
sea and land"). The head of the clan, the Lord of the
Isles was as powerful as the then King of Scotland who
at that time presided over what was still an emerging
nation. By contrast to Scotlands King, the Lord of the
Isles made no distinction between Irish and Scottish -
there was only Clan Donald and its heritage was a
combination of Celtic and Norse.
In all histories of Clan Donald, Somerled (d. 1164), meaning Summer Sailor , is
considered the first in the line of the Lords of the Isles and his grandson, Donald, who
1 A very important class in every clan was that to which the seannachies and bards belonged. These men were historians andgenealogists. There were hereditary seannachies in the household of every Chief, and it was their business to learn from their
fathers all the records of the past, to recite them at the banquets in their Lord's hall, and to hand them down to their descendants. Their knowledge was very rarely committed to paper until comparatively recent times, and some writers hold thatthe traditions, which have come down to us, are without any value for historical purposes.
But three circumstances are worthy of consideration. In the first place, the seannachies were trained men. It appears that therewere colleges in Ireland, where history and genealogy were taught, and that many of our Highland bards and seannachies hadbeen educated at these seats of learning. Secondly, just as John Barbour put his history of "the Brus" into metrical form, so theold Highland traditions were put into the form of poems. This made it easier to remember them, and though it did not prevent afraudulent bard from interpolating spurious matter of his own, it made it less likely that he should do so accidentally. In the thirdplace, the bards and seannachies not only had to recite their effusions before chiefs and clansmen, who would be unlikely todetect any errors they might make, but also in the presence of other bards and seannachies, who would be perfectly capable of doing so, and who, as there was a great deal of jealousy amongst these men, would certainly not allow them to passunchallenged.
These considerations induce me to believe that, in the old traditions which have come down to us, we have more or lesstrustworthy records of events which really did take place in the past. (Rev. Canon R. C. MacLeod of MacLeod, 1920s)
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gave his name to the Clan. In fact, the denomination Mac or Mc simply means son-
of.
As it is not the intention to dwell on history let me to turn to Assmanns writing so that
I may begin to demonstrate its relevance to this case. Firstly Assmann (2011) speaks
of Halbwachs use of the hierarchy of the medieval feudal system to illustrate the
relationship between the collective memory and the image a group has of itself and
its social function. In this sense coats-of-arms and family crests assume symbolic
importance, indicating, as they continue to do even to this very day, various rights
and privileges. For instance, technically speaking I should seek formal permission to
use the crests that I have displayed below. Assman (2011, pp26) continues by
quoting Halbwach when he says that the rank of a family was, clearly defined by
what it and others knew of its past and that they had to appeal to the memory of
society in order to obtain an allegiance that was later legitamized by stressing the
usefuleness of the services rendered and the competence of the magistrate or
functionary. The first of these quotations is clearly significant when we take account
of the footnote on the previous page concerning the role of the Seannachies in Clan
life. It might be reasonable to propose that the very existence of such a role within a
Clan might indicate something about its general standing. It would seem likely that
Assmann would class the less well-known Seannachies alongside the sages and
scholars of Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism, to mention but a few.
Clan Donald Crest ClanRanald Crest
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It should come as little surprise to readers that the collective-image of clan members
was that of immensely proud sea faring warriors who were at the beck and call of
their Clan Chief to whom they owed fealty (the fidelity of a vassal or feudal tenant to
his lord) as a father figure. In this sense, the translated motto of the Clan Ranald
crest is somewhat revealing, my hope is constant in thee.
Opposite is the coat-of-arms for Godfrey James
Macdonald of Macdonald The 8th Baron
Macdonald, Chief of the Name and Arms of
Macdonald, High Chief of Clan Donald and 34th
hereditary Chief of Clan Donald. Note the presence
of the Highland galley, or birlinn, sea-faring vessels
which were used in conflicts with other clans. The
distinction between the coat-of-arms and the Clan
crest should also be noted. The former is for the
exclusive use of the individual leader whilst the
latter is a collective crest.
At this point I should declare my own hand so to speak because I am a little more
privileged than I have so far revealed. I happen to be a personal friend of Ranald
Alexander Macdonald of Clanranald, the 24th Captain and Chief of Clanranald, which
is one of the major branches of Clan Donald. His youngest son, Andrew Macdonald
of Boisdale, was my colleague and business partner for some years and he also
remains a close friend. Through this association, I not only participated in various
Clan events but I also had cause to explore my own roots and the history of Clan
Donald in much more detail than the average Clan member might. As a consequence
I feel able to express a degree of empathy with the aforementioned Seannachies
whilst I am also confident when expressing the view that the pride that many of my
forefathers may have experienced as members of Clan Donald is still alive and well
today. In fact this may be viewed at any Clan gathering or cilidh (an informal social
gathering with folk music, singing, dancing, and storytelling). In these events we see
signs of what Assmann (2011, pp 120) refers to as rites and dances, patterns and
decorations, costumes, tattoos, food and drink, monuments, pictures, landscapes
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and so on, all symbols to denote a community and an example of cultural
formation.
Clearly Some People Enjoy Dressing in Tartan
Left to Right: The Chief of Glengarry, The Chief of Sleat, Lord Macdonald of Macdonald, The Captain & Chief of Clanranald,
The Earl of Antrim. Photo by Anthony MacMillan, Fort William.
If I was to select one more recent event in the history of the Clan Donald that has
served to define its identity, and to impact the collective cultural memory of both Clan
members and others, it would be the Massacre of Glencoe of 1692. Briefly this
involved a series of events whereby King William, the Prince of Orange, offered a
pardon to those Scottish clans whose chiefs would swear the oath of allegiance to
him before January 1, 1692. Now many of those chiefs owed their allegiance to King
James VII of Scotland (respectively James II of England), the last of the Stewart
Kings who had been ousted from the throne in 1688. It was therefore no simple
matter to switch allegiance since it was considered a matter of deep honour. Much in
the same way that Clan members were sworn to their Clan Chief, so the Clan Chiefs
had sworn their support to the Stewart monarchy in Scotland. In essence, in the
absolute hierarchy, it would have been the equivalent of asking King James VII to
renounce God. Therefore, in order to answer in the affirmative, the Clan Chiefs who
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faced this predicament needed to be released from the allegiance that they had
sworn to King James and such a release was only delivered at the last moment. A
further series of events, and some say manipulations, meant that MacIain, chief of
the MacDonalds of Glencoe, missed the deadline for swearing allegiance to King
William. However, his oath was accepted some days after the deadline and all was
assumed well. In February of that year a company of troops, mainly from the Clan
Cambell, in the service of the Prince of Orange arrived at MacIain's home in Glencoe,
ostensibly to collect tax in the area. They were offered hospitality by the MacDonalds
of Glencoe, which they accepted for over a week but on February 13, without
warning, they fell upon the community, burning all the houses and massacring the
people. Some 38 (of about 200 inhabitants), including MacIain himself, were killedwhilst others who had fled into the mountains died in the next week from cold and
starvation (Prebble, 1973).
Even in Scotland, were stories of barbarous behaviour both on the part of the Clans
towards others and by others towards Clans and their members was not unheard of,
this incident caused considerable uproar. It almost immediately established the
Macdonalds of Glencoe as victims of a heinous and vile crime since and by Highlandculture and standards it was considered a terrible and treacherous act.
Had the clan been proceeded against in open and legitimate warfare, resulting in its
utter extinction, the affair might have occupied no more than a short paragraph in this
and other histories. There can be no doubt that what gives the deed its nefarious
stamp, is the fiendishly deliberate and deceitful way in which it was accomplished, in
violation of laws of hospitality which are respected even by cut-throat Arabs. And after
all it was a blunder.Encyclopedia Britannica, 1785
from The Massacre of Glencoe 1692 (McGowan, 2008/2009)
"What particularly distinguishes this act from others, and why it resonates today, was
the absolute betrayal of the [tradition of] Highland hopitality by the Campbell forces.
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And the other was the hand of the government in it - the government had ordred it. It
was a genocidal act."
James Hunter, Scottish historian
from The Massacre of Glencoe 1692 (McGowan, 2008/2009)
Arguably The Massacre of Glencoe served to nullify the reputation that many of the
Macdonald clans had for being semi-barbaric whilst bestowing a reputation for
treachery, ruthless and inhumane behaviour on their arch-enemies the Campbells. At
the same time, it reinforced the notion of a Clan system that provided hospitality to
those in need, despite many Highlanders being somewhat notorious for committing
theft and banditry. In summary, excepting the cruel loss of life, the Macdonalds came
out of the whole incident rather well whereas the Campbells live with an ignominious
crime to this very day.
Attacks: Artist James Hamilton's famous 1884 depiction of the Glencoe Massacre
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1228227/Massacre-Glencoe-300-year-old-document-ordered-
killing-Scots-show.html
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http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1228227/Massacre-Glencoe-300-year-old-document-ordered-killing-Scots-show.htmlhttp://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1228227/Massacre-Glencoe-300-year-old-document-ordered-killing-Scots-show.htmlhttp://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1228227/Massacre-Glencoe-300-year-old-document-ordered-killing-Scots-show.htmlhttp://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1228227/Massacre-Glencoe-300-year-old-document-ordered-killing-Scots-show.htmlhttp://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1228227/Massacre-Glencoe-300-year-old-document-ordered-killing-Scots-show.html8/3/2019 A Short Case Study in Cultural Memory
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In many ways Glencoe illustrates what Halbwach and Assmann declare to be the
importance that reference to time and place has in reinforcing and sustaining
collective memory. Accounts of the Massacre (see Appendix 2 for the written orders
carried by the offending Cambells), James Hamiltons painting and since 1963, a
song alternately titled The Massacre of Glencoe (see Appendix 1) or Macdonalds
Lament , all serve to prolong the cultural memory and define and reinforce group
identity. However, it is perhaps the message that was carried by what Assmann calls
the communicative memory, recollections of witnesses and other spoken accounts
that are handed down, which had the biggest impact on Scottish society. The
betrayal of the Macdonalds of Glencoe by the government in London served toensure that when the time arrived for the Jacobites to rise again on behalf of the
Stewart Monarchy they would find a hotbed of support amongst Clan Donald and the
other sympathetic Clans.
I mentioned at the outset that I believe Assmanns account of why tartan was readily
accepted by the Scottish requires more clarification than he provided. To
demonstrate this it is necessary to consider the Jacobite rebellion of 1745, whichremains to this day the last military uprising against a government and/or monarch in
the United Kingdom. That it was almost spectacularly successful, and would have
been had promised French support materialised, perhaps goes some way to
explaining post-Culloden events (Prebble, 1961). These events saw Clan members
who rose with the Bonnie Prince Charlie, the last Stewart heir to the British throne,
relentlessly pursued and, in the main, annihilated. Around this time a solution to the
problem of rowdy and lawless Highlanders had already been implemented in the
creation of Highland Regiments in the British Army (Prebble, 1975). The Highlander
was renowned for his hardiness and fighting spirit and it was not unusual for them to
fight as mercenaries across Europe. Therefore the creation of the Highland
regiments was in many ways a natural progression. However, in the years that
followed Culloden a new social phenomenon emerged, which also served to attack
the problem of unruly Highlanders, namely the highland clearances between 1810
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and 1855 (Prebble, 1982). The clearances effectively resulted in the destruction of
the entire, troublesome, clan system as Highland inhabitants were shipped off to far
off places like America, Canada and Australia and the land was largely populated by
sheep. My faith is constant in thee acquired a rather hollow tone because it was
always intended to be a reciprocal arrangement. The greed of the Clan Chiefs, and
other senior members of the clans, effectively undermined the economic system and
kinship upon which the whole Clan system had evolved. Here we can draw a parallel
with Assmanns depiction of a culture as an immune system for a group (2011,
pp121). Assman (2011, pp137) also suggests that a loss of land, temple, and political
identity can lead ethnic groups to forget who they are, or were, and lead them to
merge with other groups. Therefore, we may consider whether the loss of land andplace served to diminish the group culture and identity of Clan Donald and made it
more vulnerable to be subsumed in a broader Scottish culture and identity. I would
argue that this is exactly what happened because in my own experience it is
somewhat difficult to draw a line between my sense of being a MacDonald and a
sense of being Scottish. The one notable exception that I have highlighted is the
impact of the Glencoe Massacre that seems to have left an indelible mark on anyone
who shares the family name and, conversely, those with the misfortune of beingnamed Campbell. Assmann (2006) would call this an example of the irreconcilable,
mutually opposed memories of the winners and losers, the victims and perpetrators.
The above-mentioned events and processes created major internal political problems
in Scotland and this arguably led the Scots back to earlier memories of a nation in its
infancy, one that was trying desperately to establish sovereignty and independence
from the auld enemy, England. Here in its external and ancient foe, the Scots founda solution to their deep divisions as Assmann indicates (2011, pp133) one way to
deal with such political problems is to pursue an aggressive foreign policy. The
Scotland of the early 19 th century was rife with wounds and desperately needed a
means of integration and, in the case of the Clan Chiefs, one might even say
salvation.
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Remembrance of the past may give rise to dangerous insights, and the established
society seems to be apprehensive of the subversive contents of the memory.
Luhmann (1971)as quoted in Assmann (2011)
My father has told me on numerous occasions that as a child, he and his fellow
students were not taught Scottish history in school. As a consequence, it has always
been my fathers opinion that it was not in the interests of those in authority for the
Scots, and particularly the working class, to know too much about their history. When
I was young and at school I never gave this much thought because on the contrary I
was taught Scottish history and, to be honest, I found it to be rather bland. I could notimagine why anyone would wish to refrain from sharing it with young students. It was
only as I grew older that I developed a deeper interest in Scottish culture and history
(I believe that this comes naturally to people when they move to live in another
country and therefore gain a different perspective). At this time I came to understand
what my father had meant. For instance, it is typically believed in Scotland, and sadly
now further afield too, that William Wallace of Braveheart fame, is the countrys
national hero. There is no doubt that he is an inspirational figure and achieved somegreat things on behalf of Scotland. However, my father always told me that James
Graham, The Marquis of Montrose, and often referred to as Montrose or The Great
Montrose, is the true national hero of Scotland. How could such a figure, who I
cannot even recall being mentioned in my Scottish history lessons, be Scotlands true
national hero? Now today, I not only agree with my fathers point of view but I also
see clearly why Montroses role in Scottish history has been downplayed. Quite
simply, whilst his reputation is secure and he commands respect, he does not serve
to integrate the Scottish people in the way that Wallace or Robert the Bruce, the
countrys most famous and revered King, can. Sadly Montrose lived during a time
(1612 1650) of great division amongst the ranks of the Scottish people, when a
large number turned against their rightful King Charles I for religious reasons.
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This brings me back to the issue of integration and what is now largely seen as the
trigger for the creation of the modern day Scottish identity.
From the mock pageantry of the Highlanders to the carefully stage-managed
rediscovery of the Scottish Regalia, this trip [the visit of King George IV to Scotland in
1822] was a key event in the creation of romantic Scotland. Behind it all lay the great
stage manager, Sir Walter Scott. This was the first visit of a British monarch to
Scotland for nearly two hundred years, following only two years after the grim horror
of the Radical Insurrection, which saw the last armed rebellion in British history when
sixty thousand workers went on strike. The Highland clans that Scott called to
Edinburgh were, even as they marched, the subjects of eviction and persecution in
their homeland. And yet in this stirring blend of pomp and pageantry, Scott was able
to override the grim reality of day-to-day life 2 in a surge of support for a monarch and
monarchy, even in England, the subject of ridicule and derision. Prebble brilliantly
reveals the rotten heart of corruption, betrayal, and intrigue at the heart of the
ceremony of this great occasion, and from it all emerges a vision of Scotland that
remains with us today.
Sleeve notes to John Prebbles, The Kings Jaunt, 1822 (1988)
At the time of the visit of King George IV to Edinburgh, Sir Walter Scott was still freshfrom the outstanding success of his first novel Waverley in 1814, a romanticised
account of the Jacobite Rebellion of 1945, which is now widely considered to be the
first ever historical novel (Scott, 1972). Based on the success of his first novel, Scott
went on to publish a series of books, collectively known as the Waverley Novels ,
about Scottish and Highland history, including Rob Roy (1817), which covered the
events leading up to the Jacobite rising of 1945. However, it is Waverley, and its
sugar-coated representation of the 45, devoid of the harsh treatment that was meted
out to participants in the uprising, and their dependents, which seems best to
embody the approach that Scott employed in his arrangement of the pageant that
was to greet the King on his visit. For that pageant, he borrowed large elements of
Highland and Jacobite tradition and portrayed the King himself as a Highland
Jacobite replete in tartan dress. According to Prebble (1988) this portrayal may not
2 Assmann (2011, pp 69) states that cultural memory gives us the fresh air in a world that, in the reality of daily life, becomestoo narrow for us.
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have been as far-fetched as it seemed since in his opinion, King George the IVs
claim to the Stewart line was as strong if not stronger than that of the Bonnie Prince
Charlie, a claim that the King himself would not have discouraged. However, the
following description from The Kings Jaunt, 1822 , catches the eye of those
concerned with cultural memory and particularly the cusp, or closing, of what
Assmann (2011) and Halbwach term the communicative memory:
The moment seemed proper for such felicitous illusions. In the darkness that was
finally closing about the exiled house [the House of Stewart], occasional glimpses of
the memory seemed to glow more brightly. In the Highlands there were still eyes that
had seen the smoke of Belfords guns at Culloden and flesh that had plunged through
it in a heather charge.John Prebble, The Kings Jaunt, 1822
(1988)
Not only was Scotts planning and execution of the Kings visit perfect in terms of
setting and splendour but even more so in terms of timing. However, once again, it is
not the historical account of the visit that is of particular interest. As noted, Scott
would go on to document Scottish history in the Waverley Novels and these not only
influenced how the Scottish came to view themselves but since they were amongstthe biggest selling titles of the 19 th Century throughout Europe, they undoubtedly
served to influence how the Scots were viewed from afar.
When Assmann (2011) says that tartan is an invented tradition that does not go
further back than the 18 th century, we need not look far for confirmation. However,
one might question the weight of his contention that it was designed to upgrade and
empower the periphery against the integrative central culture of the English realm. Iwould suggest that those most likely to be enveloped by any creeping English
culture, namely wealthy lowlanders and highlanders, had already integrated vertically
with their English counterparts, in much the same way that, as Assmann points out
(2011, pp 130), a Polish aristocrat of the time felt far more akin to his French
counterparts than to the peasants of his country. There is evidence to support a
stronger argument concerning the use of tartan and other symbols to reinvigorate a
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sense of what it meant to be Scottish. This argument still places the auld enemy as
an external foe but one from the past that is used to bind fractured groups, many that
were displaying signs of radicalism. It strikes me that Sir Walter Scott, and others
who favoured the Union and the Hanoverian monarchy, knew exactly what they were
doing when they evoked cultural memory as a means of manipulating Scottish
cultural identity. In Assmanns words (2011, pp114) they evoked the imagined
community based on an imagined continuity that reaches back into the depths of
time, one which was marked by antagonism to Scotlands southern neighbour.
It will have been noted that I have referred repeatedly to work of John Prebble
throughout this paper. In some ways his work represents an emerging counter-balance to that of Sir Walter Scott. It can be argued that Scotts canon of work, and
that of the people he influenced, came to define Scottish history and identity.
However, as indicated previously, much of that history was whitewashed and the
stains of discord removed to leave a gleaming and romantic picture of Highland and
Scottish life. When the literary critic James Hunter of The Scotsman, Scotlands most
respected newspaper, says by giving us back our history, John Prebble has helped
to restore our sense of worth (sleeve notes to Prebble, 1988), one might ask who
stole Scottish history in the first place? I trust that this paper has served to expose
one of the more likely culprits. However, in the sense of Jan Assmanns ideas and
theories concerning literary cannons, Im inclined to suggest that we are now in a
process of review where there is a willingness in Scotland to probe issues that were
previously off-limits. Ultimately this may see Scotts romantic version of Scottish life
consigned to a more fitting place in the annals of Scottish literature, paralleled by
advances in our understanding of its role in shaping Scottish culture and identity and,
ultimately, a shift in Scottish cultural memory. At a time when there are growing calls
for Scottish independence such developments would be particularly welcome. In due
course, this may even be reflected in the history that is taught to Scottish school
children.
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Conclusions
I turn to my Conclusions with a little sadness, like an artist who has had to rush a
painting because he has run out of time. The fact of the matter is that I have run out
of time, at least for writing this paper. However, if it is a measure of the impression
that Jan Assmann has made on me, I am now committed to not only reading and re-
reading his work to achieve a better understanding of his ideas and theories but also
to seek out the work of Aleida Assmann so that I may deepen that understanding
further.
What have I learned from studying Jan Assmanns work and in writing this paper?
Perhaps most importantly, I now have a clear idea about different types of memory:
what Assmann terms the Mimetic, Memory of Things, Communicative and Cultural. I
understand in broad terms how writing has altered the memory landscape, creating
new possibilities for the storage and retrieval of memory, yet paradoxically interfering
with our ability to remember and creating conditions that encourage us to forget.
Perhaps most notably, as I have demonstrated in this paper, I see how writing has
made us vulnerable to manipulation and censorship and as such it has given thosewith the power to write and distribute their output the means to influence how we see
and imagine ourselves. There is a clear link here to the formation and continuation of
states and we need only look at how propaganda was, and continues to be, used to
shape the cultural values and beliefs of individuals and groups.
In closing, I can say that I have become utterly convinced that the questions, Who
am I? and Who are we?, are of great importance. However, after reading Assmann, Iknow that the questions, Why am I who I am?, and Why are we who we are?, are of
still greater importance.
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A Short Case Study in Cultural Memory: The Roots, Traditions and Events that Define Clan Donald inScottish Culture and Society
BIBLIOGRAPHYAssmann, J. (2010) Cultural Memory and Early Civilization: Writing, Remembrance and Political Imagination Cambrige University Press, Cambridge
Assmann, J. (2010) Religion and Cultural Memory Stanford University PressGrimble, I (1980) Clans and Chiefs Blond & Briggs: London
Prebble, J. (1961) Culloden Penguin: London
Prebble, J. (1968) Darien Disaster: a Scots Colony in the New World, 1698-1700 Secker & Warburg:London
Prebble, J. (1973) Glencoe: The Story of the Massacre Penguin: London
Prebble, J. (1975) Mutiny: Highland Regiments in Revolt 1743 - 1804 Secker & Warburg: London
Prebble, J. (1982) The Highland Clearances Penguin: London
Prebble, J. (1988) The Kings Jaunt: George IV in Scotland, 1822 Collins: London
Scott, W (1972) Waverley Penguin: LondonScott, W (1997) Rob Roy Wordsworth Editions Ltd: London
Williams, R. (1975) Montrose: Cavalier in Mourning Robert MacLehose and Company Limited, Printer to the University of Glasgow: Glasgow
Williams, R. (1984) The Lords of the Isles: The Clan Donald and the early Kingdom of the Scots TheHogarth Press: London
WebsitesMcGowan, C. (2008-2009) The Massacre of Glencoe 1692 Available at:http://www.thesonsofscotland.co.uk/themassacreofglencoe1692.htm Accessed 20 January, 2012
Rev. Canon R. C. MacLeod of MacLeod (1920s) The Island Clans During Six Centuries, Chapter III. -The Clansmen Available at: http://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_chap3.htm andhttp://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_ndx.htm Accessed 20 January, 2012
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http://www.thesonsofscotland.co.uk/themassacreofglencoe1692.htmhttp://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_chap3.htmhttp://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_chap3.htmhttp://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_ndx.htmhttp://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_ndx.htmhttp://www.thesonsofscotland.co.uk/themassacreofglencoe1692.htmhttp://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_chap3.htmhttp://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/island_clans_ndx.htm8/3/2019 A Short Case Study in Cultural Memory
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A Short Case Study in Cultural Memory: The Roots, Traditions and Events that Define Clan Donald inScottish Culture and Society
Appendix 1
The Massacre of Glencoe
Oh, cruel is the snow that sweeps GlencoeAnd covers the grave o' Donald;Oh, cruel was the foe that raped GlencoeAnd murdered the house of MacDonald.
They came in the blizzard, we offered them heat,A roof for their heads, dry shoes for their feet;We wined them and dined them, they ate of our meat,And they slept in the house of MacDonald
They came from Fort William wi murder in mind;The Campbell had orders King William had signed;"Put all to the sword," these words underlined,"And leave none alive called MacDonald."
They came in the night when the men were asleep,This band of Argyles, through snow soft and deep;Like murdering foxes amongst helpless sheep,They slaughtered the house of MacDonald.
Some died in their beds at the hand o the foe;Some fled in the night and were lost in the snow;Some lived to accuse him wha struck the first blow,But gone was the house of MacDonald.
Lyrics and music by Jim McLean (JawMac@aol.com), 1963.
Available at: http://www.jacobite.ca/songs/massacre.htm Accessed on 21 January 2012. The page ismaintained by Noel S. McFerran (noel.mcferran@rogers.com) and was last updated October 25,2003. Noel S. McFerran 1997-2003.
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http://www.jacobite.ca/songs/massacre.htmhttp://www.jacobite.ca/songs/massacre.htm8/3/2019 A Short Case Study in Cultural Memory
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A Short Case Study in Cultural Memory: The Roots, Traditions and Events that Define Clan Donald inScottish Culture and Society
Appendix 2
Copy of order to Capt. Campbell by Maj. Duncanson that sealed the fate of the Macdonalds of Glencoe
You are hereby ordered to fall upon the rebels, the McDonalds of Glenco, and put all to the sword
under seventy. You are to have a special care that the old Fox and his sons doe upon no account
escape your hands, you are to secure all the avenues that no man escape. This you are to putt in
execution at fyve of the clock precisely; and by that time, or very shortly after it, I'll strive to be att you
with a stronger party: if I doe not come to you att fyve, you are not to tarry for me, but to fall on. This is
by the Kings speciall command, for the good & safety of the Country, that these miscreants be cutt off
root and branch. See that this be putt in execution without feud or favour, else you may expect to be
dealt with as one not true to King nor Government, nor a man fitt to carry Commissione in the Kings
service. Expecting you will not faill in the fulfilling hereof, as you love your selfe, I subscribe these with
my hand att Balicholis Feb: 12, 1692
(signed) R. Duncanson
For their Majesties service
To Capt. Robert Campbell
of Glenlyon
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