GRADUATE SCHOOL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

IMPLICATIONS OF GOVERNMENT-LED LARGE-SCALE

LAND AND WATER ACQUISITIONS: - ON LOCAL

COMMUNITIES LIVELIHOOD‟S IN ETHIOPIA:- A CASE OF OMO-KURAZ SUGARCANE DEVELOPMENT

PROJECT AT LOWER OMO VALLEY.

A Research Paper presented by:

Nixon Lemma Godanna

(Ethiopia.)

In partial fulfillment of the requirements for obtaining the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

(AES)

(Agriculture and Rural Development Policy: Intervention & Institution)

Members of the Examining Committee:

Dr. Saturnino M. Jun Borras [Supervisor]

Dr. Oane Visser. [ Reader]

THE HAGUE, THE NETHERLANDS

DECEMBER 2013

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Contents

List of Tables v

List of Figures v

List of Maps v

List of Appendices v

List of Acronyms vii

Acknowledgement viii

Abstract ix

Chapter 1 Introduction 1

1.1 Introduction 1

1.2 Background of the Study 2

1.3 Statement of the Problem. 3

1.4 Specific Problems of the Study Area. 4

1.5 The overall Objective of The Study. 4

1.6 Main Research Questions 4

1.7 Sub Research Questions 4

1.8. Methods and Methodology. 4

1.9 Data Analysis 5

1.10 Limitation of the Study 5

1.11 Conceptual and Theoretical Framework 5

1.12 General Features of the Study Area 6

1.13 Design of the Study 8

Chapter 2 Literature Review 9

2.1 Introduction. 9

2.2 Definitions of Basic Terms 9

2.3 History of Sugar Industry Development in Ethiopia. 9

2.4. Debates on Large Scale Land Acquisition in Africa. 10

2. 5. Other critics on large scale land acquisition and visa-versa. 12

2.6. The Recent Large Scale Land Acquisitions in Ethiopia. 14

2.7. Contextual Factors that Facilitates Large Scale Governmental Plantation. 14

2.8 Ethiopian Agricultural policy 16

Chapter 3 The Implication of Large Scale Land Acquisition on the Local Communities Livelihoods Activity 18

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3.1 Introduction 18

3.2 Who are Investors in the LOV? 18

3.3 Growth Transformation Plan of Ethiopia 2011-2015. 19

3.4 State and Government Relationship with the Resettled Agro-pastoralist Population. 20

3.5 Land Use Change in the Study Area. 21

3.6 Why Sugar Cane Development Project needed for Ethiopia ? 21

3.7 The Omo-Kuraz Sugarcane Development project. 23

3.8. Livelihood Activities. 27

3.9. The Politics of Land Reform in Ethiopia. 28

Chapter 4 Data Analysis 30

4.1 Introduction 30

4.2 Data Analysis 30

4.3 Tribal Variations and Treatments in the Resettlement Process 35

4.4 Sex Variation in the Community as well as in the Designed Resettlement Program 37

4.5 Attitude Towards To Give up Their Former Livelihoods Activity 37

4.6 Source of Information 38

4.7 Discussions from my own observation analysis 39

4.7.1 Employment Opportunity 39

4.7.2. Infrastructure Advantages 40

4.7.3. Livelihoods impact 40

4.7.4 Problem of Grazing Land 40

4.7.5. Deforestation 41

4.7.6. Weakening of livestock rearing 41

Chapter 5 43

Conclusion and Recommendation 43

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List of Tables

Table 1 Detail summary of land investment deals in the LOV. 19

Table 2 Mursi tribe designed resettlement program (from 4 kebeles) 20

Table 3 Attitude of sample settlers‟ towards giving up a pastoral way of life. 34

Table 4 Distribution of tribal settlement in the newly developed villages. 36

List of Figures

Figure 1 LOV Farming on river retreat land 16

Figure 2 the founder of OKSCDP Late prime minister Meles Zenawi Asrse (2011) 24

Figure 3 Social service (flour Mill) house for women agro-pastorals' in Salamago woreda 27

Figure 4 Land usage proportion in Hectare, in Salamago woreda . 31

Figure 5 Job Opportunity for immigrant workers in the sugarcane plantation (Salamago) 32

Figure 6 shows the level of acceptance of the project by the settlers in three newly emerged villages. 35

Figure 7 Designed settlement program with tribal distribution. 36

Figure 8 Agreements towards to give up their pastoral way of life 38

Figure 9 Source of information about the launching of the project. 39

List of Maps

Map 1 Proposed development area of OKSCDP 7

Map 2 Ethiopian Sugar factory Development Sites. 23

Map 3 Newly Well Demarcated OKSCDP site 25

List of Appendices

Appendix 1: Interviewee Respondents‟ 52

Appendix 2: Supporting letter 53

Appendix 3: Letter for the Resettlement programs initial data 54

Appendix 4: Authenticating the field work. 55

Appendix 5: Letter from Southern Omo Zone To SNNPR Pastoral affairs explaining initial data about the Bodi tribe resettles 56

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Appendix 6: Letter in support of basic necessities for resettled people. 58

Appendix 7: Letter in support of construction of social service for resettled people 59

Appendix 8: Letter of confirmation from Salamago Woreda Pastoral affairs. 61

Appendix 9: Semi-structured interview questions. 62

Appendix 10: Questionnaire to the Resettled agro-pastorals 63

Appendix 11: Interview questions for resettled villagers in the lower Omo valley 65

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List of Acronyms

(ABD) Accumulation by Dispossession

(ADLI) Agriculture Development Led Industrialization

(AES) Agrarian and Environmental Studies

(AISD) Agricultural Investment Support Directorate

(CBE) Commercial Bank of Ethiopia

(CSA) Central statistical Agency

(DA) Developmental Agents

(EPDRF) Ethiopian People‟s Democratic Revolutionary Front

(ESC) Ethiopia Sugar Corporate

(ESDA) Ethiopia Sugar Development Agency

(EWDSE) Ethiopia Water Works Design and Supervision Enterprise

(FAO) World Food and agricultural organization

(GRAIN) Genetic Resources Action International

(GTP) Growth Transformation Plan

(HH) House Hold

(IFAD) International Fund for Agricultural Development

(LOV) Lower Omo Valley

(MDG) Millennium Developmental Goals

(MEC) Metal and Engineering crop

(MOA) Ministry of Agriculture

(MOFED) Ministry of Finance and Economic Development

(OKSCDP) Omo Kuraz Sugar Cane Developmental Project

(NGO) Non-Governmental Organization

(SDCE) Southern Ethiopia Design and Supervision Enterprise

(SNNPR) Southern Nations Nationality Peoples Region

(SRLA) Sustainable Rural Livelihood Approach

(SSA) Sub Sahara Africa

(UNESCO) United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

(UNTD) United Nation Conference on Trade and Development

(WDW) Water and Design Works

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Acknowledgement

Initially, I would like to praise the almighty God, for all his work upon me, for his timely interventions in all aspects of my life; generally he changed the wast-ed dust into precious gold, Thank you God! ; then I would like to thank all my family, basically my genetic dad Ato Lemma Godanna, for his uncountable en-couragement and his tremendous trust on me since my childhood period, and he taught me patience and enduring on his way, he always tells me, what's a matter is difficult I can do it with endurance. Next to this My advisor Dr. Sat-urnino M. Jun Borras, I thank him for his unreserved all rounded support for the successful accomplishment of my study in ISS, and I also appreciate my Second reader Dr. Oane Visser for his credential comments.

I also prolong my gratitude to Sawla Town Administrative office for sponsoring this study by granting leave with salary and caring for my family at home. From this institution, I would like to admire the mayors Ato Azaze Aleye and Ato Oleta Dombba for their quality leadership.

Next I would like to extend my acknowledgement to Southern Omo Zone Administrative office, especially the chief Administrator Ato Molloka Wubneh Torcha, for the valuable contributions of my data collection in a suc-cessful way.

Here the study time in ISS is not safe for me in those all bad traumas; I got one golden guy from ISS, that is Mr. Binyam Afework; he is currently a PhD candidate in ISS; he is everything for me and I got unreserved psycholog-ical and technical support from him , so once again thank you Binyam!

Lastly, my gratitude is for all of my home relatives and friends, priority to my genetic brother Aman Lemma, he given me too many support in the ini-tial stages for this success, and then my best friends who are supporting me with huge morale like Wondu Bekele, Zekarias Erchalo, Endale Worku, Beza-beh Belayneh, Esubalew Seyoum, Apolo H/Michael, Wondafrash Worku, Yosef Nigate, Dangnachew Abate Kifle Gizachew, Endale Engeda, Daniel Damene, Demamu Gizachew, Admasu Gizaw, Solomon Demissie and my academic friends Turkato Turto, Tarekegn Woldehanna , and Tesfaye Ferede and all the rest. On the other hand, who supported me in other aspects, Ato Damtew Brihanu, Engedawork kebede, Mohamed Ibrahim, Nasir Indris, and Habtamu Haile all of you, I would like to thank you once again warmly, for your unpaid contributions to my life. Finally, I would like to show my deep sorrow over the departure of my academic friend Tadele Taye Melese, who separated physically from me without seeing and sharing my final smile (RIP) Tade!

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Abstract

Contemporary large-scale land acquisition is unfolded in many developing countries, including in many sub-Saharan African countries; Ethiopia is one of the renowned victims of this process and actively engaged in this worldwide occurrence. Despite, the scale of land acquisitions has very few empirical stud-ies have been undertaken so far, that examine the implication of land acquisi-tion in the country. This is particularly the case in my particular study area in the Lower Omo Valley of Ethiopia. This thesis is aimed to examine the per-ceived effects of the ongoing developmental induced resettlement program on the livelihood of agro-pastoralist in the Lower Omo Valley of Ethiopia. Both Qualitative and Quantitative research methods were used to collect the data. The qualitative data were conducted through semi-structured interviews and direct observation. The structured questionnaire survey was being conducted with purposefully selected households in the study area. The main conclusion of this thesis is that the land and water acquisitions undertaken by the state for purpose of sugarcane plantation is generally welcomed by the local agro-pastoral community‟s. This positive attitude towards state land acquisitions re-lated to the perceived benefits with regards to improvement in local communi-ty‟s livelihood of the agro-pastoral communities, including the availability of employment opportunities, the expansion of social services, infrastructure and access to market to their livestock products.

Relevance of Development Studies

The Relevance of developmental studies is deeply crucial for countries those are categorized in the path of development. It is also very good instrument to chase out poverty and inequalities, as well as a very good tool to design new policies concerning about developmental programs. Furthermore, it is decisive to challenge and tackle the potential problems that will arise in the environ-ment, and also creates all rounded awareness about the careful usage and con-servation of natural resources. Not only, these it is highly important in showing policy gaps, especially in the fields of AES; it links many developmental theo-ries with the subject matter and led to the intended development.

Keywords

Keywords: Land grabs, LOV. Political Economy, Resettlement, water grab-bing, Livelihood.

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Chapter 1 Introduction

1.1 Introduction

The Lower Omo Valley is found in the Southern Nations Nationalities Peoples region of Ethiopia, it is renowned for its peculiar cultural and agro-ecological landscape, which is found in this regional state. The site is one of a registered UNESCO‟s World Heritage Site in Ethiopia; it is also contains Mago and Omo National Parks, with probably more than 200,000 inhabitants made up of some 300,000 indigenous1 Africa‟s most unique and peculiar traditional ethnic groups, the most renown‟s were namely Bodi, Mursi, Gyangatom, Hamer, Bac-cha, Maale, Demme, Karo, and Dassenach are some of the lists. Considerably, of the recent land acquisition is a result of the growing demand for cheap food crops. Food supply problems and doubts are created by limitations on agricul-tural production related to the inadequate availability of water and cultivable land, „by bottlenecks in storage and distribution‟, and by the intensifications of biofuel fabrication, which is vital in competing land and crop use, (Zoomers 2010).

The Omo Kuraz sugar Cane Developmental Project (OKSCDP), found in the Southern Nation Nationality Peoples Region (SNNPR), where five sugar factories will be awaiting to plant there. The plan totally needs a vast area approximately 175,000 hectares for its prioritized cultivation, (Walta 2012). This enormous area of Plantation will get its water supply from the Omo River through a diversion weir with 381 meters width, apart from these 22.4 meters height. According to the Growth transformation strategic plan, each of the first three sugar-cane plants will have a capability to produce at least 26,162 meter cube ethanol per annum and 278,000 tons of sugar, though the other two are with double capacity, which means 1,946,000 ton sugar and 183,134 meter cube ethanol per annum furthermore, three factories have a ca-pacity to breakdown 12,000 tons per day and the rest two factories have the capability of crushing 24,000 sugar cane per day. The current Ethiopian gov-ernment acted as an investor in LOV and looking not only for the available „marginalized lands‟, but also looking for the lands that have a good source of water, including with the labour force which is confined there “ …. Not fully vibrant spaces for full-scale commercial activities, and always considered to be geographically far and without any important infrastructure” (Borras, et.al 2011:221). As part of the Growth Transformational Plan, planting sugar indus-tries is one of the major goals in the agro-processing sector during the plan.

1 „Indigenous‟- stands for those who has been very back warded and un civilized population ,still they have not using clothes, they don‟t want to go school & to visit health centre, they treat themselves and solve their immediate problems with their indigenous Knowledge.

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Out of the ten-sugar, factories planned to be built within the Growth Trans-formational plan (GTP2 ) period, six of them are located in the LOV.

1.2 Background of the Study

Land grab‟s situation has been escalated due to the 2007-08 worldwide food price crises. The current land grabs phenomenon is controlled by (trans) na-tional, domestic corporate local elites and governments taking large tracts of land with its full resource, to produce bio-fuel, food and other industrial raw materials for domestic and export market (Margulis, et.al 2013). Particularly, these were from SSA countries; Ethiopia is one of the major leading countries as for leasing its land to the foreign investors, for those who came from India, China, Saudi Arabia and others, for large scale commercial farm. Between 2004 and 2008, Ethiopia transformed 1.19m. Hectare of fertile and irrigable land to foreign and local investors, (World Bank 2010). This is in presence of „wasted‟ or „underutilized‟ land that could not be developed without bringing foreign capital to domestic; it may be unthinkable to practice and ensure that the designed „win-win‟ situations, although I don‟t think it‟s a fair game, as one might expect only to bring capital by leasing out huge tracts of land to the for-eign investors would not be able to bring a „win–win‟ scenario; The Govern-ment of Ethiopia is selling or leasing large tracts of land to foreign investors by driving off thousands of Inhabitants from their ancestral land. The current government now promoted large tracks of land to lease for foreign and local investors and facilitating the intensification of large scale commercial farms competing for land and water with small holders (Lavers, T 2012); however, the LOV cause is totally different from this type of assumption, because the investor is the host government and the source of capital to ran, this project is from the pocket of government, apart from this the government got the long-time loan from some other foreign governments, and there is not significant Competition for water and land between the project and the local agro pasto-ral societies as the more literature said.

The land buyers aimed to produce sugarcane, palm oil and food for export. This time Ethiopia is found within the categories of food insecure countries of the world. The Biofuel occurrence and the interconnected food crises that smash the world 2007-2008 caused compound effects in worldwide in terms of socioeconomic and political response, (Borras, et.al 2011). Land Grabbing in Ethiopia has a multi-dimensional Impact. My study focuses upon the process of the newly discovered land grabbed area, in that area tribes are not sedentary in their nature, and they need a large land for their livestock. I strongly assume that, those traditional and tribal agro-pastorals communities will not be affected equally as those of the previous land grabbed agrarian areas of Ethiopia. This is because the regions of LOV population's livelihood have been a totally different and almost total relay up on Omo river delta and its fertile soil deposit on its levee.

2 „GTP‟ the government of Ethiopia‟s (Growth Transformational plan, it has been designed country‟s growth in all aspects for the five years started from (2010/2011 and will ends in 2014 /2015).

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“The OKSCDP part of the government‟s five-year GTP strategy to increase sugar production from 314,000tonne in 2009/10, to 2,300,000 tonnes by the end of 2014/15. Out of this, 1,200,000 tonnes are to be exported to earn the country an estimated 661.7 million dollars, according to the GTP.” as stated by Addis Fortune (26/June/2011)

Still land acquisitions are contradicting debate some groups said that acquisition of land for investment is vital for local poor on the other side land acquisitions is resulted in dispossessions the poor from their livelihoods.

1.3 Statement of the Problem.

The social and ecological impact of government-led land and water acquisition for sugar and ethanol development is causing a diverse devastating effect on the study area. This project chases out the family of agro-pastorals from their grazing and cultivable lands; it estimates that 500,000 agro-pastoral will evacu-ate from their land; to provide enough space for sugar cane plantation in the LOV, (Bloomberg June/2012). Historically, this province has been detached from the centre for a long time from its economic and development benefits; the agro-pastoralist have not yet any knows how about the way commercial farm implements, they are totally back-warded3, furthermore lives in absolute poverty. “Poverty can be defined in Ethiopia as periodic or permanent hun-ger,” (Siegfried Pausewang 2009:72). Most of these tribes‟ livelihood relayed on the flood retreat farm (see in fig. 1) On the banks of the LOV. The annual flooding of the Omo River dictates the rhythm of life in that area. So taking away this important livelihood from these 200,000 agro-pastoralist and another 300,000 indigenous people, who rely on Lake Turkana may be destroying them from that area forever, due to the current sugarcane development project. (Oakland Institute 2011)

Downstream inhabitants surviving in the LOV, parts of the northern Kenya. However, those are not the sole downstream inhabitants, perhaps to be impaired by the newly constructing Gibe III dams, whether directly or indirect-ly. By the regulatory mechanisms,‟ obviously the course of the River will create a promising large-scale irrigation scheme in its lower basin. On 25 January 2011, plans were announced by the Ethiopian late Prime Minister, to convert 150,000 ha (432,000 acres) of pastoral grazing land in the lower Omo to „irri-gate sugar cane production (Meles Zenawi 2011).

3 „Back-warded‟:- The people of the LOV especially Bodi; Mursi; Hammer; karo and others had long been marginalized and deprived of any development opportunities. Apart from living in a naturally endowed environment the people have never been provided with social services and stills tied in a harsh condition. Absence of roads and other communication infrastructures have alienated the people of the Omo Valley from their surrounding community. As stated by Gebresenbet, M. G (2008).

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1.4 Specific Problems of the Study Area.

Agro-pastorals‟ livelihood problem in the LOV, due to the Government-led land and water acquisitions for the OKSCDP as well as the Ethanol develop-ment project.

1.5 The overall Objective of The Study.

The overall objective of this study is not only to identify the problems, but also to recommend for the concerned bodies about the perceived effects and the potential problems of large-scale agricultural land acquisition, on the liveli-hoods of agro-pastoralist tribes of the LOV. This study focused on their liveli-hood, cattle rearing and land right, besides to this critically examining the polit-ical economy of agro-pastorals (their communal property usage), versus the role of the government‟s actions in that place.

1.6 Main Research Questions

How have tribal households been benefited or adversely affected

by land acquisition with regard to their livelihoods?

1.7 Sub Research Questions

How and where the tribal communities rear their cattle after the

launching of the project?

Who owns what? In the project and what the agro-pastorals gets

from the project?

To what extent the local communities accepted the sugar cane de-

velopmental project in relation with their Agro-pastoral way of

life?

To what extent and how the tribal difference has been differenti-

ated and threatening by the government and as well as by the pro-

ject?

Is the project being life threatening or developmental opportunity

for the local agro-pastorals?

1.8. Methods and Methodology.

This research will be followed a case study approach, when conducting a re-search, the researcher must confront with the observable problem, (Voss, C., et, al 2002). The study focused on primary data, which was implemented with qualitative and quantitative research methods through the lens of political economy, and it is focused on agro-pastorals livelihood problem in LOV ver-sus the country‟s developmental project, due to governmental-led land and wa-ter acquisition on the development of sugarcane plantation. My data source basically targeted on the primary field gathered data with some secondary data

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those were written on the OKSCDP and other important related literatures based on global large-scale land acquisitions‟; and the tools were semi-structured Interview, questionnaires, and field notes (observation) those all ac-companied with secondary data from the literature review. The questionnaire and interview question type had been both close ended and open-ended ques-tion types. The data were collected through an interview from influential polit-ical figures; from agro-pastoralists and experts who have been working on the project site at Salamago (Hanna) woreda, and other experts who have a pro-found knowledge of the project from (Hawassa) working in SDCE and from the Zone and Woreda Administrative authorities, especially working in the pas-toral affairs. And I collected data with questionnaires from 60 victims‟ agro-pastoralists, twenty from each newly developed resettlement village, (these were selected with the purposive sampling), The questions were both close ended and open ended types of questions were used in the data-gathering time. In addition to this, the key informant interview was employed to gather in-depth study and the data analysis was made with triangulation, “triangulation is a strategy for increasing the validity of evaluation and research findings,” (Mathison, S 1988:2).

This thesis concludes the implications of land and water acquisition led by government, how it is more important than the land acquisitions were im-plemented by foreign investors throughout the country, and what are the con-tributions for the community‟s improved way of livelihoods, job-creation op-portunities for the local agro-pastorals. Hence, this thesis is trying to distinguish how the LOV agro-pastorals‟ livelihood is affected/benefited by the on-going OKSCDP.

1.9 Data Analysis

I used a mixed type method both qualitative and quantitative data and I was analyzed in a triangulation way, because most of the time qualitative research findings were unreliable, and it is difficult to replicate because of its impressive and subjective nature. (Biddle, S. J.et.al 2001)

1.10 Limitation of the Study

This paper collected its data from the resettled agro-pastorals from three newly emerged villages and some concerned bodies about the OKSCDP, despite the main limitation was unable to reach unsettled pastoral groups due to their scat-tered way of life.

1.11 Conceptual and Theoretical Framework

This paper will examine the Implication of large-scale sugarcane plantation with huge water and land competition between government and local agro pas-toralists with the underlying forces of land and water use changes in the LOV of Ethiopia, framing the concepts by looking for, the benefits of the develop-mental project visa-visa to the political economy of local agro pastoralist liveli-hoods, focusing on the comparative advantages of large-scale land and water acquisition to the welfare of the national development program, as well as

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transforming the local agro-pastorals‟ to sedentary ways of livelihoods by using their land as the same time their labour in the umbrella of development in-duced voluntary resettlement governmental program, and how it is implement-ing without harming their political economy, as the same time how it benefits them, in the case of OKSCDP in the LOV of Ethiopia.

1.12 General Features of the Study Area

Salamago woreda4 is situated in the SNNPR and one of the woredas‟ in the Southern Omo Zone. It shared boundary with Kaffa zone in the North; South-Ari in the East; Nyjangatom in the South and Bench-Maji Zone in West. Its total area is 445, 001Square kilometers, of this the 85% of its topography is low land and the rest 15% is rugged land; the highest peak reaches 1340m above sea level, and the lowest place is 560m above sea level. Due to this to-pography; the low land has received very low rainfall and experiencing high temperature accompanied with high evaporation rate. According to its climatic conditions 83% of its surface experiences hot (Kola) conditions and the rest 17% is warm & wet (woynadega5) conditions. Compared with the rest of six agro-pastoralist of the zone‟s population, especially Bodi and Deme are experi-encing better rainfall distribution than the rest.

It has two rainy seasons; its main rainy season is from February –the end of March, and its minor rainy season is from September –the middle of November. The highest annual rainfall is 1600mm and 400mm is the lowest , according to temperature 17.6 degree Celsius is the lowest, and 27.5 degrees, is the highest record.

Its total population are 33,320 of these Male 16,993, Female 16,327 ac-cording to the southern Omo Administrative office, this number has a signifi-cant variation with that of the (CSA 2007), it says that the total population of this woreda is 28,888, and the projected population of 2012 will be 32,070. The size of the population accordingly with its five ethnic groups their number is as follows, Bodi (9182), Mursi (7491), Deme (8762), Bacha (2190) and Konso (5695) The woreda‟s livelihoods depended on animal husbandry, though the cattle population of the word is 150,000, sheep 16,000 and goats 24,000. The total land surface of the woreda is 445,001hectare, Out of these communal6 grazing lands is 190,196 hectares, forest coverage is 67,668 hectares, Shrubs and Bush land, is 144,358 hectares; the water body is 13,533 hectares, and the

4 Woreda is also Amharic word, which means the smallest political and administrative unit in its hierarchy next to the zone and higher than the kebele Structure, in the Ethi-opian context. 5 Woinadega:- is an agro ecological zone it is an intermediate between the highlanders and low landers. And experiences conducive climatic conditions 6 Communal ;- all grazing lands were used as a communal property in the LOV, no more private grazing land in those agro-pastoralist population and no delimitation or demarcations for those grazing pastures , due to this all inhabitants have the right to rare their cattle‟s where they want (in the available grazing lands) and it is totally be-longs to them , according to the (Salamago woreda agro- pastoralist and pastoral af-fairs office 2013).

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cultivated land is 29,246 hectares, in this current season; (South Omo –Zone, Salamago Woreda Agro-Pastoralists and Pastoral Affaire Office.)

Map 1 Proposed development area of OKSCDP

Source: www.mediaoaklandinstitute.org/Sep./2011

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1.13 Design of the Study

The depth field study held by semi-structured interviews from July-August 2013, and conducted by various key authorities ranging from local tribal com-munities to the highest government officials (from kebele7 to Regional admin-istrative level) and including experts who have been working on the OKSCDP and including others from SDCE. My local informants were from Salamago, those who were from the three newly emerged resettled villages, namely (Mender 1, Mender 2. And Mender 3.) They numbered 60, each 20, those who were resettled from their previous position, due the government resettlement program in these particular woreda, informants who were from governmental officials would have made an interview from SDCE, southern Omo Zone Administrative Council, Southern Omo Administrative office, Salamago Woreda, pastoral affairs. In addition to these, I chose the most likely exposed kebeles‟ to the problems prevailed.

7 Kebele ;- This is Amharic term , which means the least/ground level of Administra-tive unit

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Chapter 2 Literature Review

2.1 Introduction.

In this I tried to focus on the literatures written about Land grab issues, critics and arguments, a contested paradigm in the worldwide and particularly in my specific study area and starting with, defining some key words related to my study and with the historical background on the sugar industry in Ethiopia.

2.2 Definitions of Basic Terms

Political Economy; according to the Marxist definition, “the

ownership over the means of production, reproduction and it‟s an

interrelated term with the economy, politics, power and institu-

tions; and it is dynamic in Agrarian formations.” (Bernstine, H

2010:1)

Resettlement In the Ethiopian case which is a process, „may or

may not involve traveling to far distance for sedentary‟ which is de-

signed to „settle pastoral‟ to help the scattered or displaced inhabit-

ants for their assets, basic needs, livelihoods; mostly, „state orga-

nized migration‟, due to „planning and controlling purpose,

(Pankhurst, A 1992:12-13)

Displacement means “redefinition of people‟s entitlement and ac-

cess to social-cultural, economic and environmental resources”

(Parasuraman, S 1996:1529)

Land grab is according to GRAIN “ the purchase (via rent, „out-

right‟, deal) by „corporations or states of large farmland (over

10,000 hectares, in a different country and on a long-lasting term

(mostly from 30 to 99 years), for the production of basic foods

that will be exported” (GRAIN 2008:2)

Water grabbing; according to TNI refers to conditions where in-

fluential agents are switch off or turn away the important water re-

sources and divides for their own advantages, devastating the local

communities whose livelihoods regularity are contingent on these

resources and Ecosystems. (Jennifer Franco, & Sylvia Kay 2012:1)

2.3 History of Sugar Industry Development in Ethiopia.

In Ethiopia, sugar industry taking place in as a share company created by over-seas stakeholders & the Ethiopian government. Afterwards, followed in 1962 and 1969, Shoa and Metehara Sugar Factories were established respectively. In

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1974, some five years later after the downfall of the Emperor; all sugar facto-ries became came into the control over the Derge government and started op-erating under the then ESC. This newly founded Sugar Corporation also was being made to administer the Addis Ketema and Asmara Candy Factories to-gether with the above three sugar factories. After the downfall of Derg Regime and the coming of EPDRF in 1992, when the corporation was dissolved by law all the factories were re-organized as public enterprises. And, to render common uptake to the industries, in 1998 the Ethiopian Sugar Industry fund-ing Center came into existence of a share company of the Ethiopian Insurance company, Development Bank of Ethiopia, and the three sugar factories. The fourth sugar development project was launched in the country in 2006, which is the establishment of the Tendaho Sugar development project, at meantime the ESDA was established, and it played a vital role in the activities of re-search, marketing and training. The current „ESC‟ with the dream of growing sugar development activities on a large-scale and organization came into being, on Oct. / 2010, by the (Council of Ministers Regulation No.192/2010) substi-tuting the earlier ESDA, according to (Federal Negarit Gazeta, Reg. No. 2010)

2.4. Debates on Large-scale Land Acquisition in Africa.

Recently, the debate over the expansion of the large-scale land deals has been a burning issue in development, educational and in (NGO‟s), politicians and the community at large. There is a question, whether the investment fetches mean-ingful advantage to the local community or not?

“Global land grab has emerged as a catchall phrase to refer to the explosion of (trans) national commercial land transactions and land speculation in re-cent years, mainly but not solely, around the large-scale production and ex-port of food and biofuels”( FRANCO, J. C 2012:34)

This case has been a significant difference in my study area; the land has been „grabbed‟ by the host government, rather than foreign investors, and also managed by the same body, accordingly utilizing one‟s own natural re-source for the welfare of its own nations, surely better than transfer-ring/purchasing the poor land to foreigners with a minimal amount of rent or long-term lease.

As one might expect positively, this will bring fast development and prosperity to the nation, rather than fulfilling their food and energy security, for those unsecured nations at the expense of poor‟s resources. Concerning about the host, Ethiopia must utilize her resource without corrupting and un-dermining her inhabitants, who have been confined there and Ethiopia is cur-rently looking for the huge amount of the food items to feed her fast-growing population, in the meantime Ethiopia needs a high energy source for her tar-geted industrial transformation. In contrary, advocates of large-scale land in-vestment argue that, the financial flow increases capital in the agricultural sec-tor, particularly in the developing world, enhances development like infrastructure expansion, creates more jobs and skill, increases the availability in domestic food supply, increase access to local market and foreign exchange

11

reserve, and this contributes to „sustained‟ and „broad-based development‟ (World Bank 2010). Again this idea is also supported by London Based NGO, (ODI) considers land grab to have a capability to play a vital role in alleviating poverty, minimizing the difficulties of suffering among the poor and led to a sustainable livelihood in developing countries. Yes of course, I supposed to this idea strongly, in which the host government cultivated its own marginal-ized and wasted land and guided by equitable resource distributions; the peo-ples will get relief from their past tragedy. This may create a decisive chance for poor people to take off them from absolute poverty, unless in the middle of hunger and poverty, long-term lease or transferring the poor‟s vital resource, in a very small amount of money for that foreign land grabbers this will bring se-rious disaster to the poor people, and led to death. However, Andersen con-tends that if the threats accompanying with land acquisition unaddressed, might lead to disappointment to become a development opportunity for host countries, these threats are damaging of indigenous farming activities, natural resource depletion, and conflict and snowballing food insecurity (Andersen 2010:275).

On the other way the government of Ethiopia argued that large-scale agricultural expansion is part of the country‟s strategy and policy to achieve the national food security objective (MoA 2011). For this idea, the government intended to bring foreign investments and capital (currency) to the country, and the same time wanted to create huge job opportunity, these all seen with the engagements of the comparative advantage calculations; some mechanized farms need a limited number of employees, like grain and Soya, whereas rub-ber, sugarcane and palm do have a potential for creating a significant number of employments‟, (Li, T. M 2011), due to this the OKSCDP has a good poten-tial for job creation for the local Agra-pastoral communities. Often most of the land acquisitions don't grow crops for the domestic market, instead intend-ed to fulfil the food and energy security for the investor‟s country; this ex-tremely affects the host country‟s food security, and aggravates the problem worsen the current food shortage problem.

Naturally, this large-scale development project will bring some nega-tive consequence to the local agro-pastorals, which means there is a probability of „Accumulation By Dispossession‟ this will happen due to the expansion of infrastructure: this favor for skilled labor force, instead of those local unskilled communities. Most of the time majorities of the poor countries are unfortu-nate and living with meager, malnourished and have extreme incapability in institutional capacity and in administration of land information (Andersen, P 2010), in addition to this some writers confirm that large scale commercialized farm is a huge threat for small-scale farmers, mostly for HH owned Subsistent production units, are „contrasted to the expansion of large-scale, highly capital-ized and mechanized farming‟ (De Schutter,O 2011:249), in fact, this idea is perfect for those LOV agro-pastorals, who were solely dependent on their sub-sistent farming on that water retreat land farming people on the LOV of Ethi-opia. Of course, they will face difficulties in their cattle rearing, then farming. According to (TNI) sufficient water resource for ensuring the successful opera-tion of commercial projects will help and generate employment, boost agricul-tural productivity; it contributes for the creations of new infrastructures and opens up additional revenue streams for the government.

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Usually, „Land acquisition‟ is commenced with very minimal participa-tions of the local community (Cotula, L 2009). Certain vital important liveli-hood basis for the agrarian community like grazing land, fuel wood collection, and medicinal plants are underestimated; and in some cases insignificance compensation was made, and water resource use was not concerned with depth (Ibid). These all circumstances have their own disadvantages and mighty activate conflict over the investment area and have a damaging effect on the environmental, economic, social aspects of the country. Critics or debates on today's global land acquisition are only working to make the food crisis worse (GRAIN 2008). Not only, can this over-use of pesticide and fertilizer also lead to water contamination (Spieldoch & Murphy 2009).

On the contrary, large-scale land acquisition has its own advantages for those who were neglected for many years from the development agenda in a given country; they hold large tracks of land without significant importance of a land like the LOV; because this land is surrounded by huge water “irrigated land productivity is more than double that of rain fed land” (WDR 2008:9), the following idea will verify the concept more.

Large-scale land investments could advance global food and energy se-curity by growing production in „low-yield‟ areas of „land abundant‟ countries echoes the reduction of typical, capital centred projects of agrarian change and delivers no justification of genuine, resource rights, and land reform agendas and land uses. On the other hand, the dispute that land purchase contributes to the rural development by „enabling‟ small holders to advance their right to use inputs, technologies, and markets through „contract‟ farming and other „part-nership‟ engagements fails to locate the expansion of commercially oriented large-scale farming within „global agro-food-fuel commodity chains‟ controlled by the monopoly power of corporate capital‟, (Elisa Da Vià 2011:7-9).

There is also highly contradicting idea with the above sentence written by another author (“…… the Ethiopian government recently promoted land lease to foreign and domestic investors leading to the possibility of large-scale investors competing for land with small holders‟‟ (Lavers, T 2011:4); this ac-tion is completely a mismatch with the very designed country‟s agricultural pol-icies, principles and goals; its target stands for the developmental agenda to ensure labour intensive farming for small scale and motivating them towards to join labour intensive farming activity, but the prevailing phenomenon is by far beyond these; investors are using commercialized and capital intensive in-stead of the designed labour intensive farming, and this is leading them to job-less and landless (dispossessed).

2. 5. Other critics on large-scale land acquisition and visa-versa.

The World Bank, supports the large-scale farm expansions in the developing world, but also highlighted the risks associated with the current pace and scale of expansions. The World Bank promotes the enactment of the „responsible agricultural‟ speculations which constitute seven principles (World Bank 2010). The principles are worked out together with the Organization of the (FAO), (IFAD), and (UNTD). These principles are: “good governance, safeguarding food security recognizing the land and the resources rights, warranting trans-

13

parency and discussion and community participation, responsible agro-investment, social environmental and sustainability‟‟, (Borras & Franco, J 2010:514). Globally, there are 446 million hectares of lands that could be used for agricultural expansion; more than half of the land is found in ten countries, of which five are in Africa (World Bank 2010). The rights to some 45 million hectares of large-scale farm have either been acquired at the end of 2009 or are under negotiation and more than 70% of such land has been in Africa (Ibid). In the international media, this phenomenon is referred by „land grabbing‟. The Spanish based NGO; (GRAIN) was the first group to coin and use the word ‘Land Grabbing’ for this kind of dealings (Kramer 2011). This thesis examines the effects of large-scale agricultural acquisitions on the livelihood of agro-pastoralists in the LOV of Ethiopia. Between 2004 and 2008; clearly, in these years 1.19 million hectares of agricultural land has been transferred to foreign and domestic investors in Ethiopia (World Bank 2010). It little is known of the conditions, terms and benefit that will come out of these investments. In many countries, the category of marginal land is applied to areas that are officially catalogued as „public‟ or state-owned, but in fact, provides livelihoods to mil-lions of cultivators, pastorals and forest users “under a variety of unofficial and semi-official or ‘customary’, individual or collective, contractual relationships” (White, B and Dasgupta, A 2010:600).

My argument for large-scale agricultural investment in Ethiopia, First, agriculture has a huge power in reducing poverty at least twice than GDP growth coming from outside agriculture in SSA, (WDR 2008), how this comes true in Ethiopia, Ethiopia‟s agriculture is at subsistence level, and the majority of the small holders is using backward agricultural practices (traditional tech-nologies) for cultivation, harvesting and storage. To take off the Ethiopian poor farming practice and productivity out of its backwardness, although the huge capital and foreign investment flow have tremendous importance. How-ever, large-scale agriculture investment can be useful, if the environmental vul-nerability assessment of land was made about the acquisition processes, the socioeconomic conditions were managed in the perfect way (win- win) situa-tion.

The effects of the large-scale land acquisitions vary from place to place and due to its diverse political, socio-political economic and environmental fac-tors; however in the past decades, global development aid deficit, low invest-ments in African agriculture, (Andersen 2010), low agricultural productivity in developing countries like Ethiopia, the 2007 and 2008 food price inflation (FAO 2010), and climate change had worsened the situation even more. Though, this paper trusts that the promised Skill, capital, and technology flow create an opportunity for agriculture development in SSA and particularly in Ethiopia. To say whether the investment is good or bad, it all depends upon the context what is going on with the current situation. We do not able to speak loudly about whether it is bad or good in a rough way for example, if the land was given to the investor in degraded area that could be safe for the pur-pose of rehabilitation. Hence we need to have an understanding of the area and the specific situation.

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2.6. The Recent Large-Scale Land Acquisitions in Ethiopia.

Large-scale Agricultural sector development is of prime concern to the Ethio-pian government. Pastoralism, as it is, is „not sustainable‟. (Lavers, T 2012:119). Hence, large-scale agriculture Land acquisition included in the new GTP‟s (2010/11-2014/15) to increase agricultural growth, mainly in the lowland ( 1000 meters below sea level), throughout the country. Generally, 3.3 million hectares of land are allocated for private investment of large scale farming (MoFED 2010). Of this amount certain area of land has already been trans-ferred to investors. Recently the federal government has been playing a pivotal role in the allocation of large-scale farming to developmental investors. Re-gional governments are also providing lands if the land size is less than 5000 hectares, however, lent more than 5000 hectares size is administered by the newly established (AISD) within MoA, (Rahmato, D 2011) The directorate will deal lease contracts with investors on behalf of the regional governments. The directorate makes sure their own assessment such as where the land is free from the forest, not used by the community and settlement area and alike (MoARD 2010), Then the directorate deals the contractual arrangements with the investor on behalf of the regional governments. The directorate issues a letter to the regional states for the demarcation of the proposed land to the investors. Nevertheless, most land deals that are operating throughout the country were not enforced through with the above mentioned procedures and rules. “Small-scale farming and Pastoralism are considered by the „state policy makers‟ as backward. That could be the problem, still this is moderately the result of the government‟s unwillingness to encourage the small scale farmers by rejecting „security of tenure‟ and favourable „politico legal framework.” (Jon Abbink 2011:518).

2.7. Contextual Factors that Facilitated Large-Scale Governmental Plantation.

In Ethiopia, the regional governments have their own sovereign rights and re-sponsibilities; they can deal or to purchase land up to 500 hectares, if more hectare than those in a given regional state …. “They will transfer the land to the federal government through the dealing process, in a federal system like Ethiopia‟, the spatial location of investments and the balance of power be-tween the federal government and regional administrations are important fac-tors in the political economy of investment” (Lavers, T 2012:108). Of course, there are some regional states endowed with huge land and water resource, but unable to play the role of facilitator and administrator, on their own resource and territory, in this regard, they have been forced to look for the federal gov-ernments help, and they transfer their legal right, like (to pass decisions), on their resource and their political-economic advantages would be easily trans-ferred to the federal government, due to this the federal government plays a vital role on behalf of those developing regions, on the other side. For Lavers “the policies and laws designed by policy makers in federal and regional gov-ernments contain a number of restrictions and incentives, which reflect an at-tempt to realize the objectives of the agricultural development strategy in-creasing production of export crops and food, expanding industrial

15

processing, creating employment and focusing investment on low population areas to limit small holder displacement, as well as raising productivity in the small-holder sector” (Ibid 113).

The constitution of EFDRE, does have a pivotal role in facilitating, as well as assisting governmental land acquisitions, this is supported by the consti-tution; All nation‟s citizens have an equal right to use from their national re-source, this concept is vested in article 8 (1 ) ( Gazeta, F. N 1995:3).

Furthermore, article 40 (3) declares that.

“……….. The right to ownership of rural and urban land, as well as all natu-ral resources, is exclusively vested in the State and in the peoples of Ethiopia. Land is a common property of the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia and shall not be subject to sell or to other means of exchange” (Ibid 13).

Under this umbrella, all forms of governmental land investment, as well as developmental projects, which are implemented for land and natural resources has been ruled on those articles and legitimate themselves, not only on the Omo –Kuraze; it also works generally, national project; all these have been based on those articles in the constitution. Apart from this, the projects would be incorporated into the nation‟s cumulative and comparative economic advantages, which is targeted at removing ignorance and poverty from those who are living in and nearby to the project. The existence of food insecurity and inability of small-scale agriculture to generate GDP; which support indus-trialization, as results of shift to commercial agriculture and high-value export markets (Lavers 2012:4-5). For Lavers again, the state cheers large-scale com-mercial agriculture, typically in the lowland region which is un-utilized and fer-tile land which is supported by the available water, for this 15.4 million hec-tares of land is under production, out of 74.5 million hectares of land (Ibid 14).

Hence, land dealing becoming intensely in the low land, pastoral and shifting cultivation based regions, in the country. Still Ethiopia has a high po-tential for Agricultural activity, of its total surface area 1.13km. Square, of these the portions of arable land are 51.3m. Hectare, but currently 11.7 million hec-tares land is being cultivated, (MoA 2010); the LOV plain land which is booked in the country‟s waiting list of the land bank as potentially cultivable arable land throughout the country.

Historically, this province has been detached from the centre for a long time from its economic and development benefits; the agro-pastoralist do have not yet, know how about the commercial farm. Some of this tribe‟s livelihood relayed up on the flood retreat agriculture on the banks along the river. In those some agro-pastorals‟, the annual flooding on the Omo river dictates the rhythm of life and culture that permeate the area, this will be seen in the fig. 1. Now this is new chamber; it is time to act now to achieve MDGs as well as modernization and development, so one thing is crucial for development, that is „enclosure‟ for those who have an enormous water and land resource, (but the enclosure is exercised without displacement “on the era of development, and high modernism enclosure have proven central to state projects of mod-ernization” (Makki, F., & Geisler, C 2011:4). So this is the right time for Ethi-opia to use her resource in a proper way to develop and modernize.

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Figure 1 LOV Farming on river retreat land

Source: Tornay Serge (n.d)

The existing literatures on this Kuraz Sugarcane project were contra-dicting each other; the information from the governmental side favours the project, and on the others‟ eye like HRW, Oakland Institute, Bloomberg and others, completely oppose this project seeing the developmental project in dif-ferent angle; from the livelihood of the agro-pastoralists, from human right perspectives and from land (property) rights of their political economy of marginalized poor society, from the cultural aspect, although oppositions from NGO, like UNESCO, this study site was the world heritage site since 1980, due to its oldest human fossil more than 200,000 (UNESCO. Org) years old and the oldest tools.

2.8 Ethiopian Agricultural policy

The federal government‟s re-centralization of investment administration is re-ceiving huge tracts of land from the back warded or from the growing regions

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of regional governments and placing them under direct federal control. (La-vers. T.; 2012:120). Here growing regions were in a sense of comparison with Amhara, Tigrai, and Oromia regions, they were not equally comparable to them, and they are not equally fitted and compete with them, like Benishangul, Afar, Somali regions are alike. “…. Although the main focus of ADLI is on internal production linkages, exports are expected to play a supporting role, by earning foreign exchange to enable the import of capital goods, which are re-quired for industrialization but, which cannot be domestically produced or re-placed by labor-intensive production processes” (Ibid 2012:111). Which means Ethiopia has huge human resource and endowed with enormous natural re-source, due to this the country‟s agricultural policy is highly motivated for its growth on exercising labour intensive commercial farm to the country, instead of engaging with old age pastoral and shifting cultivation, “…for minority sub-sisting from pastoralism or shifting cultivation, mostly in the lowland areas; the government sees no long term alternative sedentary way of life” (Makki, F., & Geisler, C 2011:13) The Government for the resettlement program in the LOV is on the way of improving access to varied service for those indigenous peo-ple, and the government considered and giving primary concern for their live-lihood and food security improvements. The government also has the proper consultation of the local agro-pastorals; development projects are considered as the symbol of national pride, (Parasuraman, S 1996); apart from this, it can‟t harm them as well as their Livelihood advantages, of course the government favours for the sedentary instead of nomadic way of life.

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Chapter 3 The Implication of Large-scale Land Acquisition on the Local Communities Livelihoods Activity

3.1 Introduction

In this section, I tried to see the implication of large-scale land acquisition for sugarcane plantation, and the dynamics of land-use change policies and devel-opment programs in relation to the local community livelihoods‟ activity.

3.2 Who are Investors in the LOV?

On the LOV large scale agricultural investment has been implemented by gov-ernment and India‟s, furthermore the rest is either Ethiopian or Diaspora companies; while the 245,000 ha of sugar plantations is state-owned. India is playing a vital part in backing Ethiopia‟s growing sugar industry in financing. The Indian Export-Import Bank promised US$ 640 million of loan in the long term for Ethiopia‟s sugar industry (at a low rate of 1.75% with five interest-free years to be paid back in 20 years). Conversely, one of the situations of this loan is that at a minimum 75% of the deal price of goods and services necessarily imported from India Since 2008, over 350,000 hectares of land have been kept for commercial agricultural production in the LOV. This includes the currently publicized development of a huge 245,000 hectare, state-run sugar plantation (oaklandinstitute.org Sept. /2011).

“The study and design of OKSDP were done at a total cost of 118,300,000 Birr8 by the state owned (EWDSE) in collaboration with the (SDCE), which will have a 40 percentage share in the project.” (Addis Fortune 26/Jun. /2011:1)

In LOV, land investment data, presented in table 1, which contain in-formation on land investment by either governmental or private investors, al-most half of them were occupied by the government‟s project, to be more pre-cise; this site‟s land acquisition is different from other regions of the country‟s land investment. In this region, the major investments were owned by the gov-ernment and Ethiopians‟ from the host and abroad, but Indians were involved in the minor portion.

8 „Birr‟, - Ethiopian currency with 100 cents

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Table 1 Detail summary of land investment deals in the LOV.

Name

Block 1

Block 2

Block 3

Daniel fasil Bihon

Lucci

Mela

Whitefield cotton farm

Reta

Rahwa

Tsegaye Demose Ag Development

Tamil Hadgu

Adama

Other agricultural investment

Land available from Fed land bank

Total agricultural investment lands

Size(ha) Purpose Investor

82,600 Sugar State owned

81,500 Sugar State owned

81,300 Sugar State owned

5,000 Cotton and grain Diaspora

4,003 Cotton Ethiopian

5,000 Cotton Ethiopian

10,000 Cotton Indian

2,137 Cotton and grain Diaspora

3,000 Cotton & grains Ethiopian

1000 Cotton, sesame & soybean Diaspora

5,000 Cotton, seeds Diaspora

18,516 Cotton Diaspora

57,695 NA NA

89,000 - -

445,501 - -

Source (media.oaklandinstitute.org sept.2011) media.oaklandinstitute.org/…Ethiopia_Omo_Valley.pd...

3.3 Growth Transformation Plan of Ethiopia 2011-2015.

[The Ethiopian government drafted and implemented, The GTP for five years from 2010/11-2014/15, it is a pathway to achieve the country‟s millennium development goal. It was designed to, harmonizing its population growth with the economic growth in a sustainable way of development. GTP sets ambitious targets across the various sectors with an overall target of contributing in mak-ing Ethiopia as a middle-income country in 202, For a country like Ethiopia, endowed with huge natural resources and population, development must inte-grate social, economic and environmental outcomes in order to benefit all Ethiopians in a sustainable way of development, (phe-ethiopia.org). According to the perspectives of SRLA the peoples in the LOV has land and water re-source, but they don‟t have the know-how to cultivate a commercial way of farming and sedentary way of life, so the government of Ethiopia tried to im-plement the SRLA approach to this particular „marginalized‟9 group of people

9 „Marginalized‟, I used this word for this tribal group of people, they had been out of sight for a long period of time which means from the time of empire creation (1900) till now, they were detached from developmental activities, nevertheless they were wanted for their tourist attraction, for their asset‟s like national parks, Ivory and for their unique tribal culture, but they suffered a lot in the absence of infra-structures and modernization activates.

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and aimed to improve the worsen livelihood conditions of the area by intensi-fication of commercialized way of farming.]10

3.4 State and Government Relationship with the Resettled Agro-pastorals Population.

The government planned to work for the betterments of the life of agro pas-toralists‟ due to this SNNPR with the collaboration of Southern Omo Ad-ministrative zone tried to resettle the six agro pastoral woredas‟ in 2011 and 2012 in an irrigable land, bank of the rivers and generally in the places where water resource availability, this is concerned about to secure the agro pastoral-ists‟ long term food security and to renounce their nomadic and dispersed way of life and tried to a settled and sedentary way of livelihoods‟ activity, due to these cases the government prepared a resettlement program in in a voluntary way in Salamago woreda; the following table will illustrate more.

Table 2 Mursi tribe designed resettlement program (from 4 kebeles11)

To

tal

No

. o

f th

e

wo

reda‟

s

po

pula

tio

n.

To

tal N

o. o

f K

ebel

es‟

in t

he

wo

reda.

Th

e fo

rmer

vil-

lage

o

f th

e ta

rget

ed

rese

ttle

s

Cap

able

Agr

o

pas

tora

ls‟

to

the

rese

ttle

-

men

t

pro

gram

. No.

of (HH)

Reset-tlement area.

Male Fe-male

Total

Male

Female

Total

16993 16327 33,320

20 Moyza 1006 1145 2151 506 It will be done with the collabo-ration of Sugarcane development project.

Bongozo

860 857 1717 263

Maki 733 749 1428 257

Haylu-wa

1089 972 2061 438

20 Total 3688 3723 7411 1464

Source: Southern Omo Zone Chief Administrative office, field gathered data

(July/2013). NB. You can find this data in the appendix 8 with Amharic version.

N.B. The population Data is taken from the 2007 census. (In 2009/10 the work of Resettlement program for Bodi tribe is accomplished, but the above table shows only 4 kebeles‟ of Mursi tribe.) Still this plan is remained on paper, because no one is resettled from this tribal origin.

According to social institutions the regional government in the 2011 budget year, tried to plant 11mills with 4,050,000 ET. Birr, in Dasenech (4), In

10 GTP‟ note is taken from my previous essay writing from course no 4335; Politics of Agrarian Trans-formation. 11 The population Data is taken from the 2007 census. (In 2009/10 the work of Resettlement program for Bodi tribe is accomplished, but the above table shows only 4 kebeles‟ of Mursi tribe.) Still this plan is remained on paper, because no one is resettled from this tribal origin.

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Nyangatom (3), In Bena Tsemay (1) In Salamago (1), In Haylewa (1) and In Hamer (2), you will see it in the appendix part. Due to this, the government and the local people seem like playing a win-win game, and the agro-pastorals have been benefiting from this governmental led mega project. But the reality is by far from this statement, still the resettlement area is not well-planned and organized for the resettled people by the sugar development project for the Mursi tribal people, the above figure still found only on paper, and it needs further investigation about why these tribal groups would not take part in the resettlement program.

3.5 Land-use Change in the Study Area.

The current global land use pattern change, is not just in one direction ( i.e. In favour of food or biofuel production for export); the majority of current land deals are not for food production, but for biofuels and other industrial prod-ucts (Borras et.al 2012). From this point of view lower Omo valley‟s land-use change is from „marginal‟ or „idle‟ lands to sugarcane plantation and ethanol production. So this confirms in my study area; land-use change compresses changing of forest land for ‘food or biofuels for export’ (Ibid 38) .The land-use change in this area was not previously devoted to food production and even for grazing not yet, it is totally covered with desert bush land, and no one used it since the creation of earth, except for some arboreal and other wildlife. Be-sides after the arrival of this new government development project, this region is colonized by many emigrant labourers from other neighbouring parts of the regions specially from (Wolayta, Gamo, Goffo and others); peoples that seek-ing for a job in this sugar cane plantations in the form of sugarcane nursery; construction workers like dam building; cannel building and new housing unit construction for the newly emerged (resettled) local communities and some are traders, now this region has been populated more denser than the previous agro-pastoralists way of life and altered the place into a sedentary way of life, and the process has been started in a gradual way to give up the pastoral way of life, of course it will take long time.

3.6 Why Sugar Cane Development Project needed for Ethiopia?

Most of the time peoples‟ status is getting changed their feeling, and interest also shows a dramatic change on their way of lifestyle and consumption of quality items, now the current Ethiopian population annual income is much better than that of the previous due to this, there is a sign of transformation of the modernized way of life. Hence, Sugar has become the very vital food item the overall country; in this circumstance the country‟s annual per-capita con-sumption of sugar is very low. The demand of sugar consumption has in-creased since 1954/5; this date was marked as the first sugar industry estab-lishment date for the country. The cause for the increasing demand is, as the sweeting nature of sugar, and it is used in the preparation for all types of drinks and food items, even these days in the southern parts of Ethiopia, there is a

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homemade local beverage drink, like (Qarebbo12) needs substantial amount of sugar.

According to the (investment office), the production of Sugar from cane in Ethiopia started in „1954/55. Currently, the country produces sugar with three big industries; their production capacity is still not yet fulfilled the demand of the country‟s population, still Ethiopia produces 280,000 tonnes per annum. Of these products, Ethiopia also exports white sugar for the neighbouring countries; especially Yemen and Djibouti, ranging from „30,000 tonne to 50,000‟ tonne per annum. Due to this and other market factor; the country‟s sugar demand is by far greater than the current supply, now these days the market price of sugar in Addis is 13.5 Ethiopian Birr and in district it reaches up to 20-30 Ethiopia Birr, (in 2013 ) this variation is due to its distance and transport cost, though this unbalanced demand and supply; it forced the country to fill the gap by building different sugar factories throughout the country and on the other way to save the foreign currency, from the expendi-ture of importing sugar from the outside market. (ANRS 2008). This and other related factor forced Ethiopia to look over and to invest her capital on building sugar industry on the available resource, on the available areas, of this the OKSCDP project is the very important one.

12 Qarebbo is a soft drink type which is made from Barley; almost it is similar with beer.

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Map 2 Ethiopian Sugar factory Development Sites.

Source: (africapotashblog.wordpress.com)

3.7 The Omo-Kuraz Sugarcane Development project.

The Ethiopian Sugar Development Agency has launched a large-scale sugar development scheme called OKSCDP in Debub Omo Zone, (SNNPR) in Sal-amago woreda. The first phase started with, the preparation and selection of land used on the sites of the future factories and plantations.

The project consists of the housing units‟ assemblage of the intended sugar factories, sugar cane plantations, and road construction with water work, which means construction of canals for irrigation activity and constructing community drinking water for the newly settled villages and emigrant workers who was settled there, for their daily activity. This project is the brainchild of the late Prime Minister Ato Melese Zenawi, still his legacy is found there; I found his mental print in my field work time and you can see it in fig 1. His message is still sound and also has a good indicator for the continuation of his developmental legacy in every corner of the country.

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Figure 2 the founder of OKSCDP Late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi Asrse (2011)

Source: from my field work gathering data (main Town)

The Motto on the picture says that “ with the principles of KAIZEN leadership, we will increase our production and productivity like the Japaness; with a continuous improvement in quantity and quality, and we will reach beyond the level of competence business holders on the world market” (Late Prime Minster Melese Zenawi Asres 2011) , the late prime minister of FDRE.

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Map 3 Newly Well Demarcated OKSCDP site

Source: from my field work data gathering from South Design & construction enterprises (SDCE) Hawassa 26/Julay/2013.

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The government has allocated US$ 225 for each of the six sugar facto-ries that will be constructed by the (MEC) in the area. The project would create huge employment opportunities for the local community. After the accom-plishment of all the designed sugar factories and plantations work hope, I be-lieve that, more than 150,000 jobs opportunities will be created. It is also planned to consider community development components, in which local peo-ple will be directly or indirectly benefited by having separate irrigation land to enable them to earn their livelihoods from their own irrigated farmland. Ac-cordingly, Bodi, Murssi, Menit as well as Nyangatom communities will be di-rectly beneficial to the project. Building a residential camp for the project workers, six sugar factories, internal roads, one bridge over Omo River and more than 200 km canal and development of plantation will be implemented by the project in the area. (Respondent E), see appendix 4.

Some estimates show that European firms have been claiming over 5,000,000 hectares of land for their energy development from the global South. At present, Brazil plans to replace 10 per cent of the world‟s non-renewable fossil fuel by 2025; with ethanol producing from Sugar. Malaysia and Indonesia are increasing their oil palm plantations to supply 20% of European Union bi-odiesel needs, 14m hectares of land needed by the Indians, for the plantations of Jatropha plantations. With this, some argue; food production will be un-dermined and the shift to biofuels will aggravate the problem of land availabil-ity for rural livelihoods (Borras et, al 2010).

This paper argues that there are many important ways to recognize the way how the state advertises and affords land acquisition. This also goes in-sight into what activities they played and why.? Therefore, most designs has been by creating the preconditions for the available land for investors via legal means and relocates land (Borras & Franco 2012). On the other parts of the regions, the government of Ethiopia leased large tracts of lands to the foreign investors, and the government played there a vital role of architect hood, which is designed as to get a comparative advantage, but now the role of archi-tect hood is totally changed, and the government became the sole player or agent of investor in the LOV, by acquiring large-scale water and land for the development project, and implementing sugar cane plantation project. This idea has been highly gone with ‘marginal land’ narratives as a central apparatus used to enclose space for more economically productive means (Borras and Franco 2010). Yes, the LOV vast plain land is still covered with bushes and shrubs, left for many centuries without any single plantation and developmen-tal activity in the middle of hunger and poverty.

According to one-woman pastoralist that has been living since 2012 in the (Mender 2), fortunately I meet her in market place of the smallest district town Hanna, according to Respondent F; she said that “ …now on wards no one will force me back to do my destitute occupation, because I and all my rel-atives were spent there a lot of challenges, on contrary, in the project life is simple and easier than the previous day to day painful life, due to this she heart fully praised the voluntary way of resettlement, in her word “…..the sugar corporation effort is vital by arranging those community facilities were easily reachable and those facilities assisted me a lot from the continuous engage-ment of discomfort of my day to day lives. I and my family have been enabled to have access to several community facilities like potable water schools‟ health centre, flour mill houses; totally, I am happy.

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Figure 3 Social service (flour Mill) house for women agro-pastorals' in Salamago woreda

Source: www.slideshare.net

My respondent says like these but from my observation, I noticed most women were not involved in the resettlement activity, this may be caused by; the highest burden of family care has been retained on the shoulder of women in those unsettled tribal communities, especially in the Bodi tribe, apart from this gender equality is not being in the perfect shape, females right still de-prived by males.

3.8. Livelihood Activities.

[The concept of livelihood to increasingly becoming central in the debate on rural development, poverty13 reduction and natural resource management. Livelihood analysis has gone beyond the narrow definition and approach to poverty reduction. It had been narrow because it was focused on certain as-pects or implication of poverty such as „low income‟ and did not consider oth-er vital aspects like „shock and social factors‟ (Krantz 2001). It is well recog-nized, those factors and conditions which constrain or enhance the peoples' ability to make a living needs emphasis around social, economic, and environ-mental aspects. In this regard, a livelihood concept is comprehensive and cen-tral. On the other side the property right (ownership of land) is vital for their improvement or deteriorating conditions for their current situations, ]14

13 Poverty could be defined in Ethiopia as periodic or permanent hunger. But poverty exists most mark-edly in the villages. Peasants who grow food are starving, while their product is sold in the towns at rea-sonable prices for those who have money. See more from the article of [Siegfried Pausewang (2009): Ethiopia: a political view from below, South African Journal of International Affairs, 16:1, 69-85]. 14 This note is taken from my previous essay work from course no 4335, politics of Agrarian transfor-mation.

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“For most of the poor in developing countries, land is the primary means for generating a livelihood and a main vehicle for investing, accumulating wealth, and transferring it between generations” (World Bank 2003:5-6)

[A livelihood comprises, the properties („natural, physical, human, fi-nancial and social capital’), the actions and the right to use these (arbitrated by organizations and social relations) that together control the active gained by household or individual, (Ellis, F 2000:10). A livelihood has the features of being adjusted to copping for existence. Therefore, livelihood is not statics but has dynamic nature. The livelihood framework helps in the analysis of a partic-ular context (policy, history, agro-ecology and socioeconomic situations), mix of the livelihood resources (capitals) results in the ability to follow what a combination of livelihood strategies with its outcome. A livelihood is sustaina-ble. “When it can cope with and recover from stress and shocks maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets, while not undermining the natural resource base” (scoones, I 1998). Nomadism or agro-pastoralism in LOV not sufficient-ly provides survival livelihoods in that area, and the current nomadic activity could not transform them from their hand to mouth livelihoods to the modern way of life, due to this crucial challenge to the region‟s household must look for the diverse portfolio activities of income sources and to escape from their traditional ways of livelihoods. The sustainable rural livelihoods approach puts people in the middle of programming and analysis for action‟, although it ex-plicitly understands the importance of transforming the structure, especially the various levels of governmental and non-governmental, which have such a potential effect upon peoples‟ livelihoods. This approach is a very important approach for least developing countries, (Carney, D 1998). So the OKSCDP project will benefit the agro pastoral population that lives in, and around the project because it focused on people-centred approach due to this and other beneficiary part of the SRLA approach, it has a power to convert the liveli-hoods of that particular person by transforming them from the way of nomad-ism towards sustained livelihoods]15.

3.9. The Politics of Land Reform in Ethiopia.

[In the year 1975 Ethiopia‟s land reform was fully implemented in a radical way by its nature, for this, we can provide many tangible evidence, property rights to land alongside political power, from one social class to another, thereby changing social status. In Marxist terms, it is an „expropriation of the expropriators‟. Like before the fundamental change in property rights generat-ed a class of winners and losers, but in a reverse order. That is the loser be-came the winner and visa-versa. The winners are former tenants and poor peasants as a class and the majority of the people, (Jemma, H 2004:10). Land policy is still in Ethiopian history it is the real source of power, from the Impe-rial to the recent Ethiopia and still remained at the core of a continuation of policy debate on land; the center of the debate has been focused on largely on the issue of property rights of the land (ownership hood). “Most of the time land Reform which is linked with political processes and integration with an

15 This note is taken from my previous essay course no 4335, politics of Agrarian transformation.

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economic rationale and resulted with economic consequences” (Bernstein, H 2010:98)

The current government still implements state ownership of land, ex-cluding farmers from the privileges of mortgage and sell. This is engineered quite deliberately by the current government, due to protecting the peasants from selling their land to few wealthy rich individuals and the concentration of land in a few rich wealthy persons‟; and this makes keeping the peasants from selling their land to a few rich individuals and leaving them without any plots of land and any sources of livelihoods (Deininger., & Jin, S 2006: 4-5).]16

16 This note is taken from my previous essay course no 4335, politics of Agrarian transformation.

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Chapter 4 Data Analysis

4.1 Introduction

The data analyses were made from my field work with primary data, which was gathered from the concerned bodies of the OKSCDP and from the resettles, who are living there in my primary data collection time, I used to collect my data with Interview, questionnaire and also with my personal Observations. Besides to the primary data, I used secondary data from the literatures, and all these manipulated with triangulation method in my data analysis process, hence I found my conclusion, and finally, I tried to show my findings and rec-ommend my findings and the potential problems to the concerned bodies here below.

4.2 Data Analysis

“The present large-scale land acquisitions have expanded in developing coun-tries since 2007/2008” (De Schutter, O 2009:4). Ethiopia is also one of the renowned victims of this process and also actively engaged in this global situa-tion. Of course, there are not sufficient empirical literatures to show the effects of government-led large-scale land acquisitions in the Ethiopia. The objective of this thesis is to identify the perceived effects of governmental led large-scale agricultural land and water acquisition on the livelihood of agro-pastoralist in the LOV, specifically in the case of OKSCDP Southern Ethiopia. To this ef-fect, issues of livelihood, land ownership, were used as a guiding concept. Both qualitative and quantitative methods were used to collect the data.

The OKSCDP is part of the government‟s five year GTP; it‟s designed to grow the country‟s sugar supply. The existing annual sugar usage is (more than 500,000 tons) It‟s much greater than the current production, (i.e. Almost 300,000 tons). Due to this, almost 150,000 tonnes of sugar have been annually imported to fulfil the domestic sugar necessity (Addis Fortune 26/June/2011). By the end of 2014/15 the Government of Ethiopia has been pre-arranged to grow up the sugar production to 2.3 million tonnes. According to the GTP, the project would be very vital to feed home sugar claim as well as to export, in the latter case to it intended to secure foreign currency, (Respondent A) .Which means Ethiopia is always facing a deficiency in foreign currency, so this will prevent the county from its regular trade deficit. According to the informant, the study area‟s overall population and other important data were as fol-lows...The total population of the woreda , is 33,320, of these the Male popu-lation is 16,993 and the Female population is 16,327. The size of population according to their ethnic saree, Bodi (9182), Mursi (7491), Deme (8762), Bacha (2190) and Konso (5695). The woreda‟s livelihood depended on animal husbandry; therefore, the cattle population of the woreda is 150,000, sheep 16,000 and goats 24,000. The overall communal grazing land of the woreda is 129,569 hectares of land, forest coverage, is 67,668 hectares; woodland (Shrubs and Bush land) is 144,358 hectares; the water body is 13,533 hectares, and cul-tivated land is 29,246 hectares in this current season; and the woreda‟s agricul-

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tural land holding size per household is 0.75 hectares is the minimum and 9 hectares are the highest holding, according to; (Respondent C) South Omo –Zone, Salamago Woreda Agro-Pastoralists and Pastoral Affaire Office.)

Figure 4 Land usage proportion in Hectare, in Salamago woreda .

Source: South Omo Zone, Salamago Woreda Agro-Pastoralists and Pastoral Affaire Office)

Field gathered data July 2013.

Total population within the study area is 33,320, but in most media and even my literature reviews say that almost 500,000 populations were endan-gered, because of this governmental led development project, but I found the reality from the ground that is far beyond those literatures. Of course, the sug-ar cane development project used vast wasted land (marginalized) since the creation of the empire, (1900); the project designed to use 150,000 hectares of land. After all, the project used the land, which was previously occupied by Bushes and shrubs, due to this reality, obviously there is no „land grab‟ is prac-ticed from the portion of agro-pastorals‟ grazing land. “ Even the agro pastor-alists‟ have got some additional advantages from this OKSCDP mega project, in various ways to mention some of these, they are beneficiaries with social services it shorten the long journey (wondering) of agro pastoralists‟ with their herds to watering them as well as to fetch water, now this day the project brought the water by cannel to the villagers of agro pastoralists‟ and not only this, the government gave us additional one hectare land in the newly devel-oped resettlement area and the project took the responsibility of ploughing that land for each of the resettled agro-pastoralists; the farm is a mechanized type and aided with irrigation, accordingly, these all intense government‟s assis-tance helping us to abandon our past pastoralists way of life and to come up with new mentality to the sedentary way of life gradually,‟‟ (Respondent D), see appendix 1

According to forceful resettlement, one of my informants said totally different from what I heard, and I read from the literatures,‟ especially what the western Media and Blogs; they have been airing and aggravating the matter. They consider the resettlement process has been done in a forceful way. “The

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state is spending 23.8 million Birr ($1,259,259.259)17; to make its people to benefit from the settled way of life alongside the sugar cane farms, and confis-cated some 2200 hectares of land for those voluntary resettled HHs, the land which is fully developed with irrigation. This land is also accompanied by pub-lic services to the agro pastorals‟, for those who were welcomed to the launch-ing of the project and the resettlement process. On the other hand, the gov-ernment estimated from the OKSCDP to create jobs for more than 118,000 for local inhabitants, (Respondent E). I observed that, yes there are a lot of jobs were created by the projects to the local agro pastorals‟, especially for the youngsters‟ all jobs were new for them, In my observation period I was sur-prised, when I saw mechanics and drivers for huge machines and tractors re-spectively, these drivers and mechanics emerged from those back warded local tribal communities, really it is a huge transformation. Despite, most of the plantation workers are immigrant workers who came from neighbouring re-gions; of course, this would have a capacity to alleviate the unemployment rate within the country. Even though, the local inhabitants were secured insignifi-cant share from those created numbers of job opportunities. The created jobs were 6695, which means 5.67% out of these 505 jobs are permanent jobs for the local community in the current fiscal year (2012/13). Though, from the above figure what I understood, there is a huge gap of job opportunity, from the pre-determined and what currently the local inhabitants were secured.

Figure 5 Job Opportunity for immigrant workers in the sugarcane plantation (Salama-go)

Source: - from the Ethiopian Sugar Cane News Bulletin Vol. II

I have got a very important political figure that is keen on the govern-ment, the project, as well as for the agro pastorals. As he responded his overall knowledge of the process of peaceful and voluntary resettlement process and the positive outcomes, the OKSCDP has no intention to compete with the local community resource at all, although we do have well-known and studied 420,000 hectares wasted and marginalized land into our hands, of these amounts the sugarcane project needed only 150,000 hectares of land, the re-maining land is left in the community‟s common grazing land and for their set-tlement. The sugarcane project site is highly nearby to the Bodi tribal commu-nities; due to this, we had planned to resettle the Bodi tribes before any other tribal community in the newly developing villages (Mender one, Mender Two, and Mender Three), before they settle here, they had been living in three main and two sub villages; their total number is almost approaching to 9,182 inhab-itants. So the government made series of community discussions in 2010, to

17 One US$ is equals to 18.92 Ethiopian birr, according to (CBE September. /20130 exchange rate).

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create public awareness of the importance of the project and the necessity of the sedentary way of life in relation with their current way of livelihood either to give up or to continue their previous economic activity in the discussion was made by the villagers of Omohanna , Narmashik, Omorumbie, Gura and Geo/Chedemse villagers. Their population size is (2553, 1,500, 1070, 3004 and 1055 respectively.) the first four villagers had agreed on the resettlement pro-gram and showed their warm willingness to resettle in the newly developed villages, but the Geo villagers were proposed their own option, besides this, they addressed their plan for the concerned authorities about their own de-signed settlement, and wanted to settle in their nearby vacant land, instead of the OKSCDP proposed and developed land, somehow the government ac-cepted their interest, and we could not want to relocate them forcefully, and we showed them due recognition to their interest, due to this, they grunted several options, either to live in their former place or the place they have chosen or the OKSCP designed place. This is a good indicator of our voluntary resettlement program that we are processing at the OKSCDP site; The settlement pattern was based on tribal leaders, and they were resettled to the north direction 5 kilometres away from the project‟s irrigation dam, and to the South and the East of the Omo river, they are found in 1.5 kilometres distance; each village's size is 296.9 hectares and totally 1,482.5 hectare land; all villages are intercon-nected with roads.

In 2010 for the first time the OKSCP had prepared 33.5 hectare land for cultivation for the agro-pastorals in addition, on the next year 220 hectare land had also cleared and confiscated to the voluntary resettled households, after this progress many agro-pastorals were motivated to take one hectare land from the project; those were counted as 586 male and 190 female HH‟s, who were already registered, despite they were not yet come to the resettlement on the contrary, they simply showed their interest‟. (Respondent G). Here my doubt is concerned about the Mursi tribal communities, according to the gov-ernment‟s plan, out of 7,491 Mursi population the government selected only 1464 capable HHs for the resettlement process in its own criteria, the selected HHs were from Moyza, Bongozo, Maki and Hyluwha they account (506, 263, 257, 438 respectively), which means 18.5%ge of the total Mursi Population, nevertheless, no one came in the resettlement package, and the government spent a lot of money to the proposed agro-pastorals‟,( you can find the evi-dence on the appendix but nothing in found on the ground, except the Bodi tribes. This may be needed further investigation, concerning about the project‟s acceptance by the Mursi tribal community and their attitude to give up their former livelihoods, and maybe this one is contrasting with the intended gov-ernment‟s plan, to transform them from agro-pastorals to the sedentary way of life. Let us see the following table show you the attitudes of Agro-pastorals towards to launching of the project,

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Table 3 Attitude of sample settlers‟ towards giving up a pastoral way of life.

Source: from my field work July/2013 Salamago.

NB. The respondents were only from Bodi tribal groups, as a result of other tribal groups were not yet settled

When we see their positive attitude towards the launching of the pro-ject, almost similar in three resettled villages (75% for Mender One, 65% for Mender 2 and 70% for Mender 3). From Mender one sample settlers‟ 75%age of the respondents were fully accepted the project due to various cases, and only insignificant portion that accounts 5% have not accepted the project, but the rest of 20% ages were still found in a dilemma, maybe they will fully sup-port or fully reject the project in the future.

From Mender two sample settlers their attitude measured and still here 65%ages of the respondents were fully supporters of the project, but the per-centages of objection (against) to the project, and the resettlement program is a lit bit higher than block one and two settlers, which means; it grew up to 20 %.

Generally, the response of Mender three, sample settlers is totally simi-lar with that of the block one respondents‟, due to this the summery of this question is, most respondents in all villages accepted the sugar cane develop-mental project by 70%, of-course the remaining 30 % is laid in different op-tions like „I am not happy‟ and „partially happy, of course those who were partly accepted ones were accepted the project as a result of , various benefi-ciaries from the project and those who were partly opposed ones might be, concerned about various negative impacts related with the project; of these some of their worries were, they were highly worrying about for their future access of „grazing lands‟ as well as for their „environmental degradations‟ and some of them were concerned about their „traditional culture‟: because of this, the project has been opened widely its door for emigrant workers who are coming from various parts of the country and welcomed with their varied way of life style and culture, although all these situations may alter their identical culture.

As far as, their culture is their identity and their off-farm income gen-erating activity in the forms of tourism. Of course, the government of Ethiopia was formulated, a well-organized structure in all respective administrative lev-els, that is (Culture and Tourism Bureau /office); this official bureau has been a mandated and committed responsibility, to preserve the indigenous culture as well as, to transfer its culture to the coming generation. Let me summarize my respondent‟s response in the fig 6., about the acceptance of the project by the agro-pastoralist settlers; I collected the response from the villagers in my quan-titative methods, here by their response illustrated in figure 6.

The attitude to give up the pastoral way of life & accepting the Seden-tary way of life.

Responses Mender One Mender Two Mender Three Total

Fully agree 15 13 14 42

Partly 4 3 5 12

I did not agree 1 2 1 4

No concern for both 0 2 0 2

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Figure 6 shows the level of acceptance of the project by the settlers in three new-ly emerged villages.

I will accept

Partly

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

14

16

Mender 1 Mender 2 Mender 3

Acceptance of the project bysettlers

I will accept

I did not

Partly

Source: gathered from my field work time, July/2013.

My questionnaire data are searching for various answers from different questions, from what I forwarded to my respondents, for example, I was trying to see, …„Is there any significant variation on the resettlement pattern; in sex, tribal variations; apart from this, are they ready to give up their former liveli-hood activity and alike?

4.3 Tribal Variations and Treatments in the Resettlement Process

During my field work time, I realized that, the tribal variations in terms of set-tlement and job opportunity, I have got huge difference; the government planned to resettle around 2050 from Bodi tribe and 1464 from Mursi tribal agro-pastoralists in the newly resettled area, collectively they were 3526, of this targeted number, the government managed to resettle around 257, and recently this number has been reached to 300 agro-pastoralists‟. This means all of those settlers do have equal chance to get one hectare irrigated land as well as the water resource via channels; which means the settled tribal groups have more chances to accumulate wealth easier than those who were not incorporated within the resettlement program. According to the tribal variation in the reset-tlement program, in my observation period I understood that, there is unequal treatment for all five tribal groups which have been living there for long time, of course the settlement has been giving more attention to the more proxy to the project had got the priority than the other; furthermore the project had been developed in the immediate territory of the Bodi tribe; this may get due consideration on the settlement pattern; in addition to this, their total number is also relatively greater than of the other tribal groups separately; they account 9182, which means 27.5% of the total woreda‟s population.

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Figure 7 Designed settlement program with tribal distribution.

Source; from Southern Omo Zone Chief Administrative office the data was gathered in my field work time, July/2013.

The other 72.5% of the woreda‟s population, still has not been part on the resettlement programme, in fact, the resettlements have its own advantages and disadvantages, when we see relatively the Bodi tribes are the advantageous tribe in this resettlement process, and they have got one hectare land in ad-vance than the rest of the tribal communities; this may create in the near future there is a class differentiation among the local communities, which could be created due to the accessibilities of various infrastructures, social services and other modernization activities; these all are offered to the Bodi tribal groups. Again from the negative aspects of the tribal treatments, the potential grazing lands of the Bodi population will be out of their hands, in fact, the project is not using it currently, and in the meantime they would be restricted in a seden-tary way of livelihoods, instead of their mobile livelihoods was blocked. All these developments were due to the arrivals of the project, in fact this is hap-pening due to the „Developmental induced resettlement‟. Although; nothing is gained without any loss; the main thing is here, the matter of choice to achieve the nation‟s comparative advantages. Let us see the overall summary of the tribal distribution pattern in the resettlement program in Salamago woreda (OKSCDP)

Table 4 Distribution of tribal settlement in the newly developed villages.

Distribution of tribal settlement in the newly developed villages.

Items Tribes

Mursi Bodi Bacha Deme Konso Total

Total Population 7491 9128 2190 8762 5695 33020

Population at present 22.5 27.5 6.5 26.5 6.5 100

Designed number of set-tlers

1464 2050 - - - 3514

Resettled population - 300 - - - 300

Unsettled population 1464 1750 - - - 3214

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Total percentage of set-

tlers 14.63 0 0 0 0.91

Source this data was collected from my field work time, from Southern Omo Zone Adminis-trative Office July/2013.

NB. The total number of the population is a lit bit different from what the (CSA, 2007), it says that 28,888.

4.4 Sex Variation in the Community as well as in the Designed Resettlement Program

Let me proceed to the tribal variation on the resettlement pattern, In did I get huge difference in the resettlement pattern; the government planned to resettle from Bodi tribe around 2050 agro-pastorals in the newly resettlement area; of these targeted number, the government managed to resettle around 257 and recently this figure increased to 300 agro-pastorals‟, of these numbers the number of female HHs was only 70. This means all these settlers have a chance to get one hectare land each; which means the female population have no equal access when compared to the settlement pattern. In the settlement process, the sex variation has a tremendous difference, but not as such these differences seen in the overall population data from the community, the dif-ferences are insignificant, but during the time to the resettlement process, the figure shows a significance difference, So sex distribution is not properly con-sidered by the projects within the resettlement program, maybe it has been the basic case for a small number of voluntary resettles. According to the empiric, the sex variation shows significant difference in the settlement, which means that, female pastorals‟ were not fully accepted or not fully engaged in the public discussions.

4.5 Attitude Towards To Give up Their Former Livelihoods Activity

The other most crucial question is concerned about the Agro-pastorals attitude towards to the newly encroached way of sedentary life, which means how many of them were interested to give up their former pastoral way of life and showed their concessions towards to the sedentary way of livelihood. The set-tler response from my field gathered data is prevailed as follow; here with their response illustrated in figure 8; based upon the response of block one settler, the condition seems good. Agro-pastoralists‟ set their minds towards the trans-formation from pastoral to agrarian hood; this indicates the government worked a lot on the persuading activity. The response from Block one settler 75% of the respondents were fully interested and wants to transform them-selves from pastoral to agrarian hood. Also the response from Block two set-tlers tell us 65%age is fully interested towards to the sedentary way of life, and no one is wanted to stay on the pastoralists way of life, of course 20%ageof the respondents were not decided yet, and 15%ages were in the middle ( they sup-ported Partially); block three is relatively better percentage in their willingness towards to agrarian hood than the rest of two it accounts 80 % of the respond-ents , the cumulative response of my respondents for full transformation from

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Pastoral to agrarian in my study area is 73.3%, the rest 23.7% still needs addi-tional persuasive work.

Figure 8 Agreements towards to give up their pastoral way of life

The source of my field gathered data, July/2013.

4.6 Source of Information

On the other, questionnaire sides the agro-pastoralists‟ whether they were in-formed or not, before the commencement of the project? The answer is shown almost similar in both resettled villagers, hereby the information source and its frequency from each village resettles and its cumulative response. Hence, from the block one respondents‟ the chart shows that the agro-pastoralists were informed from various sources of informants (except from their neighbours), of course the frequency of information varies from one source for the other, and they have huge attachment with their districts leaders and (DA‟s), some of the variables informed from different source simultane-ously due to this the total number of informants are vary the total numbers of the respondents raised more than the total number of samples accordingly. The source of information in Block two shows variations from Block's one‟s response, here DAs took the upper hand and shows similarity with neighbour-hood informants still no one informed of them, of course here the administra-tive structure matters, the (DAs) were informed from the zone and woreda structures and there is mandatory responsibility to inform the pastoral‟s before they come to settle.

The information source is, a lit bit similar with Block two informants,‟ DA‟s took once again the upper hand, but the minor difference is one settler informed of his/ her neighbourhoods. To summarize these, concerning about the information source most of the Agro-pastorals‟ were informed about the commencement of the project before they settle in their newly developed place, ( this is only talking about the resettled groups, not included the rest of tribal members) which indicates that there is a community participation in-volved on the project. If the highest frequency of the information flow would have been from the tribal leaders to the mass, the government may achieve his

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intended goal, because the local tribal community has been more affection with their tribal leaders than any other agent. The following chart shows the infor-mation.

Figure 9 Sources of information about the launching of the project.

Source: from my field work gathering data, July/2013

NB: Here the total number of respondents was greater than the cumulative respond-ents‟ number, this was happening, due to when one individual got information from various sources simultaneously, and he or she responded twice for the same ques-tion.

Block one, Block Two and Block Three, Referring to Mender One, Mender Two and Mender Three respectively.

4.7 Discussions from my own observation analysis

Here I will see the advantage of the comparative benefits from the project like the socioeconomic and the political-economic perspectives how the local agro-pastoral population livelihoods relatively benefited or affected by this mega sugar cane developmental project?

4.7.1 Employment Opportunity

The creation of Job will be seen from two perspectives‟, from the local un-skilled inhabitants and from the skilled manpower‟s; for instance, this day the country followed a 70/30 directions of educational policy, which means the country‟s universities enrolling 70%ages of the students to enrol in Natural Science faculties, of these numbers 40%ages were must intend to enrol in En-gineering study field (MoE 2010). This has been highly designed to transform the nation from Agriculture-based economy to the Industrial one, so those mega projects throughout the country were highly relay on and expecting those qualified and qualifying skilled labour force. For the skilled workers, the available job opportunities were MEC and the WDW; these are the basic ones, for the unskilled ones the wide plantation and nursery for sugarcane seeds were available; the project needed the local inhabitants as the „out growers‟ of the sugar cane which means the government not only looking at the land, also the labor of local inhabitants, this makes different from those of foreign investors led land investment into the country.

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When we see the comparative advantages to the project from the na-tion-wide aspect, the countries existing sugar demand is too much greater than the current supply, the project has potential capabilities to cover the import expenditures; probably, the country imports 150,000 and 200,000 tonne sugar per annum, so this project has tremendous advantages to fulfil the host sugar demand and able to stop currency flow to the outside world, besides this the project designed in the GTPs not only to fill the gap of sugar demand, rather intended to be one of the export items in the country, according to the Feder-al government aimed “ to sell its products and by products in domestic as well as for the export market‟‟(Federal Negarit Gazeta 192/2010 :2)

4.7.2. Infrastructure Advantages

The local settled agro-Pastorals, those who are welcomed to the launching of the project, benefited a lot in many ways from the OKSCDP, at the same time they pledged to ensure their political economy in the future from the available resource government intended livelihood, because these people were ignored for a long time from civilization and developmental activities, they do not have infrastructures, social services, on the contrary, the government constructed schools for their children, currently almost 200 students were enrolled in the newly built Algobia Elementary school . They do have also varied social ser-vices like flour mill, potable water, irrigable land and some light jobs like guard-ing, out growers, (nursery) activities on the sugarcane plantation and alike; the-se are the available job opportunities for the local agro-pastorals.

4.7.3. Livelihoods impact

There are also a potential disadvantage in the local agro-pastoral livelihood that confined in that particular place, let us see the vital factor, the large-scale water acquisition by the project for the irrigation purpose it will bring visible difficul-ties to the LOV agro-pastoral population, when the water will be taken away by the project, the overflow from the river controlled by the sugarcane planta-tion, the population which belongs to the downstream areas has been looking for the annual rhythms of overflow from the river, this will be affected by the project.

This overflow of water carries fertile silt and floods on the banks along the river; this situation creates possibilities for the seasonal cultivation of sorghum and maize crops in the LOV banks in this particular community, so this situa-tion will worsen their livelihood in the near future. On the other side this high-ly commercialized way of farming is a big threat to smaller scales,

“Benefits of small-scale farming, mostly family-owned production units, are contrasted to the expansion of large-scale, highly capitalized types of farm-ing” (De Schutter, O 2011:249)

4.7.4 Problem of Grazing Land

As all we understand, the pastoral way of life and grazing activity needs huge surface, for the survival of human as well as cattle population, the project cur-rently using 150,000 hectares of land in that area . Of course, the project has been currently used no community‟s grazing land from the agro-pastoral villag-es; instead, it used the uninhabited bush and shrub land within the region

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which is almost equal to 144, 358 hectare land. The OKSCDP is a mega pro-ject it won‟t be stop there in its current position, because it will expand and needs another vast area for the newly transplanting sugar cane seedlings, due to this the Bodi, Mursi and other agro-pastorals, this is the main threat for their future grazing land, Of course this is the nature of mega projects, and a process of „enclosure‟ but this process has been working without excluding the inhabit-ants, here the community's labour is needed highly because the project consid-ered the local peoples labour as one impute. What I understood from my field work study, the government would not worry about the future grazing land for the community, rather it‟s headache is; how do we transform this back warded livelihood activity to the surely better livelihood activity that is a sedentary way of life; here let me add the state minister, Ato Abera Deressa‟s word cited in Oakland Institute about Pastoralist‟s livelihoods and their future hope;

“… At the end of the day, we do not really appreciate pastorals remaining in the forest like this…. Pastoralism is not sustainable...we must bring commer-cial farming, mechanized agriculture, to create job opportunities to change the environment.” As stated by the Oakland Institute (2011:6)

4.7.5. Deforestation

The project used 150,000 hectares of land; all these lands were prepared and cleared for the implementations of sugarcane plantation by chopping down from the earlier position of Bush and shrub lands, still bulldozers and other tree cutting machineries are busy in removing the available shrubs, bushes and tree from the surface. The impact of this deforestation is very huge on that particular population‟s livelihoods, that people that has been highly attached their way of life with their nearby nature. From those trees, they may collect their plant foods, traditional medicines, honey and fuel woods, now all these are not in their hands it is handled by the project. The other severe impacts of deforestation will cases micro climatic change in that particular place; the cur-rent mean annual temperature within the area is 27 degrees centigrade, so in the near future it may increase the region‟s temperature more than the global annual temperature change and this situation may harm the indigenous popula-tion, and they are not the only victims; it will create difficulties for the emigrant sugarcane nursery workers; the problem is not only the rise of temperature, the region‟s annual mean rain fall is reaches up to 1600 millilitres, under this condi-tion the mean annual rainfall may fall and will cause distortion of rainfall sea-sons, these would be the potential difficulties for the local communities, lastly the impact of deforestation may cause huge flooding on the local communities by the overflow of Omo river from its bank and may bring death to the inhab-itants and their cattle‟s ( the people experienced this moment in the near past 2006), and also the river has its seasonal periodic overflow time even in the presence of those forests. Still there is no one to give them guarantee for the rest forest covered lands, which account 67,668 won‟t be chopped down.

4.7.6. Weakening of livestock rearing

The coming of the project is obviously will bring tough competition between local agro-pastorals and the government‟s development project, in searching for grazing land for their livestock‟s and for expansion of cultivable land for plantation of sugar cane land respectively. In Ethiopia, the agricultural export

42

accounts 80% of this livestock and its product accounts 14% in the 2003/2004 fiscal year, of which 96% come from the skins and hide, (Solomon, A.; 2003:16) , this condition will be minimizing the export of livestock products and will harm the country‟s economy.

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Chapter 5

Conclusion and Recommendation

5.1. Conclusion

The government of Ethiopia had been planned five years GTP to transform the country from its low-level income country in the lower-middle income country category by 2025. Due to this, the country must look for its „wasted‟, stock and „ideal‟ resources; among these, the LOV extensive plane land and the water Omo River are the best to fit in this designed plan.

According to the (SRLA), the action and the implementations of the govern-ment‟s activity in the LOV is perfect because the local agro-pastorals have more than enough land in their hands, even they do not know, to whom it may belong, of course they do have long-lived and „wasted‟ resource in their hand. Their livelihoods have been totally determined on these resources that are live-stock population, but it is not sufficient even for their livelihoods, even though the resource is not well managed and worthy profitable, in fact, they consid-ered it as an honourable prestigious asset; This land is mainly covered with bush and shrub, and it was not previously utilized by any community in the region. The total surface area of Salamago woreda is 445,001 hectare land, of these lands the OKSCDP needs only 150,000 hectares, this needed land totally taken from shrub and wooden land; that portion covers 144,358 hectares. At present, the project did not claim the communal grazing land, which accounts 129,569 hectares for any development or resettlement activities. At all, we know that, the civilized world‟s development brought through a settled way of life and begins with agriculture, but no way for fast and sustained livelihood‟s development with such a back warded nomadic and pastoral way of life, due to this the agro-pastoral way of life should transform from a pastoral to a seden-tary way of life; this is the interest to the state and the designed GTP‟s five-year plan.

The government did not make any forcible resettlement and relocation on the local agro-pastoralist society; the project also benefited the local community in various ways, for example, creating job opportunity, by creating market access to the pastoral products, by facilitating basic needs more the community like (health care, Education, road, medications for the cattle‟s, decreasing the long distance travel for fetching water for households as well as watering of cattle‟s, providing irrigable land for voluntary resettled pastoral one hectare land for each HHs, flour mill and others). Of course, I have doubt on the additional one hectare land , because the land was given to those who were welcomed the project and for the resettled households, and it has its own problem because the regions agro pictorials do have a culture of practicing polygamy, one per-son does have three to four wives with numerous children, though this one hectare lands not sufficient to fulfil the basic interest of that HH, due to this factor agro pastorals‟ did not fully accept the voluntary resettlement program because the empirics show 79.51% of the population still not yet engaged in the resettlement programme.

The project did not involve in any water and land grabbing activities within the region due to the presence of the enormous land and water resource, so the

44

livelihoods of this study area are not endangered rather it has its own hope for a better way of life for the agro-pastoralist community in the future. There is also no compensation given to the local communities, this is due to no land is taken from them.

According to my research question, How and where the tribal communities rare their cattle after the launching of the project? of course there are some signs of difficulties in the coming of this development project for the Agro-pastoralist area, the government wanted to change the tribes‟ livelihoods, those who are pastorals‟ into a sedentary way of livelihoods and side by side wanted to manage their food security, of course all tribal groups are not pastorals, for example, the Bacha tribal groups lead his/her life with fishery using the Omo River, The Deme tribal units acquainted with agriculture on the banks of Omo river the rest Bodi and Mursi were pastoral community. Surely, the govern-ment‟s plan is good enough, but the local tribal community has not yet fully accepted and understood the designed program, for these the empiric shows that; the government designed to resettle 3688 male and 3733 female totally 7411 HHs from the Bodi and Mursi tribe in 2010, even though the govern-ment only managed to resettle around 300 Agra-pastoral HHs which means 20.49 % and for the whole community, the worst figure shows that only 0.91%ages are settled.

The figure tells, the local tribal communities did not accept the resettlement program, although they have their own subjective reasons, among these, one of these, the resettlement program does not allow cattle rearing in the newly reset-tled area, due to the presence of large-scale sugar cane seeds and HH farm, which is cultivated by the Sugarcane developmental project. They allowed to rear their cattle in their previous site with their selected family, so the project would have the potential to affect the tribal community's cattle raring activity on the project site. This community mentality is not yet reached to think the advantages of the project far beyond their cattle, and they did not reach be-yond the level of examining the comparative advantages to the project, so they choose to stay in their previous residence with their cattle, instead of involving in the resettlement processes. So the government and the local elites have a huge mandate to change the current mentality of the local agro-pastorals by teaching them in uninterrupted ways until they reach beyond the level of ma-tured thinking and able to recognize how the project earns much more benefi-cial for them than the their cattle, not only these by offering better compensa-tion for their cattle, this may be good motivation for the government to achieve the intended program in its five-year growth transformation plan.

Finally, I fully quarrelled with the theory of David Harvey, „Accumulation By Dispossession‟, because here there is no one forcefully dispossessed from his or her original place, rather volunteer HHs got additional one hectare land, which is developed with irrigation around the project‟s site, and the project has been assisting them with technical and other ways, but impossible for rare their cattle nearby the project. Of course, there is no guarantee for those of the re-maining 79.51%age of the rest households who were targeted to resettle around the sugarcane plantation area to rare their cattle accordingly. According to David Harvey, there is „Accumulation‟ in the government side, the accumu-lation in a sense of development; that is totally resulted from development in-duced resettlement. According to (Harvey, D 2003), AD is a persistent occur-rence that pursues to incorporate new scope of social life into the merciless

45

device for the capital market, but the big difference here is; the action of „ac-cumulation‟ has been taken by the government is not for the capitalist market, instead it serves for the welfare of his citizen‟s and state building process.

For the final conclusion of my finding ; - the voluntary resettles‟ were very happy by the arrival of the OKSCDP; their current livelihood is much better and sustained than their previous one; there is no land and water competition between the pastoral population and the project (the resource is much more enough) for both parties; according to the resettlement, no one forcefully dis-placed or relocated from his or her tribal land for the sake of this developmen-tal project, there is no life threatening, or endanger for the disappearance of indigenous population and their culture, rather there is a considerable devel-opment is seen after the arrival of the project. Totally, the project has a devel-opmental concern for local as well as national pride.

According to the governments‟ goal towards to the achievement of voluntary resettlement, it is not fully achieved its intended goal, the government designed to resettle more than 3500 agro pastorals in the newly developed region from the Bodi and Mursi tribal groups, but the outcome is very minimal, only 14%age of people are settled from the designed number, so we could not be able to talk the resettlement program is succeeded, besides this, even the reset-tled agro pastorals were not fully settled there; their one lag is found in the newly developed village, and their anther leg is found in their previous living village, because they left all their cattle and family there , this is, because the male groups exercise polygamy; and shifting his wives for the given period of time in the settlement area and in his previous villages, this may be the prob-lem for the government‟s designed settlement package.

5.2. Recommendation

My recommendation belongs to the concerned bodies of the project:

1. Ethiopian Government,

The government should proceed with this developmental project without any interruption, even for a single second. Because poverty is highly camped in LOV of Ethiopia, so such types of projects are the real medicine for curing of the disease like poverty.

Respect the agro-pastoral population interest according to the re-settlement process, the government must prohibit itself from force-ful resettlement activities.

The social services were not enough to motivate the agro-pastorals so additional efforts must be needed

2. OKSCDP

The project must afford plenty training for the agro-pastoral com-munity, due to their illiteracy; they could not fit with the designed numbers of job opportunity.

Create well known grazing lands for each HHs,

The given one hectare farm land is not enough for fulfilling the re-settled HHs. This made unhappy for the rest unsettled tribal com-munities, also this may be one form of problem for the intended settlement program.

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The project must consider the downstream river retreat agro-pastoral livelihoods.

Female‟s participation is very less in the resettlement activity, this must be improved.

3. International Media

The OKSCDP is a development project implemented and utilized by Ethiopi-ans, there is no way to endanger or threatening human life, no cultural damag-es, but most of the western media has been exaggerating the case, and they aired fully biased information to the outsiders, even for the donor organiza-tions, but the reality is by far beyond from their report and paradigm of look-ing, the way how the project is implemented. Of course, the project has minor problems going into the process, and now for time being the government is focusing on a comparative advantage; no one denies about this reality, but all these minor problems will be remediable through time, as most of Ethiopia‟s expecting that, the designed governments‟ developmental strategy will take off, the country from a regular food aid, (which is regularly donating from the western donors), and the country will be self-sufficient in all aspects; this strat-egy may not be seen as an evil practice, so for us the choice is between living in a miser without using our available resource and looking for regular relief aid or being self-reliant from those past tragedy; it is very simple choice that is identifying the colour white from Black or visa-versa.

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Appendices

Appendix 1: Interviewee Respondents‟

Respondent Organization /place Date Key informant /type/

Anonymous (A)

Omo Kuraz Sugarcane plantation site (Main town ) , Hanna

11/July/2013 Expert.

Anonymous (B)

South Omo Zone chief Adminis-trative office. (Jinka)

15/July/2013 Political figure.

Anonymous (C)

Southe Omo Agra pastoralist and pastoral affairs office. (Jinka)

18/July/2013 Expert.

Anonymous (D)

From Mender one settler (Salama-go Mender one)

24/July/2013 Individual settler

Anonymous (E)

South Design and Building Enter-prise (Hawassa)

26/July/2013 Expert.

Anonymous (G)

Southern Omo zone house of council. (Jinka)

30/July/2013 Political figure

Anonymous (F)

Woman pastoralist (Hanna) 28/July/2013 Woman pastoralist

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Appendix 2: Supporting letter

Letter from Southern Omo Zone Chief Administrative office to the Omo Ku-raz Sugar Cane Developmental project informing the site manager about the arrival of researcher, to conduct research on the implications of sugarcane plantation

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Appendix 3: Letter for the Resettlement programs initial data

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Appendix 4: Authenticating the field work.

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Appendix 5: Letter from Southern Omo Zone To SNNPR Pastoral af-fairs explaining initial data about the Bodi tribe resettles

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Appendix 6: Letter in support of basic necessities for resettled people.

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Appendix 7: Letter in support of construction of social service for reset-tled people

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Appendix 8: Letter of confirmation from Salamago Woreda Pastoral af-fairs.

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Appendix 9: Semi-structured interview questions.

1. How much land has been needed for the OKSCDP in Southern Omo zone/

2. How the tribal HH‟s do has been benefited/ affected by the on-going land acquisition in relation with their livelihoods?

3. To what extent the local communities were accepted the OKSCDP in relation with their agro pastoral way of life?

4. How and where do the tribal communities rear their cattle after the commencement of the project?

5. Is there any limit in cattle rearing, due to competition in land between the project and the agro pastoral?

6. Is there any significance compensations for those resettled agro pasto-rals?

7. In what way the pastoral has got their land around the project; is there criteria ?

8. How many HH‟s were resettled in the newly developed villages? Male---- Female---- Total-----

9. What mechanisms were taken on the sides of the government to settle the problems of displaced people , like housing, drinking water, grazing land cultivable land and alike ?

10. How did you view the positive /negative impacts of the project?

11. The created jobs were significantly important for the local agro pasto-rals?

12. Did you believe agro pastorals have the right to do what they like in their own land/

13. Do you believe the resettled process was held in a voluntary way?

14. Do you think the resettled pastorals will give up their former liveli-hoods activity and come up with the designed sedentary way of life?

15. If anything important or missed from our discussion you can add

I thank you for your patience, as well as for your response!

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Appendix 10: Questionnaire to the Resettled agro-pastorals

A. Preamble

Good Morning/ good Afternoon

My name is ------------------------------------

I came here, to discuss with you about the implementations of OKSCDP which is planned by the government, and implementing in your locality since 2010, our discussions objective is to understand how the project implement and how the local community benefited or affected by this project, with re-gards to the socioeconomic , dimensions especially with (the Agro-pastoral) livelihoods. Due to this, our discussion is very useful in realizing the ad-vantages and the disadvantages of the project and helps us to tackle the poten-tial problems, due to this fact please give to me the accurate information, I thank you in advance for your heartfelt cooperation in responding to my ques-tions.

Zone___________________________

Woreda________________________

Mender________________________

Code of Respondent______________________

Date_____________/_____________/___________

Started time _______________Ended Time____________

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PART ONE –

House Hold Data

1 Primary House Holder (Sex) 1 Male 2 Female

PART TWO

Attitude Questions

2. Have you heard about the launching of the OKSCDP in your Locality?

1 YES 2 NO

3. If you heard about it, from where did you get the information?

Source of information Code

Kebele DA’s 1

Tribal Leaders 2

District Authorities 3

Zone Authority 4

Neighbor 5

4. If you heard about what is your understanding about the project? ______________

5. What is your feeling towards the project?

I am happy at the arrival of the project 1

I am not happy at the arrival of the project 2

Partially happy and partially not happy 3

6. If you are not happy with the arrival of the project, what is your reason?

?_____________________

7. If you are happy with the arrival of the project, what makes you happy, state your reason___________?

8. What is your attitude towards to give up the pastoral way of life, instead of sedentary livelihoods?

Response Code

Fully wants to give up 0

Partially wants to give up 1

I do not want to give up 2

Yet not decided 3

9. Do you believe the resettled process is held on in a voluntary way?

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1. Yes______________ 2. No_________________

Appendix 11: Interview questions for resettled villagers in the lower Omo val-ley

Code of respondent___________________

Name of village_______________________

Q1. Do you believe the resettled process is held on in a voluntary way?

1. Yes______________ 2. No_________________

Q2.Do you agree to give-up your former way of life to a sedentary way of life ?

1. Yes______________2. No_________________

Q3. If your answer is no, why specify ________________________________________

Q4.How much land do you get in the newly confined village? ______________ Hectare.

Q5. Do you have a right to do what you like in your own land?

1. Yes_______________ 2. No____________________

Q6. If No, why ____________________________________________________________

Q7.What is your current job in the newly settled village?

1. Labourer on sugarcane plantation 2. Farmer on private land 3. A sugar-cane grower in private land for the sugarcane factory 4. Worked on the sugar-cane project like Guard, construction. 5. No job.

Q8. Do you have easy water access to you and your livestock‟s ?

1. Yes__________2. Partly ____________ 3. No_____________

Q9. If No why specify ________________________________________________