Addison Grace Burns

Syrian Refugees in United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ Za’atari Camp in Northern

Jordan

“They killed my son. He wasn’t involved in any demonstrations, just working the fields, when a sniper

shot him in the head. Even then, though, I didn’t want to leave. But then we heard stories of Assad’s men,

the shabbiha, raping women in Deraa, systematically using sexual violence as a weapon. I was scared for

my daughters so we fled. We hid in the forests for three months, preparing to cross. We managed to avoid

any Syrian troops, and climbed over the border at night. Then we were stopped by a Jordanian soldier

and I was scared he might send us back as we had no papers. He just said ‘alf ahla’ [a thousand

welcomes]. I wept.” (Phillips pp.34)

Beginning in late 2010 with the Arab Spring, the Middle East and North Africa (MENA)

has undergone a continual socio-political and economic upheaval in varying degrees in nearly all

of its consisting countries - a region containing Egypt, Iran, Turkey, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Yemen,

Syria, United Arab Emirates, Israel/ Palestine, Jordan, Lebanon, Oman, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain,

Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria and Cyprus. The Syrian Civil War, a conflict that has lasted for

upwards of three years, has left an estimated six million displaced Syrians, with around two

million now residing in neighboring countries. An already resource poor country, Jordan, located

in the region known as the Levant, is now home to over five hundred and fifty thousand Syrian

refugees, with an average of one thousand crossing borders daily. Jordan, the country with the

highest refugee to indigenous population ratio in the world (Chatelard, 2010), fourth poorest

country in the world for water resources, and possessing a fourteen percent unemployment rate,

runs risk of political instability due to their growing inability to maintain an increasing refugee

population. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has poured six

hundred million dollars into aiding Jordan’s Syrian refugee crisis, to date, primarily through

establishing camps and supporting the majority of their upkeep. The most well known of these

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camps is Za’atari Refugee Camp which is located in Northern Jordan in the Mafraq Governance.

With a current registered population of around one hundred and thirteen thousand, Za’atari is

considered Jordan’s fourth largest city. Issues of water resources, medical accessibility, asylum

statuses, and employment opportunities have led to economic strain on the host country, violent

rioting and demonstrations, and high tensions throughout the camp.

General Jordanian Refugee History

Jordan received its first significant wave of refugees in 1948 with the creation of the

Israeli state. The displacement of Palestinians left around nine hundred thousand Arabs to be

relocated to neighboring countries. “During the first Arab-Israeli war, Jordan received a large

influx of refugees and later annexed the West Bank of the Jordan River — a part of pre-1948

Palestine. Within two years, Jordan's population increased from 500,000 to 1.5 million, one-third

of them refugees.” (Chatelard, 2010) On June 5th 1967, the state of Israel bombed Egyptian

airfields, prompting a conflict which lasted until June 11th, now known as the Six Day War. The

results of this war lead to the Israeli occupation of the Gaza Strip and the displacement of an

additional four hundred thousand Palestinians. “Roughly 175,000 of them were also refugees

from the 1948 war. As of June 2010, Palestinian refugees and their descendants registered with

and clients of UNRWA numbered over 1.9 million of Jordan's total population of 6 million.”

(Chatelard, 2010) Other countries in the region with significant Palestinian refugee/ asylum

populations, as of 2013, include Lebanon with 445,144, Iran with 886,468 and Syria with

1,242,391. Jordan’s current Palestinian population is an estimated 2,430,589. (The World Bank,

2013)

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Discussing Palestinian refugees in Jordan can be very a grey area to navigate through.

Though initially categorized under refugee status, shortly following the first population wave in

1948, the Jordanian government began to grant citizenship to all incoming Palestinians, giving

them access to Jordanian education, employment, health service opportunities, and legal rights.

This lack of definitiveness in citizenship between Jordanians and Palestinians, however, has led

to some economic issues for the Jordanian government. Because the majority of Palestinians are

not recognized under a refugee or asylum seeking title, international aid foundations donate a

significantly less about of money to development programs. All of the economic issues brought

on by this high population increase were then offset by the poor Jordanian government. As it

stands only one and a half million peoples of Palestinian descent are registered as refugees with

the United Nations Refugee Welfare Agency (UNRWA). (UNRWA for Palestine Refugees in

the Near East, 2013) The first Jordanian refugee camp for Palestinians was created in 1949, and

nine others have been conceived since then. However, these camps act as small, impoverished

suburbs rather than legitimate camps administered by development organizations or governance.

Some Jordanian Palestinians participate in a remittance system in the Gulf States.

However, during the Gulf War, Iraqi occupied Kuwait expelled all Palestinian workers back to

their countries of residence. Similarly, a number of Palestinians who resided in Iraq during the

Gulf War and 2003 Invasion were also displaced. Lastly, in 1988, for fear of a political

imbalance between Palestinian Jordanians and Jordanian Jordanians, the Jordanian government

began to revoke the citizenship status previously granted to them. “First of all, the Jordanian

Constitution, adopted in 1952, states that citizenship is a matter to be regulated by a law, and the

Jordanian Citizenship Law was indeed adopted in 1954, replacing that of 1928 and its

amendment. According to this law, it is possible to revoke the citizenship of a Jordanian citizen

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who is in the civil service of a foreign authority or government. The citizen must be notified by

the Jordanian government to leave that service and, if the citizen does not comply, the Council of

Ministries is the body with the authority that is able to decide to revoke his citizenship. Even if

the Council does decide to revoke the citizenship, this decision must then be ratified by the King,

and even then, the citizen whose citizenship was revoked has the right to challenge the Council

of Ministries’ decision in the Jordanian High Court, and it is this court’s decision that is binding

and final. These procedures are being completely ignored when the citizenship of a Jordanian of

Palestinian origin is revoked.” (Jamjoum, 2013) These incidences continually increased the

number of Palestinian refugees and their descendents in Jordan.

Many upper class Iraqis during the Gulf War and 2003 Invasion chose to flee the

country for fear of political and economic ramifications from the Hussein administration. An

estimated two hundred thousand Iraqis have resided since then in Jordan at one point in time.

The difference between Palestinian and Syrian, which will be discussed later in this essay, and

Iraqi refugee status, was that the Jordanian government never officially recognized their

displacement. The Iraqi population in Jordan was simply classified under “guests” status under

the law. This limited Iraqi access to governmental services, education, medicine and

employment, along with any hope of help from international aid foundations. Though rarely

mistreated, Iraqis in Jordan are put at larger disadvantages than those placed who are officially

considered refugees. Displaced citizens of higher status in Iraq were now faced with lower end

jobs in Jordan. “Senior Iraqi doctors, who were top specialists in their own country, found

themselves working as junior doctors in Jordan. Some, such as junior doctors who are working to

specialize in Jordanian teaching hospitals, are not paid any salary as these hospitals take

advantage of the fact that most of these doctors do not have legal residency permits and thus are

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not eligible to work.” (Sassoon pp.90) However, the wealth that these refugees brought into the

country from individual savings and the selling of their property in Iraq caused rising inflation in

the Jordanian economy. Iraqis were encouraged to use Jordan as a temporary living space while

they sought livelihood in other countries. Many chose to do this and would most commonly

depart from Jordan in less than five years. Remaining Iraqis, the majority being lower class,

often seek asylum status to remain in Jordan, while the wealthier minority buys residence

permits.

Syrian Civil War History and General Displacement

The Syrian Civil War began in early 2011 with minor demonstrations against President

Bashar al-Assad’s administration policies. Escalation of these demonstrations began in March of

that year with protestments over the federal detainment of children who wrote anti-governmental

graffiti. Concerns of human rights, torture, censorship, and police brutality fueled protests in

several cities across Syria. Handfuls of demonstrators were often killed due to Assad military

force attempts to contain riots. Despite disapproval from allies and neighboring countries,

allegations of governmental brutality and reports of large scale military occupations of major

cities continued to rapidly immerge. “In spite of the international outcry provoked by the

killings, the Syrian government launched new operations to silence protests, deploying large

numbers of troops equipped with tanks and armoured personnel carriers to the cities of Darʿā,

Bāniyās, and Homs, three centres of antigovernment protest. In several areas of the country, the

government imposed a communications blackout, shutting down telephone and Internet service.

In Darʿā security forces cut the town’s water and electricity supplies.” (Encyclopedia Britannica,

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2013) The climax of alleged Assad brutality was on August 21st 2013, when neighborhoods of

the capital of Damascus were hit with chemical weapons, killing an estimated one thousand and

four hundred people. This elicited growing international concern and a temporary threat of

national intervention from France, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Intervention has

not been taken as of yet. The war between anti-Assad rebels and the established government

regime continues to this day.

The resulting displacement from the Syrian Civil War has been widespread. “Syria is in

an internal displacement crisis. For hundreds of thousands of men, women and children being

forced from their homes and livelihoods by the current violence, hunger and dehydration is as

much of a threat as the bombs and the bullets. IDMC’s monitoring suggests that over one in

every fifteen Syrians has been internally displaced following the 17 month conflict that has

started as a popular uprising and has turned into a full blown civil war. The magnitude of this

displacement means that it has now become intricately linked with the spreading of the conflict.”

(Charron, 2012) Excluding internal displacement, neighboring countries that receive a high

frequency of Syrians is Turkey with 519,938, Lebanon with 818,085, Egypt with 127,495, Iraq

with 202,976, and finally Jordan with 553,311. (UNHCR, 2013) Granted, these statistics only

consist of Syrian refugees registered with the United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees

and the actual number is suspected to be much higher.

Conditions for Syrian refugees in Turkey are reportedly much higher than those in

other countries. Due to Turkey’s larger GDP, the country has been able to maintain the growing

population with little aid from international development organizations. Turkey has established

refugee camps along its southern borders to support incoming citizens from Northern Syria.

However, it is speculated that, due to the increasing numbers of residents, camp conditions are

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rapidly degrading. “Some refugees, who are free to travel around Turkey and speak to foreigners

outside the camps, are more ambivalent about camp life. ‘It is our prison!’ says Mohammad, a

teenage from Aleppo outside Kilis camp, ‘The guards treat us badly and life is too expensive.’

The Turkish government gives each refugee 20 Turkish Lira (£7) a week but, says Mohammad,

this is barely enough for food.” (Phillips pp.37) Lebanon is currently attempting to establish

refugee camps for their large rise in Syrian population, but it is speculated that this will be

difficult due to the Lebanese economy. “‘The Lebanese economy is facing difficult days as a

result of the deteriorating political and security situation in the Arab world in general,

particularly as a result of the Syrian conflict and its impact on Lebanon,’ Mikati told

economists.” (The Daily Star, 2013) In Egypt, around one and a half thousand Syrian refugees

are reportedly being detained and encouraged to return to Syria. “Palestinian refugees from Syria

are especially vulnerable because Egyptian policy prevents them from seeking protection from

the Office of the United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), contrary to

UNHCR’s mandate under the 1951 Refugee Convention.” (Human Rights Watch, 2013)

Syrians in Jordan and the UNHCR

Jordan has a population of 553,311 registered Syrian refugees out of a gross population

of 6.3 million. Initially, Jordan maintained its open border policy to Syrians just as it has to

Iraqis, Lebanese, and Palestinians in the past. Many enter the country without proper

documentation of resources with little governmental obstacles. However, this past month, the

rapidly rising number of Syrians entering the country daily has reportedly forced the Jordanian

government to begin denying those fleeing access across the border. Some who are already

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residing in the country are now allegedly facing deportment. The Jordanian government denies

these allegations. “Jordanian government spokesman Dr Mohammed al-Momani told the BBC

that there was ‘no change of Jordan's position regarding refugees.’ ‘Refugees that reach our

borders are allowed in, in accordance with international law and Jordan's historical position of

providing safety to those who seek it,’ he said.” (BBC News, 2013)

Za’atari, a refugee camp located in Northern Jordan that opened June of 2012, is host to

over one hundred and thirteen thousand residents and is considered Jordan’s fourth largest city

by population. It is also considered the world’s second largest refugee camp. The UNHCR

provides basic living conditions and medical care to those registered at Za’atari and is funded

primarily through international donors. “It costs about $500,000 (£320,000) a day to run, with

half a million pieces of bread and 4.2 million litres of water distributed daily. This makeshift

piece of Syria has three hospitals – meaning that healthcare and mortality rates are significantly

better inside the camp than outside – and there are a number of schools, although attendance is

low. Just a quarter go to classes. There are also taxi services, children’s playgrounds and football

pitches.” (BBC News, 2013) Some residents have also opened up places of business within the

camp “… including the humorously named ‘Champs Elysee’ – selling a wide range of goods and

services, from groceries and fresh bread to wedding dresses and mobile phones.” (BBC News,

2013)

Resources are very hard to manage for residents and those that administer them. Jordan,

considered to be the world’s fourth poorest country in the world for water, has already been

under concern for their quick depletion of natural aquifers and rivers. There are some Non-

Governmental Organization attempts for water conservation, such as a desalination project for

the Gulf of Aqaba and the Dead Sea, but these are gaining too little ground too slowly. Jordan

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must often purchase private water resources from other countries to compensate for their

growing water deficit. This has placed a significant amount of strain on those living in Za’atari.

Additionally, competition to earn income against Jordanian citizens, Egyptian migrant workers,

and fellow residents in camp creates a lack in ability to establish economic freedom in a country

with fourteen percent unemployment.

Because of these two factors and unsatisfactory living conditions, Za’atari has been

subjected to a growing number of riots, the most recent being late this past October. “A series of

riots over living conditions last month caused thousands of dollars of “extensive damage” at

Zaatari, according to the UN, as protesting refugees set fire to warehouses and vandalised

vehicles and a healthcare centre run by a local NGO.” (Luck, 2013) The recent events have led

the United Nation High Commissioner for Refugee’s Representative to Jordan, Andrew Harper,

to announce that Za’atari’s population limit will begin downsizing to around eighty to sixty

thousand. “Rioters’ targeting of property belonging to international relief agencies prompted

authorities to evacuate local and international staff from the camp, where the security situation

remains ‘tenuous’, according to Harper. In parallel with security and procedural upgrades,

Harper said relief officials are working to encourage Zaatari residents to take ‘ownership’ of

their newfound community by forming local committees and fostering dialogue between

refugees and the camp administration.” (Luck, 2013) The UNHCR and the Jordanian

government are actively trying to curb the growing violence in Za’atari. It is believed that

through encouragement to take control over their lives, residents will contribute to growing

living conditions rather than relying on the aid from UNHCR. However, as previously discussed,

this is difficult due to low economic prospects and opportunities.

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With no end to the war in the foreseeable future, the growing Syrian displacement crisis

is only predicted to worsen. Though being helped by aid and development organizations like the

United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees, the Jordanian government is running a high

risk of being unable to support their growing population. Problems that the country faced before

such a high amount of refugees arrived have only been exasperated and have made camp life for

the displaced that much more difficult. Encouragement for economic independence and

responsibility are essential mindsets for every aid organization to keep, but an expectation of

gross positive results is unrealistic given the current situation.

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Bibliography

Phillips, Chistopher. "The Human Cost of Sanctuary." The World Today (2012): 34-37.Chatham

House. Web.

Chatelard, Géraldine. "Jordan: A Refugee Haven." The Migration Information Source. N.p., n.d.

Web.

"Palestine Refugees." UNRWA. N.p., n.d. Web.