FROM THE GROUND UPCASE STUDYNO.4

Religious Beliefs and.EnvironmentalProtection:The Malshegu SacredGrove in Northern GhanaClement Dorm-AdzobuOkyeame Ampadu-AgyeiEnvironmental Protection CouncilMinistry of Local GovernmentAccra, Ghana

Peter G. VeitCenter for International Development and EnvironmentWorld Resources InstituteWashington, D.C., USA

July 1991

Edited byCenter for International Development and EnvironmentWorld Resources Institute, USA

J

Published in Kenya byWorld Resources Institute (WRI)

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Cataloguing-in-PubJication Data

Religious beliefs and environmental protection: the Malshegu sacred grove innorthern Ghana/Clement Dorm-Adzobu. Okeame Ampadu-Agyei and Peter G.Veil. - Washington. DC, USA: World Resources Institute and Nairobi.Kenya: Acts Press. African Centre for Technology Studies. 1991.

(World Resources Institute (WRI) and African Centre for Technology Studies(ACTS) From the Ground Up Case Study Series; 4)

Bibliography: p.

ISBN 9966-41-031-7

Series IntroductionIn 1987, the Center for International

Development and Environment ofthe WorldResources Institute, in collaboration withMrican development institutions and ClarkUniversity's International Development andSocial Change Program, initiated anambitious program inMrica known asFROM THE GROUND UP. The program seeksto increase local, national, and internationaldevelopment assistance institutions'capacity to strengthen communitymanagement of natural resources in Mrica.The guiding beliefofFROM THE GROUND UPis that important insights can be gained byanalyzing effective community-level effortsin natural resource management. Inpractical terms, that means identifyingcommunities that are already pursuingecologically sound self-development andanalyzing the reasons behind their success-local leadership, viable institutions,suitable technologies, etc. Collaboratinginstitutions in Mrica have studied anddocumented the cases in the series to date;similar manuscripts can be submitted to theManager of the FROM THE GROUND UPprogram to be considered for publication.

FROM THE GROUND UP shares the resultsof its case study and their policyimplications with other communities,national policy-makers, and theinternational development community.Publications, conferences, workshops,training programs, radio, and video are allused to reach these audiences. Over the

long term, these will promotedecentralized, small-scale natural resourcemanagement policies, influence theallocation of development resources to thegrassroots, and foster self-reliance andsustainability within the communities.

WRI's FROM THE GROUND UP case studyseries is designed for professionals in thedevelopment community - governmentaland nongovernmental development andenvironment planners and field workers,international and national developmentassistance officers, and concernedacademics. The series is intended to informpolicy-making, stimulate discussion onenvironment and development, and assist intraining programs for development officers.

The Mrican Centre for TechnologyStudies (ACTS), based in Nairobi, Kenya,and WRI are jointly publishing the FROMTHE GROUND UP series for distribution inMrica and elsewhere. ACTS is anonpartisan, nonprofit institutionestablished to conduct policy and practicalresearch in technological innovation andnatural resource management. ACTSpromotes the view that technologicalchange, natural resource management, andinstitutional innovation are crucial tosustainable development and should be atthe core of all developme:Qt efforts.

ContentsAcknowledgments vii

I. Introduction 3

II. Malshegu Sacred Grove 7Location andEcology 8Land Use Changes.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8Traditional Religion and Effective EnvironmentalProtection - History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

Traditional Religion and Effective EnvironmentalProtection - Practice 13

Limitations andAdaptations 17

III. Core Elements of Effective ResourceManagement 19Strong Local Religious Beliefs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19LocallyAccepted Protection Guidelines for the Grove . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20Regional Importance of the Kpalevorgu Fetish 21

IV. Implications and Recommendations 23Vital Connections between Religious Systemsand Natural Resource Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23

Ghanaian GovernmentSupport for SacredGroves:A Good Beginning 23Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25Legal Government Support for Locally-managedNatural Areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25Meeting Local Needs for Forest Resources;Environmental Education in Forest Functions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28

V. Conclusions 31

References 33

v

FiguresFigure 1. Map of Ghana ., . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9Figure 2. Location of Malshegu and Sacred Grove . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10Figure 3. Malshegu Grove and Buffer Zone 14Figure 4. Malshegu Grove and Grazing Fields 15

VI

AcknowledgmentsThis case study reflects the work ofmany

individuals and institutions. Mostimportant, the Environmental ProtectionCouncil (EPC), Ministry of LocalGovernment, extends its thanks andappreciation to the citizens and local leadersofMalshegu, the local assembly member,and in particular the village chiefdom andreligious leaders, for receiving the fieldresearch team and for sharing theirexperiences. The researchers cherish theirhospitality and cooperation, and the frankand open manner in which discussions wereheld.

The EPC also wishes to express itsprofound gratitude to the Center forInternational Development andEnvironment of the World ResourcesInstitute (WRI) for the opportunity toparticipate in the FROM THE GROUND UP

program in Ghana. Special thanks go toEddie Telly, EPC Coordinator in Tamale,for his participation in the field researcheffort and to Thomas Fox, Kara Page, KirkTalbott, and Herbert Acquay at the Center,without whom this project would not havebeen possible. In addition, the authorsthank the EPC andWRI support staffs fortheir secretarial services. Funds for fieldresearch, data analysis, and reportpreparation have come from the PewCharitable Trusts and the United StatesAgency for International Developmentthrough the FROM THE GROUND UPprogram.

C.D-AO.A-AP.G.V.

..VI/

F.rnearly three centuries, thecommunity ofMalshegu in the NorthernRegion ofGhana has preserved a smallforest that they believe houses a local spirit:the Kpalevorgu god. Over the years, this"sacred grove" has been threatened by suchnearby activities as road-building, mining,and installing electrification poles. Yet thecommunity's traditional beliefs, embodied inthe religious priest charged with protectingthe abode of the god, have been sufficientlystrong to prevent human interference in theforest. Indeed, this once-open forest areahas developed into a partially closed-canopyforest.

Three elements stand out in the study ofMalshegu's success in protecting this forest:

• A strong local religious belief in thegrove as the sanctuary of the localgod, more than any other factor, hasbuffered the forest from humandisruption.

• The degradation of sacred groves insurrounding areas has helped

increase the regional importance ofthe Kpalevorgu fetish. In turn,traditional religious beliefinMalshegu has been reinforced, whichfurther encourages local people toprotect the grove.

• Regulations established centuriesago for using and protecting thegrove are well observed by localpeople, preventingbushfires,farming, grazing and most huntingand gathering afforest resourcesfrom degrading the integrity of theforest ecosystem.

The experience ofthe community ofMalshegu can enrich the case made bypolicy-makers and development assistanceofficials for local environmental protection.Specific policy recommendations forsupporting the government'sdecentralization and local protection ofecosystems can be found in the final pagesof this report.

1/'

I. Introduction

Ghana lies ;n a eentral posmon alongWest Africa's southern coast. It has twodistinct ecological zones: forest andsavannah. Originally, high, closed-canopyforest covered approximately 82,258 squarekilometers (34.5 percent ofGhana); theremaining 156,280 square kilometers wassavannah. Low, open-canopy forest istypical of about 58 percent of the savannahzone, though closed-canopy forest can befound along waterways (World Bank 1987;IUCN 1988).

Ghana's closed forests are confinedprimarily to the southwest and constitutethe eastern edge of the Guineo-Congoleanforest region. This region, which alsoincludes forests in Cote d'Ivoire, Liberia,and Sierra Leone, is separated fromforestlands in Nigeria and central Africa bythe arid Dahomey Gap and is distinct infaunal and floral composition. Ghana'sclosed forests shelter over 2,100 plantspecies, most of the 818 tree species thathave been identified in Ghana, andnumerous endangered and endemic species(some 19 species and 2 sub-species) (IUCN1988),

Much of Ghana's original vegetation hasbeen considerably modified, degraded, orremoved. Through natural disturbances

and human interferences, viable,biologically diverse forests have beenreplaced with less complex ecosystems. Theenvironmental and human consequencesare predictable - increased water runoff,soil erosion, fire damage, overall lowerrainfall, and lower availability of forestproducts (Asibey 1977, 1987; Manu 1987;Dorm-Adzobu 1988). In a country thatgains from its wooded areas a value ofUS$200 million each year in fuelwood and poleuse alone, these environmental andeconomic issues have become urgent (WorldBank 1987).

There are no current figures on the rateof deforestation or forest destruction inGhana. In 1981, the United Nations Foodand Agriculture Organization and itsEnvironment Programme projected adeforestation rate of 220 square kilometersper year for the period 1981- 85. Today,only 20,000 - 25,000 square kilometers ofclosed forest remain (24 - 30 percent of theforest zone) (World Bank 1987; IUCN 1988;Government ofGhana 1990; WRI 1990).

The forest reserve system, established inthe 1920s and 1930s, is one of the mostextensive in sub-Saharan Africa (covering11 percent of the country), yet much of theprotected forest, especially in the reserves,

'6)3

has been degraded. Several of the country'sseven forest types are not included orwell-represented in the protected areas(IUCN 1988). Ghana's protected areasinclude nine National Parks, five GameProduction Reserves, and over 280 ForestReserves.! Technically, 70 - 86 percent ofthe closed forest that remains in Ghana isprotected in some way. However, very littleclosed-canopy forest is actually fullyprotected from being cut. For example, only309 out of 11,754 square kilometers of theland covered by the national parks isforested.

The most serious degradation is takingplace in forests outside the protected areas.There are few current, reliable data onthese areas, however, estimates of 2,500 -7,500 square kilometers of natural highforest outside the legally protected areas -13 - 30 percent of remaining forests - havebeen proposed (Silviconsult 1985, WorldBank 1987; WRI 1990).

Small pockets of residual closed-canopyforest, sometimes near human settlements,are scattered throughout Ghana and ·inother African and Asian countries (Gadgikand Vartak 1976; Messerschmidt 1985;Chandrakanth et al. 1990; Chandrakanthand Romm 1990). Many are "sacred" or"fetish" groves - forests preserved for localsociocultural, primarily religious purposes.Traditionally, many settlements in Ghanawere founded on a reliance on ancestralspirits for the protection of the settlement.These community gods or guardian spirits

are symbolized in such objects as trees,stones, or even manmade objects. Manyhave been allocated special dwelling places(streams, lagoons, forests) that are usuallyleft undisturbed and only occasionallyvisited for important lifecycle ceremonies,religious rituals, or secret society meetings.

The nearly one-hectare sacred grove inMalshegu community is the largest innorthern Ghana and, from a socioculturalperspective, is one of the country's mostimportant. The community has preservedthe forest for nearly 300 years byestablishing and enforcing land use rulesand practices designed to safeguard theabode of the Malshegu guardian fetish.These measures restrict humaninterferences, limit theuse offorestproducts, and protect against naturaldisasters and other events, includingannual bushfires. They have enabled thegrove, originally open-canopy forest, todevelop a partially closed canopy which isvisually striking in the semiaridsurroundings ofMalshegu.

In 1989, a field research team wasorganized by the Environmental ProtectionCouncil (EPC) (Ministry ofLocalGovernment) to examine the local beliefs,regulations, and practices that havesuccessfully protected the Malshegu sacredgrove and to determine their core elementsand policy implications. The research teamincluded two professionals from the EPCheadquarters in Accra and the EPCcoordinator in Tamale. Three visits were

1 Each category of protected area affords a different level of protection. National parks are fullyprotected and are used primarily for tourism, and some scientific research. Game productionreserves are set aside to raise wildlife for human use. Forest reserves are minimally protected; localpeople have access to their resources and the state manages them for timber production.

G\4

made to Malshegu between June andSeptember 1989, for a total of 13 field days.The researchers made several subsequentvisits to collect additional data and fill ininformation gaps. The data-collectionmethodology included participant-observation techniques, site visits with local

leaders, administration ofa householdquestionnaire, and discussions with keyinformants, individuals, and groups,including special interest groups.

II. Malshegu Sacred Grove

people ofMalshegu, their heliefs,activities, and surroundings all figurecentrally in their successful environmentalpreservation effort.

Location and Ecology

The community ofMaisheguis located sixkilometers north ofTamale - capital of theNorthern Region - on the Tamale-Kumbugu road. (See Figures 1 and 2).Constructed in the 1930s, the road servicestwo important area facilities, the Tamalewater supply station and now the BotangaIrrigation Project as well. The Malshegusacred grove lies on the outskirts of thesettlement.

Despite its proximity to Tamale, the areasurroundingMalshegu is not denselypopulated with human settlements, thoughcattle are numerous. The nearestcommunity, Woggo, is located about 4kilometers to the south. (See Figure 2). TheMalshegu settlement, compound farms, andsacred grove are surrounded by open landsused primarily for grazing and, to someextent, for agriculture.

The Malshegu land is classified as GuineaSavannah. Characteristic of central and

northern Ghana, Guinea Savannah is thelargest of the three savannah sub-zones(approximately 83 percent of the savannahzone (World Bank 1987». The predominantnatural vegetation consists of shortperennial grasses, up to two meters high,interspersed with fire-resistant, deciduousbroad-leaved trees. Many natural andplanted trees on farms, near compounds, orin the settlements are maintained for social,religious, or economic value.

The mean annual temperature in Tamaleis 27.9 degrees C; the recorded rainfallrange for the region is between 900 - 1,650millimeters, with an annual average of1,070 millimeters. The rainfall occurs inone season, from May to October; a long dryseason follows, intensified by a hotnortheasterly airstream - the Harmattanwinds - from the Sahara desert. The areais prone to periodic droughts, most recentlyin 1972 -73, 1976 -77, and 1982 - 83.

No surface rivers or streams flow throughor near Malshegu, though there are someuntapped shallow groundwater resources. Astandpipe in the village from the Tamalewater station provides the only permanentwater source. Few houses have zinc panroofs or other rainwater-collection systems.

IB P

7

The soils in Malshegu - classified assavannah ochrosols (USDA utisols) - havelow agricultural potential and are highlysusceptible to water and wind erosion. Theorganic matter content is low (normally lessthan 2 percent) and iron pan or gravel isfound at shallow depths. Such agriculturalconditions ensure that few farmers canproduce enough food to feed themselves andtheir families over the long dry season,especially during drought years, when cropfailure is common.

Land Use Changes

The people ofMalshegu belong to theDagbani ethnic group. It is believed theDagbani came to Ghana from northern WestAfrica; they formed part of a long humanmigration beginning after the fall of theempire ofGhana in the 12th century. (Thisempire had been a kingdom incorporatingparts oftoday's Mali, Mauritania, andSenegal.)

Originally, extended families lived inseparate compounds on farms scattered inthe countryside. Four to five nuclearfamilies usually occupied one compound -round houses positioned in a circle andjoined by a wall with one entrance. The

heads (patriarchs) of several familycompounds formed a loose council of elders;they chose one of their ranks to be a chiefresponsible for the concerned compounds,and they acted as his advisors. Thisdispersed pattern of settlement in farmcompounds and loose political structure isstill common in northern Ghana, especiallythe northeastern region. The existingsociopolitical hierarchy in Malshegu is madeup of the chiefs and elders who constitutethe traditional leadership, together with theTown Development Committee - avillage-based development institutionestablished by British colonialists - theDistrict Assemblyman2 t and the Committeefor the Defense ofthe Revolution3, whichconstitute the modern leadership.

The Malshegu settlement came intoexistence in the early 18th century, whenseveral families voluntarily moved nearereach other - but remained in separate farmcompounds - to defend themselves andtheir properties from Arab invaders fromthe Sudano-Sahelian region to the north.The main trans-Sahara caravan route wasless than two kilometers from the currentsettlement and the farm compounds werefrequent targets for both slave and livestockraiding. As the advantages of living

2 In 1988, the 65 district councils were replaced by 110 district assemblies as the lowest level ofadministrative and political authority. Two-thirds of the assembly members are elected by theirconstituents (one member from each electoral area in the district), and the remainder are appointedby the central government.

3 The Committees for the Defense of the Revolution are government-initiated revolutionary organsestablished to create and foster public awareness and vigilance, promote the aims of the ChainnanJ. J. Rawlings' revolution, defend the nation and ensure peace, andmaintain discipline, decency,and accountability.

r

Figure 1.Map ofGhana

Gulf of Guinea

Atlantic Ocean- Road

Kumasi

BURKINA FASO

NORTHERN REGIONMalshegu.Tamale..---,

9

Figure 2.Location ofMalshegu andSacred Grove

To Tamale! Electricity6kmL •

Kumbuyili • - '" line(Old Mals-hegu Settlement)

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Fallow

Grazing grounds

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Farming I Grazing

GupanoJgo

Malshegu •owoggo

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1CJFertilizer

K_E_Y_k-;:::::==QI

'I15' _--_ ,..-----=----, \ \( ,--- \ \ ,I I \ I \I \ I \ ,I \ I I \I \ I , .I I I II I I ,

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Fetish lands (O-25haJ

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To TamaleWater Works

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PrimarySchoolc::=J

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Catholic Church- CJStandpipe.

Recreationalground

oo°ch°o00 000 00 0000 0 %0

iThe Chief's

house(Cluster ofround houses)

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together became evident, other familiesjoined the community.

Today, Malshegu is subdivided into twosections - Kumbuyili - the cluster ofhouses around the compound of the fetishpriest - and Malshegu, separated fromKumbuyili by several compound farms. (SeeFigure 2). Kumbuyili is the traditionalhome of the fetish priest, also called aKpalna, while the village chief resides inMalshegu.4 At the time of the study, thepopulation ofMalshegu was estimated at2,000 people and growing (due to an influxof emigrants from Tamale). Most youngmen and women (only 20 percent ofwhomare literate, compared to 65 percent inGhana as a whole) migrate to nearby urbancenters to find manual wage labor, but mostreturn after a few years to resume farming.

Mixed agriculture with animal husbandryis the dominant economic activity inMalshegu. Villagers cultivate two types offarms - compound and outpost farms.Families intensively work the landimmediately surrounding their compoundsfor subsistence crops. They plant guineacorn (a staple food) and vegetables(primarily pepper, okra) on their compoundfarms in March/April and harvest theproduce in August/September. They alsocultivate some maize, yams, groundnuts,cowpeas, and beans on these farms.Compound land is generally held withcustomary title by male heads of compound

households, while women do most of thework.

Most compound land has beencontinuously cultivated for severalgenerations. Soil fertility is maintained byusing animal manure and night soil, bypracticing traditional intercropping andcrop rotation techniques (including theplanting oflegumes), and by allowing forsix-month fallow periods during the dryseason. Women use hoes and some animaltraction to prepare the soil; very littlechemical fertilizer or pesticide is used.

The compound farms in and around theMalshegu settlement are surrounded by aband of outpost farms, primarily oncommunal land. Traditional bush fallowfarming systems are employed on thesefarms to cultivate cash crops, principallygroundnuts, maize, and upland rice.5 Thecommercial farms are managed and workedprimarily by men. Most men hire a tractorand operator to prepare the land, especiallyfor rice production, and organize small,seasonal agricultural work parties to plantand conduct other work on outpost farms.Men often call upon their sons and futuresons-in-law (as part of their dowry payment)to participate in these work groups. Womenusually help harvest the produce.

Virtually every compound in Malsheguhas some cattle (usually four to five), goats,chicken, and guinea fowl. The area has few

4 To enable the second fetish priest ofMalshegu, an elderly man, to perform his functions, a specialhouse was built for him near the grove, about 100 meters from the original Malshegu community.According to village elders, the house was namedKumbuyili - "rain never destroys" - because itsurvived a severe rainstorm immediately after being constructed.

5 In Ghana's more remote northern areas, farmers usually produce vegetables in compound farmsand staple food crops - guinea corn, beans, groundnuts - in outpost farms.

'"..11

sheep. Livestock are occasionally sold tosupplement household income or used forsuch sociocultural purposes as religioussacrifices or bridal prices. The day-to-daycare of the livestock is primarily theresponsibility ofyoung boys.

Traditional Religion andEffectiveEnvironmental Protection -History

Traditional religious leaders, institutions,beliefs, and practices have deeply influencedthe lives of the people ofMalshegu. Whenthe community was first established, thefamilies came together under the leadershipof an elder believed to be a fetish priest.According to elders living in Malshegutoday, the founding families collectivelyrouted the Arab slave raiders in their firstbattles. It is believed that a fetish god,Kpalevorgu - in the form of a boulderunder a large baobab tree - helped thesefamilies and protected them from the .invaders. The early victories encouragedother families to move to Malshegu andincreased the power and importance oftheKpalevorgu god.

Approximately 0.8 hectares of existingopen-canopy forest surrounding the boulderand baobab tree was demarcated by thefetish priest/village leader6 as the god'ssanctuary and dwelling place. The forest islocated on flat, slightly elevated land on theoutskirts of the settlement. It provides the

fetish god a peaceful and quiet abode as wellas an overview of the village that it protectsfrom enemies and evil spirits.

In the 19308, the main Tamale-Kumbuguroad to the Tamale water station wasconstructed. The road passes between theMalshegu settlement and the sacred grove,within 15 feet of the forest. In the early1950s, British colonialists brought electricalpower to the Tamale water supply station.Out ofrespect for local religious beliefs, theydetoured the transmission lines around thesacred grove. (See Figure 2). Concurrently,many of the remaining pockets of savannahforest on Malshegu land were cut forfuelwood and building materials.Justifiably concerned about the potentialthreats to the sacred grove, the Kpalna, orfetish priest, with assistance of the localleaders and the approval of the villagers,demarcated 0.2 hectares of additional areaaround the sacred grove as fetish bufferlands.

The forest in the original 0.8-hectaresacred grove consists of tall, predominantlydeciduous trees that form a more or lesscomplete canopy with lianas and, in the fewforest gaps, dense undergrowth. This highforest developed from the originalopen-canopy forest - typical in thesavannah zone - that has been artificiallyprotected from human and naturaldisturbances for almost 300 years. TheMalshegu sacred grove is one of the fewremaining examples ofnon-riverine,

6 The fetish priest are inherited through sons. However, at the death ofthefirst pnest (and VIllage leader) - who had no sons - the village elders and family heads

selected the next priest. In practice, this separated the roles of fetish priest andVIllage chie.f(chiefs are selected b?, the council of elders). Despite early disputes from the family ofthe first pnest, all subsequent pnests have come from the line ofsons from this selected priest.

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closed-canopy forest in Ghana's savannahzone.

The Malshegu sacred grove andKpalevorgu fetish god form part of acomplex traditional hierarchy ofgods andaccompanying religious practices foundparticularly in this region in Ghana. Inaddition, numerous spirits andsupernatural powers, both good and evil,are present in local tradition.

A supreme god, considered male, iscreator of all things and is worshipped by allpeople. The land, considered female, is thesecond most powerful god. Malshegu's landis believed to have come into being on aFriday, so people reserve Fridays forworship and do not work, and girls born onFridays are given a special name. Thetindana, a woman custodian of the land,responsible for distributing communal land,is the community's most powerful religiousleader. The Kpalf}vorgu god is Malshegu'scommunity-level god and is thought toensure local prosperity (including rain andadequate agricultural harvests), fertility,and lineage stability.

The Kpalna, the community's secondmost powerful religious leader, supersedesthe tindana's authority in the sacred groveand on matters regarding its protection.The priest leads the community in honoringKpalevorgu and advises the village leadersand residents on religious issues of concernto the community. The Kpalna is also theprincipal advisor to the villagers regardingcompound, family, and individual spiritualmatters. Individuals and families withproblems consult him to identify the specificgods and spirits to be appeased and toprescribe the precise rituals to beperformed. Since many physical and

mental ailments are thought to stem fromevil spirits, the Kpalna is also the primarytraditional healer in the community and theprovider of traditional medicines includingherbs, medicinal plants, and other healingitems, many from the sacred grove.

For family and personal matters, theMalshegu people establish and worshipvarious compound and individual-level gods.Any item can become the abode of a god -n(t)he power of the fetish is the collectivepower of the spirits of its humanworshippers" (Garbrah 1989) - but themost common form in Malshegu andnorthern Ghana is a clay cone, 30 - 40centimeters high, with a small clay potbalanced on the cone's point. The potcontains water, blessed by the compoundpatriarch, and certain plants used to washthe face and cleanse the spirit. Offerings offood, chicken, guinea fowl, and goats aremade by families to their compound gods.The spirit of the animal is released bysacrificially cutting its throat andceremonially pouring and smearing theblood on the cone. Such practicesstrengthen local beliefs in the traditionalreligion and add to the reverence afforded tothe Kpalevorgu god and its grove.

Traditional Religion andEffectiveEnvironmental Protection -Practice

Since the Malshegu sacred grove andfetish lands were demarcated, most trees inthe surrounding area have been cut, muchtopsoil has been lost to wind and watererosion, the water table has dropped, andother aspects of the resource base havedeteriorated. 'Drought in the 1970s and

"

Figure 3.Malshegu Grove and Buffer Zone (Okyeame Ampadu-Agyei)

1980s fueled desertification in the regionand has significantly, and, in some places,permanently, modified the environment.Evidence suggests that the forest may neverbe able to reestablish itself in some areas innorthern Ghana. At best, it would requiremuch more time for forests to develop inthis area than it would have 100years ago.The vegetation on the fetish lands, forexample, has been undisturbed since theselands were set aside almost 5(Jyears ago;yet, today only a tangle ofwoody plants, inmany places less than one meter in height,grows there. (See Figure 3).

The Malshegu grove is an isolated pocketofforest that contrasts sharply with thesurrounding Guinea Savannah in the aridand semiarid northern region ofGhana. Ofsignificant ecological importance, the groveconstitutes a critical habitat for the area's

\Cb14

fauna and flora and serves importantenvironmental functions for the people ofMalshegu.

The forest has become a small refuge fora large variety offauna and flora and arepository of numerous native species foundnowhere else in the region in such largeconcentrations. It probably maintains ahigher biodiversity than the originalopen-canopy forest. The grove is animportant source ofboth seeds and seeddispersers vital to traditional shiftingcultivation practices, and ofherbs for localmedicinal, social, and religious purposes.While the grove is too small to be a primarywatershed, its presence ensures that thewater table remains high in the immediatearea. (The presence of the original baobabin the grove indicates a localized high watertable). It also protects the village from wind

Figure 4.Malshegu Grove and Grazing Fields (Okyeame Ampadu-Agyei)

and rain storms, bushfires, and otherclimatic hazards from the south.

The sacred grove in Malshegu has beenprotected and managed by villagers fornearly three centuries. When it was firstdemarcated, unwritten regulations were putin place by the fetish priest and othervillage leaders regarding land use in andaround the grove. Over time, some of theserules have been amended to ensure theircontinued relevance and effectiveness.Today, they protect the fetish lands and theoriginal grove by regulating the behavior ofthe people ofMalshegu and, to some extent,of the residents ofneighboring communities.

All forms offarming and grazing in thesacred grove and the fetish lands areprohibited. Entrance into the grove andfetish lands is only permitted during

biannual rituals honoringKpalevorgu (seebelow) or on other special occasions withadvance consent of the Kpalna and othervillage leaders. During these occasions somehunting and collecting offorest resources isalso allowed. Only the Kpalna and his aideshave regular access to the grove and fetishlands and regularly visit the grove to prayto the Kpalevorgu god on the community'sbehalf. The priest also routinely collectstraditional medicinal plants as needed forthe community.

The buffer fetish lands around the sacredgrove are, in turn, encircled by aone-quarter to one-halfkilometer wide bandof land on which only grazing is permitted.(See Figures 2 and 4). Only outside thisstrip ofgrazing land can villagers cultivatefarms, establish compounds, or erect otherstructures. For example, a large-scale

lell··J I

15

gravel pit for road construction, established10 - 15 years ago on the outside of thegrazing zone, has been restricted by theKpalna and village authorities fromexpanding in the direction of the grove.Indeed, the villagers have piled sand on theedge of the road towards the sacred grove asa further deterrent to any development.

Twice each year, the Kpalna, aided by thevillage chiefand other local leaders,organizes a grand durb'ar (village-widemeeting) and leads the community in prayerand in various rituals in honor of theKpalevorgu god. These religious festivalsmark the beginning (May) and end(October) of the agricultural season and aredesigned to give thanks to the Kpalevorgugod for the community's prosperity and tosolicit such continued blessings as adequaterainfall, bumper harvests, and health forthe community. Residents from Malsheguand neighboring communities participate inthe festivals.

During these festivals villagers arepermitted to hunt and collect some forestresources. Hunting is restricted to variousspecies of rodents and birds; the catch isclosely supervised and controlled by theKpalna and village elders. The feathers,skins, and bones of animals from the groveare proudly displayed by the hunters duringthese ceremonies. This temporary lifting ofthe hunting ban does not extend to reptiles.All reptiles are believed to be harmless; andthe African python is considered the sacred

symbol (or representative) of theKpalevorgu god.

The branches ofcertain hardwood treespecies may also be cut at this time for useas handles for hoes and axes. Customrequires that branches cut from the grove beused only for this purpose. These handlesconstitute only a small percentage ofagricultural tool handles, but they areparticularly important from a socioculturalperspective.7 Young adults embarking onindependent lives are encouraged to acquirea handle for their main farming tool fromthe grove to ensure agricultural prosperity.

At the conclusion ofthe ceremoniesmarking the end of the farming season, athree-meter wide firebelt is cleared aroundthe sacred grove and fetish lands by theyoung men ofMalshegu and neighboringcommunities under the direction of theKpalna to protect the sacred grove fromannual dry-season bushfires.

The people ofMalshegu and neighboringcommunities believe that failure to complywith the rules protecting the grove, or toparticipate in the biannual festivals, willoffend and dishonor the Kpalevorgu god andmay bring misfortune to the offender, his orher family, and perhaps even the wholecommunity. There are stories of people(including one American) who, despitewarnings from the villagers, violated thesanctity ofthe god and establishedresidency in the grazing zone, fetish lands,or sacred grove and soon fell ill, went

7 Most hoe and ax handles, acquired from outside the grove, are, in fact, becomingmore difficult tosecure, adding another pressure for use of the forest resources on the grove. Most of the remainingforests and trees have been cut and the fire-resistant savannah trees have few branches suitable forfarm tool handles.

1016

insane, or died. And according to villageelders there has not been a single year inwhich the biannual festivals for theKpalevorgu god were not performed.

Community vigilance, under the Kpalna'sdirection, is well entrenched and effective.It is nearly impossible for anybody to enterthe grove without being detected,approached, and reported to localauthorities. The support of the village chiefand other leaders from Malshegu andneighboring communities ensures that theKpalna has the power needed to enforcethese rules. In the past, offenders werelynched; today, they are fined several cowsor goats, which are sacrificed by the Kpalnato appease the Kpalevorgu god. Fines onnonbelievers are paid by family memberswho still believe in the traditional religioussystem.

Limitations andAdaptations

Resource shortages exist in Malshegudespite the care evident in the protection ofthe grove. Forest products, for example, arescarce resources in Malshegu and thesurrounding area. Women walk up to 10kilometers to collect fuelwood; one full dayof searching is commonly required to gatherenough fuelwood for three days. Malsheguresidents know they could make use of theforest resources in the sacred grove, butavoid using them.

In response to the growing shortage offuelwood and building poles, the MalsheguTown Development Committee under theleadership of the local district assemblymember, began working in 1988 with a localgrassroots institution, the AmasachinaSelf-Help AssociationS and the ForestryDepartment to develop a village woodlot.

A one-hectare woodlot was initiated in1988, but the villagers expresseddissatisfaction with the communal effortand a preference for private woodlots.Indeed, many ofthe tree seedlings donatedby the Forestry Department for theexpansion of the communal woodlot havebeen used instead to establish familywoodlots in compounds or on compoundfarms.

Malshegu residents' disinterest in thecommunal woodlot is indicative of their lowlevel of involvement in communitydevelopment initiatives. TraditionalDagbani institutions, government-sponsored "revolutionary organs", and otherexternally-initiated organizations areinvolved in few community developmentactivities in Malshegu. Traditional Dagbanisocial and settlement patterns - extendedfamilies living on separate compound farms- encourage and reward self-sufficiency atthe compound level.

Many such communal characteristics ofmost ethnic groups in Ghana as traditionalchieftaincy (Queenmother), youth groups,and self-help are not common in Dagbani

8 Amasachina, founded in 1967 and based in Tamale, is a voluntary group involved in catalyzingcommunity self-help efforts for local development, especially the regeneration ofnatural growtharound vlllages. Their success in mobilizing more than 500 villages in northern Ghanahas earnedthe group the United Nations Environment Programme Global 500 Award for 1989.

17

society (Dorm-Adzobu and Veit 1990;Dorm-Adzobu et al. 1991). For example,unlike the Asafo youth groups of the Ewepeople in the Volta Region, Dagbani "youthleagues," or boys' groups, are important forlifecycle ceremonies rather than fororganizing community development.Action-oriented revolutionary organs -such as mobilization squads and the 31stDecember Women's Movement - areconspicuously absent.

18

Without viable local institutions,cooperation among compounds forcommunity development is difficult toorganize and limited in its ability to addresssuch village-wide problems as theovergrazing and population increases thathave led to land degradation anddesertification in Malshegu. Thus someenvironmental problems remain unsolved.

III. Core Elements of Effective ResourceManagement

investigation leads to severalhypotheses regarding the causes ofMalshegu's success in protecting its sacredgrove.

Strong Local Religious Beliefs

The small pocket offorest that comprisesMalshegu's sacred grove is protectedprimarily because it is the sanctuary of theKpalevorgu god. Indeed, it is difficult toisolate any forest-related activity from thetraditional religious beliefs and practicessurrounding theKpalevorgu god. In thepeople's minds, the defamation of the forestwould dishonor the god and bringmisfortune to the offending individual andthe community.

By protecting the grove, the people ofMalshegu derive many benefits in additionto the spiritual rewards of serving theirfaith. The medicinal plants and herbscollected by the Kpalna, for example, serveimportant health needs for the communityofMalshegu. The few hoe handles madefrom wood collected in the grove, and thefew animals hunted in the forest, areimportant from a sociocultural perspective,

if not significant in economic or nutritionalterms. In addition, the forest servesimportant ecological functions for thecommunity (some perhaps not locallyrecognized). Yet none of these benefitsappear to be among the primary reasonswhy the community protects the forest.

In Malshegu, more than in many nearbyvillages, the traditional religion hassurvived nearly three centuries of"development," including Christianity andeducation. Tamale has been an importanturban center in northern Ghana since wellbefore Malshegu was settled. Catholicchurches and schools have operated fornearly 100 years in both Tamale andMalshegu, but most ofMalshegu's residents(some 65 percent, the authors estimate)remain committed to their traditionalreligious beliefs. Even the convertedminority, while it no longer openly practicesthe traditional faith, still believes in thelocal gods, maintains compound andindividual gods, and participates in fetishrituals in the privacy of family compounds.Few Catholics in Malshegu dare to discreditthe local religious beliefs openly or defy theregulations governing the use of the sacredgrove and fetish lands. Thus, although the

I') /15/J...,-J

19

urban center and its ways have significantlyinfluenced many aspects of life in Malshegu,they have had limited impact on theresilient local religious patterns.

An important reason for the strength ofthe local religion in Malshegu is itscomplexity and its penetration into almostevery aspect of life. First, the beliefsassociated with the communityKpalevorgugod are woven into a complex religioussystem. The number of gods and spirits andthe many religious rituals performed,including almost daily sacrifices tocompound gods, indicate the importance ofthe religion in Malshegu.

Second, the keeper of the grove, thevillage's strongKpalna, is not only thespiritual advisor on many aspects ofdailylife, but he is also considered the traditionalhealer and is respected both in Malsheguand in neighboring communities.

Third, the pre- and post-farming seasonfestivals remind citizens to give thanks andprayers to the fetish for recent and futuregood fortune. The Kpalna and village eldersuse these occasions to educate participants,especially the youth and those fromneighboring communities, on certainaspects ofthe religion; they enable thevillagers to rededicate themselves to theKpalevorgu god and to the continuedsanctity of the grove.

Lastly, the people's strong beliefs in thetraditional religion ensures that fewvillagers violate the rules safeguarding thesacred grove; indeed villagers are key toprotecting it from nonbelievers. Communityvigilance rather than formal or activepolicing is sufficient to enforce theregulations. In addition, such daily factors

20

as the personal satisfaction from adheringto the religious mandates, suchpunishments for misconduct as the threat offines and the wrath ofthe god, andcommunity pressure to conform, outweighthe short-term benefits ofexploiting theforest resources.

LocallyAccepted ProtectionGuidelines for the Grove

The successful establishment andpreservation of the Malshegu sacred grovetrace their roots to informal regulations andpractices founded on the traditional worshipof the Kpalevorgu god. For centuries, localpeople have adhered to specific guidelinesthat restrict land use in and around thegrove and have performed activities tosecure the forest from human interferences.By respecting the Kpalna's privilege inentering the grove, keeping theircompounds, farms, and livestock out ofthegrove and buffer fetish area, protecting theholy site from bushfires, and othermeasures, residents have a stake in localadherence to these rules.

In guiding residents' use of the grove, therules have also encouraged the developmentof other resources to limit pressure on thegrove. Recently, Malshegu's leaders havesought alternative responses to localshortages of such vital forest products asfuelwood and construction poles. Their. efforts to develop woodlots indirectly easedany pressure on the grove for forestresources and ensured its long-termsurvivaL In the future, private tree-plantingefforts will help meet the community'sgrowing needs for fuelwood, building poles,and other forest resources, so the villagers

will not be forced to compromise theirreligion to meet their need for fuelwood.

Regional Importance of theKpalevorgu Fetish

Malshegu's grove is becomingincreasingly important in the area, addingstrength to villagers' beliefs and protectionefforts. As religious beliefs in smallcommunities are weakened, displaced, orlost, and as pressures on forest resourcesincrease, sacred groves in manycommunities are encroached upon andforests are degraded or entirely destroyed.This is especially the case in areas nearurban and industrial centers wheretraditional religious systems andcommonly-held natural resources areexceptionally vulnerable to modernizationand large-scale development. With thedestruction of the forest, the resident god ofthe sacred grove is dishonored and lost tothose community members who still believein the traditional religion.

The fetish gods of sacred grovesthreatened by encroachment or destructionare sometimes relocated to other forests.But few pockets of remnant forest remain innorthern Ghana's savannah zone, much lesson anyone community's land, on which torelocate a displaced fetish (a fetish is rarelymoved from a sacred grove to a non-forestenvironment). Furthermore, the process ofestablishing a new sacred grove by plantingtree seedlings or safeguarding land fornatural forest growth is complex and long,and in some places in Ghana the localresource base has been so degraded that theforest cannot be reestablished.

Thus individuals who still believe in theirtraditional religion look to othercommunities with intact sacred groves andresident fetishes for outlets to continuepracticing their religion. This dynamic isoperating in support of the Malshegu grove.The nearest sacred grove to Malshegu is 10kilometers distant; it is not well-maintainedand is being degraded by the activities oflocal villagers and outsiders. Believers inneighboring communities, especiallyrelatives ofMalshegu residents, are comingto Malshegu to pray to the Kpalevorgu godand to attend the biannual festivals.Indeed, people from throughout the country,including government officials from Accra,come to pay their respect to the Kpalevorgugod. As a result, the Kpalevorgu god istoday one of the most important fetishes innorthern Ghana.

Nat surprisingly, the widening regionalsupport and influence of the Kpalevorgu godstrengthens the traditional religion andguardians thereofin Malshegu (andneighboring communities) and furtherencourages the people to protect the sacredgrove. The citizens ofmany nearbycommunities now adhere to the regulationsand practices safeguarding the forest andcome under the power of sanction of theKpalna and other local leaders.

Concurrently, the people ofMalsheguhave come to derive an even greater senseofpride from their position as custodians ofthe Kpalevorgu god and his dwelling place.Villagers extend open invitations toneighboring villagers to attend the ritualshonoring the fetish (despite having to feedthe increasing numbers ofparticipants).They also discuss the history and practicessurrounding theKpalevorgu god moreopenly now than before with outsiders, an9,.. ...

ft)U

21

more frequently grant them permission tovisit the grove.

Thus due to its growing regionalsignificance, Malshegu's grove is beingaccorded protection by believers fromoutside the community, thereby adding tothe strength ofbeliefs inside the village andfurther deterring non-believers interested in

'LG?22

exploiting the forest resources. The Kpalnais confident that the strength ofthevillagers' and neighboring residents' beliefin the Kpalevorgu god and their traditionalreligion, as well as the ancestral andmodern measures ofprotection, will ensurethe continued existence of the grove.

IV. Implications and Recommendations

core elements of success inMalshegu's maintenance of its sacred grovehave important implications forpolicy-makers and environment anddevelopment officers concerned with forestconservation and management in Ghanaand other Mrican nations.

Vital Connections betweenReligious Systems and NaturalResource Management

Throughout the world, traditionalreligious beliefs and practices are key toprotecting and managing local resources(Rappaport 1968, 1979; McNeely and Pitt1985). The protection of the community andits land - god's creations - includingnatural resources, is an integral part ofmany traditional indigenous religious beliefsystems.

Sacred groves are common in Mrica andAsia (Gadgil and Vartak 1976; Guinko 1985;Messerschmidt 1985; Chandrakanth et al.1990; Chandrakanth and Romm 1990).Most were established centuries ago asdwelling places for traditional gods and arethe sites for such important socioculturalevents as religious worship and festivals,burials, secret society meetings, and

lifecycle rituals. Sacred groves are usuallysmall in size, but large in number; together,they constitute an unknown but significantpercentage of the remaining natural forestsin West Africa that in most cases are notofficially protected. In some countries, theymay constitute the bulk of the remainingclosed-canopy forest.

Sacred groves are one example ofhowtraditional religious or socioculturalpractices lead to environmentalpreservation or sound resourcemanagement. Some communities recognizesea or river gods; they protect coastallagoons or stream headwaters by restrictingwater use and such activities as fishing(Ntiamoa-Baidu 1990). Others believecertain wildlife species are gods orrepresentatives ofgods; they protect theseanimals' habitats and do not hunt them(Akowuah et al. 1975).

Ghanaian Government Supportfor Sacred Groves: A GoodBeginning

More than most Mrican and othergovernments, Ghana has made goodprogress in understanding the importanceof traditional religious practices in natural

23

resource management and in developingnational and subnational policy, legislation,and appropriate actions to facilitate theselocal efforts. The government's long historyofrespecting and recognizing traditionalsociocultural aspects and needs recentlytook a new turn when it outlined specificstrategies and laws for promoting culturaltraditions that help safeguard theenvironment, such as sacred groves.Governments ofother sub-Saharan Mricancountries and of several Asian nations aswell as the development assistancecommunity should carefully considerGhana's policies and actions.

Early on, the 1948 National ForestryPolicy in Ghana (revised in 1989 - 1990)recognized the sociocultural and religiousimportance of sacred groves. Within ForestReserves, these groves remain accessible tothe local people, enabling them to continuepracticing their traditional religion. Eventhough no systematic attempt has beenmade to protect all sacred groves in theforest estate, the approximately 280 ForestReserves in Ghana constitute one of themost extensive reserve systems insub-Saharan Africa and encompassnumerous sacred groves. The new ForestPolicy provides for the same opportunitiesand also recognizes the role of trees in landuse outside the gazetted permanent forestestates and ensures that forest resourcesare not used until provision is made fortheir replacement (Asibey 1989).

In 1963 - 64, the government expressedconcern for the sacred fetishes, shrines,groves, and burial sites in the area slatedfor flooding by the Volta Dam. To avertlocal outcry, to enable a peacefulevacuation, and to appease the gods andancestors, the government ensured in many

'Lq24

cases that all necessary libations andsacrifices were performed (often by payingfor them). In some cases, the fetishes wererelocated, usually in government vehicles(including the helicopter of then-PresidentKwame Nkrumah), and new sanctuariesestablished.

In 1988, the government begandeveloping a National EnvironmentalAction Plan (NEAP) designed to "define aset ofpolicy actions, related investments,and institutional strengthening activities tomake Ghana's development strategy moreenvironmentally sustainable" (GovernmentofGhana 1990). The NEAP preparationincluded input from the private sector andvarious local/internationalnongovernmental organizations (NGDs). Italso established a process for involvingrural resource users in decentralizeddevelopment planning and implementation.

The NEAP reinforces public statementsthat sociocultural values and religiouspractices are indispensable elements oftheinstitutional arrangements for managingthe environment, and that environmentalplanning and projects must recognize therole of such traditional systems andinstitutions. The plan specifically calls forthe promotion of those aspects of indigenousculture that promote conservation andenhancement of the environment, includingsacred groves. A law currently underdiscussion recognizes the environmental,cultural, and scientific role ofgroves andother sacred sites and, ifapproved, willauthorize traditional authorities to proclaimareas sacred and set the conditions for theirprotection.

The NEAP also proposes a nationalsurvey of the unreserved forests in Ghana to

examine the number, size, forest cover, andcondition of sacred groves in Ghana.Currently, no reliable figures are availablefor forest cover outside the protected areasin Ghana. Estimates range from 2,500 to7,500 square kilometers. It is known,however, that sacred groves are among thefew areas outside forest parks and reserveswhere primary forest can be found, andmost of the remaining forest of at least oneforest type in Ghana (Southern Marginal)lies within sacred grove boundaries. (IUCN1988; Garbrah 1989).

In general, the contributions of traditionalreligious beliefs and practices, especially atthe local level, are neither well known norfully recognized by governments or thedevelopment assistance community, and theimplications for policy and programmingare not well understood or implemented.Few national donor-sponsoredEnvironmental Action Plans, TropicalForestry Action Plans, ConservationStrategies, or equivalent country-level. planning exercises specifically mentionsacred groves or develop policy or programactions for improved protection (personalcommunication, Robert Winterbottom, 1990;see also Winterbottom, 1990; Halpin, 1990).

In sum, Ghana's efforts in recognizingreligious practices as a protective force formaintaining natural resources suggest that,with concrete action to back this legalrecognition, sacred natural areas may stayintact much longer. Other governmentscan learn from Ghana's experience.

RECOMMENDATIONS

Building on Ghana's initiative, severalspecific recommendations follow which will·further assist planners and decision-makersworking to protect natural resources insacred and other socioculturally importantsites.

Legal Government Support forLocally-managedNaturalAreas

Throughout parts ofAfrica and Asia,sacred natural sites are facing an increasingthreat as the need for forest resources growsand the strength of traditional religiousbeliefs declines. Communities seeking topreserve the sacred sanctuaries of theirtraditional gods from potentially disruptiveactivities would benefit from the legalsupport of the government.

In Malshegu, the strength ofthetraditional religion and the action of thelocal authorities, primarily the Kpalna,have ensured that the rules and practicesprotecting the sacred grove are obeyed andperformed. The priest has no legalauthority in the modern sense, but with thesupport of the local leaders in Malshegu andneighboring communities, he hascommanded sufficient customary powerover the villagers to enforce rules, organize·protective practices, and punish violators tosafeguard the grove.

As local traditional religious systemsweaken and community leaders loseauthority, as often happens when moderninfluences are introduced, the fetish priestalso loses power over the people, especiallythose removed from his daily influence

25

(such as nonbelievers in neighboringvillages). The religious rules are relaxed,the activities protecting sacred sites areperformed less frequently (and less well),the forest is increasingly exposed to naturalforces such as fires, and the forest resourcesare exploited. The grove's sanctity isviolated and, eventually, the forest becomesdegraded.

To compensate for such changes,communities seeking to protect their sacredsites should be recognized and officiallyempowered by the government torestrict activities that threaten their grovesand to take legal action against those whoencroach on sacred natural sites.

Many options exist for governments toprovide communities with the legal abilityto conserve and manage their naturalresources. In Ghana, the newly createddistrict assemblies are in a good position topromote sustainable development andenvironmental protection, including thesafeguarding of sacred groves. With therelease of "District Political Authority andModalities for District Level Electionl • in1987 (Government ofGhana 1987), and thesigning of the Local Government Law -PNDCL 207 - in 1988 (Government ofGhana 1988), 110 district assemblies (DAs)were established as the lowest level ofpublic administration and politicalauthority, and elections were held in 1988 -1989 (see also Government ofGhana 1983,1989; Iddrisu 1987). DAs are "responsiblefor the development, improvement andmanagement ofhuman settlements and the

environment in the District" (PNDCL 207,Section 6-3-e) and for the formulation ofstrategies to mobilize and use the district'shuman, financial, and other resources.They also have the authority to create andenforce by-laws to ensure theseresponsibilities are met.

Accordingly, the government ofGhanahas requested that DAs provide assistancein natural resource management, includingthat needed to safeguard sacred groves. Tocoordinate district environmental matters,the Environmental Protection Council9(Ministry ofLocal Government) encourageseach district assembly to develop a DistrictEnvironmental Management Committee(DEMC); to assist in planning andimplementing district developmentprograms, the National EnvironmentalAction Plan requests each village toestablish a Community EnvironmentalCommittee (CEC). Among other activities,the DEMCs and CECs are to mobilizeindividuals and communities to protectfragile and sensitive areas, includingnatural forests.

District-level officials have specialresponsibility to work with communities onforest management issues and theprotection of sacred groves. DAs are litopromote through district bye laws andeducation on aspects ofindigenous culturalpractices which promote conservation ofresources and enhancement of theenvironment such as sacred groves"(Government ofGhana 1990, p. 95). Inaddition, the government has requested

9 The EPC was founded in 1974 to coordinate and advise on activities aimed at protecting naturalresources and improving the quality of the environment in Ghana.

/.·l. '{""".'"".\',

26

that DAs conduct surveys of availablenatural resources (including sacred groves),manage critical/fragile areas and species,establish anti-bushfire committees at thedistrict and village levels, and help granttimber concessions, monitor timberextraction, license commercial charcoalburners and firewood producers, andorganize environmental activities (includingtree-planting).

Assembly officials should work directlywith communities interested in achievingadditional protection for their sacred groves.This will require that the 110 DAs besensitive to the issues of sacred groves andwell-informed of their range ofpotentialactions for helping communities protectthem.1o Conversely, communities must beinformed ofhow DAs can help themsafeguard their sacred groves.

For communities to achieve the politicallegitimacy needed to safeguard their sacredgroves, national laws need not be enactednor do communities need to be given thepolitical authority to develop their ownby-laws; rather, sacred groves could begazetted "sanctuaries" through districtby-laws. Any change in the legal status ofsacred groves should reinforce, rather thanundermine, traditional religious beliefs andfunctions. Thus the legal definition of anysuch sanctuary would be informed by thetraditional- religiously founded, ifappropriate -land use system. Initially,

sanctuary boundaries should be identifiedwith assistance from the community andlegally demarcated by the DA. Sanctuariesshould remain accessible to believers, forexample, for religious rites (as is the casewith sacred groves in Ghana's ForestReserves), and their day-to-daymanagement would remain in the hands ofthe village leaders and communitymembers. District forestry and otherextension staffneed not be stationed at thegrove, but should be available to offertechnical assistance if requested.

Ghana has already established one legalsanctuary specifically to enable twocommunities to protect religiouslysignificant natural resources from outsiders.In 1975 the NkoranzalTechiman DistrictCouncil established the Boabeng/FiemaWildlife Sanctuary. The founders of the.communities ofBoabeng and Fiemademarcated the local stream as the dwellingplace of their god. The dense forests thatcovered these stream banks were home to avariety ofwildlife, including several monkeyspecies, and, through the spiritualinvestigations of a local religious leader, thepeople discovered that the monkeys were"the animals of the stream" - sons of thegod. Regulations were established toprotect the monkeys and their habitat;these include the prohibition ofhunting,capturing, or disturbing the monkeys(Akowuah et a1. 1975).

10 Some central government officials fear that decentralization as outlined in PNDCL 207 could leadto conflicts between central and local authorities. Regarding forest management, they fear thatdistricts may seek to establish district reserves (or de-gazette national reserves) outside nationalpolicies/interests for district development purposes. In contrast, others have argued for furtherdevolution of political authority, increased local authority, and even the state's legal empowermentof certain NOOs involved in forest management.

j'(27

Despite the protection given bycustomary laws and traditions, the monkeysand their forest habitat suffered at thehands ofhunters and others who did notbelieve in the local customs. To makeprotection more effective, the local people,working with the GhanaWildlife Society (alocal nongovernmental organization),persuaded the NkoranzafI'echiman DistrictCouncil to designate the forest officially (ina by-law) as a district wildlife sanctuary.The Department ofGame and Wildlife(DGW), with assistance from the localpeople, selected and surveyed· theboundaries of the 260-hectare sanctuary,and posted staff to help enforce the law.The local communities now manage thesanctuary, though the DGW is available toprovide technical assistance. Thissanctuary has helped the communityprotect the sacred monkeys and theirhabitat; indeed, it has become home for agreat variety ofwildlife.

The Malshegu study reveals that, withthe support of the village leaders inMalshegu and neighboring communities,the Kpalna has sufficient regional authorityto successfully safeguard the forest. TheBoabeng/FiemaWildlife Sanctuary suggeststhat support from the district officials canalso effectively serve to provide thenecessary legal authority for the localleaders to protect sacred groves fromnon-believers interested in exploiting theforest resources. This example could beadapted to many sacred natural areas, notonly elsewhere in Ghana, but in other partsofMrica and Asia. Thus central or localgovernment agencies should be encouragedand empowered to provide authority tocommunities to protect their sacred grovesand other culturally important natural

ff;eas.

28

Meeting Local Needs for ForestResources; Village-BasedTraining in Forest Management

New policies and national legislation ordistrict by-laws do not guarantee thatsacred groves will be better protected,however. Many national parks and forestreserves throughout the world are protectedon paper only. To fortify protection,legislative actions must be enforced to deterthe exploitation ofprotected areas and theirresources, and specific activities mustaddress the fact that human beings needthose resources and should have access tothem elsewhere (McCaffrey and Landazuri1987;WWF 1988; Kiss 1990; Wells et al.1990). Only then can the long-term securityofprotected areas be possible.

The small size ofmost sacred grovessuggests that the forest cannot sustainmuch use. The forest and forest resources inmost sacred groves that remain intact,includingMalshegu's, are used sparingly ornot at all. Increased use of sacred groveresources appears to be an indication thatthe religious system is weakening or thatresource pressures have grown severe. Toooften, it has been a first step toward thedegradation and eventual destruction andloss of the forest pocket. Thus to suggestthat the forest resources in sacred groves beused to a greater extent, even sustainably,rather than preserved untouched, mayundermine traditional religious beliefs -the foundation of the rules and practicesthat have successfully protected the forest.

To relieve the increasing pressure onsacred groves, the government anddevelopment assistance community shouldwork toward meeting the forest resource

needs of local people. This may involvedeveloping new sources offuelwood andbuildingmaterial, and adopting alternativetechnologies that use resources much moreeffectively or not at all. In Malshegu, thepeople responded to the growing fuelwoodshortage by establishing woodlots, first atthe village level and more recently at thecompound level. Other activities couldinclude, where appropriate, increased use ofagroforestry practices and fuel-efficient oralternative energy stoves.

Efforts should also be made to developnonreligious incentives to protect sacredgroves as additional incentives for localpeople to protect the sacred groves. Forexample, community members should beeducated on the ecological values, functions,and needs of intact fdrests. Lessons shouldemphasize those functions of the forest thatprovide important benefits to the individualfarmers and to the community in general.Such knowledge might also encourage localpeople to safeguard remaining pockets ofnatural forest on their lands other thansacred groves and to become more involvedin tree-planting.

By the same token, sacred groves couldserve as sites for educating governmentextension officers and other naturalresource professionals on the importance oflocal religion, its relationship to natural

resource management, and the traditionalreligious rules and practices that nowprotect the groves, many ofwhich haveclear parallels in modern methods ofwildlife protection and management. Somesacred groves could become occasionaltraining sites -living classrooms - notonly for villagers, including school children,but also for forestry extension officers, andperhaps even professional foresters andwildlife ecologists. Such understanding canhelp ensure extension services are moresocioculturally appropriate and therebyimprove the delivery of extension services.

Undisturbed sacred groves representminiature forest ecosystems; they also offeropportunities for learningmore about forestecology, including research on the economicand medical importance of indigenous faunaand flora species. In Ghana, some botanicalresearch has been conducted in sacredgroves (Lieberman 1979, 1982; Lieberman,D., and M. Lieberman 1984; Lieberman, M.,and D. Lieberman 1986), but considerableopportunities for academic and appliedfieldwork remain.

Local, district, and central governmentshave the opportunity to use community-level initiative and religious faith inprotecting remaining natural areas. Theyalso have the responsibility.

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v. Conclusions

As human populations, livestock herds,and foreign debts grow, people areincreasingly looking for ways to securefuelwood and other forest products, thusperhaps endangering the locally-protectedsacred groves that remain. As the coverageofviable forest declines in sub-SaharanAfrica, governments are taking notice of themethods - including local-level initiatives- that appear to preserve and manage theforests. Malshegu's long-lasting success inthis endeavor may prove an excellentexample.

The principal driving forces behindMalshegu's effective protection of its sacredgrove include a strong religious belief in thegrove as the sanctuary of the local god - ingood measure a result of the effectiveness ofthe religious leader, the rules and practicesestablished centuries ago to guide people intheir use of the forest and its resources, andthe growing regional importance of thesanctuary as other local sacred grovesbecome degraded or lost. These elements,drawn out in this case study research, leadto policy implications that are supported byresearch from sacred groves elsewhere inAfrica and Asia, and by studies of othersacred natural areas. These implicationsinclude:

• government recognition, both at thenational and subnationallevel, oftheimportance of effective local-levelnatural resource management cangreatly increase the ability ofcommunities to safeguard theirnatural resources;

• villages seeking to protect sacredsites threatened by non-believersneed the support and backing ofthegovernment for the legal authority toimplement and enforce traditionalresource management strategies andpractices;

• community initiatives in resourcemanagement can benefit from thetimely input of technical expertiseand assistance from extensionofficials, particularly with regard toimproved management practices andtechniques;

• government should work withvillagers to develop more efficientmeans offorest resource utilizationand to identifY alternative sources ofthese resources; and

• villagers would benefit fromenvironmental education, including

training to increase the awareness oflocal resource management benefitswith direct consequences andimplications to their social andeconomic welfare.

The government ofGhana's recognition ofthe imporlance of traditional religiousbeliefs in local-level natural resourcemanagement and its recent policy,legislative, and programming actions to

32

further empower communities to takegreater control of their resources have thepotential to lead to improved localinitiatives in environmental protection andmanagement. Other governments andinternational development assistanceagencies concerned with natural resourcemanagement may learn from Ghana'sexample.

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