Transcript
Page 1: From Genocide to Holocaust? Structural Parallels and Discursive Continuities

From Genocide to Holocaust? Structural Parallels and Discursive ContinuitiesAuthor(s): Reinhart KösslerSource: Africa Spectrum, Vol. 40, No. 2 (2005), pp. 309-317Published by: Institute of African Affairs at GIGA, Hamburg/GermanyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40175077 .

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Page 2: From Genocide to Holocaust? Structural Parallels and Discursive Continuities

From Genocide to Holocaust? Structural parallels and dis- cursive continuities

Reinhart Kossler

afrika spectrum 40 (2005) 2 © 2005 institutfurAfrika-Kunde, Hamburg

The memorial year of 2004 has given rise in Germany to a remarkable array of activities referring to the genocide which, a century earlier, the German Schutztruppe committed in present-day Namibia. Even though these activities1 have reached a rather limited audience and, in this way, display a telling asymmetry in terms of public interest for commemorative activities in Na- mibia on the one hand and in Germany on the other, there has been a notice- able change in the thrust of at least some of the debate. After the quasi-official acknowledgement of the genocide by Minister Wieczorek-Zeul at the central commemorative event in Ohamakari, the issue of reparations certainly re- mains on the agenda. But the controversy surrounding genocide as such has been pushed to the margins much more than has previously been the case. A

centre-right government likely to emerge from the general elections now

planned for autumn, 2005, will hardly be able to retract on principle, while

certainly being even more recalcitrant than its predecessor when it comes to material compensation. In scholarly debate, the picture is even less ambigu- ous and probably has been so for some time. Those concerned with the intel- lectual scene in Namibia, especially among the German speaking community, are certainly justified in being irritated by letters to the editors frequently printed in the Allgemeine Zeitung published in Windhoek and occasionally in its namesake published in Frankfurt on Maine, but they ought not forget that it would be a great mistake to take self-styled settler historians seriously, nor should they lose sight of the overwhelming consensus amongst serious schol- ars. However, as will be shown below, what we witness is a rather weak con- sensus.

The present exchange bears witness to this state of affairs. While raising vitally important issues, it does so on the common understanding that what

happened in Namibia in 1904 was genocide, even though Henning Melber and Birthe Kundrus concern themselves with hardly identical subject matter. This can be understood in the light of earlier exchanges, as the issues raised

by Kundrus are only mentioned in passing in Melber's paper, which rather

1 For an overview, see Zeller 2005.

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addresses the current politics of dealing with the memory of the genocide.2 Still, the controversy mainly arises on account of the fact that anything which happened in Imperial or Weimar Germany, above all state sponsored mass crimes and atrocities, will inevitably be related to the vanishing point of Auschwitz. At the same time, this is all the more reason to treat the matter with the utmost seriousness. Therefore, while controversy should not cloud our view as to the extent of the underlying consensus, enabling us as it does to debate rather subtle points, we should also be aware of the weight and importance such points carry in viewing the history of mass crimes commit- ted on an unimaginable scale during the first half of the 20th century, and the manifold consequences of those crimes - a subject which goes beyond the limits of the present discussion.

In the illuminating terms Birthe Kundrus has brought to the debate, the main issue concerns causal relationships between singular events as opposed to more general considerations on structural constellations. While the latter approximate the proposition of a social law, positing that certain conditions, in combination, are likely to bring about a particular outcome, the former

suggest the idea of a definitive causal chain, established by documentary material, where one specific event leads to another, equally specific event.

Obviously, this opposition relates to the venerable juxtaposition of nomo- thetic, as opposed to ideographic science, with much of social science tradi- tionally weighted on the former side, the overwhelming majority of the 'historical guild' on the latter. Of course, there are serious recent contributions that go well beyond this rather caricatured picture. Here, one need only point to Martin Shaw's (2003) forceful argument that any war, above all in its mod- ern form, contains a tendency towards genocide that comes to the fore in a whole range of disconcerting forms. However, the present debate has already moved well beyond the dire issue of disciplinary divides, as attested by peo- ple from various fields who take quite divergent views. On the material side, Kundrus is right, of course, when insisting that causal relationships between the genocide in Namibia and the Nazi holocaust, in the sense she postulates, would still have to be established by far more detailed research. Yet should this keep us from posing questions about continuities, also in Kundrus' sense of the term? Her own argument answers to the contrary, since she formulates a whole array of such questions, although it is perhaps not that clear whether she considers it feasible to test them by in-depth research. These questions concern a conscious link between Nazi extermination policy and colonial prac- tice; a direct transfer of structures of agency and patterns of apperception; and an enduring reduction of inhibitions against acting violently after the Herero-

2 See also references listed in his bibliography, including our joint interventions in 2004.

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German war. This is then juxtaposed with the more general features of colo- nialism and colonial war.

This latter point should prompt us to offer some background before we consider Kundrus' propositions on parallels and continuities. While it is of importance to insist on the common features of all forms of modern colonial- ism, since otherwise, we run the risk of rendering harmless the impacts of colonialism by singling out e.g., German colonialism (cf. on this, Kossler 2004), colonial war merits a closer look on two counts. First, the concept of genocide, in terms of the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, poses rather distinct conditions for an occurrence to be named as such. Besides the fact of mass crime perpetrated against a spe- cific group, the central criterion is intent. According to this, it is strictly speak- ing incorrect, for instance, to refer to the Congo horrors or the transatlantic slave trade as genocides, regardless of the hecatombs of human lives they claimed. As scholars, we are called upon to use precise conceptual instru- ments rather than pass moral judgment and, above all, those instruments direct us to the social form or specific configurations of processes and occur- rences. In terms of intent, the number of colonial genocides is, indeed, rather limited,3 as opposed to wars where sometimes many more people were killed than in the war in Namibia 1904-08. Thus, we are in fact referred back to a closer look at the Namibian case and its relationship to the historical trajectory of Germany during the first half of the 20th century. For the present purpose, I shall confine myself to pointing out two main features. The intention of anni-

hilating Herero and also Nama in a sense far more devastating than any dis- cussion about mere military defeat is evident, not only from von Trotha's infamous proclamation of October 2, 1904 (the so called shooting order) and its corollary directed against the Nama about half a year later (cf . Kriegsgesch. Abt. 1907: 186). This genocidal strategy was explicitly extolled as a glorious feat of German arms in the General Staffs official publication (cf . Kriegsgesch. Abt. 1906: chpt. 16). To this must be added the practice of the concentration

camps which amounted to 'murder by neglect1, in the context of a systema- tized and bureaucratic system (Zimmerer 2003: 63), the intentionality of which is also attested when Colonel von Deimling, as commander of the

camp on Shark Island in Luderitz harbour, explicitly stated his intention not to allow any 'Hottentot' leave the island alive (cf. Erichsen 2003: 84-5). The

exterminatory thrust of this policy and of the trajectory of the German settle- ment project in Namibia (cf. Zimmerer 2001) is attested to by sufficient source material, not least such stemming from von Trotha's exchanges with Leutwein

3 The instructive yearbook of the German holocaust centre (Fritz Bauer-Institut) contains accounts of some of the lesser well known 20th century cases, such as Spain in the Rif War or

Italy in Libya and Ethiopia, remarkably with German participation of some kind or other; cf.

Wojak & Meinl 2004.

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and with his superiors in Berlin. When Kundrus writes that the German army merely 'assented' more or less to a side effect of their strategy, she misses both the message of the sources and the content of a meaningful concept of geno- cide. One further important feature singles out the colonial war in Namibia from most other colonial wars (cf. Mann 2003: 25-6): On the side of the colo- nial power, it was fought not by colonial troops recruited somewhere in the region or in some other colony, but mainly by Germans, with up to 14,000 troops deployed (cf. Hillebrecht 2003: 128). In comparison to other instances of colonial war, this meant much more massive exposure to the war experi- ence and substantial death toll among Germans. There is a further important contrast to the other murderous colonial war that took place almost at the same time in present-day Tanzania, then German East Africa: Whereas in East Africa, merely 15 Germans died, in South West Africa there were 2000 casual- ties (cf. Beez 2003: 103-4; Wimmelbucker 2005).

In view of this, what can be said about parallels and continuities? While the quest for further research and the plea for more detail and precision is a rather general one, the direction of ensuing research efforts would always be predicated on a more concrete set of hypotheses. Here, we have to ask our- selves not only whether we can answer Kundrus' questions but, more impor- tantly, even whether she has asked the right questions or, at the very least, has exhausted the relevant questions. It is the latter point I would espe- cially like to contest here. My impression is that while we may certainly not have a causally conclusive chain of evidence (can such ever be established in the study of historical/ social developments?), we can point to many more links of such a chain than Kundrus seems to suggest. And it is the business of 'interpretive sociology' (Max Weber) and, indeed, history as a hermeneutical discipline, to try and make sense of such discrete links or conceivably longer sections of a chain, and to reconstruct them. Inevitably, errors, ambiguities and the kind of debate we are engaged in form part and parcel of such busi- ness.

Linkages of the kind suggested exist on a whole number of quite diverse levels and fields. Take military strategy, where Isabel Hull has pointed out the central importance of the idea of the final decisive battle in Prusso-German strategic thinking which, stemming from the experience of the battle of Sedan, in 1870, informed von Trotha's actions before 11 August, 1905. The same is true for the pursuit of the defeated, but not militarily annihilated Herero into the Omaheke, or indeed the planning of von Schlieffen for a future European war, who at the same time was von Trotha's superior in Berlin. According to Hull, this does not just suggest a linkage to World War I with respect to mili- tary thinking, but more importantly, links up with the various concepts of 'final solution' which, she stresses, ought to be carefully distinguished from 'atrocity and massacre' (Hull 2003: 142). Such 'finality' constitutes 'a destruc- tively Utopian policy' in the sense of 'a conscious, universal goal: ... a total,

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permanent end to a ,problem' and ,applied to human society, ... the disap- pearance of the problem population' (ib.: 143). Linked to this, in Hull's view, are certain peculiar traits of German military culture that joined 'the single battle of annihilation' as a strategic lynchpin to 'that curious mix of ambition and desperation characteristic of Wilhelminian politics'(ib.: 147, 148), to pro- duce the attitude of hot pursuit. Such traits were conducive to the mass kill- ings after the battle at Waterberg on August 11, 1904 and, finally, to the ex- plicit goal of extermination in von Trotha's October 2 order and to the concen- tration camps. Hull carefully states that this 'was part of a pattern of possibili- ties; it was not an aberration' (ib.: 161), which she sees confirmed by the car- nage of the Maji Maji war which began in 1905 in German East Africa. We

may add that obviously, such experiences reflecting the highest echelons of the military also fed back into the 'pattern of possibilities'. Such considerations could then fuel an incipient debate revisiting some of the discussion on the German Sonderweg in the light of colonial experience. However, it seems clear that one should also distinguish between an almost inevitable positioning of what happened in the colonies, and in particular in Namibia, in the

'perspective of German history' (Eckert 2003: 236) on the one hand, and look-

ing first at the socially and historically grounded dispositions of the actors in the field and relating those to the issue of a persistent power of the German

nobility vis-^-vis an aspiring and economically successful bourgeoisie, on the other (cf. Steinmetz 2005).

This perspective sketches a linkage between the colonial war at the be-

ginning of the 20th century and the holocaust forty years later, that in contra- distinction to the requirements Kundrus posits for her concept of continuity does not necessarily rely on personal experience, nor actually on a linkage of concrete military practices rather than military thinking that also informs the frame of mind of a wider public, in other words, public discourse. I would like to give a few indications on the importance the colonial war seems to have had for the dynamics of German public discourse, in full cognizance that this, if any, is a field that still warrants intensive research.

If there is one feature that sets off the colonial war in German Southwest Africa from most, or even all, subsequent genocides of the 20th century, it is the astounding and appalling publicity given to the events by the perpetra- tors, apparently on virtually all levels. This begins by a host of photographs taken, and made into picture postcards of soldiers sent with greetings from afar and representing anything from concentration camps, over emaciated

prisoners in chains to execution scenes.4 A further aspect concerns the memo- rial volumes that were put out shortly after the event or even while the war was not yet officially over, which were also not shy in depicting overt crimes

4 An impressive collection of these has been brought together by Joachim Zeller and the

gist is displayed in the illustrations to Zimmerer & Zeller (2003: 53, 67, 128, 131).

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against humanity, such as two German soldiers packaging a case of Herero skulls with a caption informing the readers that these had been cleaned of their flesh by Herero women using glass shards (cf. Zimmerer & Zeller 2003: 77). Yet a further component is influential novels that refer to the war, above all Peter Moors Fahrt nach Siidwest (Frenssen 2002), an account of the experi- ence of a young German trooper, couched in the form of an adventure novel, but transporting a whole array of colonial ideological mainstays, such as the superior right of the colonizers to an underused or even abused country, di- vine calling and above all the naturalizing of Africans represented as wild beasts rather than humans. The novel, translated into several languages, in- cluding English (cf. Brehl 2003: 88), sold more than 400,000 copies in Germany up to 1945 and became standard school reading in 1908, two years after publi- cation (cf. Pakendorf 1987: 176). Lengthy portions of this novel have been incorporated into the Blue Book documenting, from the point of view of the South African occupying power, German malpractices in Namibia in 1918 (cf. Silvester & Gewald 2003: 111-3). One may wonder at the haste and lack of care of the compilers of the Blue Book, yet even more remarkable is the fact that a widely read youth novel and current school reading contained portions deemed suitable to document German colonial crimes and atrocities. This points to a rather pervasive process of trivialising such crimes in the public eye, letting them appear as everyday occurrences at least in far-off, if avow- edly 'German' places such as the colonies were. Such processes, I would like to suggest, may have spawned consequences at least as serious as military practice or personal continuities might have been. Yet this is not all that could be said about public discourse.

The extensive publishing activity on the colonial war in Germany cannot be dissociated from the major mobilisation of right wing civil society associ- ated with the so-called Hottentot elections of 1907. It is not by accident that these elections to the Reichstag, the only ones before 1914 in which the Social Democrats lost a substantial number of seats (though not in the popular vote), are still known by a term referring explicitly to Namibia and more specifi- cally, to the Nama-German war still going on at the time. The elections, origi- nating in the dissolution of the Reichstag because of opposition from the So- cial Democrats and the Centre against proposed appropriations for the war effort, were contested by the right wing and centre parties in a new coalition (,Bulow-Block'), and the campaign was marked by large-scale mobilisation of nationalist civil society organisations, bringing to the fore 'patriotic' themes and in particular the colonial war where they claimed that the Social Democ- rats and the Centre had once again shown their lack of patriotic reliability (cf . Crothers 1941). This was combined with extolling the feats of the German soldiers, which were also propagated by the literature mentioned as well as by the official publication of the General Staff, which pointedly was aimed at 'giving the German people, in accessible form, a palpable picture of the ardu-

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ous life of the troops in the field and their valiant behaviour in combat' (Kriegsgesch. Abt 1906: iii). In the electoral campaign of 1907 a whole range of movements and organisations that have been termed as new 'radical national- ism' (Eley 1990: chpts. 5-7) coalesced in a crusade directed explicitly against the Social Democrats (cf. Wehler 1995: 1079-80); a glorified image of the colo- nial war - the official end of which was appropriately declared shortly before election day - played an important role in this quest (cf. Sobich 2004). The

propagation of the war, and in fact, the genocide itself, was supplemented not

only by the memorial and novel literature mentioned, but also by elaborated and costly stagings, e.g. in circuses, which combined popular images of the

gallant German soldiers and strenuous German farmers overcoming treach- erous blacks with the image of the exotic (cf. Kirschnik 2002). Finally, it should be noted that there was also considerable, though rather little known resistance to the war, not only in the form of parliamentary speeches, but at a

grass roots level as well (cf. Short 2004). All told, so far the circumstance seems to be little understood and accounted for that the colonial war of 1904- 08 was actually communicated at the time on a mass scale. In this way, and, in contradistinction to the holocaust, it seems justified to call it public genocide.

It is certainly true that, at this stage, all this can provide no more than a

general direction and an informed hypothesis. However, it would appear that in these manifold civil society activities, in the routinization of frames of mind

assenting to and revelling in what actually amounted to premeditated mass murder and genocide, along with many other activities of the radical national- ist organisations, 'fatal lines of continuity reaching further into German his-

tory' (Wehler 1995: 1081) may be found even more than along the seemingly more obvious lines of personal linkages or military practice. This line of ar-

gument also seems to link up well with Omer Bartov's reasoning (1998) on the kinds of redefinition that created the mental preconditions for Germans to

murderously turn on their Jewish neighbours. Still, it would be mistaken to take all this as an argument for levelling down real differences. As attested by the controversies surrounding the recently unveiled Holocaust Memorial in Berlin, dedicated exclusively to the murdered Jews, which is to be joined by a whole range of memorials commemorating further groups of victims, Nazi

Germany committed more than one genocide during World War II. On a structural level, some connection of all aspects of these mass crimes that were related to radically changing the population structure in the occupied Eastern territories along the lines of the 'Generalplan Ost/ by mass removals and out-

right genocide, with similar projects of settler colonialism seems quite con-

vincing (cf. Zimmerer 2004, 2005), as Kundrus also mentions. However, obvi-

ously other forms of genocide involving the killing off or hunting down of select groups within larger populations mainly in Germany itself and occu-

pied Western Europe, while of course equally detestable, should be seen as different in analytical terms. It is precisely in this respect which, of course, is

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vital for the constitution and mobilisation of resentment that gave rise to Na- zism and its march to power, that we should look for public discourse and its dynamics. It would seem that the image of the colonial considerably contrib- uted to such a trajectory.

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Reinhart KOssler is adjunct professor in the Department of Sociology, University of Munster and co-editor of Peripiterie. His main interests include theory of society and socio-economic development, political sociology, ethnicity, memory politics and Southern Africa.

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