The Effect of Public Art on Public
Spaces: Poets, Worms and Street
Art
Thejas Jagannath
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of
Bachelor of Arts with Honours at the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand
October 2015
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Abstract
Public art is thought to enhance the public space of our cities. Public art plays a vital role
in public space because it adds creativity to the space and gives the public space a focus.
The variety of public art available in public space creates vibrancy and contributes to
inclusive spaces which can lead to engagement with public art and with people in public
spaces. These kinds of artworks, which are freely available for everyone to interact with
either intellectually or physically, can have an effect on the built environment, not only in
the beautification of the city or the design of the public spaces, but also on the general
public‟s psyche. This dissertation addresses two main research questions: „What are the
characteristics of „good‟ public spaces?‟ and „How does public art contribute to „good‟
public spaces?‟ To answer these questions the dissertation will focus on three main public
spaces in Dunedin each having its own distinctive artwork. These include, the Robert
Burns statue in the Octagon; the Worm sculpture in the Botanic Gardens; and street art
around Bond and Vogel streets.
How people interact and engage with these distinctive artworks is evaluated through
qualitative research, specifically semi-structured interviews with stakeholders and
questionnaire surveys to gather the public‟s perceptions and understanding of public art as
relevant to their public spaces. The vibrancy created in the public spaces where different
entities combine to form a positive atmosphere is „situated multiplicity‟ which also
contributes to having specific creative moments of „oeuvre,‟ where people interact with
many different materials that combine to form a positive emotive effect. The ways in
which people perceive and feel about these attributions can be „affective.‟
This research found that many amenities are involved in creating a „good‟ public space and
that the way the public space is built contributes to how people engage with it. It shows
that there are many ways people engage with public art in public spaces, and the type of art
a person is engaging with contributes to determining the way people interact with public
art. For instance, an interactive sculpture creates different forms of engagement than a
static statue or a street art as they create different types of perceptions and emotions to the
public. The ways in which people interact with different forms of public art is the main
focus of this study.
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Acknowledgements
This study has been very inspiring and fulfilling to undertake. It would not have been
possible to do it alone, and there are a few people I would like to thank for making this an
exciting and a possible journey:
My supervisor Dr. Sophie Bond, whose regular feedback, support and assistance
were invaluable.
My parents, my brother Vilas and my sister in law Diana, for their constant support
and encouragement. Thank you for always being there for me through my ups and
downs.
All my wonderful friends, who have been a positive influence and always ready for
a chat.
The interview participants and the survey respondents, who dedicated their time for
this study.
The staff and friends of Abbey College, for providing me with good
accommodation and helping me to acclimatize to a new city.
The staff and students of the Geography Department at the University of Otago,
who have made this a memorable year.
Thank you!
Thejas Jagannath
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract ii
Acknowledgements iii
Table of Contents iv
List of Figures vi
List of Tables vii
Chapter 1 Introduction 1
1.1 Research overview 1
1.2 Research questions and aims 2
1.3 Research context 3
1.4 Structure of the dissertation 8
Chapter 2 Literature Review 10
2.1 Overview 10
2.2 What is a public space? 10
2.2.1 Oeuvre 12
2.3 Sociality of public space 13
2.3.1 Democracy in public spaces 13
2.3.2 Massey‟s thrown-togetherness 14
2.3.3 Situated multiplicity 15
2.3.4 Affect 16
2.4 Public art in public space 18
2.5 Summary 21
Chapter 3 Research Methods 22
3.1 Context of research 22
3.2 Qualitative research 22
3.2.1 Semi-structured interviews 23
3.2.2 Questionnaire method 24
3.3 Analysis of method 26
3.4 Ethics and positionality 26
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Chapter 4 Reflections of a ‘good’ public space 28
4.1 Overview 28
4.2 Landscape and amenities of public space 28
4.3 People-oriented public spaces 33
4.3.1 Inclusive and welcoming public spaces 33
4.3.2 Pedestrian zones 39
4.4 Summary 42
Chapter 5 Art in public spaces 43
5.1 Overview 43
5.2 Role of art in public spaces 44
5.3 Engagement with public art 45
5.3.1 Engagement with Robert Burns statue 49
5.3.2 Engagement with the Worm sculpture 54
5.3.3 Engagement with street art 58
5.3.4 Combining engagement with public art in Dunedin 64
5.4 Democracy: public participation in public art 64
5.5 Summary 67
Chapter 6 Aims, limitations and future prospects 69
6.1 Aim of research 69
6.2 Limitations 70
6.3 Future prospects 70
6.4 Concluding statements 71
Reference List 72
Appendix A: Interview questions 76
Appendix B: Survey questions 77
Appendix C: Ethical information sheet and consent form 84
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1.1: Robert Burns Statue, Dunedin 4
Figure 1.2: Worm sculpture by Julia Morrison 5
Figure 1.3: Street art trail map 6
Figure 1.4: „Love is in the air‟ artwork by Natalia Rak 7
Figure 2.1: Angel of North sculpture by Anthony Gormley 16
Figure 2.2: Tilted Arc by Richard Serra 20
Figure 4.1: Seating and green spaces in the Botanic Gardens 29
Figure 4.2: Graph depicting „sense of belonging‟ 38
Figure 4.3: Trafalgar Square, London 40
Figure 5.1: Graph depicting historic symbolism 51
Figure 5.2: Robert Burns Statue in a Korowai 53
Figure 5.3: Children interacting with the Worm sculpture 55
Figure 5.4: Pixel Pancho, Chipmunks 61
Figure 5.5: The Eagle by Del East 61
Figure 5.6: Bronx Bronzes by John Ahearn 66
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 4.1: Survey respondents on why they visit public spaces 32
Table 4.2: Reasons for feeling welcome in the Botanic Gardens 36
Table 4.3: Reasons for feeling welcome in the Octagon 37
Table 4.4: Responses on pedestrian friendly zones 41
Table 5.1: Reasons for engaging with Robert Burns in the Octagon 50
Table 5.2: Reasons for engaging with the Worm sculpture 57
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Chapter 1
Introduction
1.1 Research overview
Cities around the world invest in public art for a variety of reasons (Amin, 2008; Cant &
Morris, 2006). Public art can denote symbolism which can sometimes lead to community
involvement (Hawkins, 2013). Communities engage with public art in cities in many ways
with interactive or static sculptures, and street art which are mostly free for all. Such public
artworks often try to represent the city by giving people a sense of familiarity towards the
public space (Pile, 1996). The place in which public art is located gives an idea of who it is
targeted at and what the motive behind the art is (Zebracki, 2012). The open spaces in a
city which are created for public recreation are often selected as sites for public artworks
because such spaces allow people to come together and contemplate or enjoy the landscape
(Amin, 2008; Cant & Morris, 2006). In such situations, the public art in the space activates
the emotions and feelings of people as they engage with the artwork.
The characteristics of what makes a „good‟ public space and how public art adds to this
concept of public space will also be explored in more detail. Ash Amin (2008) argues that
a good public space is one that brings people together as a community and many factors
such as safety, inclusivity, civic spaces and the behaviour of people in the public spaces
contribute to how inviting a place is for its citizens. Inclusive, people-oriented spaces are
thought of as being good public spaces because there are more chances people would
interact with each other if it is inclusive and open for all (Amin, 2008; Cant and Morris,
2006). Public art is one of the characteristics which influence good public spaces as it
draws people to form a connection with the artwork and with each other (Zebracki, 2012).
This research will explore the effect public artworks have on public space in the city of
Dunedin in New Zealand. For a small city, Dunedin has a fairly vibrant public art scene.
There is a mixture of street art, sculptures and statues placed in many parts of the city‟s
open spaces. This research will focus on three main public artworks in Dunedin, which are,
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the Robert Burns statue in the Octagon, the Worm sculpture in the Botanic Gardens, and
street art around Bond and Vogel streets in Dunedin‟s Warehouse Precinct. While all of
these types of artworks can be interactive in some way, a key issue is how different types
of interaction with public art might shape the experiences of public spaces in different
ways. For example, the street art which is gaining popularity in Dunedin‟s Bond and Vogel
streets would not be interactive in the same manner as using touch to interact with
sculptures such as the Ouroubrous which is colloquially known as the Worm sculpture in
the Botanic Gardens (Note: this dissertation will refer to it as „Worm sculpture‟). Street art
by local and international artists around city walls of Dunedin reveal powerful images
which can make people contemplate art or specific social or political issues whereas
sculptures might form a more physical effect such as using body movements to reveal
emotions (Hawkins, 2013; Pile, 2010). Choosing specific examples of public artworks
from statues to street art, this research will explore how public art contributes to public
space.
1.2 Research questions and aims
The three types of public art mentioned in the previous affect Dunedin‟s population in
different ways. It is important to understand how the public spaces in which these artworks
are located are constructed and used by people in order to understand whether art has a
positive influence on public space. The location of specific artworks and whether this is
appealing to the general public as opposed to officials and whether the public should be
involved in such matters is also debated in geography literatures (Amin, 2008; Pollack &
Sharp, 2011; Zebracki, 2013).
Given the limited time period, it would not be possible to focus on all the artworks
Dunedin offers as there are more than 30 sculptures around the city. Public spaces which
are considered to be engaging that brings people into the area will be specifically looked
at. Three main areas, the Octagon, the Botanic Gardens and Bond and Vogel streets, are
explored in the context of the research. The Octagon and the Botanic Gardens have defined
public spaces where people gather on a regular basis and interact with artworks, other
amenities or just use the space for their own purposes. However, Bond and Vogel streets
do not have public spaces where people can sit or linger. The art is more prominent in the
streetscapes than in defined public spaces. As the artworks are located on buildings, it is
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not necessary for people to be in the space for long periods of time. For instance, people
can drive by and appreciate the street art rather than spending time on the street.
Considering all these three types of artworks, the overarching question in this research will
be:
How do different types of public art contribute to public space?
As part of the above question this research will address two main research questions:
What are the characteristics of „good‟ public spaces?
How does public art contribute to „good‟ public spaces, with a focus on:
o Sociality of space in the Octagon, the Botanic Gardens and Bond/Vogel
streets
o People‟s engagement with art in each of the three public spaces
1.3 Research context
This section will explain the context of each of the three public artworks this research
focuses on. These are the Robert Burns statue in the Octagon, the Worm sculpture in the
Botanic Gardens, and street art around Bond and Vogel streets.
There are a number of bronze statues of famous figures in Dunedin. For the purpose of this
research, the Robert Burns (Robbie Burns) statue in the Octagon will be used to collect
data to interpret the perceptions and interactions of people with the statue because the
place in which the statue is located is well used by the public and acts as a central part of
the city (See Figure 1.1). The Robert Burns statue was built in 1887 by Sir John Steell
(Dungey, 2009). Another reason the statue is prominent is because Robert Burn‟s nephew
Thomas Burns was one of the „founding fathers‟ of Dunedin city, so it represents the
historic Scottish influence in Dunedin. Recently, it is also thought to represent the literary
side of the city as Dunedin was branded as „City of Literature‟ by UNESCO (Dunedin City
Council, 2014). The Robert Burns statue can be interactive although it is fixed in a place to
commemorate history, it can reveal emotions which interactive sculptures do not such as
resembling history or making people feel appreciative of having a Scottish literary
influence in Dunedin. The central location of the statue which is in the CBD of Dunedin
attracts people to engage with it or linger in the public space the statue is located in.
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Figure 1.1: The Robert Burns statue, Dunedin. Source: Author
A more physically interactive artwork is the Oroborous, commonly referred to as Worm
sculpture which was designed by artist Julia Morrison in 2013 and located in Dunedin‟s
Botanic Garden (See Figure 1.2). The sculpture is called Oroborous because the word
signifies a worm which eats its own tail. It is supposed to represent the cyclic nature of life
symbolising self-reflection and growth. It was constructed to commemorate the Botanic
Garden‟s 150th
anniversary. This interactive sculpture is particularly designed for children
to walk around the sculpture and to play with it (McAvinue, 2013). However, adults also
walk around it, sit on it and interact with it but not in the same fashion the children interact
with the sculpture. Adults also ponder over the deeper meanings of what the worm
sculpture means, given its official name of Oroborous. Many families bring their children
to the park so that they can engage with the Worm and other statues such as the Peter Pan
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bronze statue which children can learn about. Therefore, the Worm sculpture has a
multiple purpose (McAvinue, 2013).
Figure 1.2: The Worm sculpture by Julia Morrison. Source: Author
Street art has gained momentum in Dunedin specifically in the Warehouse Precinct around
Bond and Vogel streets. As indicated in the street art trail map below in Figure 1.3 there
are a number of street artworks around Dunedin city (Dunedin Official Website, 2015).
Vogel Street and Bond Street, which will be the focus of this research, are well known for
street art painted by international artists. These artworks in the Warehouse Precinct started
in Dunedin in 2010 and have been popular among Dunedin residents. The paintings are
mostly done on the walls of old industrial buildings around the Warehouse Precinct. Street
art can reveal powerful emotions in people as it can give people a sense of awe or widen
their imaginations such as the „Love is in the air‟ artwork (Figure 1.4) on Bond Street by
artist Natalia Rak. Vogel Street was also allocated for a public art festival in October 2014
which gave free admission to people of all ages to enjoy public art particularly street art
and sculptures (Dunedin City Council, 2015). Such events bring the community together
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on the streets for recreation (Sharp et al, 2005). Similar events which have taken place in
England have influenced the public space in bringing the community together to socialise
and be involved in the public art projects (Hawkins, 2013; Sharp et al, 2005; Zebracki,
2013). The Vogel street party in 2014 brought about similar effects with the public
celebrating street art around the area.
Figure 1.3: Street art trail map. Source: Dunedin‟s official website
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Figure 1.4: „Love is in the air‟ artwork by Natalia Rak. Source: Author
The above mentioned public artworks are evaluated in order to understand how the public
interprets and understand their presence in the city. People will interpret the same artwork
in different ways as they will symbolise different things depending on the person who is
viewing them. A particular focus of the research is to see the different types of perceptions
and emotions these artworks convey in their public spaces (Pile, 2010). This is in relation
to „sociality‟ of space (discussed in Chapter 2) where the concepts such as „oeuvre‟ which
is creative activities people engage in when involved in the mix of a dynamic public space
or during „situated multiplicity‟ when a combination of factors affect the emotions and
thoughts of how people feel in the particular space. The activities present in and around the
space contribute to making the space what it is, which revels specific emotive responses in
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people which can be called „affective.‟ For example, the awe or surprise created by the
Love is in the air artwork (See Figure 1.4) can be thought of as being affective in response
to the oeuvre as expressed by the artwork. Another example is the combination of entities
present in the Botanic Gardens which brings people together to converse and think about a
particular aspect of the Worm sculpture which contributes to the „sociality‟ of space.
However, the Worm sculpture is not the same type of art as the street art and signifies a
different type of social construct. It does not play with one‟s imagination the same way the
street artworks do as it is experimentation rather than observation. All the three types of
artworks influence people‟s sensations and emotions although in different „affective‟ ways
(Pile, 2010). The way the public spaces are used will indicate whether they have
characteristics of a „good‟ public space and how people interpret the art will indicate
whether public art contributes to „good‟ public spaces.
1.4 Structure of the dissertation
The aim of this report is to understand the characteristics of well used public spaces and
how art is incorporated into the space. It will also look at the influence the art has on the
public space that makes it a positive space to be in.
The important social science literature which supports this research is analysed in detail in
Chapter Two. This will include aspects of public space with concepts of „sociality‟ such as
oeuvre, thrown-togetherness, situated multiplicity, and affect which focus on people‟s
perceptions and emotions relating to public art. This will provide an overview for the
following chapters because the themes discussed in the literature review are closely related
to the structure of the research.
This research involved undertaking questionnaire surveys in each of the three spaces,
semi-structured interviews were carried out with important stakeholders involved in
Dunedin‟s public art (See Appendix B). These methods will be identified and discussed
further in Chapter Three.
Chapters Four and Five addresses the first and second research questions in relation to the
results found from both the questionnaire survey and the interviews conducted. Chapter
Four focuses on the amenities that are required to provide for a „good‟ public space,
specifically looking at the Octagon and the Botanic Gardens as distinctive public spaces.
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Chapter Five addresses the second research question and explores how public art
contributes to creating „good‟ public spaces, including all the three artworks and their
effects mentioned in Chapter One. Chapter six, the concluding chapter, draws the findings
and discussion Chapter Five explores, together discusses limitations and makes
suggestions for future research that the current study highlights in relation to the
contribution of public art in public spaces.
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Chapter 2
Literature Review
2.1 Overview
This section will review a selection of literature available on art in public spaces. It is
important to understand what public space is before discussing public art situated in the
space because the existence of public space acts as a catalyst or a reason for public art.
This literature review will be structured into three parts: Firstly, public space is discussed
in relation to specific geographic literature while explaining the concept of Lefebvre‟s
(1996) oeuvre. Secondly, sociality of space in terms of people‟s perceptions and
engagement with the public space will be discussed. Sociality of space looks at the social
aspects that contribute to people‟s engagement and interaction in relation to how art is
perceived and used in public spaces. These include democracy in public spaces, Massey‟s
(2005) concept of „thrown-togetherness,‟ Amin‟s (2008) „situated multiplicity,‟ and Nigel
Thrift‟s (2004) concept of „affect.‟ Thirdly, and leading on from the first two parts, the
review will discuss public art in public space. For example, the concept of how important
the term „public‟ is in public art is widely discussed in geography, so this review will
discuss how the involvement of the public is integrated in public art leading to how public
art is perceived in our cityscapes. This chapter will demonstrate why public art is a
significant part of public spaces in our cities today.
2.2 What is a public space?
Public space is a city space which is open to the general public such as parks, plazas,
beaches, recreational areas and outdoor spaces (Ghel, 2011; Goheen, 1998; Hoskyns,
2014; Parkinson, 2012). Any space in a city which is not privately owned or confined to a
building but is accessible to everyone for free is considered a public space (Amin & Thrift,
2002; Zukin, 1995). The accessibility of public space leads to freedom of speech and
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democratic behaviours where people don‟t feel restricted. This concept of public space
being available for the general public to gather is covered widely by some scholars, as this
quote by Ash Amin (2008, p. 5) describes:
A city‟s streets, parks, squares and other shared spaces have been seen as symbols of
collective well-being and possibility, expressions of achievement and aspiration by urban
leaders and visionaries, sites of public encounter and formation of civic culture, and
significant spaces of political deliberation and agonistic struggle.
Here, it is evident that public spaces are seen as spaces where people meet and gather
together for a variety of reasons. Public spaces could also be a site where public
discussions and a communal feeling between people who visit the spaces on a regular basis
are initiated. This is understood by Amin as „civic culture‟ (Amin, 2008). Civic culture is
where people from different backgrounds come together in a public space to carry out
various activities (Amin, 2008; Goheen, 1998). This also gives an opportunity for people
to encounter new people or discover more about the space that they are in. This communal
aspect encountered in public spaces is expressed by Goheen where he states “citizens
create meaningful public space by expressing their attitudes, asserting their claims and
using it for their own purposes” (Goheen, 1998, p.479). Verbal and emotional expressions
asserted in public space also seem to be important in defining the space in terms of how it
is used by the public (Cresswell, 2013).
Clearly a public space is a place for the „public.‟ As Mitchell (1995, p.108) states “public
space is that space where „the public‟ is formed and thus social and cultural rules
governing public behaviour predominate.” Therefore, public space signifies the way the
public behaves and interacts with each other. Spaces shape and are shaped by norms and
rules. Amin (2008) and Goheen (1998) do not discuss governance or rules in the society,
but rather the ways the social structure of the public space creates the atmosphere that is
seen and encountered in the space. Mitchell (1995) takes a step further by suggesting
public engagement and interaction inevitably leads to the formation of particular rules and
governance in the public space.
The preceding discussion suggests that people create meaning in public spaces as they
engage with it over time. The public spaces also convey meanings to the public as people
interact with their spaces in a variety of ways (Goheen, 1998; Neil, 2009). These ideas of
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public space being shaped by people who engage with it, and simultaneously shaping those
who engage with it, is encapsulated by Lefebvre‟s concept of oeuvre (Lefebvre, 1996).
2.2.1 Oeuvre
Lefebvre (1996) in his concept of „oeuvre‟ conveys the significance of public spaces in
generating people‟s emotions and feelings in relation to the space in which they interact.
Oeuvre is a creative activity that takes place within the public spaces of a city and public
art contributes to those creative activities. Lefebvre (1996) describes the city as a place for
encounters and exchanges between entities as well as other people and public spaces act as
a catalyst for such encounters (Amin & Thrift, 2002; Mitchell, 2014). Oeuvre is the name
given to the creative process that is induced in the public space (Lefebvre, 1996). The
character of the public space is important in defining how people feel about the space that
they visit (Neil, 2009; Parkinson, 2012). Public space‟s role in the city is to provide a
space for public recreation and to provide meaningful spaces within cityscapes to enhance
social interaction, promote the feeling of community and the sociality of the public space
(Amin, 2008; Ghel, 2011).
For Lefebvre (1996), the city is a two way relationship where the city is built for people
and the people make the city what it is. Public space is an important social part of the city
where human activity is at the forefront of public space and the people in the city give the
public space meaning shaping its identity and characteristics (Amin & Thrift, 2002;
Lefebvre, 1996). Lefebvre (1996) looks at how people‟s thoughts and behaviours acts in
shaping the city through oeuvre. As I understand it, oeuvre is a noun which suggests a
process of the formation of cityscapes. It is important to think about people as shaping the
oeuvre and also being shaped by the way city spaces are formed.
The concept of oeuvre illustrates the intricacies of a public space in the city as they are
shaped by and shape the people who use them (Lefebvre, 1996). The creative activity of
people in the city along gives public space significance (Mitchell, 2014; Neil, 2009). It is
important to understand this concept of oeuvre in relation to how people interact with their
public spaces as creativity gives form to public space. Oeuvre can also lead to the concept
of „sociality‟ as people are central to the creative processes of the built environment
(Lefebvre, 1996). The next section will look at sociality of public space, mainly focussing
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on people‟s engagement with public space and how this is perceived to be a positive effect
for public spaces.
2.3 Sociality of public space
The various emotions and feelings that drive people to communicate with one another and
form a collective social network in public spaces can be thought of as sociality (Sharp et
al, 2005; Zebracki, 2013). Sociality of space contributes to creating vibrancy in public
sphere by adding meanings to how people interact (Lossau & Stevens, 2014). A sense of
inclusivity where people feel welcome and is shaped in part by the nature of that space
contributes to sociality, diversity and engagement where a mix of people and activities in
the space create vibrancy (Anderson, 2013). For example, public art can cause a sense of
inclusivity among people where they can create a communal atmosphere contributing to
social inclusion. This concept of sociality of public space can be better understood through
concepts illustrated in literature, through understanding democracy in public spaces where
people‟s right to voice opinions play an important role in public spaces. This engagement
with space along with other activities present and coming together contributes to Massey‟s
„thrown-togetherness‟ which also represents Amin‟s (2008) „situated multiplicity.‟ The
reactions of people from the multiplicity in the space, can be thought of being „affective.‟
2.3.1 Democracy in public spaces
The democratic practices of the city can contribute to how people utilize the public space.
For instance, if a space is thought of as welcoming where many people are free to assert
their opinions, this might create a sense of inclusion and the space can be thought of as
being democratic. As Mitchell (2014) argues, the structure of the public space can form a
sense of inclusion or exclusion. Democracy of public spaces is an important aspect Massey
tries to convey in her works and many other geographers have also discussed this issue
(Hoskyns, 2014; Massey, 2005; Mitchell, 2014; Parkinson, 2012). These scholars argue
that political events or protests can be thought of as giving a voice to the people where
public space provides the site for such democratic activities (Neil, 2009). The fact that
people‟s voices are heard in public spaces gives them a sense of democratic power in their
city because such spaces exist (Hoskyns, 2014). Democracy contributes to how people
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express themselves in the public space, for instance, having a freedom of speech to express
oneself in a public space can make the public space seem democratic (Amin, 2008;
Mitchell, 2014; Pollack & Sharp, 2011).
Democratic spaces provide equal opportunity for the general public without discriminating
(Mitchell, 2014). Usually, public spaces are inclusive of people without discrimination as
they are free for all to use and this creates a sense of democracy or equal rights among
people (Parkinson, 2012; Pile, 1996). This forms an important aspect of public spaces in
democratic societies such as New Zealand, which will be the place of focus for this
research. The public also have the chance to voice their opinions in the public space
giving them freedom of speech and the ability to create change in the space (Amin &
Thrift, 2002; Goheen, 1998; Zukin, 1995). The idea of democratic space is closely tied to
concepts of sociality and to the following section of „thrown-togetherness‟ shows the
democratic nature of the public space which allows for more interaction and coming
together of various entities in one space.
2.3.2 Massey’s thrown-togetherness
Doreen Massey suggests that when people explore the city spaces, many elements are
involved in making the public space what it is. This includes the character of the public
space, the people surrounding it, physical structures present in the space such as art or
fountains and even the traffic or the noise from the streets can impact the way the space is
used and understood (Massey, 2005). The surrounding environs such as cafes, restaurants
and theatres can also make the space more welcoming and inclusive (Massey, 2005). With
the combination of all these elements coming together, people have different experiences
and perceive the space individually rather than collectively (Massey, 2005). The ways in
which these spaces contribute to creating a community and bringing people together for
various reasons is important for Massey and she terms this „thrown-togetherness.‟ The
combination of many entities which adds value to the space is similar to the concepts
conveyed in situated multiplicity. Massey (2005) considers this important because public
space acts as a stimulator for a combination of thoughts, activities and creative encounters
to take place. Here, the normative dimension adds a „value‟ to the character of the „thrown-
togetherness‟ which is depicted as something „good‟ for the public space. The normative
dimension is the positive effects the public space has on people and people‟s engagement
15
within these spaces brings about the positive elements of the space. This concept of
„thrown togetherness‟ acted as an inspiration for Ash Amin‟s (2008)„situated multiplicity‟
which will be discussed in the next section.
2.3.3 Situated multiplicity
Influenced by Massey‟s (2005) concept of „thrown-togetherness‟ Ash Amin (2008)
describes „situated multiplicity‟ as “thrown togetherness of bodies, mass and matter and of
many uses and needs in a shared physical space” (Amin, 2008, p.8). This is the
combination of material things which forms a collision of different entities coming
together in one single public space (Amin, 2008; Amin & Thrift, 2002; Massey, 2005).
The material things encountered can be in the form of the public space, the buildings, the
art and the people that collide in specific and situated ways that contributes to making the
public spaces unique, interesting and vibrant (Amin & Thrift, 2002). It is the “mingling of
bodies, human and non-human in close physical proximity, regulated by the rhythms of
invention, order and control generated by multiplicity” (Amin, 2008, p.13). An example of
this is a form of interactive sculpture located in a square which causes people to do a
variety of physical activities to interact with the sculpture and with other people who do
the same. This interaction with the sculpture and with other elements in the square would
cause multiplicity as a consequence of a situated space.
Ash Amin (2008, p. 18) suggests that there is “symbolic projection of wonderment” which
is when a physical material in the built environment causes emotional responses in people
such as evoking deeper meaning of a specific object seen in a public space. He gives the
example of the Angel of the North sculpture by Anthony Gormley (See Figure 2.1). He
states “Angel of the North in Gateshed, England, invites public reflection on the
appropriate symbol of local unity and togetherness” (Amin, 2008, p. 18). Amin (2008) also
discusses Banksy as a street artist who “seeks to raise awareness of contemporary
geopolitical indignities by connecting ordinary people going about their daily business to
distant events through graphic images” (Amin, 2008, p, 18). These are some ways the
character of public spaces influences the society or community in the city, also adding
vibrancy through street art and sculptures present in public spaces. This concept of
vibrancy is evident in Amin‟s work on multiplicity where he suggests that the sensory
16
elements present in our public spaces adds to people‟s emotions and expectations of the
public realm (Amin, 2008).
Figure 2.1: Angel of North sculpture by Anthony Gormley. Source: David Wilson Clarke,
Wikimedia Commons.
This clearly demonstrates the impact social structures have on public space and the ways
in which human activities observed in the public space can influence the behaviours and
emotions people feel in the public realm (Amin & Thrift, 2002; Hawkins, 2013; Hoskyns,
2014). The way the physical atmosphere is shaped in our cities can also influence people‟s
thoughts and actions in the public space. For instance, we can see that public art, although
just a part of public space, can be important in bringing together a public life or a sociality
of space which is the collective organisation of social groups contributing to co-operative
societies (Lossau & Stevens, 2014). To take this concept a bit further and to understand
how people perceive stimuli present in public spaces, particularly public art, the concept of
„affect‟ is useful.
2.3.4 Affect
Affect is a phenomenon that is used to describe the progression or transformation the body
goes through which is caused by the presence of a particular stimulus (Anderson, 2013;
17
Thein, 2005; Thrift, 2004). This stimulus can be anything, varying from another human
being or a physical object or entity present (Thrift, 2004). As Nigel Thrift states “affect can
be attached to things, people, ideas, sensations, relations, and any other number of things,
including other affects” (Thrift, 2004, p.61). This transformation or intensity in the body
usually occurs before we label it as a feeling or an emotion, “examples of affect include
things like a shiver down the spine that results from a particular encounter – or perhaps a
sense of revulsion as it is experienced by a body” (Cresswell, 2013, p.230). Anderson
(2006, p. 735) refers to an affectual encounter as a “transpersonal capacity which a body
has to be affected (through an affection) and to affect (as the result of modifications)” that
is caused by something that is experienced. Although feelings and emotions are part of
affect that the body experiences, emotions are distinct because emotion is a consequence
of affect. Affect takes place before a particular emotion has been felt as a result of the
stimuli (Anderson, 2013; Pile, 1996; 2010; 2011).
For the purpose of this research, public art can act as a stimulus for affect or the bodily
transformation that is caused in people when they encounter the art or encounter other
people engaging with public art (Cresswell, 2013; Thein, 2005). As Amin (2008) states, a
sense of wonderment and surprise is sometimes provoked in people when they come
across artworks in the public realm. This response can be named as affective where the
public art instils a particular bodily affect (Cresswell, 2013; Thrift, 2004). Tim Cresswell
(2013) includes affect as a part of non-representational theory (NRT), which was
developed largely by Nigel Thrift. NRT emphasizes the practices and actions performed by
human beings rather than just representations of what people do (Thrift, 2004). For
example, people‟s responses to stimuli are emitted by the body usually as part of a
particular engagement in an activity. Such bodily responses create a “sense of place”
through “the rhythmic interplay between person and environment” (Dixon & Straughan,
2013, p.37). Some researchers such as Ben Anderson (2013) include emotions as part of
the process of affects. But Nigel Thrift (2004) argues that it is difficult to distinguish affect
from emotions, although emotions come after affect. For the purpose of this study, affect
will be treated as a phenomenon that comes before emotion and as something that creates
emotive responses in people.
The concept of affect differs from oeuvre and situated multiplicity. Affect considers
bodily changes caused after the events have occurred as a consequence of engagement or
movements in human beings. In contrast, oeuvre describes a creative activity that takes
18
place and not necessarily how people feel about their actions (Amin & Thrift, 2002;
Lefebvre, 1996; Thrift, 2004). Situated multiplicity also describes actions of people and
the senses that are in play when people explore public spaces but does not consider the
tangible feelings caused by those actions (Amin, 2008). Affect takes situated multiplicity a
step further to demonstrate the reactions people might feel based on the stimuli present in
the public space. Situated multiplicity looks more at the various stimuli present in the
space which can aid in bringing people together in democratic, socially cohesive ways
(Dixon & Straughan, 2013). These concepts will be understood in relation to public art in
public spaces in the next section which looks at relevant literature on public art.
2.4 Public art in public space
Public art contributes to beautifying, signifying and symbolising the public space in which
it is located (Lossau, & Stevens, 2014; Mitchell, 1995). Sometimes the public‟s perception
of the artwork is important in determining the role art plays in the public space as people
have different perceptions and emotions attached to public art (Zebracki, 2012). The art in
the space activates the emotions and feelings of people as they engage with it (Pollack &
Sharp, 2011). Public art can add to the character of the space and contribute to its
inclusivity and sociality (Amin & Thrift, 2002). Martin Zebracki (2013, p.303) states “the
fundamental purpose of public art is shaped by its publics, which comprise a multifaceted
audience.” Here, it is clear that the public‟s viewpoint is essential in determining the
overall effect of the artwork (Zebracki, 2013).
We can connect the concepts explored above to the way public art is perceived and enacted
(Pollack, & Sharp, 2011). Public art situated in public space can be thought of as oeuvre
which is an act of creativity because when people engage with the public space the art is
situated in, there are multiple factors including the environment or ambience around them
that creates „moments‟ where creative thought is activated which can be termed as oeuvre
(Cant & Morris, 2006; Lefebvre, 1996). The way artists curate their art for public purposes
to ponder over the art in the public space is also a part of oeuvre because the artist
considers the physical environment to situate the art and the impact it could have on the
public (Hawkins, 2013; Lefebvre, 1996). Public art contributes to situated multiplicity or
thrown-togetherness of a space as it collides with all the other elements present in the
19
public space giving people a sense of surprise or wonderment or provoking thought and
contemplation (Amin, 2008).
Art creates affective possibilities as a response to stimuli (public art) in a given public
space through the interaction between the body and the object or entities (Pile, 1996; 2010;
2011). Other elements such as how people are gathering around the artwork, who is
engaging with it, their previous experiences with public art, and the various emotions
public art has on the person can all cause affect as a response to the public art in the public
space (Pile, 2011). Affect is a result of complex and messy interactions between public art
and the space in which it is located which contributes to the „thrown-togetherness‟ and
„sociality‟ of the space (Pile, 2010; 2011; Amin, 2008).
Interaction and engagement with public art and the overall structure of the public space
which allows this to happen is also highlighted in geographic literature. Some scholars
look at the role art plays in public spaces and suggest that there are many viewpoints in
relation to the way people perceive public art and the type of art they are interacting with
contributes to overall effect (Hawkins, 2013; Lossau & Stevens, 2014). The emotions the
public art reveals in people can be different as people engage with artworks because
“public art is no different from art in general where maters of taste and preference become
paramount” (Sharp et al, 2005, p. 1001). For art like bronze statues, the significance of
being located in a public space can have greater significance through time as it “can help
to mellow public opinion to artworks so they become part of not just the taken-for-granted
but also of the accepted landscape of the city” (Sharp et al, 2005, p. 1001).
Public art can become a symbolic landscape of the city where people gather such as the
Nelson Pillar in Trafalgar Square in London. As Whelan (2003 p. 206) states “it (Nelson
Pillar) became a popular meeting place and viewing point...and a symbol of the city centre
which transcended any political connotations.” This causes interaction and communal
gathering in public spaces around a particular piece of public art. Not all interaction is
taken in a positive light as even taking action towards vandalising public art can also be
thought of as interaction by the public (Sharp et al, 2005; Zebracki, 2013). Different types
of public art can lead to different kinds of interaction and engagement. Static art can be
good for contemplating the significance of the artwork whereas interactive sculptures can
be physically and tangibly interacted with (Lossau, & Stevens, 2014). There is little
literature on the ways in which different types of artworks in public spaces can create
20
possibilities for different kinds of engagement. The current study seeks to contribute to
addressing this gap.
The public‟s engagement in decision making around public art is also important and
contested (Zebracki, 2013). A good example is the Tilted Arc which was a site specific
sculpture erected by Richard Serra, one of the most reputed artists in the USA during
1980s (See Figure 2.2). Located in Federal Plaza of New York in 1981 it was highly
controversial because of its public location (Finkelpearl, 2000). Residents and business
people around the location held different views about the sculpture which led to a petition
against it (Blake, 1993; Zebracki, 2010). People said that its elongated view blocked them
from the view of the city or crossing over the space in which the sculpture was located,
leading to a judicial hearing which contributed to the removal of the sculpture
(Finkelpearl, 2000). Public art can lead to such debates where public viewpoints are
emphasised over the artist‟s work (Lossau, & Stevens, 2014). The removal of the sculpture
Tilted Arc can be thought of as an interactive process by the public to voice their opinion
on art in public space (Sharp et al, 2005).
Figure 2.2: Tilted Arc by Richard Serra Source: Duplex Arte + Arquitectura, Flickr
Some geography and urban planning literature view public art, particularly street art, as a
sign of urban revitalisation (Visconti et al, 2010). Street art is viewed as being a focal point
of renewing urban streets and designing them to gain public attention in desolated areas
without much urban growth (Garcia, 2004). Events are usually held in these areas to
21
market city regeneration in the particular area (Pratt, 2009). This is similar to the street art
that can be seen in the Warehouse Precinct which is an old industrial area without much
activity and dilapidated buildings but is being revitalised by the Dunedin City Council
(Dunedin City Council, 2015). Other cities such as Sydney, Australia and Glasgow,
Scotland have undergone similar processes where public art has been used to revitalise
particular areas by attracting residents and businesses into the district (Garcia, 2004).
Using art to revitalise particular regions of the city can transform the way the space is used
on a daily basis. Street art, similar to other types of public art in public spaces, provides
accessibility where people walk and explore the site (Pratt, 2009). Geographers and urban
planners who have written about this differ in their perspectives on urban revitalisation.
Urban planning literatures consider the whole design aspect of the region and include
embellishing the public spaces with trees, and street furniture. In contrast, geography
literature considers the two way relationship between people and their relationship to the
public spaces where urban revitalisation and the role of art acts as a stimulator (Garcia,
2004; Pratt, 2009; Visconti et al, 2010).
2.5 Summary
Overall, the literature selected in this chapter has focussed on how the influence of public
art on public space can be explained through concepts such as oeuvre, democratic values in
the spaces, thrown-togetherness, situated multiplicity and the concept of affect and
sociality (Lefebvre, 1996; Mitchell, 2014; Neil, 2009; Parkinson, 2012). Public art shapes
perceptions of the public space, such as how inclusive it is. Positive or negative responses
from the public were also recorded and different forms of public art can generate different
emotions, affects and forms of democratic engagement among the public (Lossau, &
Stevens, 2014). What is notable, however, is the lack of concentration on how specific
types of public artworks influence the public and the space, people‟s interactions with
artworks and their reaction to the artworks in public space. The aim of this research is to
contribute to filling these gaps. The next chapter (Chapter 3) focuses on the methods this
research uses to understand how Dunedin‟s public perceive public art and engage with
Dunedin‟s public spaces.
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Chapter 3
Research Methods
3.1 Context of research
In order to set out the research methods adopted for this study, this chapter considers the
ways in which qualitative research was used to understand individual‟s perceptions of
public art and public space in the built environment. Qualitative methods were employed
for this research because it places humans at the forefront of the process of interaction with
their environment (Trainor & Graue, 2013; Winchester & Rofe, 2010).
The nature of this research topic supports a conceptual framework where human
engagement and experiences with public space will be considered. A conceptual
framework is a series of theories and concepts to bring together specific ideas and
assumptions (Schein, 1997). The theoretical framework in this research has been discussed
in Chapter 2 with concepts of „sociality‟ and how public art can affect public spaces
positively. Considering concepts of „sociality,‟ it is important for understanding how social
processes of the ways individuals form meanings with the art in the physical environment
(Davies et al, 2014). To support this, interview methods and a questionnaire survey were
undertaken to explore how people perceive public art in public space, and the importance
of both public art and public space for our urban fabric.
The methodology of study used for this research will be explained in the following
sections of this chapter. Then, the two qualitative methods used will be used individually
to explain why they are essential techniques for this research.
3.2 Qualitative research
Scholars suggest that qualitative methods are used to investigate people‟s experiences,
social processes and real life situations (Bradshaw & Stratford, 2010; Winchester & Rofe,
23
2010). Qualitative research can employ a broad range of methods but typically it can be
used to study “feelings, emotions, attitudes, perceptions and cognition” based on human
behaviour (Trainor & Graue, 2013; Winchester & Rofe, 2010, p.4). It can give researchers
an understanding of people‟s realities and thought patterns (Bradshaw & Stratford, 2010;
Davies et al, 2014). Qualitative research in social sciences also tries to attach meanings
people generate to understand their interpretation of their various experiences in life
(Trainor & Graue, 2013). The social context of people‟s actions, human interaction with
the environment and the way this affects people‟s life on a regular basis is also a part of
qualitative research (Bradshaw & Stratford, 2010; Davies et al, 2014; Winchester & Rofe,
2010). The main methods used in this research for understanding public art in public
spaces are semi-structured interviews and questionnaire survey to understand the human
elements that are involved in interactions with public art and public space. These methods
were used to answer each research question stated in Chapter 1. The questionnaire survey
and the semi-structured interview are both used to answer the research questions. In
particular, the survey focused on the three case study sites.
3.2.1 Semi-structured interviews
Interviews provide an important insight into people‟s opinions and perceptions about a
particular topic (Davies et al, 2014; Dunn, 2010). It also allows an interpretation as to why
things are the way they are and an “investigation of complex behaviours and motivations”
(Dunn, 2010, p.101). They help in understanding the diverse thoughts people have and
differences in the way people perceive entities or issues (Trainor & Graue, 2013).
Nine main stakeholders who had a wide knowledge about public art in public spaces were
interviewed. They were all contacted by email and asked if they would be willing to
participate in the research. The participants included four people from the City Council
(two elected representatives and two officers), a lecturer from Dunedin School of Art, a
student from University of Otago‟s Art History department, an art professional from
Dunedin, and Julia Morrison, the artist of the Worm sculpture in Dunedin‟s Botanic
Gardens. One stakeholder withdrew from the study. The interviews were conducted in
June and July 2015. The location of the interview varied and was somewhere convenient
for the participants. Some interviews took place in cafés and others in participant‟s work
places. The interviews were between 30 and 60 minutes each.
24
Interviews used a topic of public space and public art as an interview guide. The questions
that were asked in guide with questions that provided structure to the discussion but that
were able to be modified in the interview depending on the nature of the conversation
during the interview. Adopting a semi-structured approach was important for this research
because it provided flexibility over the questions that were asked allowing the
conversation to develop in different directions depending on the research participant‟s
interests and knowledge (Dunn, 2010). The questions were divided into six themes:
introductory questions, characteristics of public space, art in public spaces, governance of
public art, and the role of public art in Dunedin. All the interviews were recorded and
transcribed. Some interview questions varied depending on the expertise of the person (see
topic guides in Appendix A).
As a researcher, it proved important to maintain a positive congenial relationship with the
stakeholders and to gain critical opinions and insights into the participant‟s views on the
topic. Dunn (2010) describes this as the interview-informant relationship whereby a
professional stance is maintained in the conversation during interviews. As these
stakeholders were in respected positions in their field it was important to maintain a
professional relationship and to be open to diverse viewpoints. Informed consent was
secured from all the stakeholders, as stated in the ethics form for this research. The
informed consent stated that the participant would be anonymous unless they requested
otherwise and that the interview was voluntary without any pressure to participate or
answer any of the questions asked. All the stakeholders signed the consent form (See
Section 3.4) before formally taking part in the interview (See Appendix C for copies of the
information sheet and consent form). Julia Morrison requested to be identified by her name
but all the other stakeholders were identified by their professional positions.
3.2.2 Questionnaire method
Questionnaires are important for gathering the opinions and social experiences of
individuals or groups where “they can provide insights into relevant social trends,
processes, values, attitudes and interpretations” (McGuirk & O‟Neill, 2010, p.192;
Preston, 2009). As this topic about the engagement of people with public art in public
spaces is not necessarily sensitive, it was thought appropriate to use a questionnaire survey
25
for this research (Preston, 2009). The questionnaire method was designed to answer both
the research questions which are:
What are the characteristics of „good‟ public spaces?
How does public art contribute to „good‟ public spaces?
A questionnaire survey was used for this research asking members of the Dunedin public,
who were present around the public art in three public spaces to participate in a five
minute survey about the public space and the public art located in the public space (See
Appendix B). The three locations were the Robert Burns statue in the Octagon, the Worm
sculpture in the Botanical Gardens, and street art around Bond and Vogel streets which are
sites of new forms of street art (See Chapter 1).
McGuirk & O‟Neill (2010) suggests that when approaching participants the researcher
needs to make sure that the participants have the knowledge of the topic they are being
asked to take part in. This was usually the case with this questionnaire because people who
were engaged around the public spaces knew the art they were engaging with or had an
idea about what to answer regarding public spaces. The surveys were conducted in June
and July 2015 in all the three public spaces where the art was located and were mostly
done in the afternoon on days the weather seemed promising so that it was likely people
would use the public space. In the Octagon and the Botanic Gardens, people who were
using the space such as sitting or lingering in the space were approached and asked if they
would be willing to participate in a five minute questionnaire. In regard to the street art,
people who were walking around the street art and people in the shops or cafes near the
street art were approached.
A mixture of open ended questions and likert scale questions (where 1 was strongly agree
and 5 was strongly disagree) were asked in the questionnaire to gain the perceptions of the
general public of the public art in Dunedin‟s public spaces (See Appendix B). The
questionnaires were in paper form with face to face interaction with the individuals who
were participating in it. Some questionnaires were filled out by the participants and others
were administered by the researcher. Questionnaires were modified for the street art
location in Bond and Vogel streets because it was a different kind of public space (in
comparison to the Botanical Gardens and the Octagon) as it was less likely that people
would linger and interact with the art (See Appendix B).
26
A total of 68 questionnaires were collected for all the three types of public art. Of these, 27
questionnaires were collected in the Botanic Gardens, 25 questionnaires were collected in
the Octagon, and 16 questionnaires were collected in Bond and Vogel streets. All
participants consented to participate in the questionnaire before they took part and were
offered an information sheet (See Appendix B).
3.3 Analysis of methods
The data collected from the semi-structured interviews and questionnaires were analyzed
through coding different themes for content analysis (Cope, 2010; Trainor & Graue, 2013).
Data was analysed in two ways, by using inductive and deductive methods (Panelli, 2003).
Where the coding themes emerged from literary concepts and influenced real life data
collection, they were thought to be deductive, whereas if the codes were generated through
data which contributed to the literary concepts it was considered to be inductive (Panelli,
2003). Some themes were reliant on deductive methods such as vibrant and engaging
public spaces, role of art in public spaces, variety and mixture of public art in public
spaces, importance of public spaces to cities, interaction with public art, public art projects
and public discussions around public art. However, some other codes were inductively
produced such as gentrification and community bond. Most were deductive codes as the
literature greatly influenced the analysis of data. These codes were mostly attained from
the structure of the interview and the answers to the questions in the interview (See
Appendix A).
The questionnaire survey data was transferred into a Microsoft Excel spreadsheet. The
results from this survey were analysed to also understand the differing viewpoints from the
general public. Basic descriptive statistics were used to identify trends in opinion through
the likert scale questions.
3.4 Ethics and positionality
The project received approval from the University of Otago Human Ethics Committee
before the research took place (See Appendix C). As noted above, all the participants in
both research methods used provided informed consent before they participated in the
research. Interview participant‟s identities have been protected through the use of
27
identifiers such as Street Art volunteer, Dunedin arts professional, City Councillor 1, City
Councillor 2, lecturer from Dunedin‟s School of Art, community arts advisor, and art
history student. One participant the Worm artist Julia Morrison, asked to be identified.
Confidentiality was protected throughout the research.
Therefore, this chapter has provided details of the research process. Chapter 4 and Chapter
5 will explore the data collected in relation to the research questions identified in Chapter
1.
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Chapter 4
Reflections of a ‘good’ public space
4.1 Overview
This chapter aims to answer the first research question posed in Chapter 1: What are the
characteristics of a „good‟ public space? The interview and survey results along with
secondary sources will be used to answer this question. The landscape features including
amenities and the design of the public space such as the importance of seating, artwork and
green spaces will be discussed in the first section of this chapter. This discussion of the
physical environment will then lead to how people use these spaces and how these public
spaces are people-oriented and shared pedestrian spaces which facilitate interaction
between people. The combination of the characteristics of the physical space and people
using those spaces for various activities contributes to making the space vibrant and
engaging. This vibrancy in a public space which is achieved through the two-way
relationship between people and the built environment is what makes for a good public
space. This chapter considers the questionnaire survey data from the Octagon and the
Botanic Gardens as examples of public spaces where people can linger and spend time in
but does not include the survey data from street art because Bond and Vogel streets have a
different character and do not provide the same amenities as a defined public space.
4.2 Landscape and amenities of public space
As illustrated in the literature review, the design of the public aids its ambience and shapes
its use. This is evident in Lefebvre‟s (1996) concept of oeuvre where the creative activity
of a group of individuals contributes in shaping the public space and the way the built
environment is presented gives an essence to the landscape by how it is used. This idea
was conveyed by a Dunedin arts professional in an interview when he said “the personality
of your city is around the environment of that city. It‟s about the built environment, the
architecture, green spaces.” This shows that the landscape of the public space is important
29
to consider because the ambience or the „personality‟ of that space is defined by the way it
is built. Things such as “access to food, toilets and the design of a public space has to be
considered” (Interview with Julia Morrison, 2015) because in order to make the space
functional, basic amenities are required.
Seating was one of the amenities found to be an important element for public spaces as
indicated by Perrem (2009, p. 70):
In places where positive approaches to seating are taken, people are more
likely to stay for longer periods. The benefit of people spending more
time in public spaces is that spaces then become more self-regulating
entities, and also focal points for the expression of a city's particular
identity and culture. Consistently empty public spaces can often seem
quite lonely, uninviting and intimidating, while vibrant and lively spaces
will be more attractive to people and draw them in through a socially self
reinforcing process.
Here, Perrem (2009) suggests that seating adds vibrancy to the public space. Seating acts
as an important function in public space because it gives people a place to take a break
from the fast paced city life and linger in the space (Perrem, 2009; Zimring et al, 2005). It
also contributes to making the space more inviting for residents to spend time in the public
realm.
Figure 4.1: Seating and green spaces in the Botanic Gardens. Source: Author
30
The seating available in both the Octagon and the Botanic Gardens were praised by some
of the survey respondents (See Figure 4.1). These responses included:
“seating - good place to sit and take a break”(Survey# 50);
“A beautiful garden, varied, beautiful plants and good seating” (Survey# 26);
“Seating is good” (Survey# 26)
As is evident by these responses, seating gives people an opportunity to be present in the
public space for a long time while engaging with green spaces, sculptures or statues
(artworks), plant life, café life and in the case of the Octagon the seating enables people to
glimpse the human activity occurring around the central city. As an interview with a City
Councillor suggests “you want places that people want to spend time in rather than travel
through. So, public space as a destination and we do have that such as the Botanic
Gardens, it is an example of a public space that we do want to go to and spend time in”
(City Councillor 2, 2015). The amenities available in the Botanic Gardens make people
want to stay there and spend time in the location. Seating is one of those amenities which
allow people to stay in a place for a longer time and observe the on-goings around the
public space. This indicates that the seating available in a public space forms an important
part of defining the character of a „good‟ public space.
Having green spaces in public space is another amenity that affects the built environment.
Having more trees, plants, lawns and natural habitat in public spaces is not only attractive
for people, encouraging them to spend time in the space, but also has proven health
benefits (Lee & Maheswaran, 2010; Mass et al, 2006;). This is because it promotes
walking, exercise and provides a breather for people (Lee & Maheswaran, 2010). People
are also more likely to use green spaces such as parks for rest and recreation as Mass et al
(2006, p. 587) suggests: “many people experience nature as an environment where they
can rest and recover from daily stress. In the hectic society in which we live there is a
growing need for nature as a source of relaxation and recreation.” Public spaces are usually
known to offer such green spaces for their residents to add a feeling of nature and
wellbeing to city life (Mass et al, 2006).
Preference for green space was evident in the questionnaire survey results, given as one of
the reasons respondents visited both the Botanic Gardens and the Octagon. Table 4.1
highlights the responses given by survey respondents in these two public spaces in
31
Dunedin. It shows that green space played an important role for their visit to the space.
Although other amenities were also mentioned, the availability of trees and natural
elements in the public space influenced people‟s attractiveness to the area. People
associated green spaces as being „peaceful‟ and „tranquil‟ indicating that it provided them
with a place to get away from the hustle and bustle of urban city life.
Another amenity that contributes to a good public space is public art. Some literature
highlights that the identity of the city is in a way shaped by the way the public space is
built and the amenities available in the space such as public art can signify symbols to the
city (Amin & Thrift, 2002; Goheen, 1998; Nakamura, 2015). Artworks in the public space
act as an important element of the space and as an amenity that is present for people to
identify and assert meaning to the space. Some interview respondents supported this:
Chalice, which is a work by Neil Dawson is very much now part of
Cathedral Square [in Christchurch]. There‟s another sculpture it‟s a
globe sculpture again by Neil Dawson which is suspended above
Civic Square in Wellington and those two sculptures have become
part of the branding of the cities which I think is really interesting
(Interview with Dunedin arts professional, 2015).
The above quote suggests that art acts as an amenity in the public space which is used for
branding to create a specific image of the city for people to identify with. In turn this
contributes to determining the public space. This is also evident in the Treehouses for
Swamp Dwellers, an artwork by Julia Morrison that has become part of Christchurch city‟s
identity:
It is a sensual experience and has a function. Treehouses for Swamp
Dwellers, for example, is a series of ten little rooms which have joined
together which can be moved around and relocated if need be. It is a
catalyst for all sorts of activities; reading, shelter, planters, play maze,
seating, light spectacle etc. (Interview with Julia Morrison, 2015)
This suggests that art can be an important signifier not only of the public space but of the
overall built environment. Art also creates possibilities in the environment and is always
interpreted differently by different people. Lefebvre‟s (1996) oeuvre supports this, as art in
the built environment is construed as a creative activity which is part of the city‟s structure
creating an ambience for the landscape.
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Table 4.1: Survey respondents on why they visit public spaces
Response on Green space in the Botanic
Garden Hillside and vegetation (Survey# 27)
No cars, nice place to relax - pond
ducks, art and trees (Survey# 22)
Peaceful. Reminds me of Vienna
with parks (Survey# 19)
Natural setting, sculpture, ducks and
birds (Survey# 18)
Response on Green Space in the Octagon
It's handy. Would be better without
cars or maybe garden. I like that it
has grass and trees (Survey# 28)
Lots of green, seats, can meet people
(Survey# 31)
Fresh air, grass, good to cut off the
round (Survey# 35)
Trees, see the buildings and traffic -
not closed up. Other people are there
too (Survey# 40)
It's green but empty. Has a nice view
(Survey# 42)
It's terraced more usuable. Flat grass
space (Survey# 49)
33
Ash Amin (2008, p.5) also supports this as he considers public spaces as “symbols of
collective well-being and possibility, expressions of achievement and aspiration.” The way
the public space is designed conveys these “expressions of achievement” depending on
how the space is used. The presentation and ambience of the public space is important in
making it a successful one. The public spaces available in the Octagon and the Botanic
Gardens have been successful because of their positive ambience and welcoming
characteristics. Therefore, it is important for public spaces to make use of seating, green
space and public art as they are some of the key elements which represent a „good‟ public
space. However, these amenities have deeper meaning only when they are used by people
because public spaces are built for people as explained in the following section.
4.3 People-oriented public spaces
4.3.1 Inclusive and welcoming public spaces
People define the way public spaces are used in our cities. The landscape of public space
would be of no use if people did not interact with the space (Amin & Thrift, 2002).
Having a mix of people use the space and make the most of the amenities provided
contributes to making the public space vibrant. One interview participant suggested “I
think it‟s about the people and it‟s about having people coming in and out of it. So you can
create a really amazing space that‟s all shiny and got monumental works popped in there
but if the people are not there, it‟s not going to be a vibrant place” (Interview with
community arts advisor, 2015). This indicates that people-oriented spaces are important,
and what Ash Amin (2008) terms as „civic culture‟ is evident in vibrant public spaces as
there is a communal feeling and wellbeing among the people in the space. Good public
space also needs to feel welcoming and invite people to stay in the space. For example a
city councillor indicated in an interview:
Public spaces need to feel really open and welcoming for everybody. I
think some of our public spaces can feel a little bit intimidating for
some people and I don‟t think that‟s what public space should be
about. I think they should be fun and be the sort of places that
encourage different thinking or curiosity or exploration. Places that
people want to interact with.
34
I think the presence of people is really important and what encourages
people are good places for people to sit or do things for people to look
at, comfortable places that are facing the sun or enjoyable or
interesting aspects to a space (Interview with City Councillor 1, 2015)
Here, City Councillor 1 suggests that including different kinds of people in the public
space is important in making it more welcoming to everyone regardless of their gender,
race, age, ethnicity or background. Having the mix of activities in the public space was
considered important for a good public space by seven out of eight interview respondents.
For example, in an interview with a Street Art volunteer suggested:
Earlier in the day when there is a greater mix of people in the space
(the Octagon), whether they are working in business, whether they
are mums with kids, whether they are families or elderly people
that create a really nice vibrancy I think. I think it‟s around that
accessibility (Interview with Street Art volunteer, 2015).
This sense of vibrancy is evident in Ash Amin‟s (2008) concept of situated multiplicity
(See Chapter 2). The coming together of different kinds of people interacting with the
public space in different ways create a “thrown-togetherness” of various elements, in one
single setting (Massey, 2005), which can create lively and active spaces for people to
engage with. As a Dunedin arts professional states in an interview:
It‟s about giving people opportunities to kick a ball or to have their
lunch, to shelter, to be educated and to congregate; to sit in a café
on the edge potentially, to skateboard, to play. To me, activating
and engaging public spaces are ones that give you multiple
opportunities to do things (Interview with Dunedin arts
professional, 2015).
The above quote indicates that having many activities take place in the public space is
important in creating engaging public spaces. This is related to inclusive spaces because
making a space inclusive gives opportunities for diversity and engagement in the space.
Goheen (1998) also suggests that public spaces are places for everyone without
discrimination where people create meanings based on their actions and the way they
express themselves in the public spaces of the city. The characteristic of inclusive space is
35
such that it is open for a mix of people, allowing them to activate the space by interacting
with it. So, for a public space to be positive, it first needs to be inclusive as this provides
opportunity for diversity and engagement. For example, an interview with a City
Councillor suggests that:
It should be vibrant and evolving and people should feel a connection to it
and to feel comfortable there because the public belongs to everyone. It is
contested because everyone has different ideas and different ambitions for
what they want their public space to be, that‟s great but it shouldn‟t
privilege a particular group of people or class of people or a mode of
transport (Interview with City Councillor 2, 2015).
Similarly, Street Art volunteer suggested “the number one thing is that public spaces have
to be friendly for people and they have to be inviting for people. So what you really want
to be doing is attracting people to spaces that they are going to spend more time in”
(Interview with Street Art volunteer, 2015). Here, the research participant argues that
inclusive spaces need to be a priority for good public spaces. In the questionnaire survey,
100% of the respondents said they felt welcome in both the Octagon and the Botanic
Gardens as public spaces. This indicates that these two spaces are inclusive public spaces
because how inviting a public space plays a part in determining whether it is an inclusive
space for people to use. With street art, as there was no defined public space for people to
sit and gather, people go to the space in their own time if they wish to view the street art
and interact with it. The public space around the street art was not measured in the same
way in this study because it differs in character.
Here, the concept of sociality of space which was discussed in the literature review is very
relevant (see Chapter 2). The inclusive nature of these two public spaces showed that
sociality of space was evident in the way people interacted and integrated with the public
spaces (Lossau & Stevens, 2014). Responses in Table 4.2 and 4.3 show that there is a
sense of sociality for the people who engage with the environment which in turn may
allow for more social integration. Because the Botanic Garden was „beautiful‟ with „nice
nature‟ and „friendly people,‟ it seemed to be an inclusive space which was open to
everyone, enabling communal bonds among people to form in the public space (Amin &
Thrift, 2002; Lossau & Stevens, 2014).
36
Table 4.2: Reasons for feeling welcome in the Octagon
Theme Survey
Number
Comment
Friendly
38
39
40
42
52
People are very nice and they are smiling
People are nice and it's in the center of Dunedin so
it's welcoming
Just feel welcome. The city is quite nice and
welcoming
Nice people smiling at you. Can see different
kinds of people
Because it's friendly
Community
Bond
30
32
45
Lived here, start meeting new people and friends
It is open, creates a sense of belonging in the city,
many cafes and bars, people are friendly
Creates a sense of community
Open to
Everyone
36
37
43
44
Anyone can come here
Anyone can go
Everyone is welcome here
It's open and I don‟t feel unwelcome
Good Location
31
35
39
46
Calm and serene. Nice people. Lots of cafes and
restaurants around
Public space - good to feel welcome
People are nice and it's in the center of Dunedin so
it's welcoming
Public location - no one is restricted
37
Table 4.3: Reasons for feeling welcome in the Botanic Gardens
Theme Survey Number Comment
Beautiful
3
4
8
15
It is an attractive space with beautiful scenery
Beautiful plant life and surrounding
Attractive natural beauty of flowers, away from
road traffic
It is a beautiful place to relax and feels like the
“city life” is far away
Friendly
2
9
10
16
25
Everyone is here to enjoy it and adds a sense of
belonging
Very friendly people
Layout is welcoming and friendly
Those who work in the botanic gardens seem to
like people visiting the gardens. People who
visit tend to be relaxed and friendly
Comfortable and peaceful in the mind. Friendly
people.
Open to
Everyone
13
14
22
19
A space for anyone to go; not a classy space;
got a garden atmosphere – a nice ambience
Relaxing, have your own space. Good space to
think and relax
It‟s open to everyone, people are friendly and
relaxed because they also come here for a
breather
Benches make you sit, invites you to stay a bit
longer, enough to look at.
Community
Bond
5
7
24
I like to see people around and sometimes
communicate with them
Lots of families; family bond
It‟s not crowded at all; people do whatever they
want. Nature is nice
38
Figure 4.2: Graph depicting „sense of belonging‟
In the above graph (Figure 4.2) it is evident that a large number of respondents in both the
Octagon and the Botanic Gardens felt that there was a sense of being with other people in
the area. Amin (2008) suggests that where there is vibrancy in the public space, safety
becomes less of an issue and people feel free to reveal their true nature in the open space.
He suggests that people feel less threatened and are less threatening in shared spaces
because of situated multiplicity where a lot of activities happen in the space shared space
(Amin, 2008).
The reasons given by people for enjoying a shared space in the Botanic Gardens was that
they could get to know other children and parents or families who were also playing in the
garden. This caused social interaction and a sense of communal well-being for many
families. People who came alone to the gardens found it tranquil and nice to spend time
with themselves without anyone interrupting their peaceful experience. The space was
thought to be:
“beautiful” (Survey# 2)
“peaceful” (Survey #8)
“tranquil” (Survey# 8)
0123456789
10
1 2 3 4 5
Botanic Gardens
Octagon
Answer to question 'Does this public space
provide a sense of being with other people?'
Strongly
agreeStrongly
disagree
39
This suggests it was a good place to visit regardless of whether people came by themselves
or with families. It was also seen to be: “a façade barrier; breaks the barrier between
strangers; no tension around the area; sense of relaxation; not in a hurry - a lot easier to
connect with people around you” (Survey# 13). Such a communal space which was
inclusive proved to be very useful in the Botanic Gardens, not only for enabling interaction
with other people but also to have one‟s own space for themselves without interruption. In
the Octagon, 65% of the respondents said they came alone to enjoy the space. However,
most respondents said they get to meet interesting people during events and people around
the area are generally friendly and nice.
Both the Octagon and the Botanic Gardens seemed to provide a sense of community for
the respondents through providing a space in which people could socialize with new and
well known people as stated by Survey number 35: “Provides a space to meet other people.
Occasionally, I meet with friends for festivals and community engagement.” This
interaction with other people also creates sociality of space as the community bond and
feeling of belonging in the space creates inclusion and perception of a good public space.
4.3.2: Pedestrian zones
Pedestrianising public spaces is becoming more prominent in the 21st century (Zimring et
al, 2005). This is so that people can have space to walk, shop, eat without the hassle of
traffic. As Wooler et al (2012, p.16) suggest “transforming car-oriented streets into
functional public spaces and pedestrianised environments has the potential to create
environments that support active transport (e.g. walking and cycling), social interaction,
and economic development.”The importance of building public spaces for people rather
than for vehicles was emphasized in interviews and questionnaire surveys. For example, an
interview with a Street Art volunteer suggested:
Spaces that are open to a full range of people, that isn‟t just about I need to
drive through in my car, rather I go there because it‟s a really great space
to spend time. I think inherently that you‟ve got to create a space that
people want to go and spend time, not just to go and park and go away.
If I think about something like George Street or even the Octagon, anytime
anyone proposes taking the cars out and making it a bit friendly for people
40
to walk around – that‟s seen as being so negative. But I think that the
conversations are coming up more and more now, so I think it‟s a change of
generation. (Interview with Street Art volunteer, 2015)
Internationally pedestrian zones in and around squares and plazas have been found to
increase accessibility for people, for example, Trafalgar Square in London [See Figure 4.3]
(Nakamura, 2015; Wooller et al, 2012; Zimring et al, 2005). Many respondents in the
survey suggested that they would like the Octagon to be closed off from traffic and be
converted into a space for pedestrians only. However, as stated in the above quote by
Street Art volunteer this is not perceived positively by the council although it could be a
priority for the future. This idea was also reiterated in the questionnaire survey where
many respondents suggested making the Octagon a pedestrian friendly zone by excluding
all vehicles. Table 4.4 shows these results.
Sections 4.2 and 4.3 have shown that having good amenities in public space contributes to
communal spaces where people feel welcome and invited. It is firstly important to have an
inclusive space to bring diversity and engagement into the space. Sociality of space was
evident in both these sections as bringing people into the space contributes to situated
multiplicity and thrown-togetherness where the combination of different activities in a
shared space creates more vibrancy and activity. Art has also played an important role in
this chapter as an amenity. The next section will summarise this chapter and lead to the
next chapter on public art in public spaces.
Figure 4.3: Trafalgar Square, London. Source: Abariltur, Flickr
41
Table 4.4: Responses on pedestrian friendly zones
Location Survey Number Traffic-free/pedestrian zones
Botanic Gardens
3
I can meet friends here and go
for walks or chat without traffic
danger. My daughter can run
around safely here
Botanic Gardens
8
Attractive, natural beauty of
flower, peaceful, away from
road traffic
Octagon
35
It's engaging. Need more
interactive artwork. It would be
good to remove traffic
Octagon
42
Need more statues or sculptures.
Would be nice to close off the
traffic and road making it
pedestrian friendly
Octagon
48
Less traffic would be good.
Need to make it a pedestrian
area
42
4.4 Summary
From this chapter, it is clearly evident that a lot of characteristics are involved in making a
„good‟ public space. Firstly, the amenities and the landscape of how the public space is
built is important because it will not only determine how people use those amenities but
also shape the overall ambience and feel of public space which in turn contribute to the
city as a whole. Some amenities that were discussed were the importance of seating, green
spaces and public art which can help people engage with the built environment. These also
enable creative activity in the space as expressed by Lefebvre‟s (1998) concept of oeuvre
(see Chapter 2) where all the amenities are creative processes made by people to design a
communal space to use the creative processes around them. Secondly, people-oriented
spaces were discussed in more detail. The leads to sociality of space as inclusive spaces
are important in making the place more diverse with activity and vibrancy. These results
indicate that the amenities and the functions of both the Botanic Gardens and the Octagon
are „good‟ public spaces. A key contribution to public space, evident in both literature and
data collected is public art. The next chapter will look at how public art contributes to
„good‟ public spaces. Although public art was discussed as an amenity in this chapter, the
next chapter will discuss it as a main characteristic of a „good‟ public space. The ways in
which people‟s perception and engagement with public art contributes to their overall
outlook of the public space will be explored in more detail.
43
Chapter 5
Art in public spaces
5.1 Overview
This chapter aims to answer the second research question posed in Chapter 1: How does
public art contribute to „good‟ public spaces? This question will be answered in three
sections. Firstly, section 5.2 explores the understanding that art in public spaces is a mode
of interaction (different from art in private spaces such as museums) which empowers the
community as it gives people a reason to visit the public space. Secondly, section 5.3
explores engagement with public art by looking at how different types of art encourages
the public to be involved in the art and how this varies over space. By engagement this
section indicates the ways people connect with the artworks which could happen in many
ways such as physically or intellectually. Inclusive spaces (as stated in Chapter 4) are
important in contributing to engaging spaces. The section specifically considers the three
public spaces this study focussed on and their respective artworks (the Robert Burns statue
in the Octagon; the Worm sculpture in the Botanic Gardens; and Street art around Bond
and Vogel streets). The importance of having a variety of artworks to create a vibrant mix
in the public realm that contributes to sociality as discussed in Chapter 2 and Chapter 4
will be evaluated further, specifically focussing on the perceptions and emotions of people
in relation to public art and how „affect‟ is created when people engage and socialize with
public art. Thirdly, section 5.4 explores the role of the general public in public art by
taking into account whether the public should be involved in decisions around public art or
if it should rather be left to the experts and authorities. All these sections will demonstrate
why public art is important for public space and how public art contributes to making
„good‟ public spaces.
44
5.2 Role of art in public spaces
Public art plays many roles in public spaces. Primarily art encourages people to think
about it and interact with the public space the art is located in (Hawkins, 2013; Lossau &
Stevens, 2014). Many interview respondents shared the idea that public art was part of
everyday life. For example, an art history student suggested:
I think what‟s nice about art in public spaces particularly is that you don‟t have
to enter a gallery or an art institution, it becomes a part of everyday life. You
interact with it in a different way than if you saw a painting in a gallery
(Interview with art history student, 2015).
This was reinforced by an interview with a City Councillor as he suggested that people are
drawn to interact with public art because it is part of the public sphere:
I don‟t know if the role of art in public spaces is any different to the role of art
in general but it functions differently in that it is harder for people to avoid
interacting with it and avoid having those conversations or answering the
questions it might be asking. It doesn‟t ask you to go anywhere or do anything,
it‟s just there (Interview with City Councillor 2, 2015).
Here, the Councillor indicates that most art is thought provoking but having public art in a
public space creates openness in the built environment where people are naturally drawn
towards it without seeking permission to do so. Hawkins (2013) suggests that public art
can be meaningful to the public and forms a focus for people to come into the public space
and enjoy the space it is located in for different purposes. Lossau and Stevens (2014, p. 3)
support this claim as they say public art provides “cultural, social, aesthetic and investment
benefit.” These elements of public art in public spaces are critical in attracting people to
interact with both the art and the space in which it is located. However, it is important that
the art is interesting to the public as they enter the space. An interview with another City
Councillor suggested that art creates this interest in space in a variety of ways:
I think it (public art) has a range of roles, part of it is about creating that
interest in a space. Part of it is about representing perhaps a history or a
human element in that space. Part of it is about challenging the views or the
thinking of the people who might be viewing or experiencing that space.
45
Some might call it [a] disruptive role, something that interrupts or adds
different layers (Interview with City Councillor 1, 2015).
Amin (2008) suggests that public art can add a visual component that creates many
different symbols to the passers by. Art in public spaces can reflect events, people,
important memorials, commemoration and many other elements which give meaning to
the public space. Public art also gives people a reason to visit the public space as it is a
component of the built environment and the public space it is located in:
Public art gives public space flavour. Original public art is unique and so it
will give a public space personality. It will speak about the history of that
place or potentially speak about the people who live in that space if the artist
is from that space. But it will give a public space a unique point of
difference, it will give the public a reason to come and vInterview with
Dunedin arts professional, 2015).
Public art is also thought to play a role in beautifying or transforming the public space
(Amin, 2008; Mitchell, 1995; Neil, 2009). This is related to public art as an amenity
(discussed in Chapter 4), but it serves a greater role because people interact with the art.
As Zebracki et al (2010, p. 786) state “public art can be read in different ways and its uses
to beautify the city or celebrate its reimagineering do not necessarily enjoy universal
consensus.” This indicates that there are a variety of roles public art has in public spaces
and often they are widely debated. The next section tries to answer the question under
what conditions art creates opportunities for people to engage within the space.
5.3 Engagement with public art
As noted, there are many ways people can engage with public art and the type of public art
shapes the nature of that engagement. As an interview with a City Councillor suggests “it
encourages people to stop and think. It tells a history or speaks to a theme or idea that
might be integral to a space” (Interview with City Councillor 1, 2015). Having a symbolic
element where people can think about the art and what it represents suggests that public
art is engaging, creating aspects of sociality in the public space where the public‟s
perceptions and thoughts about the artworks create different emotional responses. In turn,
this contributes to the thrown-togetherness and affective dimensions of public spaces
46
(Dixon & Straughan, 2013; Massey, 2005; Pile, 2010). Public art can create specific
bodily affective responses which are closely tied to the physical environment around them
(Anderson, 2013; Cresswell, 2013). This engaging element indicates that public art acts as
a positive element enhancing sociality and for creating „good‟ public spaces. Cant and
Morris (2006) suggest that art has a creative element to it which draws people to engage
with it even if it is just about thinking what the significance of the art is to its landscape.
Lefebvre‟s (1996) oeuvre also suggests that art is a creative element where interaction
with different kinds of people and different creative elements is important in producing
vibrancy in the environment. In an interview, a City Councillor emphasized the
importance of having different types of artworks:
It would be boring if we only had one kind of architecture and one kind of
vehicle or one kind of anything. Everybody is going to respond differently
and react differently to each work. People have preferences. Something flat
like a mural has a very different effect than a statue will and sculpture again
particularly if it‟s something you can physically engage with, that‟s very
different because it has a purpose beyond just to be looked at. I think variety
in general should be encouraged (Interview with City Councillor 2, 2015).
Variety of artworks is required for people to engage with diversity and different forms of
thinking. Having a mix creates vibrancy in the public space where people can choose
particular artworks to interact with. Julia Morrison in an interview suggests that in
Christchurch, art is being used to bring people back into the city after the earthquakes in
2010-11 which caused widespread damage, particularly in the city centre. This has a
slightly different purpose of revitalizing a city but bringing people into the city to engage
with the artworks creates a positive effect:
What‟s happening in Christchurch now is the rise of urban [art] activism, I
think it‟s to do with activating a city because we desperately need people to
come back into the city. There‟s no reason for people to come in, there‟s
nothing there, just gravel and destruction. Art is being used to activate and to
bring people into the city and to offer one reason to come in (Interview with
Julia Morrison, 2015).
This suggests public art can be used to change the atmosphere of the city and bring people
into an area. Public art as a revitalization strategy has been widely discussed in literature
47
(Bailey et al, 2007; McCarthy, 2006; Pratt, 2009). McCarthy (2006) calls this „culture-led‟
revitalization which encourages the local population to engage with the artwork creating
local identity. Public art creates a place image where people can attach meanings to the
objects and the art gains significance in forming both individual and collective identity,
leading to social cohesion by bringing the community together. Pratt (2009) also suggests
that revitalisation can form a sense of social cohesion, just as Julia Morrison indicates for
Christchurch above. In an interview a Dunedin art‟s professional suggests that art has been
used in Wellington in a similar sense but has developed a particular culture:
There‟s a very mature public art culture in Wellington and there‟s a portfolio
of a lot of collection of a lot of work. Wellington is becoming a place where
you can see high quality public art. As long as public art has been
commissioned sympathetically to be located within a site and adds to that
site rather than detract from it, it needs to be in keeping with its surroundings
and have a conceptual framework which makes sense in the surroundings
(Interview with Dunedin art‟s professional, 2015).
The above quote suggests that public art has an influence on its surroundings and that
engagement with art is important in creating an impression not only of the city but also in
individual people‟s experiences and daily lifestyles. The interviewee further highlights
how perceptions and acceptance of art changes over time:
People are often against public art when it‟s been talked about being
installed but once they‟ve got used to it and accustomed to a piece of public
art in a site, when you want to move it, or the public artwork is threatened in
some way, often the public will be vehemently against any change. They like
the artwork. Public art has the ability to really change the site that it‟s in
(Interview with Dunedin art‟s professional, 2015).
This suggests that the public space the art is located in has a meaning for the public and
people usually get used to interacting with art in the specified location. In an interview
with a lecturer at the Dunedin School of Art gave specific examples of artworks that can
have an immense impact on the built environment, including how people perceive them
and draw meanings from such symbolic artworks:
Another favourite sculpture of mine is Natalie Jeremijenko, these are
temporary works that she does but one she did which was called „No Park‟
48
and...you get fire hydrants and you‟re not allowed to park in places like
that, so what actually she does is she has an environmental health clinic
which has a red cross on the side and you just plant plants there and if you
need the fire hydrants you just knock the plants over and they can re-grow
and you put the fire hydrant in but in the meantime you got grass and
oxygen being produced by these plants.
Another marvellous public artwork is [by] Andrea Polli, her „Cloud Car‟
which is a parked car giving all the steam and what she tells you is how
much particulates an ordinary car running it‟s motor is going to generate all
the time.
So, these kinds of public artworks are in the public arena and they are
provocative, you know they tell you something, they are temporary. But
they have a meaning and they talk to the present. They are not about beauty
and they are not about good behaviour, so there are different kinds of public
art (Interview with lecturer at Dunedin School of Art, 2015).
Here, it is evident that having variety in public art is important although the artworks
mentioned in the above quote is remarkably different from the specific artworks of this
study, they nonetheless carry important connotations with them affecting how people
interact with their spaces and with art in general. Zebracki (2013) has also looked at how
people engage with different types of artworks. He conducted a study on Sculpture Terrace
in Rotterdam considering the way the public engaged with the terrace sculpture and the
public space it is located in and found that it was intellectually stimulating for the public
(Zebracki, 2013). In another study Zebracki (2012) conducted qualitative studies to see
people‟s engagements with Paul McCarthy‟s public artwork called Santa Claus in
Rotterdam which was controversial. Pollack and Sharp (2011) also see the public‟s
reaction to specific artworks in Raploch, Scotland where they suggest that the public‟s
participation is important when engaging with public art. These literatures support the
opinions stated by the interview respondents in that the literatures indicate that the public‟s
participation in the public spaces is an important asset to the city and people‟s engagement
in the space is vital in determining how the space is used. It is therefore important to look
at how specific artworks are used to facilitate and enable people to engage with public
49
spaces. The three artworks in Dunedin‟s public spaces which this study focused on will be
specifically explored in the next few segments of this section.
5.3.1 Engagement with the Robert Burns statue
Chapter 1 provides a brief overview of the history and purpose of the Robert Burns statue
in the Octagon. On a regular daily basis the Robert Burns statue is used to symbolize
history and to understand the significance of the poet and his contribution to literature.
Dunedin is often known as a „literature city‟ and Robert Burns is often used as a motif to
denote the literary side of the city. As an interview with a Dunedin arts professional
suggested “public art in the 19th
and 20th
centuries was often about bronze statues. Those
things tell stories, they tell stories about important people.” In this manner, the Octagon
tells the story of the poet and his significance to Dunedin City:
As our sense of place from Edinburgh, you know, I mean Dunedin is a city
like Edinburgh. You know, we are like the baby Edinburgh, the Scotts came
all the way across the world and settled here and made the city look like
Edinburgh. I‟ve been to Edinburgh, we‟ve got the same layout, we‟ve got
George Street, we‟ve got Princess Street which is the same thing. Our
ancestors put Robbie in the central part of our city, like our heart and our
connection to Scotland. I think now we can tell a different story because
we‟ve got „city of literature‟ so we‟ve got Robbie as a famous writer and
poet (Interview with community art‟s advisor, 2015).
People engage with the statue by remembering the historical significance it holds as was
noted in the questionnaire survey demonstrated in Table 5.1. Survey respondents noted
that the statue suggests the city‟s Scottish heritage, literature and poetry and that it
provides a physical „presence‟ in the space that connects past and present. Most bronze
statues of famous people, although people cannot physically engage with them, are
mentally stimulating and people also interact with them by taking photos and creating
memories as suggested by this interview participant “there are so many people who stand
beside Robbie and get their photo taken when they come to Dunedin because they‟ve got a
sense of place” (Interview with community arts advisor, 2015). People engage with bronze
statues even though they are static.
50
Table 5.1: Reasons for engaging with Robert Burns in the Octagon
Theme Survey Number Comment
Heritage
28
31
32
Robert Burns shows a connection to our
Scottish heritage
Historic and literary figure. Scottish
heritage. Gives an identity to Dunedin and
the city is knowledged
Scottish heritage - linking to England,
important figure
Literature
28
51
32
46
49
Connecting to writing gives a sense of
literature
Represents the literature view of Dunedin.
Connects modern Dunedin to history.
Literature town. Significance of poetry and
literature.
Iconic figure to the city. Studying literature
so I'm interested in it
Good guy - lots of good things to say in his
poetry.
Presence
33
40
43
51
I like the way he's sitting. Looks relaxed.
Believes in dignity. His space, he's
comfortable with himself. Robbie Burns is
gazing into the sky
I liked how he had the coat on during
Fashion Week. I would be happy with any
kind of public art in the area
Center piece - stands over everyone in a
good way. Looking after people of the city
Looks good with the whole ambience
around the place.
51
Figure 5.1: Graph depicting historic symbolism
Robert Burns was engaged with intellectually among the survey respondents as shown in
Table 5.1 which also suggests what people think of the statue. Some of the responses
indicate an affective dimension such as those in the category of „presence.‟ This is
because the respondents considered the physical appearance of Robert Burns and drew
conclusions about his personality (Pile, 2010). This is an affective response to the statue
because it signifies thought in people beyond factual matters which lead to affective and
emotional experiences (Dixon & Straughan, 2013; Pile, 2010; Thein, 2005). Lefebvre‟s
(1996) oeuvre is also present in the responses indicated in Table 5.1 because the creative
elements involved in the way the statue was built had an influence on people‟s perceptions
of the statue. The „affect‟ is in a way a response to the „oeuvre‟ of the space (Thein, 2005;
Lefebvre, 1996). This is reinforced with Figure 5.1 where most of the survey respondents
agreed that the Robert Burns statue provided a sense of history.
The Octagon is also used for events and festivals on a regular basis. The mid-winter
carnival which was held in June 2015 was one such event which was used to celebrate the
mid-winter season. The traffic was closed off and the Octagon was a pedestrian zone with
lots of stalls and shows for which people gathered. This is evident from the following
online newspaper review which said:
A cold clear night, a big crowd, the Octagon full of stalls and hot food and a
carnival of colour and creativity. Dunedin‟s midwinter festival didn‟t fail to
0
5
10
15
20
25
1 2 3 4 5
Fre
quen
cy
Likert Score
Response to the question: 'Does Robert Burns statue
provides a sense of history?'
Strongly
Agree
Strongly
Disagree
52
impress. An estimated 15,000 people braved a crisp 3degC to witness tonight‟s
festival and celebrate the winter solstice – the year‟s shortest day (Borley,
2015).
With thousands of people gathering in the Octagon many people were also seen to be
interacting with the Robert Burns statue as people climbed upon the statue and sat on it to
view the shows.
Another such event which specifically involved the Robert Burns statue was “Who made
my clothes?” during Fashion ID in February 2015, where the Robert Burns statue was used
to raise awareness of consumerism and mass produced clothes used for fashion and the
statue was draped in a Korowai (See Figure 5.2). An interview with community arts
advisor explains this further:
There was an artist, Senorita Awesumo, who works with recycled
materials, that‟s her kind of mana and she made this Korowai which is a
cloak. It‟s a special cloak that you wear for ceremonies – so a ceremonial
cloak, but she made it out of recycled t-shirts and she put it up over fashion
ID week but it was up for fashion revolution day and it‟s kind of just asking
people where their clothes come from. “Do you know where your clothes
come from?” Part of fashion revolution day is about the capitalist slave
labour stuff that goes on with consumer mass produced clothes, but that
was lovely that Robbie was there who is a central figure in the Octagon.
Fashion ID is more about celebrating the fashion and it was really nice
because it was a subtle work, lots of people probably didn‟t even notice but
those who did were impressed and thought that was cool. So, you have a
different experience with Robbie that day (Interview with community arts
advisor, 2015).
Such engagements with the Robert Burns statue provokes thought and gives the
public a reason to actively use the space for creative engagements. This event was
more than decorating the statue. It raised awareness about people‟s personal
clothing styles and whether they are conscious of how their money is being spent
as part of consumerism. This draws deeper meaning to individual lifestyles and the
public space is being used to instigate thought.
53
Figure 5.2: Robert Burns statue in a Korowai
Source: David Loughrey, Otago Daily Times
As a newspaper article by Awesumo (2015) suggested “it will trigger conversation about
fashion industry, sustainability and an expert panel will discuss contemporary ethical and
sustainable fashion initiatives to put people, purpose, and planet ahead of profit.” This was
an activist event to create positive change, and in so doing used public art to draw attention
to the message. This event was also mentioned by a survey respondent (See Table 5.1)
where they engaged with the presence of the statue. Lefebvre‟s (1996) oeuvre is very
prominent here as the creative engagement with the Robert Burns statue can be used to
convey messages to people. Amin‟s (2008) situated multiplicity is also relevant as the
event brings communal presence to a lifestyle in Dunedin as it brings the city together by
raising awareness on the issue.
The mid-winter carnival is also an example of situated multiplicity where the space is
used for a number of reasons bringing people together in a specific space with many
elements contributing to the vibrancy of the space. Interaction with art is also an element
that takes place with many other activities prominent during the event. The emotional
54
responses people feel when looking at the statue when events are held on a regular basis,
drawing, for example on the historical presence or understanding of Dunedin‟s Scottish
influence, could be thought of an affective response. People might feel proud to be in a
city associated with literature and Scotland because Robert Burns was a famous historical
figure who contributed to literature and poetry (Anderson, 2013; Pile, 2011). The Korowai
on the Robert Burns statue was also signified a sense of pride and prominence to Dunedin
city. However, static statues like Robert Burns provides a different form of engagement to
physically interactive sculptures such as the Worm sculpture which will be explored next
in this section.
5.3.2 Engagement with the Worm sculpture
The Worm sculpture in Dunedin‟s Botanic Gardens is a contemporary sculpture made of
steel that has become noted for how children interact with it (See Figure 5.3). For example,
in an interview Julia Morrison (the artist of the sculpture) said she intended the Worm
sculpture to be interactive and to be used in many different ways. She says “I wanted it to
be an object that was interesting to look at and also to function as park furniture, like a
conversation seat, and bring children together. The area seemed to be a family kind of
space and a tourist space as well.” In the interview, Julia Morrison also explained that she
thinks that the artworks brings people together and forms a community in the public space:
I don‟t know whether the worm succeeds in what I‟m trying to do or not but
it does bring people together. Perhaps not on a ghastly day but on a sunny
day, the kids are playing on it and mums are sitting around chatting and
tourists are making comments and photographing it (Interview with Julia
Morrison, 2015).
The sculpture serves more than one function as adults use it as furniture, people sit around
the sculpture and observe the interaction between children and adults, and contemplate its
deeper meaning as a symbol of a worm which is also engaging. This is evident in the
interview with lecturer at Dunedin School of Art: “I think it‟s nice that children can play
on the worm. I think it‟s also funny, it‟s a little bit ironic, it is a worm and we all need
worms in the earth and we all need to nurture the earth, it‟s a garden thing. Worms make
gardens grow” (Interview with lecturer at Dunedin School of Art, 2015).
55
Figure 5.3: Children interacting with the Worm sculpture. Source: Author
Interview participants also commented on the sculpture‟s success. For example, an
interview with a Dunedin art professional explains:
Yes it was made to be interactive. Absolutely, it was made so that children
could play on it...
It is in a location where children play, feed the ducks and they run around
there so it was designed to look great but also to be climbed on to be played
with. People sit on it too, they use it. Successful public space is a place
where people can colonize and successful public sculpture can have that
element to it, you can use it as a seat and you can interact with it (Interview
with Dunedin arts professional, 2015).
Although the sculpture involved different forms of interaction, children‟s physical
interaction with the sculpture was one of the most popular reasons given by respondents as
to why they enjoy it (See Table 5.2 and Figure 5.3). As some of the responses in the table
indicate, the interactive nature of the sculpture makes it more than a typical piece public
art that cannot be touched or physically engaged with.
56
There is a sense of place with the Worm sculpture as people think it represents Dunedin
City because of its interactive and artistic nature. However, the artist Julia Morrison is not
from Dunedin and that sparked some controversy. As a Dunedin arts professional stated in
an interview, it should not be something that should be considered important when the
artwork is successfully used by the public:
Julia Morrison [is] a well respected artist. She‟s not from Dunedin, that‟s
another thing, I don‟t necessarily think the artists need to be from a
particular place, I think that‟s an unfortunate attitude that an artist needs to
be from a particular location (Interview with Dunedin arts professional,
2015).
Many respondents shared that the Worm sculpture was one of the most successful
sculptures in Dunedin because of its shape and aesthetic quality which promotes physical
engagement:
I think that‟s a successful outcome because that‟s an interesting object and
employs a really interesting manufacturing technique. I think aesthetically
it‟s really beautiful, it‟s relevant, obviously it has a worm reference to the
site which is the gardens. In years to come visitors to Duendin who are art
literate are going to look at that and know who made it. (Interview with
Dunedin arts professional, 2015).
Another reason Worm was thought to create a successful public space was because it had a
deeper meaning about what the Worm sculpture symbolised and the cyclic nature of the
life of a worm conveyed through its original name Oroborous (See Chapter 1):
I really enjoy seeing it as it is. I think it‟s a kind of thing that‟s a bit of a risk
Oroborous [the official name of the Worm sculpture] is a kind of a cyclic
notion of things moving and repeating itself. I like that and frankly, I think it‟s
so much more beautiful than some of the other public sculptures in the gardens
(Interview with lecturer at Dunedin School of Art, 2015).
For all the above reasons, the Worm sculpture is thought to be a positive entity
contributing significantly to its public space. The engagement people have with the
sculpture (Table 5.2) makes it a successful and meaningful one for people in Dunedin city
which can sometimes lead to an affective response and sociality in the public space.
57
Table 5.2: Reasons for engaging with the Worm sculpture
Theme Survey Number Comment
Physical interaction
3
4
5
18
26
Point of interest; something to look at and
discuss plus my daughter likes to climb on
it.
Kids like to play on it.
It's very unique and the kids interact a lot
with it and I have seen lots of kids playing
with it.
Very different, modern sculpture, kids play
on it. People interact with it - not only a
sculpture.
Become used to it. Kids enjoy it.
Design
4
11
13
26
You can sit and be part of sculpture -
invites the viewer into the sculptural space.
It changes.
Interesting, fun to play on, aesthetically
simple and pleasing.
Dynamic property; movable; interesting
stark contrast to organic setting; powerful
artistic tool
Quite clever construction and design.
Representation
14
15
Like it because it represents nature, like its
utility. I like what it represents although
shiny metal contrasts with nature.
It always represents a certain time. You
also get to know artists and the way people
feel or interact
58
When people interact with the worm they are physically affected by their surroundings
(Pile, 2010; Zebracki, 2013). The coming together of different people also creates a
„sociality‟ of space as people‟s perceptions and thoughts create a sense of inclusion in the
space [see Chapter 4] (Amin, 2008; Anderson, 2013; Dixon & Straughan, 2013; Pile,
2011). This can create „affect‟ as there is bodily transformation taking place when people
observe children playing with the Worm sculpture (Pile, 2010). Lefebvre‟s (1996) oeuvre
can be applied to the Worm sculpture when children invent games on the sculpture or
when new ideas are expressed when people chat in the space. Children often walk around
the sculpture and create new ways of climbing and interacting with it which is also an act
of oeuvre (Lefebvre, 1996). There is a sense of pleasure or a feeling of awe when people
see children playing on the Worm or even when other adults interact with it (Amin, 2008;
Pile, 2010; Pile, 2011). Here, the attractiveness of the sculpture which is physical
engagement creates a bodily stimulus which is present after the emotional response to the
sculpture. This affect is influenced and constituted through the coming together of people
and material things in a particular place at a particular time in the same place (Anderson,
2013; Dixon & Straughan, 2013; Pile, 2010). Therefore the nature of engagement with the
worm reflects Amin‟s (2008) situated multiplicity where a variety of activities are taking
place in the space and the sculpture supports this purpose of the garden. It adds to a
community space as people can physically interact with the Worm sculpture. This suggests
that the Worm sculpture contributes to making the Botanic Gardens a „good‟ public space.
The Botanic Gardens as a public space offers a variety of activities for the public to engage
in which brings about positive vibes in the space. However, similar to static statues but
very different from this physical engagement, the next section will look at how people
engage with street art in Dunedin.
5.3.3 Engagement with street art
There has been much positive feedback on the street art displayed in Dunedin, particularly
in Bond and Vogel streets. People do not have to be present in the space for long to engage
with the artwork as they can be in their car and drive past, still having the thought of the
art and thinking about its significance. Although it is not a public space quite like the
Octagon or the Botanic Gardens, people engage with it by going on street art trails which
59
are long walks around the Warehouse Precinct to view the street art using the street art
map (See Figure 1.3 in Chapter 1). A Street Art volunteer stated in an interview:
So, somewhere like Vogel Street or Bond Street where we‟ve put in a few
works down there. If you go down there, any time of the day now you‟ll see
people walking around with the street art map doing the tour. You can talk to
building owners down there, a few years ago there would be no one on the
streets down here (Interview with Street Art volunteer, 2015).
This shows that people are taking active interest in the street art scene in Dunedin.
Although many people walk around Bond and Vogel streets to view the street art
physically, there is also an online social media presence in relation to Dunedin‟s street art.
Although, this is a different form of engagement, the Dunedin Street Art Facebook page is
where people express their thoughts and views on the artworks around Bond and Vogel
streets. An art history student in an interview suggested “social media is probably going to
be the biggest option for people to engage in street art” (Interview with art history student,
2015). As evident, social media acts as a place where people can openly talk about street
art and engage with other people in the community. However, this also gives people the
motivation to go to the spaces and explore the street art in person. When people were
asked what they thought about the street art in the questionnaire survey, there were many
positive responses such as:
“Adds interest. Hear of lots of people going out of their way to do the walking
tour” (Survey# 53);
“Increases awareness of art in general” (Survey# 55);
“It gives you something to look at. It represents the city - gives it an identity”
(Survey# 57);
“It brings art to the city walls on the street because art is thought of as upper class
but this art is accessible to everyone” (Survey# 58);
“Vibrancy, character, less boring, gives it life” (Survey# 60).
These responses show that people notice the street art around Bond and Vogel streets and
contemplate their purpose in the city and the space in general. One interview participant
suggested “it‟s been mostly positive and there‟s been lots of really positive feedback”
(Interview with Street Art volunteer, 2015). This positive feedback from the public show
that the public have taken an interest in the street art scene. Sociality is created from the
60
street art when people internalize the paintings they see on the walls. Most respondents
agreed that it adds vibrancy, culture and identity to the space, characteristics that would
not be present without the street art. This perception of vibrancy and identity in the public
space can create „affect‟ in the people who think about the street art and have
conversations about them with other people. There is an affective stimulus present in the
street art, not only physically in the space but also when these images are posted online
people internalise their affective responses to the street art (Anderson, 2006; Thein, 2005;
Thrift, 2004).
A few scholars have explored public engagement with street art, particularly in England, in
relation to regeneration projects (Bailey et al, 2007; McCarthy, 2006; Pratt, 2009). Bailey
et al (2007) explored how street art benefited the existing culture and identity of the
region. Their research looked at specific aspects of residents‟ experiences and attitudes to
public art, particularly murals (Bailey et al, 2007; Pratt, 2009). Street art was seen to be a
part of the culture-led regeneration and played an important role in social cohesion and
forming communities who felt passionate about the artworks being displayed (Bailey et al,
2007). In relation to Pixel Pancho (See Figure 5.4) a street art volunteer observed that
some of the paintings are popular among all age-groups creating an inclusive atmosphere
for people to explore the art:
On Sunday there were people showing a group around and when we were
in Vogel and doing a tour. We saw some people come out with their family
out of Vogel street kitchen and they had young kids. When we got up to the
Pixel Pancho wall on Princess Street and an old couple got out of their car
and they would have easily been in their 80s and they pulled out their map
and they were going to do the tour as well. So, it appeals to such a range of
people (Interview with Street Art volunteer, 2015).
When the survey participants were asked what particular street art resonated with them,
most referred to either “Love is in the air” (See Figure 1.4 in Chapter 1) or Pixel Pancho
(See Figure 5.4 below). A few also referred to an eagle painted by Del-East (See Figure
5.5 below):
“Bond Street. Wow! It's outside the Hospice shop and is amazing and vibrant”
(Survey# 53) referring to “Love is in the air.”
“Pixel Pancho, Chipmunks” (Survey# 54).
“The horse with the guy, it makes me think” (Survey# 56) referring to Pixel Pacho.
61
“Love is in the air - I like the cuteness it adds when people see it” (Survey# 57).
“The boy and girl with a lollipop behind mojo café” (Survey# 59) referring to
“Love is in the air.”
“Eagle. Simple yet effective, striking, thought provoking” (Survey# 68) referring to
Del-East.
“The Eagles one. I like the feathers and how it is painted” (Survey# 58) referring to
Del-East.
Figure 5.4: Pixel Pancho, Chipmunks. Source: Author
Figure 5.5: The Eagle by Del East. Source: Author
62
These responses show that people have preferences and favourite pieces of street art
indicating that they have formed a connection with the street art in Dunedin. Some of the
reasons such as vibrancy and attractiveness of the artwork depicts oeuvre where the
creative process of the artist is being internalised and assessed by the general population
(Lefebvre, 1996). The internalisation and emotive response people associate with street art
can be affective as they are drawing in deeper meaning on how they feel about the artwork
(Anderson, 2006; Thrift, 2004). This indicates that street art in Dunedin has been used for
creating an image in the city and drawing people into the Warehouse Precinct.
Gentrification was also an issue that was raised in this literature about how street art is
used to draw people into an area that is (arguably) being gentrified by attracting new
businesses into the area and dislocating old residents (Bailey et al, 2007; Mathews, 2010;
McCarthy, 2006; Pratt, 2009). According to Mathews (2010 p. 660), “gentrification is
defined as a process of inner-city transition, where low property investment spurs a
process of reinvestment and an accompanying shift in social demographics and built
form.” This is when a low income area is transformed into a high income area with
revitalisation of buildings and new businesses taking shape in the area (Harris, 2011). This
is a similar situation to what is happening in the Warehouse Precinct, particularly in Bond
and Vogel streets where old buildings are being revitalised to attract more people into the
area. This was found to be a controversial issue in this research as there was one survey
respondent who articulated that he was against street art because of the gentrification
issues around Bond and Vogel streets. He stated: “DCC promoted the area as [an] Art's
precinct - wine shop's cafes etc. Expensive buildings, no artistic income. Could afford NZ
artists then they import "ART" (Decoration)” (Survey# 61).
According to this respondent, the area is being transformed into an expensive place with
new businesses and high income residential units coming into place. He was also against
international artists coming to paint the street art which he termed as “decoration” and not
real art as it was part of the process of gentrification. An interview with a street art
volunteer suggested that the artworks attract businesses into the area:
From my perspective, it‟s really important because it gets more people to go
into businesses down there. It gets people appreciating that environment
and kind of pushing for more. Now it‟s becoming a hip part of town
(Interview with Street Art volunteer, 2015).
63
However, the Street Art volunteer mentioned that although there is some negativity about
the issue, gentrification was not the main reason for the street art and it is rather about
creating an image for the area and enhancing public art in Dunedin. He thought it was
more about revitalisation than gentrification:
I think it‟s the restoration of the buildings. I think the street art has definitely
helped because it gives people a reason to visit. So, it‟s a way to explore and
people in that area when we were consulting with them said they wanted
something different that encouraged people to come to the area (Interview
with Street Art volunteer, 2015).
Here it is evident that the street art is being used to draw people into the area and create an
atmosphere of art and culture in Dunedin. When asked specifically about the controversy
in relation to gentrification in the interview, the Street Art volunteer explained:
There was some commentary, I think in the Polytech, one of their magazines
a guy wrote a really scathing piece on the Street Art festival from last year
and it was quite hurtful to us as a group. It was quite hurtful to me
personally, some of the things he said about me but I think what upset us the
most was some of the things he said about a couple of the artists and it kind
of just felt like sour grapes on his part, but it was really hurtful to those
artists as well because for a lot of artists putting your work in a really public
place is very brave and it‟s quite scary. When you have people saying quite
nasty things which were criticizing it and claiming it was about something
when it really wasn‟t and I think that was really tough (Interview with Street
Art volunteer, 2015).
The article that the Street Art volunteer mentions in the above interview was about how the
area was gentrifying and events such as street art festivals were feeding the gentrification
process (Philip, 2014). However, most of the survey respondents did not know much about
the issue of gentrification and perceived the street art to be positive to the city. This
indicates that people have perceived street art both positively and negatively in Dunedin‟s
Warehouse Precinct. Some literature on gentrification suggests that street artists who have
contributed to the renovation have created an image for the city through their artworks
which need to be taken into better consideration while discussing gentrification (Harris,
2011; Mathews, 2010). This suggests that it creates both a positive and a negative
64
experience, positive because of its revitalisation of desolated buildings which would
otherwise not be in use, whereas the displacement of lower income residents has been
thought of as having negative effects (Bailey et al, 2007; Mathews, 2010; McCarthy, 2006;
Pratt, 2009). While there hasn‟t been much displacement in Dunedin‟s Warehouse Precinct
in comparison to some of the international case studies in the literature because it was an
industrial area, it still represents a transformation, which always has uneven effects
(Harris, 2011; Mathews, 2010). The old buildings in Bond and Vogel streets were mostly
19th
century industrial buildings which are being revitalised into businesses. Therefore,
there are more positive outcomes in relation to street art in Dunedin.
5.3.4 Combining engagement with public art in Dunedin
The above sections have shown that all three types of public art this study is considering,
static bronze statues, contemporary sculpture, and street art engage people in their public
spaces in different ways. These engagements have also contributed to creating a sociality
within the public spaces with a sense of „situated multiplicity‟, „thrown togetherness‟ and
„affect‟ (Amin, 2008; Cresswell, 2013; Massey, 2005; Pile, 2010). Street art and static
sculptures might create a different kind of affect compared with physically interactive
sculptures like the Worm. Having a mixture of such different artworks in the city creates
vibrancy in the space leading to „civic spaces‟ where people use the public spaces for
community needs and gatherings (Amin, 2008). However, this also indicates that art is
subjectively engaged with and people have different views and opinions about how they
interact with different kinds of art. However, this mix of art in Dunedin also adds cultural
value to the city as the questionnaire survey indicated. There is a significant amount of
engagement by the Dunedin public in these public spaces to show that all the three
artworks have created a „good‟ public space by adding value in different, interesting ways.
If public art can contribute to good public spaces, the question that the next section looks
at is who makes the decision around what public art is good.
5.4 Democracy: public participation in public art
Whether the public should be involved in the decision making processes about the public
art has been highly debated. Interview respondents generally agreed that the decision
65
making process should be left to the skilled professionals of the field rather than the
general public who might not have the required knowledge about public art to be a part of
the decisions:
We have specialists for all sorts of different areas but when it comes down to
public art everybody thinks they have a right to an opinion about it. I think
sometimes it is better to leave it to people that can give it due consideration.
There are people in our community that I think are better suited to make
judgments than others but at the end of the day with public art it is the public
that will decide whether they want to own it or reject it (Interview with Julia
Morrison, 2015).
The subjective nature of art and public creates difficulty:
I think it‟s really difficult because it is so subjective that you just have to
have a really robust process for how you‟ll still make a decision at the end of
the day. Because people have so many different thoughts, the last thing you
want is to tell the artist here‟s the wall and then have it designed by
committee, you need to give the artist as much scope as possible (Interview
with Street Art volunteer, 2015).
However, it is worth noting that all the interview participants were, in some sense,
experts in relation to public art or public space. Members of public may well have
different views. Scholars who have focussed on the public‟s perception of artwork
argue that if the public is involved in the decision making process there might be
less controversy about whether public art is taken positively by the public or not
(Finkelpearl, 2000; Lossau & Stevens, 2014; Parkinson, 2012; Zebracki, 2012). The
public do voice their opinions on public art and in some instances this has led to the
removal of public art where the public‟s opinion and dislike of a particular artwork
outweighed the artist‟s perception (Lossau & Stevens, 2014; Zebracki, 2012;
Finkelpearl, 2000). This was the case with Bronx Bronzes by John Ahearn in 1991
where the long awaited sculptures in the Bronx were perceived as a threat to the
neighbourhood (See Figure 5.6). In contrast, the artist thought he was depicting an
accurate picture of the Bronx but recognised the issues his work had raised:
After assessing the situation, Ahearn came to the conclusion that the work
needed to be removed immediately. Ahearn predicted that if they were not
66
removed, the works would be the centre of a very damaging controversy in
which he would be cast as a racist. (Finkelpearl, 2000, p. 84)
People thought the images the artist had created of the Bronx stereotyped people of the area
in racially offensive ways, particularly to the African American community (Finkelpearl,
2000). As depicted in Figure 5.6 below, the public space had three realistic life size
sculptures of people who were known to the artist. The sculpture represented a young man
wearing a hood with his dog, a boy with rollerblades and finally a man with a basketball
having a foot on the radio. Although Ahearn thought these figures based on real people
he‟d met represented the local community, the public “simply felt that the specific people
he chose to represent were not appropriate as public monuments” (Finkelpearl, 2000, p.
84). This indicates the importance of public‟s opinion when considering how public art is
relevant to its public space.
Figure 5.6: Bronx Bronzes by John Ahearn. Source: ImageStack
67
In contrast, and like others interviewed for this research, a City Councillor notes that it is
still dangerous to leave the decisions of public art to the public:
There is obviously a sense of ownership that people have over these kinds of
projects that you wouldn‟t get or don‟t get generally. Somehow when the art
is outside everyone is an expert and has an opinion. While everyone should
have an opinion I don‟t know if public opinion is the best curatorial
approach.
I think the curatorial elements are very important and I don‟t think they are
generally speaking understood by the general population making the
decisions. It is an elitist thing to say, I guess. In the same way that not
everyone is a mechanic and not everyone is an engineer, you wouldn‟t
pretend to be those things either and it‟s a skilled profession (Interview with
City Councillor 2, 2015).
This suggests that even though public art is generally designed for public use, the skills
involved in making the public art and how to make it should be left to the experts.
However, scholars on public art suggest that the public should be involved in the decision
making process (Finkelpearl, 2000; Lossau & Stevens, 2014; Parkinson, 2012; Zebracki,
2012). There are few examples where public‟s opinion of public art has outweighed that of
the authorities (Finkelpearl, 2000; Lossau & Stevens, 2014; Parkinson, 2012; Zebracki,
2012). Pollack and Sharp (2011) argue that for art to be democratic the public needs to
take part by expressing their opinions on public art. Others argue that the voice of the
public is important when installing public art because it is being built for the public
(Hawkins, 2013; Lossau & Stevens, 2014; Sarkissian & Wenman, 2010; Sharp et al, 2005;
Zebracki, 2012). There are also arguments in public participation literature that seeks to
bridge expert and lay approaches to uses through various tools and types of public
involvement (Sarkissian & Wenman, 2010). However, this issue of public participation is
beyond the scope of this research and can be considered for further research.
5.5 Summary
This chapter has illustrated the important role public art plays in public spaces, and the
variety of different opinions and values that came into how people perceive and engage
68
with public art (Cresswell, 2013; Hawkins, 2013; Lossau & Stevens, 2014; Zebracki,
2012). This engagement of people in the public space contributes to making the space
vibrant as it forms a community where people enjoy a diverse set of activities in the given
public space (Amin, 2008). This creates sociality within the public space when the public
interact with the public art, as concepts like situated multiplicity, thrown-togetherness and
affect come to fruition (see Chapter 2). This was evident in all the three public artworks
but in different ways. In the Octagon, the Robert Burns statue depicts Dunedin‟s Scottish
heritage and literary side of the city. The Worm sculpture in the Botanic Gardens, engage a
variety of people in different ways: children and adults climb and sit on the sculpture even
as it symbolises the cyclic nature of a worm‟s life. When people observe other people
playing on Worm sculpture there is a physical stimulus present which highlights the
affective character of interactions in the public space (Pile, 2010). This can also be said
when people view the street art on Bond and Vogel streets as it creates a sense of
wonderment and joy that some people can relate to creating deeper meanings and
symbolisms of the art (Hawkins, 2013).
Lefebvre‟s (1996) oeuvre is also evident in the examples illustrated as the artistic and
creative characteristic of public art illustrates the connection between creative thought and
the built environment. Having a mixture of different types of public art in the city makes
Dunedin a vibrant and engaging space to live in where the built environment (in relation to
public art) has positive effects on the people in the city (Lossau & Stevens, 2014). Both the
interview responses and the questionnaire surveys showed that the people of Dunedin
perceive public art as being good and contributing positively to its public space
particularly the three public artworks this research has considered. This shows that public
art has contributed in creating „good‟ public spaces in Dunedin city. However, the last
section of democracy indicates that public art can be controversial because the decisions
made by the authorities might be challenged by the public, whereas scholars suggests
public participation in public space needs to be considered (Finkelpearl, 2000; Hawkins,
2013; Sharp et al, 2005). Although public art can be challenged by the public, the three
artworks this study concentrated on showed that public art is positive to its landscape and
contributes to „good‟ public spaces.
69
Chapter 6
Aims, limitations and future prospects
6.1 Aim of research
In this dissertation, the aim of the study was to understand the types of engagement people
have with different kinds of art located in public spaces. Three main public spaces were
chosen, each with their own distinctive type of public art, namely, the Robert Burns statue
in the Octagon, the Worm sculpture in the Botanic Gardens and street art around Bond and
Vogel streets. To achieve this aim, two primary research questions were asked: the first
research question was „what are the characteristics of „good‟ public spaces?‟ The second
research question was „how does public art contribute to „good‟ public spaces?‟ The
second research question had two sub questions to focus the inquiry. They were to
understand the sociality of space in the Octagon, the Botanic Gardens and Bond/Vogel
streets, and to understand people‟s engagement with art in each of the three public spaces
mentioned.
These research questions were addressed by, first reviewing literature on public space and
public art. Chapter 2 drew out several key concepts to this effect. These were concepts
relating to public spaces and „sociality‟ such as oeuvre, thrown-togetherness, situated
multiplicity, and affect (Amin, 2008; Lefebvre, 1996; Thrift, 2010). People‟s relationship
to their built environment was important in understanding these concepts. To inquire into
public art and how Dunedin‟s population perceive and interact with art in public spaces,
two qualitative methods were used in Chapter 3. These methods were semi-structured
interviews with stakeholders and questionnaire surveys for the three public spaces (See
Appendix A and Appendix B). Chapters 4 and 5 presented and discussed the results.
Chapter 4 specifically addressed research question one, arguing that various amenities and
the structure of the public space is important in creating people-oriented spaces, using the
Octagon and the Botanic Gardens as examples of „good‟ public spaces. Chapter 5
specifically addressed research question two, arguing that different types of art in the
70
public realm create different kinds of interaction and engagement with the art. The type of
art and public space determined how people engaged with them. For example, the Robert
Burns statue had a historical symbolism whereas the Worm sculpture was more physically
engaged with. The street art also symbolised deeper meaning, sometimes creating a sense
of awe or surprise. Concepts of sociality (discussed in Chapter 2) were applied to the
different forms of engagement with public art in Chapter 5.
All these chapters aimed to address the main purpose of the research which was to
understand the effects of different kinds of art in public spaces and how art creates a
positive built environment. Although there were no serious issues while conducting the
research, there were some limitations which will be discussed in the next section.
6.2 Limitations
There were number of challenges and limitation faced during this research. Public spaces
are usually widely used when the weather is favourable to the public which is mostly
during summer. However, due to the timing of the study, the research had to be undertaken
during the winter season in June when public spaces were not used as often and selecting
specific days when the weather was slightly favourable was challenging. The time
allocated for this research was eight months which meant that only three specific artworks
(one artwork for each category) were selected rather than having multiple artworks in each
category. Having the time to choose more public artworks in order to understand the
responses of the public on a larger scale would have strengthened this study and made it a
more reliable. The time constraint also affected the region or location where the study
could be conducted as there was only a month for data collection and conducting
interviews. Expanding this study to other cities in New Zealand or internationally would
have been very difficult, but further research in the area could be done to illustrate the
effect of public art on public spaces.
6.3 Future prospects
There were also a number of different themes which were encountered in relation to the
impact public art has in public spaces, which raise questions for further research. Potential
research topics for future prospects could be:
71
The role of public art in public space during festivals and events such as the Mid-
Winter Carnival in the Octagon or the Vogel Street party in Vogel Street.
The influence public spaces have on public art when public spaces are converted
into pedestrian zones (which was encountered during data collection in the
Octagon, see Chapter 4).
The effects of inclusive public spaces such as the positive influence of green spaces
(See Chapter 4).
The connection between street art and gentrification (See Chapter 5).
The question of democracy and public participation in relation to public art. How
can the public be more involved in public art decisions in public spaces? (See
Chapter 5).
These issues were not discussed in detail in this study as they were not the main focus.
However, they could prove valuable for future research.
6.4 Concluding statements
Despite these limitations, this study has shown that public art is an essential component of
public spaces. It has shown that there are positive effects of public art in public spaces
such as creating a communal bond and interaction between entities in the public realm.
The study has shown the importance of qualitative analysis to gather perceptions and
thoughts of the general public in relation to public art (Winchester & Rofe, 2010). It has
also shown the various types of engagements by the general public with public art in
relation to the space it‟s located in. Creating a positive built environment specifically
public spaces where the general public can conduct a variety of activities is essential for
the well-being of city dwellers and having a variety of public art in the public space
expands creative thought as evident from oeuvre (Lefebvre, 1996). Public art adds focus to
public space and gives it a deeper meaning as illustrated with „sociality‟ (Pile, 2010).
Therefore, it is essential that public spaces remain an important part of the built
environment where creative elements such as public art are encouraged for everyday
engagements.
72
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APPENDIX A
Interview Questions
Introductory questions
Can you tell me about your role at _______ ?
How involved in public art are you?
You told me you were involved in decision making around public art, can you
expand on that?
Characteristics of public space
What characteristics do you think the public space should have?
What makes a public space vibrant and engaging?
How important is public space to urban spaces?
Art in public spaces
What role does art have in public spaces?
Can you give me some examples of successful public art in Dunedin?
How do different types of art affect our public spaces?
Governance of public art
What are the processes involved when initiating public art in Dunedin?
What are the funding processes involved?
To what extent do you think the public should be involved in making decisions
around public art?
Role of public art in Dunedin
What is the difference between interactive and static art? Do you think we need a
mixture of both?
How do you think street art plays a role for public art in Dunedin?
Concluding questions
What are the public art projects anticipated for the future of Dunedin?
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APPENDIX B
Questionnaire Surveys for the Octagon and the Botanic Gardens
The Effect of Public Art on Public Spaces
Survey
Introduction
The aim of this study is to understand people‟s perceptions and thoughts on how public art
contributes to public spaces.
This survey will engage people in the Botanic Gardens and the Octagon. The results from
the survey will be analyzed for a qualitative study on the effect of public art in public
spaces by an Honours Geography student, Thejas Jagannath, in the Geography department
at the University of Otago.
The identity of the participants will be kept anonymous and the participant can decline to
answer any questions, or withdraw their survey from the study prior to completion. Please
read the participant information sheet if you need more information.
Section A: Some information about you
Gender: M F
Age: 18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 >65
Where do you usually live (city/region):
Occupation:
78
Section B: Public Space
Q1. How often do you come here?
1 2 3 4 5
Very often Not often at all
Q2. Why do you come here?
Q3. Who do you come with?
Q4. What do you like about this public space?
Q5. Do you feel welcome in this public space?
Yes No
Please provide a reason for your answer?
Q6. Does this public space provide a sense of being with other people?
1 2 3 4 5
Yes No
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Q7. What are the benefits of having public spaces you can share with other people?
Section C: Public Space and Art
Q8. Do you like this sculpture/street art?
1 2 3 4 5
Yes very much No not at all
Please say why
80
Q9. The next question inquires into whether you think this art adds something to the public
space. Please rank the following statements:
Statement Strongly Agree Agree Neither
agree nor
disagree
Disagree Strongly
Disagree
It is visually attractive
1
2
3
4
5
It makes people want
to stay in the area
1
2
3
4
5
It contributes to a
vibrant atmosphere
1
2
3
4
5
It provides something
to talk about (with
friends)
1
2
3
4
5
It provides something
to talk about (with
strangers)
1
2
3
4
5
It provides a sense of
history(Peter Pan &
Robbie Burns)
1
2
3
4
5
It‟s great that kids can
play on it (Peter Pan
and Worm)
1
2
3
4
5
It gives the space an
identity
1
2
3
4
5
It adds culture to the
space
1
2
3
4
5
Can you think of other ways the sculpture adds or detracts to the space? Please state
81
Questionnaire Survey for Bond and Vogel streets
The Effect of Public Art on Public Spaces
Survey
Introduction
The aim of this study is to understand people‟s perceptions and thoughts on how public art
contributes to public spaces.
This survey will engage people in Bond and Vogel Streets. The results from the survey
will be analyzed for a qualitative study on the influence of public art in public spaces by an
Honours Geography student, Thejas Jagannath, in the Geography department at the
University of Otago.
The identity of the participants will be kept anonymous and the participant can decline to
answer any questions, or withdraw their survey from the study prior to completion. Please
read the participant information sheet if you need more information.
Section A: Some information about you
Gender: M F
Age: 18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65 >65
Where do you usually live (city/region):
Occupation:
82
The next question inquires into whether you think this art adds something to the public
space. Please rank the following statements:
Statement Strongly
Agree
Agree Neither
agree nor
disagree
Disagree Strongly
Disagree
It is visually attractive
1
2
3
4
5
It makes people want to stay
in the area
1
2
3
4
5
It contributes to a vibrant
atmosphere
1
2
3
4
5
It provides something to talk
about (with friends)
1
2
3
4
5
It provides something to talk
about (with strangers)
1
2
3
4
5
It gives the space an identity
1
2
3
4
5
It adds culture to the space
1
2
3
4
5
83
Street Art in Dunedin
Q1. What do you think about the emerging street art in Dunedin?
Q2. Are you aware of any controversy around any of the recent Street Art?
Can you describe this?
Q3. What is your favourite Street Art? Why?
Q4. What impact does this kind of Street Art have on the City?
Q5. Can you think of other ways the Street Art adds or detracts to the space?
Please state:
84
APPENDIX C
THE EFECT OF PUBLIC ART ON PUBLIC SPACES
INFORMATION SHEET FOR PARTICIPANTS
Thank you for showing an interest in this project. Please read this information sheet
carefully before deciding whether or not to participate. If you decide to participate we
thank you. If you decide not to take part there will be no disadvantage to you and we
thank you for considering our request.
What is the Aim of the Project?
The aim of this project is to look at the way in which public art effect public space. The
project will explore how different types of public art - interactive and static sculptures, and
street art around Dunedin City – enhance public space through encouraging social
interaction, recreation, emotional attachment or a sense of vibrancy.
The research will be carried out by a fourth year honours student in the Department of
Geography at the University of Otago, Thejas Jagannath, during 2015 and will be
supervised by senior lecturer, Dr Sophie Bond.
What Types of Participants are being sought?
The project will involve interviews and brief questionnaire surveys. For interviews,
experienced stakeholders who contribute to public art in public spaces will be recruited.
This includes people who work in the field and who are involved in the decision making
process of how public art is initiated in the city of Dunedin. The most relevant people will
be emailed and asked about whether they are willing to participate in an interview that will
last for up to 30-60 minutes.
Three public spaces have been selected where public art is a feature. These are Dunedin
the Botanic Garden, the Octagon and either Vogel Street or Bond Street where new street
art is emerging. In each space, the researcher will observe the character of the space,
noting how people engage with it. A brief 5-10 minute survey will be administered to
people willing to participate who are using the space at particular times. This will be at
3:00 to 4:00 pm in the Botanic Garden, 11:00 to 12:00 am in the Octagon and 4:00 to 5:00
pm in Bond Street on weekdays from June. The days are not fixed as this depends on the
weather forecast as it is more likely that people will go to public spaces when it is sunny in
the winter.
85
What will Participants be asked to do?
Should you agree to take part in this project, you will be asked to be interviewed for an
hour on the subject of public art in Dunedin‟s public spaces, or be asked to complete a
brief questionnaire survey on your perceptions of the specific public space you are in and
the art located there. Questions will contain specific artworks and how the process of
public art is initiated and engaged with on a regular basis.
If you are involved in an interview, we would like your consent to audio record it. It will
then be transcribed, and you are welcome to request a copy of the transcript to comment
on.
If, in an interview or the line of questioning is making you uncomfortable at any stage you
may ask either to move onto a different topic, or for the interview to stop. There will be no
disadvantage to yourself in either case. You may withdraw the information you have
provided us with at any stage.
Please be aware that you may decide not to take part in the project without any
disadvantage to yourself.
What Data or Information will be collected and what use will be made of it?
The interviews will be transcribed, and the digital files (both audio and transcriptions) will
be stored in a password protected folder that only the researcher and her supervisor will
have access too.
Once the raw data is analysed, selected quotes may be used in academic publications,
conference presentations, or to support further research proposals. Your identity will be
protected as far as possible by using an anonymous identifier (eg a psuedonuym, or
number). Occasionally, someone who is very close to the case study or to you will be able
to identify you simply through your comments. We will take every care to ensure this does
not happen, but please be aware that sometimes it is unavoidable.
You may request to view and comment on any publications that use quotes made by
yourself. Personal information will only be kept for record keeping purposes, to provide
you with follow-up information if requested. Otherwise, it will be destroyed as soon as
practicable or at the completion of the research. Data obtained as a result of the research
will be retained for at least 5 years in secure storage.
Can Participants change their mind and withdraw from the project?
You may withdraw from participation in the project at any time without any disadvantage
to yourself.
What if Participants have any Questions?
If you have any questions about our project, either now or in the future, please feel free to
contact:-
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Dr Sophie Bond
Department of Geography/TeIho Whenua
Phone: 03 4793068
Email: [email protected]
This study has been approved by the Department stated above. However, if you have any
concerns about the ethical conduct of the research you may contact the University of
Otago Human Ethics Committee through the Human Ethics Committee Administrator (ph
03 479-8256). Any issues you raise will be treated in confidence and investigated and you
will be informed of the outcome.
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The Effect of Public Art on Public Spaces
CONSENT FORM FOR PARTICIPANTS
I have read the Information Sheet concerning this project and understand what it is about.
All my questions have been answered to my satisfaction. I understand that I am free to
request further information at any stage.
I know that:-
1. My participation in the project is entirely voluntary;
2. I am free to withdraw from the project at any time prior to August 31st 2015 without
any disadvantage;
3. Personal identifying information (eg digital recordings, contact details etc) will be
destroyed at the conclusion of the project but any raw data on which the results of the
project depend will be retained in secure storage for at least five years;
4. This project involves an open-questioning technique. The precise nature of the
questions which will be asked have not been determined in advance, but will depend
on the way in which the interview develops and that in the event that the line of
questioning develops in such a way that I feel hesitant or uncomfortable I may decline
to answer any particular question(s) and/or may withdraw from the interview and/or
the project prior to 31st August 2015 without any disadvantage of any kind
7. The results of the project may be published and will be available in the University of
Otago Library (Dunedin, New Zealand) but every attempt will be made to preserve
my anonymity.
I would like to have an opportunity to comment on my transcript: Yes No
I wish to receive a copy of any published results: Yes No
I agree to take part in this project.
If yes, please provide an email address: __________________________________
............................................................................. ...............................
(Signature of participant) (Date)
.............................................................................
(Printed Name)
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