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Youth’s experiences of the Mafita vocational training and
apprenticeship programs in North West Nigeria: A Qualitative Report
April 27, 2021
Daniel Shephard
Tobore Egborge
Marlana Salmon-Letelier
Acknowledgements: We would like to thank the exceptional work of the local research team, the
support of the staff of Mafita, the input from the entire World Bank Development Impact
Evaluation (DIME) team, and most importantly the insights of the respondents who shared their
time and views generously. In particular, we would like to thank Usman Isyaku, Faisal Umar,
Nuruddeen Sambo Umar, Julia Bailey, Eric Mvukiyehe, Marcus Holmlund, Emily Crawford, and
Nausheen Khan. Despite the extraordinary support of so many people, any mistakes or omissions
in the text remain our own.
The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the
authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of Foreign, Commonwealth and
Development Office (FCDO) or the World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the
Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent.
Table of Contents
Executive Summary .................................................................................................................... 1
Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 7
Context ............................................................................................................................ 7
Program ......................................................................................................................... 10
Study Questions ............................................................................................................. 13
Research Methods ..................................................................................................................... 14
Limitations and Mitigation Strategies ............................................................................ 17
Findings .................................................................................................................................... 18
1. Program Experiences ................................................................................................. 19
Reasons for Joining the Program ........................................................................ 19
Program Benefits ............................................................................................... 19
Program Challenges ........................................................................................... 22
2. Livelihoods ................................................................................................................ 27
Trade Skills ........................................................................................................ 27
Earnings ............................................................................................................. 28
Frustrations ........................................................................................................ 30
Start-Up Capital ................................................................................................. 30
3. Daily Routines ........................................................................................................... 33
4. Social Networks......................................................................................................... 34
New Friends and Peer Support ........................................................................... 34
Social Skills ....................................................................................................... 37
Productive Relationships .................................................................................... 37
5. Social and Political Attitudes/Violence ...................................................................... 38
Different Actors' Distinct Roles in Violence ....................................................... 39
Belief that Employment Reduces Violence ......................................................... 43
Violence is usually Not Justified ........................................................................ 43
When Violence is Justified ................................................................................. 45
Knowledge of Violence ...................................................................................... 47
Recommendations ..................................................................................................................... 48
Lessons Learned ............................................................................................................ 50
Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 51
Appendix (Instruments) ............................................................................................................. 54
A1 FGD: Mafita Participant Youth ............................................................................... 54
A2 FGD: Non-Participant Youth .................................................................................. 58
A3 FGD: Trainers/MCPs .............................................................................................. 62
A4 Interview: Mafita Participant & Non-Participant Youth ........................................... 64
A5 Interview: Trainers/MCPs ....................................................................................... 68
A6 Interview: Caregiver ............................................................................................... 72
A7 Research Team Bios ............................................................................................... 77
A8 Dissemination, Use and Influence Plan ................................................................... 78
A9 Consent Form (English Version) .............................................................................. 79
Bibliography ............................................................................................................................ 82
Acronyms
ASI Adam Smith International
BATC Basic Apprenticeship Training Center
COSDEC Community Skills Development Center
DFID Department of International Development
FCDO Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office
DHS Demographic Health Survey
DIME Development Impact Evaluation
FGD Focus Group Discussion
ILO International Labor Organization
MCP Master Craft Person
NEET Employment, Education or Training
RA Research Assistant
RCT Randomized Control Trial
SHDI Subnational Human Development Index
TVET Technical, Vocational Education and Training
PRIO Peace Research Institute Oslo
UCDP Uppsala Conflict Data Program
Page 1 of 83
Executive Summary
Through support provided by the Department of International Development (DFID), Adam
Smith International (ASI) implemented a program to address youth unemployment in four states:
Kaduna, Kano, Katsina and Jigawa in northwest Nigeria. The £24 million program, entitled
“Mafita: Increasing Economic Opportunities for Marginalised Youth in Northern Nigeria,”
started in 2015 and ran until July 2020. The primary goal of Mafita was to give marginalized
youth a better chance of finding skilled work or productive self-employment. The aims were to
increase youth incomes and decrease incentives to engage in crime and violence.
In partnership with DFID, the Development Impact and Evaluation (DIME) team at the World
Bank conducted an impact evaluation of the pilot phase of the program which targeted youth in
Kaduna, Kano, and Katsina states. The evaluation focused on the potential impact of skills-
training on the lives of youth in the program’s intervention areas. The study evaluated the impact
of two interventions delivered by the Mafita program: an apprenticeship program and a
vocational training program delivered through Community Skills Development Centers
(COSDECs). The study had two components: a randomized controlled trial (RCT) to assess the
causal effects of the interventions and a series of qualitative research studies. This report focuses
on the final qualitative research study. It seeks to provide a deeper understanding of participants’
experiences with the Mafita program and if, how, and why, any impact on youth’s experiences
occurred due to participation in either the apprenticeship or COSDECs interventions.
Participants in the evaluation were asked questions concerning their daily lives and routines
(livelihoods, housing situations, and social lives), their experiences with the Mafita program, and
their perceptions of, and experiences with, political and religious violence. The youth
participants were organized into female and male groups in order to capture a gendered
perspective of the program. In order to triangulate findings from the youth interviews, the study
also included interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs) with trainers, caregivers, and
Mafita staff members. For comparative and contextual purposes, the research staff conducted
interviews and FGDs with youth who were not participants in the Mafita program.
The study was conducted between September 2019 and January 2020 and included 60 interviews
(52% female) and 27 focus group discussions (44% female). The sample of study participants
was divided almost equally between the apprenticeships and the COSDEC programs.
The results are summarized below and are divided into the following five categories:
1. Program Experiences
2. Livelihoods
3. Daily Routines
4. Social Networks
5. Social/Political Attitudes and Violence
Page 2 of 83
Program Experiences
Mafita participants joined the program because they wanted to acquire new skills, but some also
joined in anticipation of the receipt of incentives—some of which were never provided. Once in
the program, participants noted additional benefits in addition to the technical skills acquired
through the primary areas of the vocational and COSDEC training tracks. Participants
appreciated transferable skills such as social skills, planning skills, money management and
literacy. Benefits such as the provision of food, daily allowances, the use of more active learning
methods, and the diversity of training groups were also noted. Additionally, trainers played a key
role in participants’ experience of the program, with trainers providing additional support to
participants. Trainers themselves also appreciated acquiring more technical skills and learning
about participatory teaching methods—which included developing more active and applied
methods of training.
However, participants noted some challenges that could be mitigated in future programs with a
similar design. First, participants struggled with covering the financial costs of participation,
especially transportation costs. Second, during training participants were occasionally frustrated
with being placed in vocational tracks they did not choose. Third, participants complained about
receiving materials late so that some trainings were delayed, fourth, participants were dissatisfied
with the unequal learning opportunities due to the varying skill levels of the Master Craft
Persons (MCPs) and trainers, and finally, some participants complained about not receiving
certificates of completion from the program1. These findings applied to both the apprenticeships
and the COSDECs.
Program Benefits Program Challenges
● Transferable skills
● Food and daily allowances (when paid)
● New training environment and pedagogy
● Trainers providing support to participating youth
● Trainers developed their own technical and
pedagogical skills
● Financial difficulties, especially paying for
transportation
● Receiving training in a skill different from the one
chosen
● Late provision of materials needed for hands-on
learning
● Unequal training provided among participants
● Not receiving “promised” certificates
Livelihoods
Participants often spoke about how their participation in Mafita improved their technical skills.
Many of them noted increases in earnings, although most of these increases were only enough to
cover small personal purchases. The improvements in employment and finances were most
notable among female participants.
Most study participants expressed positive perspectives about the program and were appreciative
of the skills they gained, however, a substantial number of participants voiced frustrations
because they were not able to transfer their acquired trade skills into paid work or to their own
businesses after the program ended. Participants cited a lack of access to start-up capital as the
1 Program administrators reported that certificates were the responsibility of the National Business and Technical
Examinations Board (NABTEB) and this point is discussed further in the report.
Page 3 of 83
primary barrier, and several perceived that Mafita had made promises to support them after the
program but did not deliver on those promises. While the program staff reported not making
promises of this nature, it is possible that miscommunication occurred during either recruitment
or program implementation. These findings applied to both the apprenticeships and the
COSDECs.
Notable Experiences Mafita Changes
● While youth with existing employment were not the target group of the program, some youth did
report having previous apprenticeships before
joining Mafita.2
● Many youths were petty traders or had odd jobs
prior to joining Mafita, and some had to leave those
opportunities in order to participate in Mafita.
● Most participants noted that they developed new skills, including new technical trade skills.
● Many participants reported increased earnings.
● However, most of the increased earnings were
marginal and only enough for small personal
purchases.
Daily Schedules
Youths’ daily schedules were dominated by religious activities, school, household work, and
informal jobs. Participating in Mafita and the time it required often caused changes in youths’
schedules: changes such as spending more time in skills training and working, and less time with
friends and family. These findings were consistent in both the apprenticeships and the
COSDECs.
Notable Experiences Mafita Changes
● Participants spent much of their time in religious
school and other religious activities.
● Female participants reported spending more time
on household chores while males spent more time
working.
● Participation in Mafita became a dominant feature
in their schedules, and this resulted in less time for
other activities such as time with friends, working,
or doing chores.
● Daily schedules usually reverted to previous
patterns after completing Mafita.
Social Networks
Mafita participants made new friends through the program. These friends helped them both
within and outside of the Mafita program. Through their interactions with new individuals and
through the life-skills training components of the program, young people developed social skills
that enabled them to interact more positively with others—especially with customers. These
findings applied to both the apprenticeships and the COSDECs.
Finally, the overall framing of social relationships shifted from the use of relationships for
socializing purposes to developing relationships for the sake of supporting productive
2 Although the program’s enrollment criteria did not extend to those who were students or employed at the time of
interview, some program participants mentioned leaving jobs to be a part of the program. It is possible that their
status was underreported upon enrollment or that enrollment criteria were less strictly applied by the community mobilizers used for recruiting Cohort 1.
Page 4 of 83
activities—such as helping with work, learning technical skills, and patronizing friends’
businesses. This last change is concentrated among apprenticeship participants.
Notable Experiences Mafita Changes
● Friends were a prominent topic when discussing
experiences at school and training.
● Social networks provided financial support with
families often providing direct support and friends
patronizing their businesses.
● Social status and respect were often linked to the
development of visible skills.
● Participating in Mafita was linked to making new
friends and achieving higher social status.
● Mafita participants had less time for their old
friends.
● Participants developed social skills, especially in
learning how to interact with customers.
● Post-Mafita relationships were more likely to be
framed in terms of their utility and productivity
than pre-/non-Mafita relationships.
Social/Political Attitudes and Violence
Investigating attitudes towards, and behaviors related to, social and political violence is a
sensitive matter with a high chance of respondents providing socially desirable answers. To
engage with such a sensitive topic, we presented three scenarios of challenging socio-political
issues that were likely to create tensions. We then asked respondents to choose one of the three
scenarios to discuss. Respondents shared how they thought each of several personas would react
in that situation. Broadly, the personas were youth, politicians, and religious/traditional leaders.
In addition to this, we probed respondents about their experiences with violence as well as when
and why they believed violence might be justified.
Respondents’ viewed the youth personas with the most complexity. In some cases, responses
about youths’ expected reactions to certain scenarios were clearly negative, and the youth were
perceived as being susceptible to violence. In other cases, youth were seen as agents of positive
change. In still other cases, youth were seen as helpless bystanders with little agency. Politicians,
on the other hand, were seen as the primary instigators of violence and as manipulators of the
youth. Finally, religious leaders were seen as a force for peace but a force that is often not
utilized. Violence was primarily discussed with regard to political violence.
Respondents did not indicate direct involvement with violent groups and almost all stated that
violence is never justified.3 However, in the cases where respondents stated that violence may be
justified, the reason was primarily to address religious blasphemy or social injustice. These
findings were largely comparable for both the apprenticeships and COSDECs. However,
respondents in Kano stated, more often, that violence could be justified. Given the fact that this
occurred with both participants and non-participants, it is likely related to the context and not to
any difference between the apprenticeships and COSDECS.
3 The research team asked questions about when violence is justified after participants discussed the scenarios.
Page 5 of 83
Reactions to Hypothetical Socio-Political Conflicts Involving Different Personas
Youth Politicians Religious Leaders
● Susceptible to manipulation
including that leading to the use
of violence
● Able to collaborate to improve
the situation using non-violent
means
● Others seen as helpless
onlookers
● Blamed for directly instigating
violence through hiring
political “thugs”
● Blamed for not acting to
improve risk factors that can
lead to violence
● Charged with using money
and drugs to induce youth to
engage in political violence
● Have the potential to be
mediators and mobilizers of
peace
● Can teach values associated
with peace
● Should avoid being co-opted
by politicians
Recommendations
The following recommendations are derived from the programs’ many successes and the
challenges participants faced. For future Mafita or similar livelihood programs, it will be
important to build on effective aspects and address the challenges presented below.
Recommendations for Replication
1. Use local networks for recruitment. This was effective for encouraging youth to
participate in the program. Islamic schools were particularly effective.
2. Engage and support existing trainers and MCPs, including providing them with training
and with other incentives—such as new materials for their respective trades.
3. Provide transportation and food allowances as an important enabler of youths’ motivation
and attendance.
4. Combine skills training with basic education in numeracy/literacy and entrepreneurship
training.
5. Collaborate with both trade associations and the state and local governments to enhance
the program’s scalability and sustainability.
Recommendations for Adjustments
1. Processes related to the recruitment of youth participants should be streamlined and
elaborated clearly. In addition, program expectations should be communicated and
understood by both youth participants and program administrators at all levels. In
addition, program implementors should ensure that costs related to program participation
such as transportation allowances are considered during planning and implementation.
2. Ensure that machines, materials, and training are provided in a timely manner to the
trainers and MCPs prior to the youth starting Mafita.
3. In planning for future programs to address attitudes and behaviors related to political or
religious extremism, content explicitly addressing those topics and experts in the field of
non-violent approaches to conflict should be engaged.
4. Allow participants to choose their training tracks subject to availability of vocations at
each location, recognizing the constraints of MCP availability and the need to avoid
market saturation. When this is not possible, it will be important to explain the reasoning
to the participants, as doing so could also be a learning opportunity about market
dynamics.
Page 6 of 83
5. Help create and clearly communicate opportunities and available support for participants
after graduation.
6. Improve coordination with, and support of the National Business and Technical
Examinations Board (NABTEB) to ensure that all youth receive a formally recognized
certificate of completion immediately upon graduating from Mafita.
Lessons Learned
Lessons learned are presented according to the thematic categorization of our findings.
1. Program experiences: Expanding recruitment networks and clear communication about
program expectations may increase program enrollment and effectiveness.
2. Livelihoods: Offsetting costs of program participation, provision of capital goods for
skills training, and a focus on transferable business skills are important for the success of
similar programs and should be considered in program and research design.
3. Daily routines & social networks: The Mafita program had a significant impact on daily
routines and social networks of participants and both positive and negative effects should
be taken into account in future planning and research.
4. Social and political attitudes towards violence: Willingness to participate in politically- or
religiously- motivated violence is rare and the Mafita model should not be replicated as
an intervention for addressing extremism. The role of political actors in instigating
violence and religious leaders in being forces for peace deserves future research.
Conclusion
Our study found encouraging results and high overall satisfaction with the training experience.
The vast majority of young people who participated in Mafita perceived that the program had
supported them in expanding their social networks, developing new skills, and supplementing
their income. The program seemed to be particularly beneficial for young women—an
impressive result as other projects in the region have struggled to recruit and support young
women.
As is to be expected, the project faced a number of challenges. We have highlighted the
challenges that were most salient for young people as potential areas for improvement. The
largest challenge that faced the Mafita program—as with most vocational programs—is how to
align expectations with post-graduation outcomes regarding employment and entrepreneurship
when structural factors in the locality remain unchanged. In some instances, there were mounting
frustrations about post-graduation outcomes. In addition, participants highlighted the importance
of clear communication of expectations as many felt that they had been promised stipends and
start-up capital that never materialized.
Much can be learned from the successes and challenges of Mafita, and we encourage the
continuation and improvement of this and similar projects. We hope that this qualitative report
alongside the accompanying quantitative report will jointly provide insights that inform future
funding decisions, program designs, and research projects on apprenticeships and vocational
training programs for marginalized youth.
Page 7 of 83
Introduction
Fragile and conflict-affected states often have large reservoirs of unemployed or underemployed
youth who are further hindered by poverty and lack of economic opportunities. Conflict and
fragility can in turn lead to an increase in unemployment and poverty – a dynamic that can trap
countries in a vicious cycle of poverty, unemployment, and conflict, with negative consequences
for human development and well-being.
The Mafita program aimed to provide livelihoods training to young people in Nigeria’s
northwestern states of Kaduna, Kano, Katsina and Jigawa.4 The program was delivered with the
financial support of the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development (DFID)
and was implemented by Adam Smith International (ASI). The £24 million program, entitled
“Mafita: Increasing Economic Opportunities for Marginalised Youth in Northern Nigeria,”
started in 2015 and ran until 2020. Its primary goal was to give marginalized youth a better
chance of finding skilled work or productive self-employment, with the ultimate aim of
increasing their incomes, reducing political grievances, and contributing to a decrease in
opportunities to engage in crime and violence.
As part of a partnership with DFID, the Development Impact and Evaluation (DIME) team at the
World Bank conducted an impact evaluation of the Mafita program in Kaduna, Kano and
Katsina states, focusing on the potential impact of skills-training on youth’s lives. The overall
study evaluated the impact of the two vocational training interventions delivered by the Mafita
program: an apprenticeship training program and a Community Skills Development Centers
(COSDECs) training program. The evaluation had two components: a randomized controlled
trial (RCT) to assess the causal effects of the interventions and a series of qualitative research
studies. This report focuses on the final qualitative research study. It seeks to provide a deeper
understanding of participants’ experiences of the Mafita program and if, how, and why, any
impact on youth’s experiences occurred due to participation in either the apprenticeship or
COSDECs interventions. The target audience for this evaluation include (a) those involved with
this and similar programs, (b) funders, and (c) researchers seeking to understand more about the
perspectives of participants in vocational programs.
Participants in the qualitative component of the evaluation were asked questions concerning their
daily lives and routines (livelihoods, housing situations, and social lives), their experiences with
the Mafita program (both the apprenticeship and COSDEC components), and their perceptions
of and experiences with political and religious violence. The youth participants were divided into
different groups for women and men in order to capture a gendered perspective of the program.
The findings from this study are derived from interviews and focus groups with youth who
participated in Mafita, their trainers and MCPs, their caregivers, and program staff.
Context The subnational human development index (SHDI) of the northwestern states of Kaduna, Kano,
and Katsina remains low despite an increase between 2007 and 2017. Among the three
intervention locations included in this evaluation, Kaduna has the highest current SHDI at 0.58,
4 The program was extended to Jigawa during the later scale-up phase.
Page 8 of 83
followed by Kano at 0.48, and finally Katsina, which has one of the lowest subnational
development indices in Nigeria, at 0.38.5
Educational attainment in particular has improved over the past decade, but large regional and
gender-based disparities remain.6 The North West of Nigeria has lower educational indicators
than the rest of the country (with the exception of the North East which often has comparably
low indicators). In 2013, the North West region had a youth literacy rate of 58%, an upper
secondary completion rate of 24%, and a primary completion rate of 48%. In addition, 45% of
children ages 9 to 12 had never been to school (see Figure 1 for comparison with national
averages). In the North West, women are doubly disadvantaged, having distinctly lower
educational access and outcomes compared with males.7
Figure 1: Educational indicators: North West compared to National
Youth are especially affected by the challenging economic situation. In 2016, youth accounted
for half of all unemployed or underemployed,8 and 21% of youth (ages 15 to 24) were not
employed or engaged in education or training (NEET), with young women more likely to fall in
this category (25% females compared to 18% males). Among those working, most were still in
5 See the Subnational Human Development Index (4.0) hosted by Radboud University. Accessed on January 1, 2020
at https://globaldatalab.org/shdi/shdi/NGA/ 6 For specific statistics see the World Inequality Database on Education (WIDE) presentation of DHS 2013 data for
Nigeria. Accessed on January 1, 2020 at https://www.education-inequalities.org/countries/nigeria 7 See Rustad, S. A., & Ostby, G. (2017). Education and systematic group inequalities in Nigeria. Oslo: Peace
Research Institute Oslo. 8 See Ministry of Budget & National Planning. (2017). Economic Recovery and Growth Plan 2017-2020. Federal Republic of Nigeria. p. 92.
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
0.7
0.8
0.9
Never been toschool
Youth literacy Primary completionrate
Upper secondarycompletion
Northwest National
Page 9 of 83
poverty. In 2010, the International Labor Organization (ILO) estimated that, among those
working, 54% of young women and 65% of young men were making less than $1.90 per day.9
The Nigerian government has identified priority strategies for addressing these challenges.
Economically, the government developed the Economic Growth and Recovery Plan 2017-2020.
The strategy identifies educational priorities and activities, including “to provide scholarships
and create endowment funds in trade centers, technical schools, universities and post-university
skills development.”10 Nigeria’s educational sector strategies also encompass the urgent need for
improved technical and vocational education/training (TVET), especially for young women.11
Finally, it is important to address the conflicts that have affected Nigeria in recent years. From
2013 through 2018, Nigerians have experienced over 33,000 conflict-related deaths—although
deaths have decreased since 2016.12 While the conflict has been most prevalent in the North
East, particularly in Borno state, where Boko Haram activities have been concentrated, both state
and non-state related deaths have also been reported in the North West.13
9 See the ILO Statistics data for Nigeria available at
https://www.ilo.org/shinyapps/bulkexplorer25/?lang=en&segment=indicator&id=SDG_0111_SEX_AGE_RT_A
Accessed on January 1, 2020. 10 See Ministry of Budget & National Planning. (2017). Economic Recovery and Growth Plan 2017-2020. Federal
Republic of Nigeria. p. 90. 11 See Federal Ministry of Education. (2019). Education for Change: A Ministerial Strategic Plan 2018 - 2022.
Abuja, Nigeria: Nigeria Federal Ministry of Education. pp. 22-27. 12 See UCDP/PRIO Armed Conflict Dataset available at
https://ucdp.uu.se/country/475https://ucdp.uu.se/country/475 13 See UCDP/PRIO and Matfess, H. (2019). The New Normal: Continuity and Boko Haram’s Violence in North
East Nigeria. Retrieved from https://www.acleddata.com/2019/02/11/the-new-normal-continuity-and-boko-harams-violence-in-north-east-nigeria/
Figure 2: Conflict-related deaths in Nigeria, 2013 to 2018.
Source: UCDP/PRIO Armed Conflict Dataset.
Page 10 of 83
In recent years, the role of schooling has gained increased recognition as an important factor to
consider in relationship to violent conflict and extremism. The work by Collier and colleagues
analyzing the covariates of civil wars from 1960 to 1999 found that higher secondary school
enrollment rates were associated with lower odds of a civil war.14 On the other hand, other
authors have noted that schooling has the potential to both worsen as well as lessen violent
conflict, with greater risks of worsening conflict when schooling is provided unequally or if the
curriculum exacerbates inter-group differentiation.15 16 However, education is not the only factor
related to engaging in violence--equity and exclusion; economic considerations, political
grievances, ethnic differences, and opportunism are also cited as important drivers. 17 18 19 20
Employment is specifically related to increased social inclusion and well-being21 indicating the
importance of educational efforts that lead to successful employment. When it comes to violent
extremism in particular, we still know very little about why people join and leave groups that use
violence for political or religious goals22—indeed even poverty does not have a clear relationship
to sympathizing with extremism.23
Program The Mafita program was a five-year youth livelihoods program funded by DFID and
implemented by Adam Smith International (ASI) in four Nigerian states. Kaduna, Kano, and
Katsina were targeted in the pilot phase of the program and one additional state, Jigawa, was
targeted in the scale-up phase. The Mafita program set out with an initial goal of supporting
68,000 marginalized youth to acquire full-time skilled employment or self-employment between
2015 and 2020.24 The DIME evaluation focuses on the pilot phase of the Mafita program, which
lasted for the first two years.
At the project’s inception, the three primary groups of youth that the program sought to support
were: (1) Almajirai (20%); (2) adolescent girls, including those in Islamic and Quranic schools
(20%); and (3) a collection of other youth including rural youth, temporary migrants, internally
displaced persons, sex workers, drug users, prison inmates, and gang members (referred to as
14 Collier, P., & Hoeffler, A. (2004). Greed and Grievance in Civil War. oxford Economic papers, 56(4), 563-595. 15 Davies, L. (2005). Schools and war: urgent agendas for comparative and international education. Compare: A
Journal of Comparative and International Education, 35(4), 357-371. 16 Bush, K. D., & Saltarelli, D. (2000). The Two Faces of Education in Ethnic Conflict: Towards a peacebuilding
education for children. Florence: UNICEF Innocenti Research Center. 17 Duffield, M. (2001). Global Governance and the New Wars. New York, NY: Palgrave. 18 Horowitz, D. L. (1985/2000). Ethnic Groups in Conflict (2nd ed.). Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. 19 Collier, P., Hoeffler, A., & Rohner, D. (2009). Beyond Greed and Grievance: Feasibility and Civil War. Oxford
Economic Papers, 61(1), 1-27. 20 Balian, H., & Bearman, P. (2018). Pathways to Violence: Dynamics for the Continuation of Large-scale Conflict.
Sociological Theory, 36(2), 210-220. 21 Leach, L. S., Butterworth, P., Strazdins, L., Rodgers, B., Broom, D. H., & Olesen, S. C. (2010). The limitations of
employment as a tool for social inclusion. BMC Public Health, 10(1), 1-13. 22 Horgan, J. Walking away from terrorism: Accounts of disengagement from radical and extremist movements. New
York, NY: Routledge. 23 Blair, G., Christine Fair, C., Malhotra, N., & Shapiro, J. N. (2013). Poverty and support for militant politics:
Evidence from Pakistan. American Journal of Political Science, 57(1), 30-48. 24 See Mafita. (2015). Inception Report Part I: Background and Concept. Kano, Nigeria: Adam Smith International.
Page 11 of 83
Yan’daba in Hausa language) (60%). Both the apprenticeship scheme and the training program
had the same objective of providing youth with skills training and educational opportunities to
increase their employability.
There were two aspects of the Mafita program on which the DIME team focused as part of the
impact evaluation: the first was an apprenticeship program that provided youth, primarily in
Kano state, with an opportunity to learn a new skill by working alongside MCPs at their place of
work. Recognizing the increased importance of the informal economy in northern Nigeria, the
apprenticeship program focused on augmenting youth’s market-relevant skills and intended to
help youth transition out of the program into paid employment or to their own business. The
program recognized the need to improve quality, capacity, and transferability of the
apprenticeship skill training system through increasing skills of MCPs and improving the use of
tools and equipment.25
The second aspect of the intervention was the COSDEC program, primarily in Kaduna and
Katsina states, which was conducted by trainers in formal educational centers. The COSDECs
were intended to serve as “one-stop-shops” for skill-building and entrepreneurship training. This
intervention, in contrast to the apprenticeship program, was created to involve the community
and local industries in the governance of the COSDECs. For more information on the two
different programs, see the concept note cited below.26
Youth from Kano were recruited through community outreach workers who were in contact with
caregivers. These caregivers were youth’s parents, relatives, and teachers, including malams who
teach at Quranic and Islamiyah schools. Caregivers also included guardians who cared for
orphans or migrant youth, especially those who came from rural areas. During the application
process, youth indicated their two top preferences for trade skills they wanted to acquire. After
the intake process, youth were assigned to their apprenticeship or COSDEC training based on
their test ranking and availability of spots. Throughout the program, it was expected that youth
would be paid a stipend to cover daily transportation and food costs.27
The Mafita program offered skills training in welding, rice processing, tailoring, leather working,
electrical installation, construction, mobile phone repair, automobile repair, and hospitality.
MCPs and trainers, who were screened for recruitment and then trained by the Mafita program,
led the trainings. Youth began their technical skills training with their MCPs and trainers after
completing classroom-based instruction in literacy, numeracy, and life skills. After completing
three months of in-class learning, youth received skills training for a minimum of nine months,
after which they took an exam to become certified in their trade. In addition to in-classroom
learning and on-site training, a subset of students during the pilot (and all participants thereafter)
completed two months of training in entrepreneurship and business development.
The Mafita program made additional efforts to include young women in the program by training
and certifying female MCPs in trades and skills that aligned with the gender norms and needs of
women in the target locations. These trades included leatherworking, garment making, and rice
25 See Mafita. (2015). Inception Report Part I: Background and Concept. Kano, Nigeria: Adam Smith International. 26 See Mafita. (2015). Inception Report Part I: Background and Concept. Kano, Nigeria: Adam Smith International. 27 While the program paid the stipend directly during the pilot, there was uneven continuation of the stipend post-
pilot as the responsibility for paying it transitioned to the state governments. Where possible the program organized training within walking distance for participants.
Page 12 of 83
processing. In addition, Mafita made efforts to expand the number of trades in which women
participated by encouraging them to enroll in non-gender specific trades. The program also
worked to provide women with skills training that allowed accommodations for their daily
routines. For example, some young women participated in ‘home-based’ apprenticeships where
they learned new jobs skills under the guidance of an in-house MCP.
The theory of change outlined below reflects the guiding assumptions of the Mafita program and
the possible outcomes from the interventions described above.
Figure 3: Mafita theory of change
As the chart in Figure 3 indicates, Mafita’s theory of change assumes that the new technical
skills that youth acquire will allow them to find jobs due to their increased marketability and to
start small businesses using those skills.28 Moreover, the theory of change assumes that youth
will expand their social networks by participating in the program, which will, in turn, increase
the number of jobs to which they are referred as well as their access to formal and informal
business loans and opportunities.29 Overall, both the COSDEC and apprenticeship programs
were therefore expected to lead to increases in employment, income, and entrepreneurship
among participating youth.
The theory of change further assumes that these interventions may also have an indirect effect on
a number of secondary outcomes. For example, an improvement in labor market outcomes may
28 For literature supporting this claim see the recent review and meta-analysis on technical vocational education and
training: Tripney, J. S., & Hombrados, J. G. (2013). Technical and vocational education and training (TVET) for
young people in low-and middle-income countries: a systematic review and meta-analysis. Empirical Research in
Vocational Education and Training, 5(1), 3. 29 For potential theoretical justification see Granovetter, M. S. (1973). The Strength of Weak Ties. American Journal
of Sociology, 78(6), 1360-1380 and Cingano, F., & Rosolia, A. (2012). People I Know: Job Search and Social Networks. Journal of Labor Economics, 30(2), 291-332.
Page 13 of 83
enhance subjective well-being by increasing opportunities for agency30 or by improving life
satisfaction.31 Additionally, the interventions may lead to a change in youths’ socio-political
attitudes and their tolerance for religious diversity. For instance, if the interventions expand the
social networks of trainees, this may expose them to individuals with differing backgrounds and
viewpoints, and these interactions may improve inter-group relations that underlie some
conflicts.32 Furthermore, a change in participants’ economic outlooks may encourage them to
support political policies that promote peace in the region, while also impacting how they view
both their own futures and that of their state and nation. The assumption is that broadening a
youth’s mental and material horizons will reduce his or her chances of becoming involved in
illicit or violent activities.33
In addition to the qualitative evaluation reported herein, Mafita also evaluated elements of this
theory of change through two quantitative impact evaluations: one on the impact of the
apprenticeship program and another on the impact of the COSDECs. More details regarding the
findings of the impact evaluations can be obtained from the World Bank’s DIME department.
Study Questions In light of the context and goals of the program, and in order to complement the quantitative
impact evaluation, this qualitative study sought to explore the following questions:
Overall study question: How has participation in Mafita affected participants’ daily lives, social
networks, livelihoods, and ideologies?
Sub-questions: For participants of both COSDECs and Apprenticeships:
a) How have daily routines changed?
b) How have social networks changed?
c) How have livelihoods changed?
d) How did participants experience the transition out of the program
(graduating/dropping out)?
e) What are participant’s attitudes toward social and political violence?
30 For potential theoretical underpinning see Sen, A. K. (1992). Inequality Reexamined. Oxford, UK: Oxford
University Press and Sen, A. (2004). Capabilities, Lists, and Public Reason: Continuing the Conversation. Feminist Economics, 10(3), 77-80. 31 It is important to note that the relationship between income and subjective well-being is not straightforward and
may be illusory, Kahneman, D., & Deaton, A. (2010). High income improves evaluation of life but not emotional
well-being. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 107(38), 16489-16493. Kahneman, D., Krueger, A.
B., Schkade, D., Schwarz, N., & Stone, A. A. (2006). Would You Be Happier If You Were Richer? A Focusing
Illusion. science, 312(5782), 1908-1910. 32 Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley Pub. Co. 33 However, this relationship is not clear as some evidence indicates that those with higher income are more
supportive of extremist groups (see Blair, G., Christine Fair, C., Malhotra, N., & Shapiro, J. N. (2013). Poverty and
Support for Militant Politics: Evidence from Pakistan. American Journal of Political Science, 57(1), 30-48.). Many
who participate in extremist organizations are educated and come from backgrounds with economic stability (see
Horgan, J. (2009). Walking away from terrorism: Accounts of disengagement from radical and extremist movements. New York, NY: Routledge).
Page 14 of 83
Research Methods
The study collected data through semi-structured Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) and one-on-
one interviews, combined with informal conversations and unstructured observations outside of
the interviews, to understand participants’ experiences in the Mafita program, the perceived
impacts of that experience, and the possible explanations for what worked and what did not work
well. Interviews allow for an in-depth understanding of the experience and perspectives of
participants34 while FGDs provide an opportunity for participants to interact with and stimulate
thought among each other.35 Data was collected at a stage when the first Mafita cohort had
finished the program and thus had experiences and outcomes to share with this perspective.
Moreover, it was conducted following the quantitative evaluation (a separate report) to further
understand and explore the quantitative findings.36 Interlocutors who were sampled included
participating youth, non-participating youth, caregivers, trainers, and MCPs. The sampling
included both males and females. Pseudonyms have been used throughout this document to
protect the identity of participants.
FGDs with young people were conducted in a setting in which respondents could voice their
agreement and disagreement with the perceptions and opinions of others. In addition, as
respondents reacted to each other and new topics developed out of conversation, data were
gathered that would not otherwise come to light during one-on-one interviews. FGDs were
conducted prior to one-on-one interviews whenever possible to increase comfort of participants
and to better select individuals for follow-up individual interviews. FGDs were organized by sex
and type of respondent with the exception of three FGDs that had trainers from both sexes.
Semi-structured one-on-one interviews were used to provide respondents with a private venue
where they could voice their opinions on sensitive topics. This methodology was particularly
useful in exploring topics such as opinions about politics, ideology, and the use of violence. One-
on-one interviews also provided respondents with a safe space to share counter-cultural
responses and experiences that they would not be comfortable sharing in a group (such as those
related to failure or difficult/inappropriate interpersonal interactions).
The semi-structured format for both FGDs and one-on-one interviews ensured that data were
collected on the key themes of the research while also enabling respondents to share their own
perspectives and cover topics that were not predicted. Thus, the method enabled the findings to
be grounded in the perspectives of the respondents rather than simply addressing the pre-
conceived notions of the research team. The FGD and interview protocols were informed by two
previous visits involving qualitative data collection and methods were tested during training
sessions. Through our focus on participants’ experiences of the program, we address the OECD
DAC evaluation criteria of relevance, internal coherence of intervention components,
effectiveness, and participants’ perceived impact. We do not focus primarily on efficiency or
34 Seidman, I. (2006). Interviewing as qualitative research: A guide for researchers in education and the social
sciences. Teachers college press. 35 Settle, R. B., & Alreck, P. L. (2004). Survey Research Handbook. 36 For more on sequential mixed methods see: Creswell, J. W., & Clark, V. L. P. (2017). Designing and conducting mixed methods research. Sage publications.
Page 15 of 83
sustainability although we add some reflections on sustainability below. The complementary
RCT is better able to address causal impact and efficiency.
We used purposive sampling for both FGDs and interviews in order to ensure our sample
included key voices from the program and community. Purposive sampling ensured inclusion of
males and females, participants and non-participants, those with successful and unsuccessful
experiences with the program, and those in different locations and with varying trade skills. In
studies that employ purposive sampling from a grounded theory approach, pure numbers are not
as important as in-depth, representative perspectives.37
FGDs had a median of five participants and lasted approximately an hour on average with a
range of 34 to 85 minutes. One-on-one interviews lasted an average of approximately 30 minutes
with a range of 14 to 77 minutes. All FGDs and interviews were conducted in a private location
with one lead interviewer and one note-taker present. In most instances both the interviewer and
the note-taker were the same sex as the respondents, and in all cases at least one of them was.
In qualitative research, sample size is often largely shaped by data saturation defined as, “the
point in data collection and analysis when new information produces little or no change to the
codebook.”38 Methodologists have not come to a consensus on when data saturation occurs, but
opinions range from 6-35 interviews.39 The final sample included 60 one-on-one interviews
(52% female) and 27 FGDs (44% female). For interviews 15% were conducted in Kaduna, 27%
in Katsina, and 58% in Kano. For FGDs 19% were conducted in Kaduna, 30% in Katsina, and
37 See for example Glaser, B. & Strauss, A. (1967). The discovery of grounded theory: Strategies for qualitative
research. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. Etikan, I., Musa, S.A., Alkassim, R.S. (2016). Comparison of Convenience
Sampling and Purposive Sampling. American Journal of Theoretical and Applied Statistics. Vol. 5, No. 1, 2016, pp.
1-4. doi: 10.11648/j.ajtas.20160501.11. While drawing on techniques from grounded theory, it should be noted that
this is an evaluative qualitative study and therefore did not seek to develop a theory (the final stage in grounded
theory). 38 Guest, G., Bunce, A., & Johnson, L. (2006). How many interviews are enough? An experiment with data
saturation and variability. Field methods, 18(1), 59-82. 39 See: Bertaux, D. (1981). From the life-history approach to the transformation of sociological practice. Biography
and society: The life history approach in the social sciences, 29-45.; Creswell, J. W. (1998). Qualitative inquiry and
research design: choosing among five Traditions.; Kuzel, A. J. (1992). Sampling in qualitative inquiry.; Morse, J. M. (1994). Designing funded qualitative research.
Figure 4: Photo of female youth participant focus
group discussion *Faces shown are those of the research team members
Figure 5: Photo of male youth participant interview
with interviewer and note-taker *Faces shown are those of the research team members
Page 16 of 83
52% in Kano. Respondents from Kaduna and Katsina were participating in the COSDECs, and
those from Kano were participating in the apprenticeship program. For additional details see
Tables 1 and 2 below.
Our analytical process relied on multiple perspectives of the research team to arrive at findings
that were both richer in perspectives and more robust than individual researcher perspectives.
First, raw data from interviews and focus groups, which were conducted in the study
participants’ local languages, were translated to English. They were converted into summaries
that were organized by topic and accompanied by direct quotes. The two research assistants, who
were present at a given interview, used audio recordings to develop these summaries jointly the
same week (and often the same day) that the data were collected. A senior field research
coordinator then reviewed the summaries and spot checked the recordings before logging them.
A subset of the data was reviewed by each of the three authors who then jointly developed a
provisional coding framework. This provisional coding framework was applied separately by
each of the three authors to a subset of overlapping data, and the authors discussed any divergent
coding results, refined coding definitions, and added new codes upon joint agreement of their
relevance. Codes included “reasons for joining Mafita,” “relationship with trainers and MCPs,”
“livelihoods,” “program benefits,” “program challenges,” and “future aspirations” among others.
The remaining data were then divided among the three authors for coding. After coding was
completed, each author reviewed all coded data to write memos on a subset of topics. These
memos were reviewed and revised iteratively by all authors during multiple in-person meetings
until a final agreement on the main findings of each topic was reached. The authors worked to
combine the resulting memos into a cohesive narrative of the experiences of participants and
shared this with the senior field research team, Usman Isyaku and Faisal Umar, who provided
additional feedback to finalize the analysis. The approach taken can be considered a mixture of
(1) first cycle provisional coding, (2) second cycle pattern and focused coding, and (3) the use of
memos.40 This report represents the culmination of an iterative qualitative analysis process that
incorporated multiple perspectives until reaching a convergent understanding of the data that
seeks to preserve the perspective of the participants throughout.
Table 1: Interviews and FGDs by respondent type and location
Kaduna Kano Katsina Row Total
FGD INT FGD INT FGD INT
Caregivers 2 5 7
Non-Mafita Youth 2 1 4 9 2 1 19
Mafita Youth 2 4 10 23 4 6 49
Staff 3 3
Trainers 1 2 2 4 9
Column Total 5 9 14 35 8 16 87
Note: Previous qualitative research engaged caregivers and MCPs in Kano, so this study prioritized these groups in
Kaduna and Katsina and drew from the previous study to triangulate findings. The sentiments did not differ in
substantive ways unless otherwise noted.
40 For an introduction to these qualitative analysis methods see Saldana, J. (2016). The Coding Manual for Qualitative Researchers (Third ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
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Table 2: Interviews and FGDs by program and sex
Apprenticeship COSDEC Staff Row Total
Sex FGD INT FGD INT INT
Female 7 16 5 14 1 43
Male 7 16 5 11 2 41
Mixed 3 3
Column Total 14 32 13 25 3 87
Ethical considerations remained at the forefront throughout this research. A member of the
qualitative research team traveled to Nigeria to ensure the research team was fully trained and
ready to ethically address potential scenarios that might arise while conducting the research. The
US-based qualitative researchers remained in constant contact with the in-field research team via
email, video calls, and WhatsApp throughout the research. All measures were taken to ensure no
harm was done to research participants while in the field or post-research. Names and identifying
information have been stringently protected throughout the research process with the use of
pseudonyms on all documents including original interview notes. Participants were also provided
with the option to provide a fake name during the interview process to involve them in the
process of maintaining confidentiality. Moreover, participants signed informed consent forms
and were made fully aware of the intent of the research and their role in it prior to starting the
interviews (See Appendix A9). The study adhered to the ethical principles of the Belmont Report
and was reviewed and approved by IRB Solutions (Protocol Number: 2019/09/18).
Limitations and Mitigation Strategies Since purposeful rather than random sampling was used for the research study, findings cannot
be generalized to all participants. However, strategic decisions were made to include male and
female students in both programs across multiple locations in order to capture the variety of
experiences in the program. Additionally, due to the local culture, a power dynamic existed
between the young participants and older interviewers that may have led participants to answer
questions in particular ways. Participants may have been hesitant in some cases to state their
honest opinion of the program, particularly if it was negative. However, the protocols were
designed to mitigate such social desirability bias and interviewers were trained and prepared to
help participants feel more comfortable to answer questions and to feel comfortable sharing both
positive and negative perspectives. Participants were made fully aware of the purpose of the
research and the fact that their answers would be kept confidential by the researchers. In the case
of focus group discussions, participants were made aware of the risk that other participants in
their focus group could divulge their answers and thus each focus group was exhorted to keep
what they heard confidential. Because the interviewers speak the same language and come from
the same local culture as the participants, the interviewers were positioned to ensure that
communication was clear and that culturally appropriate means of ensuring comfort and trust
were exercised. Finally, our analysis did not use complete verbatim transcripts but rather a
combination of field notes and key quotes collected in the field which were cross-referenced with
the audio recordings where needed. This limited the potential for precise discourse analysis but
enabled us to collect and analyze data from a larger sample of participants representing a greater
diversity of backgrounds.
Page 18 of 83
Findings
The findings are organized below into thematic categories. First, we report on overall
programmatic experiences including rationale for joining the program, the benefits participants
experienced, and the challenges participants faced in the program. Second, we discuss
participants’ livelihoods and how, and to what degree, changes were deemed to be related to
their Mafita experience. Third, we discuss the structure of participants daily routines and any
changes therein. Fourth, we report on the structure and changes of participants’ social networks.
Finally, we explore the young people’s social and political attitudes and experiences with
violence.
It is important to note that this report has gone through multiple review rounds and reflects the
inputs of various stakeholders including local research teams. However, our research privileges
the experiences and perceptions of participating youth in the Mafita program. Therefore, there
are findings that may diverge from the official policies of the Mafita program. Such divergence
may be because the implementation of the program did not always adhere to program design,
because participants and program staff had different perceptions of what was implemented, or
because participants divulged information to the research team that they withheld from the
program staff. For example, the program was designed to target youth who were neither
employed nor enrolled in education or other training programs. However, some of our
respondents who participated in Mafita did not meet this criterion. This could be because of
program implementation challenges; for example, the community mobilization teams may not
have strictly adhered to recruitment criteria—a challenge noted by program staff during the first
cohort’s recruitment. It could also be because the program and participants classified activities as
“employment,” “education,” and “training” differently. Finally, it could be that participants hid
their status during recruitment in order to secure a place but felt comfortable revealing this detail
to the researchers after having successfully completed the program. The same rationale may also
explain some of the participants’ perceptions of unfulfilled promises noted below. Perhaps these
promises were inappropriately made by program mobilizers or other staff to motivate
participants. On the other hand, it could be that participants misunderstood what support would
be provided or that they incorrectly remembered or exaggerated what was “promised.”
Regardless, this report presents the data collected from Mafita participants in their own language
and reflects the perceptions of program participants regarding the ways the program was
implemented and the subsequent effects of the program on their lives. We have chosen to
highlight the perception of the participants, especially the findings that were robust enough to be
included in the final report.
Our findings are in line with current literature on qualitative research of vocational programs.
Most of this literature includes programs largely linked to established educational institutions;
however, the findings indicate common strands important to the success of vocational programs
of all types. In one study, the perspectives and experiences of women in Nigerian vocational
programs were studied to create specific recommendations for a more gender inclusive space in
Polytechnic institutions.41 While important, the study specifically looks at vocational programs
41 Akor, R., Hamzah, A. B. H., & Rashid, A. B. M. (2015). Exploring How Nigerian Women Foster Action to Be
Taken to Involve More Women Participation in Technical and Vocational Education. International Journal of Education and Literacy Studies, 3(1), 14-25.
Page 19 of 83
already linked to larger institutions which may indicate a greater degree of social and economic
resources than for those in the Mafita program. In another study, factors related to career success
through technical and vocational education and training (TVET) were explored using a mixed
methods approach. The qualitative findings from that study indicated that success was related to
participant perception of compensation, motivation, and support from the organization, which is
a point that is relevant to the findings in this paper.42 Still another study explored student attrition
in South African TVET colleges and found that attrition is related to inadequate student
induction, dissatisfaction with the specializations offered, and lack of support in obtaining work
placement.43 In this paper, we find similar areas of dissatisfaction particularly around support
received after the program.
1. Program Experiences Overall, Mafita participants reported positive experiences. Below are some of the participants’
reported motivations to join the program; the benefits received and the challenges they faced.
Program Benefits Program Challenges
● Transferable skills
● Food and daily allowances (when paid)
● New training environment and pedagogy
● Trainers providing support to participating youth
● Trainers developed their own technical and
pedagogical skills
● Financial difficulties, especially paying for
transportation
● Receiving training in a skill different from the one
chosen
● Late provision of materials needed for hands-on
learning
● Unequal training provided among participants
● Not receiving “promised” certificates
Reasons for Joining the Program
The majority of Mafita participants reported joining the program to acquire skills for future
employment in order to be self-sufficient and financially independent. In addition to vocational
skills, participants overwhelmingly anticipated receiving certificates of completion which they
believed would make them more competitive when seeking jobs. As a motivation for joining the
program, some participants mentioned their perception of a promise of startup capital after
completion of the program. The third major reason for joining the program was the opportunity
to attain literacy and numeracy skills for those participants that had no previous exposure to
formal schooling.
Program Benefits
All participants reported having gained something from the program with most participants
highlighting skills acquisition or skills improvement as something that increased their ability to
earn more income. In addition to trade skills and increased income, participants also spoke about
developing transferable skills through their participation in Mafita. The benefits related to
42 Omar, Z., Krauss, S. E., Sail, R. M., & Ismail, I. A. (2011). Exploring career success of late bloomers from the
TVET background. Education+ Training. 43 Zulu, W. V., & Mutereko, S. (2020). Exploring the Causes of Student Attrition in South African TVET Colleges:
A Case of One KwaZulu-Natal Technical and Vocational Education and Training College. Interchange, 51(4), 385-407.
Page 20 of 83
acquisition and improvement of trade skills are explored in more detail in the ‘Livelihoods’
section below.
Life Skills
Participants noted that they developed various life skills such as learning how to relate better
with others (reported primarily by those who participated in the hospitality program); self-
discipline; money management and savings skills (one participant reported forming a savings
cooperative group with some other Mafita participants after they had completed the program);
time management skills; improved personal hygiene; reduced idleness; and increased desire to
acquire more knowledge.
Quote: “A makaranta an koya mana yadda
zaka zauna lafiya da mutane, yadda zaka
rinqa mu’amala da kostomomi.”
“In the program, we were even trained on how to interact
properly with one another and also how to treat our customer the
right way.”44
Quote: “A makarantar, su na koya mana,
yadda za ka karbi kwastoma, yadda za ka
tarairaye shi, ko da zai ji dadin yanayin
mu’amular ka da shi, kuma da yanayin
magana, a wurin sana’a, irin wannan
gaskiya, an samu cigaba sosai.”
“We have learnt how to welcome a customer and impress him so
that you have a warm business relationship. Not only that, we
were trained on how to speak to a customer in the school. There
has been a lot of progress.”45
RA Field Notes: All participants [in this FGD] agreed that the biggest influence the program had on them
was that they now want to be self-reliant. Aminu added that the Mafita program has really influenced them
through skills acquisition, and it has also increased their determination to acquire new knowledge.
Zakariyau, who responded for the first time since the commencement of the discussion, was of the opinion
that the Mafita program has influenced him in such a way that he could differentiate between varieties of
rice and their quality; this is something he could not do before the program.46
Literacy Skills
Many study participants highlighted the benefits they received from literacy and numeracy
classes. These included participants who had already completed secondary education before
joining the Mafita program and participants who were previously or concurrently enrolled in
Islamiyah schools. In addition to skills acquisition, participants discussed being able to better
read and write, and even being able to sign their names, as a great benefit from the program.
Some participants believed this category of students benefited most from the Mafita program.
RA Field Notes: Although Sade and other FGD participants have completed secondary education, meaning
that they can read and write, he highlighted how the program has helped many participants to improve
their literacy levels. In fact, this help, as Sani expressed, was priceless. They have seen some participants
who could not read and write prior to the program doing so after completion. All other FGD participants
agreed with this and believed that this category of participants benefited the most from the Mafita
program.47
RA Field Notes: Aisha benefited from Mafita in that she learnt how to associate with people especially
customers (public relations). Secondly, she learnt how to read and write in English, she can also sew
44 Maryam, Female, Mafita participant, FGD, Kano 45 Ismail, Male, Mafita participant, FGD, Kano 46 RA comment, Male, Mafita participants, FGD, Kano 47 RA comment, Male, Mafita participants, FGD, Daura
Page 21 of 83
clothes with ease, she also was able to get the little financial support and above all, she can earn a little
income to complement her mother’s efforts. She cannot thank Mafita enough for this.48
This finding differs from the quantitative analysis; but such a difference is not necessarily
surprising. Our methodology is designed to capture experiences that may deviate from the
average treatment effect. Furthermore, it is possible that the language skills that participants
valued are not the same ones that were captured in the brief standardized assessment used in the
quantitative analysis.
Benefits to Trainers
Trainers who participated in interviews reported benefits from the Mafita program in areas such
as improving their facilitation skills through the learner-centered approach; becoming more
“exposed and enlightened”; increasing their expertise in the specific areas in which they gave
instruction; improving their ability to teach and interact with youth; and receiving capacity-
building trainings which updated their knowledge. Some trainers also talked about the monetary
compensation from these trainings as something beneficial as well.
Quote: “A gaskiya mun samu experience ba
karami ba, akan bambamcin koyarmu nada
da koyarwarmu na yanzu. Kaga
koyarwarmu na yanzu basu yarda da failure
ba, duk yarda zakayi sai ka dawo kasa yaro
ya iya wannan abun da yakeyi. Amma a da
ka kan kayi relax ko oho, nazo na koyar a
aji, yaro in ya tsaya ya iya,ya iya. In bai
dauka ba, zan rubuta takarda baka iya ba
kayi failing”
“As a matter of fact, we gained lots of experience with regard to
the teaching method. You see in our teaching method here; a
participant cannot fail. You have to find a way of making him
understand what you want to train him. Unlike, the conventional
method where you will not be bothered if your student fails as long
as you taught him what he needed to be taught”49
Quote: “Duk wanda yake cikin program din Mafita sunada capacity building a
matsayinka na wanda zakayi aiki tare
dasu… zasu gogar dakai na fannin aikin da
kakeyi”
“Whoever is involved with Mafita program, you will receive
capacity building trainings as their employee… you will learn
your job very well”50
Organizational Benefits
The staff of ASI reflected on several unintended benefits of the project that were visible at a
structural level. One benefit was that the engagement of trade representatives appeared to
energize these associations, and as a result they became more formalized and even created an
umbrella trade organization. This enabled the program to coordinate with multiple traders more
effectively through the umbrella organization.
Secondly, although there were issues with cost-sharing, the collaboration with the state and local
government bodies created a more sustainable model that could be continued after the project
ends. This collaboration included the use of existing vocational training centers, sharing various
costs, and ensuring that the skills of both youth participants and trainers could be recognized
officially using the skills framework in Nigeria.
48 RA comment, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 49 A’isha, Female, Mafita trainer, Kaduna (Sabon Gari) 50 Mohammed, Male, Mafita trainer, Kaduna (Sabon Gari)
Page 22 of 83
Other Benefits
Another ancillary benefit mentioned by a few participants was an increased sense of being
respected. Participants discussed this in relation to increased expressions of pride from parents
and respect from peers. Benefits mentioned also included the incentives provided by the program
such as free food and daily allowances; facilitation methods used in the program that made them
feel more engaged (instead of traditional teaching methods); and encouragement of interaction
among people from various backgrounds such as through the provision made for the
transportation of disabled participants.
In general, both women and men equally reported having benefited from the program in terms of
overall benefits. However, some trainers mentioned that men benefited more than the women,
and they noted that this may be because men were better able to apply their newly acquired skills
in society whereas women were more limited in terms of societal expectations related to working
outside the home. This perspective was relatively rare and may be more reflective of the biases
of the trainers (especially male trainers) than the reality of the outcomes.
Quote: “Gaskiya mazan sun fi amfana da
Mafita a bisa mata, amma matan sun fi mai
da hankalin su a kan program din, sai dai su mazan duk abin da su ka koya, ya fi fadi,
saboda al’umma sun fi harka da su a kan
mata.”
“Honestly, the male participants benefit from the program more
than female counterparts. The females are more committed, but the males use the skills they learnt more than the females because
the society deals with the male more.”51
Quote: “Gaskiya mazan sun fi amfani da
abin da su ka koya, yawancin mata idan sun
gama, aure su ke yi. Yawancin matan da su
ke amfana da abin da su ka koya saidai
masu dinki, wannan ba zan ja ba, amma
maza a ko wani fanni su na nan kuma su na
amfana.”
“The males practice more of what they have learnt; most females
get married after graduating. Tailors are the only ones who
mostly benefit from their training. This is unarguable: the men are
in all categories and they are benefitting from the scheme.”52
Program Challenges
Participants reported challenges that fell into two categories: financial and training
implementation. The major complaints related to finances was lack of funds for transportation
and inconsistencies in the receipt of expected allowances from the program. Challenges related
to training included a lack of choice in vocational pursuits; unavailability of required equipment;
quality of training; and the non-receipt of certificates of completion.
Financial Challenges
Most of the challenges reported by participants were related to finance for transportation, and
this was linked to the distance of training locations from their homes. Some participants received
support from their parents and were able to continue the program while others struggled or
pooled money together to share taxis to and from the training locations. In a few instances, the
lack of transport allowances led to participants dropping out of the program while some other
participants received financial support from their MCPs in order to continue the program.
51 Lamunde, Male, Mafita trainer, Katsina 52 Aminu, Male, Mafita trainer, Katsina
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Quote: “Kaman yanda na fada daga baya
hakane, na tafi a kafa ma ban karya ba
kuma naje mun yi aiki ina jin yunwa na debi
shinkafa na ci, wallahi. Daga baya ne abin
yayi yawa kuma sai suka fara tausaya mana
su malaman da muke zuwa wurin su, so
dama Mafita ta yi alkawarin kowanne idan
yaje a sati za’a baka dubu daya, duk zuwa
za’a baka dari biyu zuwa da dawowa, ba’a
bamu wannan kudin gaskiya”
“Like I said earlier, I left home without taking breakfast and I had
to trek to the training school. After reaching the school and doing
a little bit of work I became exhausted and hungry, so I had to eat
uncooked rice. Later on, the MCPs had to intervene when they
realized things were getting out of hand because Mafita promised
to give us one thousand naira per week that is two hundred naira
daily, but it was never given to us” 53
Quote: “Gaskiya muma dai muna kokari
muna hada group ne in zamu tafi sai mu hau NAPEP sai mu je can din kuma kudin
ma baya yin yawa tunda da yawa za;a tafi
kuma muna kokarin mu hadu da wuri mu
tafi chan din”
“We usually go in groups to the training centers in commercial
tricycles and that reduces the transport cost. We always try to
assemble on time before going”54
Quote: “Abun da yasa na dena zuwa, ina da
mai machine din da kullum zai zo ya dauke
ni ya maida ni. Tom akace za’a dinga bamu
kudin da zamu rinka transport, toh sai aka
zo ba’a bamu wannan kudin…”
“I had a commercial motorcyclist that took me to [Mafita] and
brought me back home after closing. We were told we would be
given transport allowance, but it was not given to me that was why
I quit [Mafita]…”55
For those that did receive some allowances, participants complained about inconsistency with
regard to payment of transportation and feeding allowances. To assist with transport fares, a few
participants reported taking loans that they were not able to repay, which made them unable to
take further loans.
Quote: “Babban kalubalen dana fuskanta
shine sai ace karshen sati za’a bamu kudin mota dana aAbinci amma wata sa’in sai ayi
wata ko fi ba’a bamu ba.”
“The main challenge during the program to me was the inconsistency in the payment of feeding and transport allowances.
We were promised to be paid by the end of each week, but we
could stay up to a month or more without any payment.”56
Quote: “Da muka shigo cikin shirin ance
mana akwai kudin abinci dana transport
kullum sai ya zamanto ba’a badawa kan
kari. Toh wani sai yayi sati ma bai samu
kudin dazai zo ba.”
“At the beginning of the program, we were told transport fares
and feeding allowance would be given daily, but it wasn’t so.
Some participants could spend an entire week without having the
means to transport themselves.”57
Some participants mentioned that the lack of transport fare was further complicated by the
Mafita program not allowing time for them to engage in other income-generating activities. A
few participants talked about having to leave previous trades and apprenticeships in order to
participate in the Mafita program and were disappointed at not getting the support they were
53 Aminu, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 54 Hafiza, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 55 Jamila, Female, Mafita participant (dropout), Kaduna 56 Ayuba, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 57 Yasir, Male, Mafita participant, Kano
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promised.58 For some, the program duration was longer than they had planned; nonetheless, most
were committed to finishing the program.
Quote: “Gaskiya wajen samu ma akwai
yawa, ya taba rayuwata, saboda na ajiye
duka sana’ata, kuma yanzu babu wancan
din kuma shi ma wannan din babu, saboda
yanzu babu kudin da za a saye keken ,ana ta
muna alkawari, za’a kawo mana keke…”
“In terms of income, it has affected my life, because I have
abandoned my job, and right now I have put all of my eggs in one
basket, I don’t have money to purchase a sewing machine, and I
have lost my former job. We have had endless promises of getting
machines.”59
Quote: “Mutum na aiki a shago dake nesa,
yana bukatar kudin abin hawa dana abinci,
kuma wasu iyayen gidan suna kyashin baka
wani abu gani suke ana baka makudan
kudi.”
“If a participant is doing his apprenticeship at a workshop that is
far, he requires feeding and transport fares and most of the bosses
won’t give you even a dime, thinking that you are being paid huge
amounts by Mafita.”60
Quote: “Sai dai in dan rance a wajan abokai na wan da muke dan zama da su, su
ba sa harkar, “sai suce” ka ga irin ta”
“My non-Mafita friends would mock me and my situation [because of ceasing my petty business in order to join Mafita].
They would do this before lending me any money.”61
RA Field Notes: Ayagi believes that the program really worked for them considering that most graduates
now have income as a result of the skills learned. However, he lamented that at the beginning of the
program, they were told the duration of the program would be 9 months, but they ended up spending 16
months. He frowns at that inconsistency and expresses that many participants joined due to the promised incentives.62
With regard to financial support, there seem to have been some challenges with the program
communicating the extent and frequency of financial support as well as with the actual provision
of promised support in some instances.
Training Challenges
Choice of vocation: Although most participants were satisfied with the trade skill they learned,
we focus on the challenge presented for those who did not learn the skill they had requested. We
highlight this because a year-long training in a topic that is not of high interest for the participant
can be a poor use of time and resources for both the program and the participant. Several
participants and trainers mentioned that those who did not get assigned to their trade of choice
had lower motivation to complete the program, and this also affected their application of skills
after completion of the program.63
Quote: “Idan na samu hali zan rika ba
yYara damar zabar irin aikin da su ke
“If given the chance, I will make sure participants gets the room
to choose their preferred skill, this will help in reducing the
58 See the ‘Prioritizing Participant Perception’ paragraph at the beginning of the Findings section explaining the
incongruence between program policy and participant perception. 59 Nafiu, Male, Mafita participant, FGD, Kano 60 Haruna, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 61 Ismail, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 62 RA comment, Male, Mafita participants, FGD, Kano 63 While presentation of participants’ perceptions is prioritized in this report, it is important to note, however, that
skills trainings offered were dependent on the availability of MCPs to teach those skills and the availability of vocational tracks varied by location.
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sha’awar koya, wWannan zai rage yawan
masu tserewa kafin a kammala shirin. Zan
kuma rika bada kudin mota domin a samu
yawan masu zuwa koyon aikin.”
number of trainees dropping out midway. I would also introduce
transport stipends to improve attendance.”64
Unavailability or late delivery of equipment: Participants who were unhappy about the way their
trainings were conducted usually complained about late delivery (or no delivery) of relevant
equipment or cooking equipment—in the case of the hospitality track. For example, some
complained that the late arrival of sewing machines negatively affected the quality of training
they received. Some participants in the ICT track complained of having to contribute financially
in order to get access to the internet for classes.
Quote: “Babbar matsalar da muka
fuskanta shine, dama ana bukatar mu iya
practical sannan mu iya theory. Sai aka
fara mana theory, practical din daya kamata ayi mana akan lokaci, bamuyi shi
akan lokaci ba sai lokaci daya kure. Duk
abubuwan daya kamata akoya mana a
practical ba’ayi mana ba… na wata uku
kawai akayi mana, shima ba koda yaushe
muke samu mu hau saman system ba”
“The major challenge we had was we were supposed to start the
training with the practical aspect and later the theoretical aspect,
but we started with the theoretical aspect, we did not get enough practical training because it started late towards the tail end of
the program. We were not taught all what we are supposed to be
taught in the practical… We only had three months practical
training, and it was not every time we got to use the
[computer]systems”65
RA Field Notes: According to Jamila, they used to contribute their personal money to buy internet data
during practicals because there was no provision for data in the program. Amina had adequate theoretical
training; her main challenge was not being given practical instruction in aspects like baking, during the
program. They usually contributed money to buy practical ingredients. She said the MCPs wanted to train
them in so many different things, but unavailability of the basic ingredients and tools tied their hands.
Jummai said they were even sent to Industrial Training (I.T) without doing any practical training, which
was very challenging for her.66
Quality of training: Some participants expressed discontent in not learning certain skills—that is
they felt they were limited in what they learned in the Mafita program. For example, an FGD
participant, Amina, felt she did not benefit as much as others because she only learned how to
make a purse and not bags and shoes. In addition, participants felt the MCPs’ capacity to train
them affected the quality of training they received and subsequently how much they benefited
from the program. Some participants mentioned that people who learned certain skills (e.g.,
tailoring) benefited more than those who learned skills that are only applicable during certain
seasons (e.g., rice processing) or those such as masonry that were not frequently needed.67 One
female interviewee believed that participants in the areas of carpentry, welding, and tailoring
benefited the most, while those in ICT and hospitality tracks benefited the least. For the
hospitality training track, as explained above and in the quote below, this appears to be a result
of delays in receiving essential materials.
64 Nana, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 65 Talatu, Female, Mafita participant, Kaduna (Sabon Gari) 66 RA comment, Female Mafita participants, FGD, Kaduna (Sabon Gari) 67 Male, Mafita participants, FGD, Kano
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Quote: “Akwai wadanda basu mori shirin
ba sosai, kasancewar yawancin kayan aikin
ba’a kawo su akan lokaci ba (misali en ICT
da Hospitality) kuma ba’a bada umarnin a
bude su a fara amfani dasu ba sai da lokaci
ya zamo ya riga ya kure haka… lokacin daya kamata ayi graduation ya rigama ya
kusa sannan aka fito dasu, kaga sannan ma
ya riga ya zama late”
“There were some that did not benefit from the program the way
they were supposed to, (those in ICT and Hospitality) because
practical equipment were brought to the school late and, even so,
permission was not given to start using them until close to the graduation period”68
Non-issuance of certificates: Participants expressed frustration about not receiving certificates at
the end of the Mafita program. Most participants believed certificates from the program would
provide legitimacy for whatever subsequent trades they decided to pursue; would help them in
further academic pursuits; as well as for job searches in other geographic areas such as in Lagos.
Quote: “Sunyi ikirarin zasu bamu
certificate, amman gaskiya har yanzu babu
labarin certificate. To kayan aiki ma bai
samu ba balle certificate.”
“They claimed that we will be given a certificate, but honestly, we
haven’t seen that. Besides, they couldn’t give equipment, so it’s
needless to talk about the certificate.”69
RA Field Notes: Bala was told if they completed the program, they will be given a certificate which they
can use to secure a job or further their education. However, nothing was given to them up till now. The
issue of the non-issuance of certificate has made every participant to talk, including Muhammad who has
not been talking. They mentioned how important this certificate is to them, and how one can secure a job
with it or go for further education.70
Some participants such as Fatima, an FGD participant in Katsina, complained that they were
charged for certificates, which were never issued.
Quote: “Sunce sai mun bada dari biyar in
zasu bamu certificatedin kammalawa”
“We were asked to pay N500 to collect our certificate of
completion”71
In conversation with program staff and administrators, it was highlighted that these participants
might have been from the first cohort of the program at a time when the COSDECs were still
referred to as Basic Apprenticeship Training Centers (BATCs) and at a time when a concurrent
non-Mafita program charged for trade certificates.
Injury: Although only mentioned once, it is important to note that a participant recounted an
injury when asked what challenges he faced during the program.
Quote: “Toh, gaskiya ni akwai wani lokacin
mu na aiki a gurun, mu na aiki da wuta ne,
na taba konewa a kafa, konewan itace zan
dade ban har na gama manta da ita ba.”
“There was a time I had an accident while working. We use
electricity at work, I burnt my leg, this burn is what I would
remember for a long time.”72
68 Talatu, Female, Mafita participant, Kaduna (Sabon Gari) 69 Musa, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 70 RA Field Notes, Male, Mafita participants, FGD, Kano 71 Fatima, Female, Mafita participant, Katsina 72 Ismail, Male, Mafita participant, Kano
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2. Livelihoods Participants often spoke about how they improved their technical skills due to their participation
in Mafita. Many of them noted increased earnings although most of these increases were only
enough to cover small personal purchases. However, a substantive number of participants voiced
frustrations because they were not able to transfer their acquired trade skills into paid work or
their own business at the end of the program. Instead, several participants noted that they had to
go back to take unrelated jobs or were only able to find work with their trainers or MCPs. Most
participants wanted to start their own business, and many were frustrated because they received
mixed messages about whether or not they would be given start-up capital as loans or grants. In
the end, most received nothing, and many were frustrated by this.73
Notable Experiences Mafita Changes
● While youth with existing employment were not
the target group of the program, some youth did
report having previous apprenticeships before
joining Mafita.74
● Many youths were petty traders or had odd jobs
prior to joining Mafita, and some had to leave those
opportunities in order to participate in Mafita.
● Most participants noted that they developed new
skills, including new technical trade skills.
● Many participants reported increased earnings.
● However, most of the increased earnings were
marginal and only enough for small personal
purchases.
Trade Skills
Multiple respondents, both men and women, spoke about learning new trade skills during their
participation in Mafita. Musa, a male participant, was emphatic about his skills improvement
opening up new work opportunities declaring that “things have surely changed. Unlike before, I
now have a profession.”75 This was confirmed by Fatima who said: “now that the organization
took the responsibility to train us, we make things no matter how little, with this you have helped
yourself. Our idle lives have changed. You have now got a job.”76
Participants talked about their exposure to new tools/equipment and ways to improve their
current work including learning about related theory or more technical aspects of their jobs. In
several cases, this led to them gaining respect from their bosses and receiving greater
responsibility at work. Musa, the male participant from Katsina mentioned above, shared the
following story of his increased status at work.
Quote: “Kamar ni misali a wancan lokacin
ana iya bani yadi kujera in buga ko
sampepar gado kawai inyi,amma ta dalilin
yin makarantar nan yanzu ina yin har kabin
na gado kolo skelatal na kujera”
“I was only given minor jobs at my place of work before joining
Mafita such as clothing cushions, but after I completed the
program, my boss now assigns more technical jobs to me like
making an entire cushion frame or bed cabin.”77
73 Although official program policy was that funds were not to be promised to participants, this report focuses on
participants’ perception of promises made to them. 74 Although the program’s enrollment criteria did not extend to those who were students or employed at the time of
interview, some program participants mentioned leaving jobs to be a part of the program. It is possible that their
status was underreported upon enrollment or that enrollment criteria were less strictly applied by the community
mobilizers used for recruiting Cohort 1. 75 Musa, Male, Mafita participant, Katsina 76 Fatima, Female, Mafita participant, FGD, Kano 77 Musa, Male, Mafita participant, Katsina
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Respondents displayed pride in being able to make or design new items due to the skills learned.
Quote: “Gaskiya akwai wata rana da mu ka
zo wurin koyon dinki, toh, sai wata ta zo da
wata jaka, jakar ba irin ta nan ba ce, ta
waje ce da ake shigo da ita, toh jakar sai na ga ta minimani kyau sosai, sai na nunawa
mai koya muna aiki, na ce mata don Allah
ina son in yi irin wannan jakar, toh sai ka
karfafa minimani gwiwa, (“Ai za ki iya in
dai ki na so, ba wani wahala za ta ba ki
ba.”) Ta taimaka munma ni mu ka dauki
gwajinta, ta gwaggwada munmani yadda
zan dinka ta, da na dinka na yi farin ciki
sosai saboda bayan ita ma na yi irin ta
kusan guda hudu, na ji dadi, har yanzu idan
na tuna, abin ya na faranta mani rai sosai”
“There was a day we came to the tailoring training school and
then a lady came with a unique foreign bag of a kind that I had never seen before. That bag caught my fancy. So, I told our trainer
that I would love to design such a bag and she encouraged me
saying ‘I can do it if I like, it is not a big deal.’ She helped me to
take the bag’s measurement and demonstrated how I would go
about it. I made the bag, and I was very happy about it. After that
one, I made about four similar bags. I feel happy when I
remember that until this moment.”78
This improvement in trade skills included women learning trades that are traditionally male
dominated, such as carpentry. For example, a participant, Maryam talked about now being able
to make carpentry products that “impress her neighbors, including stools and toys for
children.”79
Interestingly, almost all female Mafita participants we spoke with had started a new job that
aligned with their training. However, male Mafita participants were as likely to maintain or lose
their job as to start a new one that matched their training—with a majority speaking about
maintaining their job from before the program.80 This finding is particularly noteworthy given
the gender gaps in employment in this context.
Earnings
In line with the quantitative results, program-related skills development and exposure to new
vocations coincided with marginally increased earnings. The increase was small but enough to
enable some additional financial independence for the young people as demonstrated primarily
through their ability to buy small personal items. Musa, a young man who studied tailoring with
Mafita, shared that he could only cover his basic needs before Mafita but that he can “now afford
to buy food and get new clothes for himself” through “his new tailoring job.”81 For young
women the change in earnings was even more noticeable. A young woman named Zainab shared
that “before joining Mafita, I ask my dad for money […] today I cater for about 50% of my
financial needs. My business really helps me a lot.” Not only does she have more financial
independence, but her “parents are happy with that.”82 Some participants use their small
increases in earnings to invest in their businesses.
78 Zainab, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 79 RA Field Notes, Female, Mafita participant, Katsina (Daura) 80 See the ‘Prioritizing Participant Perception’ paragraph at the beginning of the Findings section explaining the
incongruence between program policy and participant perception. 81 Musa, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 82 Fatima, Female, Mafita participant, Kano
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Overall, it appears females benefited more in terms of increased earnings. One explanation for
this might be that females were more likely to lack any personal source of livelihood prior to the
program. Thus, they were improving from a lower baseline than male participants. Several
female participants spoke about only earning small amounts from activities such as candy selling
prior to joining Mafita.
Quote: “Kafin na shiga sana’ar Mafita ina
yin alawar madara ana zuwa ana saya a
gida, sai kuma maganin sauro da ashana da
magi, duk ana zuwa a siya a gida. Amma yanzu tunda na fara hada jaka da takalma
sai na bar ma yayata don ita bata a sami
aikin Mafitar ba.”
“Before joining Mafita I used to make milk toffees that were sold
at home, and I also sold mosquito coils, matches and seasoning,
all at home. But after I started making bags and shoes, I left those things for my elder sister to continue because she didn’t get the
Mafita program.”83
However, another argument for the apparent difference is that the trades in which women were
occupied could be more lucrative. One caregiver in Katsina believed that “the girls make more
money because they go into fashion making which is lucrative.”84
While most participants spoke of small changes in earnings that enabled periodic personal
purchases, others discussed more substantial changes in their income stream. One female
participant stated, “my means of livelihood is entirely different from how it used to be; I can now
sustain myself.”85 In other cases, participants have managed to begin reinvesting their earnings
into their businesses. Safara’u—who left selling toffees to her sister after transitioning to making
shoes and bags as learned through Mafita—discusses how she reinvests profits into her shoe- and
bag-making business.
Quote: “Idan na hada jaka da takalmi aka
siya kudi suna shigo min, sai in aije ribar in
je kasuwa in kara siyo wasu kayan aikin.
Idan ribar ta taru sai in karawa jari karfi. Yanzu kudi suna shigo min ba kamar da ba.
Duk lokacin da nayi jaka da takalmi na
siyar zan sami kudi.”
“I get money whenever I make and sell shoes and bags, from
which I keep the profit and go to market to buy more production
materials. When I save much profit, I add to the startup capital. Now I get financial income unlike before because whenever I
make and sell shoes and bags, I make money.”86
It is useful to have the results of an RCT to support the evidence of these marginal increases in
earnings given the suspicions of some respondents, such as caregivers of Mafita participants,
who said that any increases in income were not because of Mafita. This was voiced by
respondents who also highlighted the lack of capital support after program completion and how
this, in turn, limited job prospects requiring former participants to return to other jobs.
Quote: “Idan ma karin ya samu ta wani
fannin ne amma bata wannan fannin ba”
“Even if their income has increased, it is not because of the
program’s support”87
83 Safara’u, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 84 Sani, Male, Caregiver, Katsina 85 Hauwa, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 86 Safara’u, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 87 Mallam Ibrahim, Male, Caregiver, Kaduna (Sabon Gari)
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Frustrations
Livelihood outcomes were not all positive. Some participants voiced frustration that they could
not find work after completion of the program; had to join a profession disconnected with their
trade; or that the only option they had after finishing the program was to work with their MCP or
return to their old work. As indicated in the quote below, Musa still works for his trainer which,
though better than being out of work, is limiting and may not be sustainable. Furthermore, he
would prefer to set out and start his own business.
Quote: “Amman dama mu zuwa 2018, shine
muka gama [shirin Mafita]. Amman muna
zuwa ne din, Oga yakan dauke mu haka, da
yake bamu bar shagon ba tunda bakada naka shagon dole zaka zauna a kasan wani
kake labewa kafin Allah yah hore maka
kaima ka bude naka”
“We actually completed the Mafita program in 2018 but we still
go to the shop to work for our boss (trainer). We have to stay
under the care of someone until we get the means to set-up our own since we don’t have any at the moment”88
Na’ima Aliyu explained that due to the lack of capital she has not been able to engage in
tailoring and instead is working as a hairdresser.
Quote: “dukkan ninmu da muka zo muka
koyi sana’a a Mafita ya kamata mu dinga
bitar abinda muka koya kuma muna samun
rufin asiri dashi, amma saboda bamu da
kayan aiki kuma iyayen mu ba masu kudi
bane ba kuma bazasu iya taimaka mana da
kayan aiki ba, wannan dalilin yasa nida na
koyi dinkin kaya a shirin Mmafita dole na koma ina kitso a matsayin sana’a saboda
banida kayan dinki”
“All the participants have learnt one skill or the other but the
majority of us lacked capital after the program. Most of our
parents are poor and they cannot support us with capital. I have
learnt tailoring, but I plait people’s hair for my livelihood”89
Many of these frustrations were linked to a lack of start-up capital. Most young people wanted to
start their own business but lacked the finances to purchase necessary equipment, such as sewing
machines. The issue of start-up capital is explored in more detail in the next section.
Start-Up Capital
One of the most common complaints across all types of participants was the perception that
Mafita did not keep a promise to provide start-up capital after completion of the program.90
There was widespread confusion about what sort of financial support Mafita would provide for
youth to start-up their own businesses after graduating from the program. Some participants
spoke about promised grants that never materialized; others spoke about loans that were never
received. Participants who discussed receiving financial assistance appeared to be confused
about the nature of the assistance. Some of them thought they were receiving grants from banks
or NGOs that later turned out to be loans they had to repay.
88 Musa, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 89 Naima Aliyu, Female, Mafita participant, Katsina 90 This was true even for participants that were in their chosen track. See the ‘Prioritizing Participant Perception’
paragraph at the beginning of the Findings section explaining the prioritization of participant perception in this
report. Although official program policy was that funds were not to be promised to participants, this report focuses on participant perception of promises made.
Page 31 of 83
Quote: “Sai dai bashin da aka ce za a bada
shi kuma bashin nada matsaloli shiyasa
mutane da dama suka ki amsar bashin na
dubu hamsin”
“The only support offered was a loan and bank loans are feared
by people, so we declined the offer.”91
Quote: “A gaskiya kudinnan da gwamna ya
bamu… a zatonmu kyauta aka bamu sai
kwanakin nan akazo cikin makaranta aka ce
mana wai loan ne, mu bayar da wadannan
kudi”
“The truth is the money given to us by the Governor… we all
thought it was a grant, it is just recently that we were told at
school that it was a loan and that we should repay the money.”92
RA Field Notes: Hauwa’u lamented that Mafita made all of them to open a bank account but they are yet to
receive anything from Mafita as support or from any person outside. One of the participants said she
received the offer of a N50,000 loan but rejected it because she didn’t know if she could pay back.93
Meanwhile, some participants who received loans complained that the amounts received were
insufficient to start meaningful businesses.
RA Field Notes: They all admitted being supported by a loan by the State Government. They all received
different amounts which they said were given to them initially as a grant, but they were later notified that it
was a loan and that they must repay it. According to Amina when they were given the money, no one
explained to them that it was a loan, and she believes the loan is too meager compared to the equipment
necessary to start their own trade. She said for her to start her own trade she needs at least the sum of
200,000 naira. […] She (Jummai) said they were given a Bank account number through which they should
be making their repayments. She said Mafita on its own did not support them in any way after graduation.
She alleges that they were promised financial or logistic support after graduation by Mafita, and as a
matter of fact that was the main reason why she joined the program.94
Most of the complaints about lack of capital were from apprenticeship participants in Kano;
however, a significant number of complaints also came from COSDEC participants in Katsina
and Kaduna. A caregiver in Kaduna, who knew multiple Mafita participants, estimated that about
30% of the participants under his care received some form of capital. Meanwhile, Mafita staff
shared that some participants were connected with capital as part of ASI’s work in connecting
youth with lenders, for example, from the government or from other financial institutions. Those
participants who were not able to secure capital (from parents or family) to start their businesses
returned to their former apprenticeships or continued to seek employment.
Quote: “Gaskiya babu abin da ya canza, mu na ta jira dai, kawai mun koyi sana’a
dai amma har yanzu ba mu fara samun kudi
da sana’ar ba, saboda babu jari, amma
mun koyi aiki”
“Nothing has changed so far, we are still patient, we have learnt
the skill, but we have not started making money from it because
we lack the capital, but we have the expertise.”95
91 Female FGD Participant, Mafita participant, Katsina 92 Jummai, Female, Mafita participant, Kaduna (Sabon Gari). Note that “Governor” is used here as a figure of
speech representing state government support, not the action of an individual governor. 93 RA Field Notes, Female, Mafita participants, FGD, Katsina 94 RA Field Notes, Female, Mafita participants, FGD, Sabon Gari, Kaduna 95 Shamsu, Male, Mafita participant, Kano
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Quote: “Abubuwan da mu ke bukata su ne
kayan dinki, su zararruka da allura, yanzu
ko ya na sa kudi zan iya juya su, saboda na
san harkar ciki da bai, amma babu jari”
“What we need are sewing materials: needles and thread. Once I
get startup money, I can work on it because I have been
exhaustively trained, but the capital is missing.”96
RA Field Notes: These participants have not received any form of financial or logistic support after
graduation and Sade believes that it is the only part of the program that is disappointing to all of them. He remembered that there was even a time when they were given forms to fill for Bank loan, which they did,
but yet, nothing has been given to them. He went further to explain that before joining the Mafita program,
he sold timber and was doing reasonably well. After his enrollment and completing the training in IT, he
could not find any IT job and he does not have the capital to open his own place or go back to the timber
business. As such, he is now jobless without any income.97
However, although most participants lacked access to capital, some found creative solutions to
find the capital goods necessary to engage in their trade. For example, some youth were able to
leverage their social networks to start their businesses by borrowing capital goods from friends
or family. Several participants highlighted borrowing capital goods as a strategy to overcome the
lack of their own capital.
Quote: “Yanzu a haka na samu kwarewar
da zan iya yanka yadi in dinka. Ko da ban
da keken, zan iya in siyo yadi, in sami wani
mai shagon in dai ba zai hana ni ba,in ce
dan Allah ya dan taimaka min zan dan yi
dinki”
“I can cut and sew clothes now. Even if I don’t have a sewing
machine, I can always ask my friends to allow me to use theirs. I
am sure they will always allow me to use it”98
RA Field Notes: Zainab and Fatima insisted that they have gotten no form of financial support from Mafita.
Later Aisha and Amira acknowledged the receipt of financial support, the duo maintained that it was
insufficient and more had to be done. Fatima, Khadija, and Aisha will use any future funds to expand their
business.99
RA Field Notes: However, Ayagi explained that they sometime feel unhappy the way their friends
constantly joke about them that they have completed the training but with nothing much to show. This joke
is in reference to the promise they had that they will be given start-up capital after completing the
program.100
As further discussed in the conclusion, part of this discontent around start-up capital may stem
from miscommunication and misaligned participant expectations with the reality of the labor
market and the limits of available financial instruments for start-ups. However, the continued
emphasis on broken promises indicates that this issue goes beyond the labor market context.101
96 Ismail, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 97 RA Field Notes, Male, Mafita participants, FGD, Katsina 98 Ibrahim, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 99 RA Field Notes, Female, Mafita participants, FGD, Kano 100 RA Field Notes, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 101 See the ‘Prioritizing Participant Perception’ paragraph at the beginning of the Findings section explaining the prioritization of participant perception in this report.
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3. Daily Routines Daily schedules were dominated by religious activities, school, household work, and informal
jobs. Participating in Mafita often caused changes in youths’ schedules. However, this change
was temporary particularly for those who did not find work with their new skill. These findings
were true for youth who participated in both the apprenticeship and the COSDEC interventions.
Notable Experiences Mafita Changes
● Participants spent much of their time in religious
school and other religious activities.
● Female participants reported spending more time
on household chores while males spent more time
working.
● Participation in Mafita became a dominant feature
in their schedules, and this resulted in less time for
other activities such as time with friends, working,
or doing chores.
● Daily schedules usually reverted to previous
patterns after completing Mafita.
Most participants’ daily schedules included attending Almajiri or Islamiyah (Islamic) school
multiple times during the day. Those in the Mafita program often adjusted the school schedule as
necessary to accommodate for Mafita activities. A few respondents reported attending “formal
school” or having “Western education” in addition to Almajiri school. Other religious activities
such as praying and reading the Quran were usually done in the early hours of the morning or at
nighttime. Respondents who quantified their daily schedules, reported spending between 40% to
50% of their day on religious school or other religious activities.
Second to religious activities, respondents spent their time on household chores or work
activities. Females, in comparison to males, reported spending more time on household chores
such as cleaning, cooking, and taking care of younger ones. This may be partly due to the social
norms in the area where women are discouraged from going outside the home to look for jobs.
Most males, who reported working, referred to apprenticeships and part-time jobs in the areas of
photography, shoe cobbling, farming, shop keeping, public transport (motorcycle- Okada or
tricycle), auto-mechanic work, tailoring, and some casual jobs such as work on construction
sites. Female respondents worked in the areas of tailoring, petty trade, and making items for sale
(e.g., bags, candy, weaving veils). For those who participated in the Mafita program, some
reported disruption to their normal working schedules and a loss of income as a result.102
Changes to schedules were temporary for many respondents, however, who returned to doing
their normal activities after leaving Mafita.
Mafita activities were the third highest ranked in terms of where youth spent the most time.
Respondents often noted how their time was restructured by participation in Mafita, reducing
their time at work, with friends, or doing chores. A number of respondents discussed the
advantage of being engaged in productive activities at Mafita rather than being “idle”. However,
the degree to which participants were indeed “idle” is challenged by the fact that some of the
non-Mafita participants also reported participating in various apprenticeship programs and
102 Mafita was designed to provide a stipend to offset part of these losses (and the cost of participation). However, as noted, the stipends were not always received in full or in a timely manner.
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Quranic schools that kept them busy. These previous apprenticeships were usually informal, and
Mafita staff were aware of the prevalence of such informal apprenticeships in the region.103
4. Social Networks Mafita participants made new friends through the program, and these friends helped them both in
and outside of Mafita. Through interacting with new individuals along with the life-skills
training components of Mafita, young people developed social skills that enabled them to engage
in more positive interactions—especially with customers. These findings applied to both the
apprenticeships and the COSDECs.
Finally, the overall framing of social relationships shifted from the use of relationships for
socializing to relationships for the sake of supporting productive activities—such as helping with
work, learning technical skills, and patronizing friends’ businesses. This last change is
concentrated among apprenticeship participants.
Notable Experiences Mafita Changes
● Friends were a prominent topic when discussing
experiences at school and training.
● Social networks provided financial support with
families often providing direct support and friends
patronizing their businesses.
● Social status and respect were often linked to the
development of visible skills.
● Participating in Mafita was linked to making new
friends and achieving higher social status.
● Mafita participants had less time for their old
friends.
● Participants developed social skills, especially in learning how to interact with customers.
● Post-Mafita relationships were more likely to be
framed in terms of their utility and productivity
than pre-/non-Mafita relationships.
New Friends and Peer Support
Mafita participants often cited making new friends through the program. As one participant
explained, “you see, during training, we made good friends.”104 Aisha, a female participant, and
Aminu, a male participant, both spoke of attending the weddings of friends they made during the
Mafita program. While retaining their old friends and family relationships, they often spent more
time with Mafita friends. Fatima explained, “As for my old friends, we now meet less due to my
work,” and the same held true for her family as she explained that “[t]he time I spend with my
siblings have reduced also.”105 Despite spending less time together, both Fatima’s old friends
103 For the 2019 cohorts, participants in all three locations (Kano, Katsina, and Kaduna) mentioned that they had
participated in some sort of apprenticeship training prior to joining the Mafita program, although the training was
informal and not as structured as the Mafita program. For instance, some mentioned that their parents had taken
them to a tailoring, carpentry, or mechanic workshop to acquire skills prior to joining the Mafita program. This was
especially common with the participants from Kano. At the COSDEC centers in Katsina/Daura, a few participants
mentioned that they were enrolled for a different training in those centers before the coming of the Mafita program.
When Mafita started, they managed to get enrolled so that they could benefit from the resources of the program such
as training kits and transport allowance. Some changed trades while others continued with the ones they were doing
before the switch. 104 Female, Mafita participant, FGD, Kano 105 Fatima, Female, Mafita participant, Kano
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and her siblings are supportive of her work. Other participants such as Hauwa shared similar
experiences.
Quote: “A yanzu sai na fi sati shida ba mu
hadu ba kuma ba wani nisa ne da mu ba
saboda inada abunda zanyi”
“It can take over six weeks without seeing my friends and we are
not far away. It is because I am mostly engaged.”106
In some cases, status improvements associated with participation in Mafita helped young people
forge new friendships with others in the community—even those who were not participants.
Quote: “Gaskiya da, lokacin da baka da
sana’a, anayi maka kallon baka da sana’a
amma yanzu da ka sami sana’ar, wanda ma
baka hudda dashi sai kaga yana girmamaka
ana zaman mutunci.”
“Honestly, before when you were not doing anything, people look
down on you, but now as a result of your trade, people respect you
and even people that you didn’t associate with before Mafita will
try to associate themselves with you.”107
There were exceptions. Some youth still spend the majority of their time with their friends from
before the program—often from the Islamiyah schools. For example, Suleiman explained that he
still spends the majority of time with his old friends and does not think that his new Mafita friends
have had any influence on him. A female participant also represented this less common pattern of
experiencing no change in peer interaction.
Quote:“Ah gaskiya ba abinda ya canza
tsakanin mu da kawayen mu na gida”
“Honestly speaking, nothing has changed in terms of interaction
with my peers at home”108
In a few cases, young people complained that their peers in the program were a bad influence on
them. This may be due to exposure to a more diverse range of young people than they were
previously accustomed.
Quote: “…akwai wasu ma dana gani suna
wadan su dabi’u wanda nike gannin Allah
ya tsare ni da irin yi. Za kaga mutum ko in
yana son magana yana wani daga
kaidagakai ko yana shan kanshi ko kuma
yana wasu wasannin wanda basu dace
ba…. nakan kyamaci irin wannan abun”
“I noticed that there are some [among his peers] that engaged in
abominable behaviors109 that I wouldn’t do. You will see them
looking down on people and engaging in inappropriate behavior. I
always distance myself from this”110
However, it should be noted that some of the “bad” influences from peers referred to rather
common behavior among youth. For example, a Mafita participant named Bilya complained
about the behavior of his “new friends” because they would make noise or use their phone during
class—behavior that would be common in classrooms and training programs around the world.
Multiple young people talked about how they received support from their peers both within and
outside the training. Fatima shared that “the new pals have changed my life tremendously; we help
106 Hauwa, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 107 Hafsa, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 108 Female, Mafita participant, FGD, Katsina 109 It is important to clarify that such “abominable behaviors” in this context were fairly mild and included behaviors
such as being disrespectful or rude. 110 Aminu, Male, Mafita participant, Kano
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each other at work.”111 Several other participants shared how they support one another to
understand what is taught during the training. For example, Matawalle explained how he and his
“course mate”112 help each other when one of them does not understand something. The young
women shared similar experiences. Nana expressed that her new friends have “really changed her
life”113 because they usually help each other with assignments in class.
Quote: “Muna taimakon juna, kamar yanzu
idan aka yi aiki a wajan koyan sana’a da
bamu gane ba, a tsakanin mu wata ta fi mu
ganewa, za mu zauna ta koya mana, ko idan
karatu ne aka yi ba mu gane ba, to zata
koya mana”
“We do help each other out, for instance if there is something we
don’t understand from the skills training class, amongst ourselves
some are better in understanding and we sit and learn from her.
The same thing happens at the Islamic school. Anyone among us
who understands better will teach those who do not.”114
Not only do participants talk about assisting each other with the learning process, they also help
each other financially.
Quote: “…koda wajen aiki, misali, wani bai
gane ba, wani ya gane, zaka iya taimaka wa abokin ka har ku fahimci juna… idan ma
aiki ya samu zaka iya baiwa danuwanka ya
taya ka. Haka ma na kara abotar mu
sosai… koda aiki bai maka yawaba domin
shima ya samu.”
“…at the workplace, we put each other through when any task
becomes challenging. We also let our friends to do a few of our
assign tailoring work so that they can earn some money.”115
Notably, MCPs and trainers provided material and financial support to participants. Commenting
on their trainers, most Mafita participants reported having a good experience with the trainers
and MCPs. They often mentioned how trainers and MCPs went the extra mile to provide
transport fares or allow use of their personal equipment for training purposes on occasions when
expected stipends or program-related equipment were not provided. Even more prominently,
most Mafita participants, across both apprenticeships and COSDECs, expressed a close
relationship with their MCPs and trainers. Many referred to their MCPs and trainers using
familial terms to express a sense of warmth and respect.
Quote: Mu’amula tsakanin mu dasu
mu’amula ce mai kyau. Sun dauke mu ba
wai a matsayin masu koya mana kawai, sun
dauke mu a matsayin ‘yaya. Bayan sun koya
mana karatu kuma suna koya mana
tarbiya… da dada wayar mana da kai a
wasu abubuwa na rayuwa.”
The relationship between us [MCPs and trainees] is very cordial.
They consider us not only as trainees but also as their children.
After training us on skills, they also taught us moral values and
also enlightened us on issues that have to do with life more
generally.”116
Quote: “Muna da mu’amula mai kyau dasu,
tunda suna girmama mu muma muna
“We have a cordial relationship with them. We respect each other.
Because most of them are like parents to use- some like our elder
111 Fatima, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 112 Matawalle, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 113 Nana, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 114 Nana, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 115 Musa, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 116 Ayagi, Male, Mafita participant, Kano
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girmama sum una basu girman su. Tunda
duk yawan ci kamar iyayen mu ma suke,
wasu kuma kamar yayyan mu. wasu ma
ba’a fadar sunan su. Sai da kamar ace mata
aunty ko ace mata mama – ba’adai fadar
sunan su.”
sisters. We don’t even address them with their first names. We
either call them aunty or mummy.”117
RA Field Notes: Hauwa’u mentioned that her memorable moment was the way and manner in which she
was taught by her teachers. She acknowledged their trainer’s dedication and commitment.118
Social Skills
Many participants discussed their improved social skills that have helped them both in their
relationships and businesses. As one trainer from Katsina put it succinctly, “Mafita has helped in
building relationships.”119 Meanwhile others spoke about improved “manners” and “attitudes.”
When exploring how they developed these skills, respondents perceived that they learned
broader social skills by learning “how one can interact with customers”120 so that they have a
positive experience that makes them want to return in the future.
Quote: “Kinga ko a haka a makaranta, kayi
zaman mutunci, kuma an gaya mana yadda
zamuyi sana’a ba fada, ko a kawo maki
dinki ki kqi cika alqawari, ko kiyi fada da
customer.”
“You see, during training, we made good friends and we were
taught how we will do our trade peacefully without disappointing
our customers or fighting with them.”121
Productive Relationships
One of the most noteworthy changes in social relationships among Mafita participants was in the
structuring of their interactions. Prior to Mafita many reported that they would spend time
chatting and hanging out with friends. Now after Mafita, more of their interactions are molded
around “productive” activities related to their work. This shift was most prominent among youth
in the apprenticeship program in Kano.
In some cases, they frame the “change” in their interactions with friends as positive because they
are “more productive” now. This sets up the contrast between the unproductive past friendships
to the productive work-related current relationships. Haruna, for instance, has changed the way
he interacts with his peers since he learned tailoring and gained employment.122 He no longer sits
idle or spends much of his time whiling away with friends. Now conversations with friends are
seen as more “productive” because they are linked with work. A similar sentiment was shared by
female participants.
117 Hajiya, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 118 RA Field Notes, Katsina (Daura) 119 Ahmad, Male, COSDEC trainer, Katsina 120 Dogo, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 121 Maryam, Female, Mafita participant, FGD, Kano 122 Haruna, Male, Mafita participant, Kano
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Quote: “Da in muka hadu sai dai muyi hira
haka a fadi abun da ya faru a hira haka ko
kuma irin gulma dai haka da baza a rasa
ba. Toh yanzu kuma da an hadu sai dai ayi
magana akan abun da ya faru cigaban da
za’a samu idan kai kaza ko in kai dinki kaza ko in kika yi style kaza, ai nayi dinki style
kaza yayai kyau. Sai dai ayi hira akan
wannan amma baza ayi hira akan abun da
ya faruwa ba wanda ba zai amfane mu ba”
“When we met [with friends] in the past, we usually engaged in
less fruitful discussions and gossiping. But when we meet now
[since joining the program], the focus of our discussions has
changed to how we can improve our skills. We discuss about new
styles and how we can make them better. We don’t talk about things that are not useful anymore.”123
In some cases, when discussing how they have less time with their old friends, Mafita
participants noted that they do see those old friends when they patronize their businesses.
RA Field Notes: As she mentioned how her work distances her from her old friends, she said she still
engages in only business relationships with the old friends who sometimes patronize her or refer customers
to her.124
This shift towards work-focused relationships has also affected relationships with family
members.
Quote: “Sababbin kawayen sun canza mini
rayuwa sosai, idan wani abu ya shige mini duhu wajen sana’a, ina neman taimakonsu,
su ma na kan taimaka musu. Kasuwanci kan
hada mu da tsofaffin kKawayen; misali
kawar ta ta ga wata jakata ta kuma ta na
so, sai ta kawo ta domin ayi mata irinta. Na
rage lokacin da na ke kashewa da
‘yYanuwa na. Idan abubuwa sun mini yawa,
su kan taimaka mini, wannan shi ne ya ke
kusanta ni da su. Ba su fushi da hakan, su
ma su na jin dadin aikin.”
“The new pals have changed my life tremendously; we help each
other at work. And the old friends help too by referring people
who happen to love the bags I made for them. The time I spend
with my siblings has reduced also. I get them to help me when I
am in need; this is what keeps me close to them and they are
happy with it.”125
From a livelihoods perspective this is a positive development, and many of the respondents also
frame this as being a desirable change. However, it also raises questions around creating a
healthy balance of time spent with friends and family in work versus leisure.
5. Social and Political Attitudes/Violence Investigating attitudes towards, and behaviors related to, social and political violence is a
sensitive matter with a high chance of respondents providing socially desirable answers. To
engage in a topic that has many pre-packaged and socially accepted answers, we used a scenario
approach in order to elicit more nuanced and realistic contextual responses. We presented three
scenarios of challenging socio-political issues that were likely to create tension, and then we
asked respondents to choose one of the three they would like to discuss. Respondents shared how
they thought each of several personas would react in that situation. Broadly, the personas were
123 Hafiza, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 124 RA Field Notes, Fatima, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 125 Fatima, Female, Mafita participant, Kano
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youth, politicians, and religious/traditional leaders (see instruments in the Appendix). The use of
scenarios and asking about how others would act can reduce socially desirable responses as the
answers do not directly implicate what the respondent has done or would do but rather how
others would act. In addition to this, we probed about respondents’ experiences with violence as
well as their views on when and why violence might be justified.
Respondents’ viewed the youth personas with the most complexity. In some cases, responses
about youths’ expected reactions to certain scenarios were clearly negative, and the youth were
perceived as being susceptible to violence. In other cases, they were seen as potential agents of
positive change. In still other cases, youth were seen as helpless bystanders with little agency. On
the other hand, politicians were seen as the primary instigators of violence and as manipulators
of the youth. Finally, religious leaders were seen as a force for peace, but a force that is often not
utilized. Violence was primarily discussed with regard to political violence.
Hypothetical Reactions to Hypothetical Socio-Political Conflicts
Youth Politicians Religious Leaders
● Susceptible to manipulation
including that leading to the use
of violence
● Able to collaborate to improve
the situation using non-violent
means
● Others seen as helpless
onlookers
● Blamed for directly instigating
violence through hiring
political “thugs”
● Blamed for not acting to
improve risk factors that can
lead to violence
● Charged with using money
and drugs to induce youth to
engage in political violence
● Have the potential to be
mediators and mobilizers of
peace
● Can teach values associated
with peace
● Should avoid being co-opted
by politicians
Respondents did not have direct involvement with violent groups and almost all stated that
violence is never justified.126 However, in the cases where respondents stated that violence may
be justified, the justification was for the use of violence to address religious blasphemy or social
injustice.
Different Actors’ Distinct Roles in Violence
Different actors—youth, political leaders, and religious leaders—were perceived to have distinct
roles in relation to violence. Because we asked about violence broadly, participants included
examples of a wide range of violence types. While the type of violence discussed in interviews
differs among participants, we are able to draw out some common views toward violence.
Youth
While political and religious leaders show a fairly homogenous role, youth are viewed as having
varying capacities in relation to violence. Some see youth as making violence worse as
illustrated by Safara’u, a female Mafita participant.
126 Questions about when violence is justified were asked after the scenario portion of the interviews.
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Quote: “Gaskiya ina ganin (matasa) za su
kara shiga ne su tada husuma su kara
hada fada. In dai aka hada abu da matasa
suna jin karfi zai kawo ma batancin abin
ne gaba daya.”
“I actually think they (youth) will only deteriorate the situation
and raise further tensions. Whenever the youth that are exuberant
are engaged in such situations, they will further complicate it.”127
As Ahmad, a male trainer remarks, this is particularly the case when youth are unemployed.128
Unemployment is viewed as a gateway to more readily engaging in violence as will be further
explored. While different types of violence were noted by participants, political “thuggery” was
a commonly mentioned type of violence.
However, unemployment is not seen as the only reason youth get involved with violence as
Musa, a 23-year-old male Mafita participant stated below.
Quote: “Kungiyoyin matasa abinda
ya kamata suyi tunda sunsan dole
sai dasu tafiyar zata yuwu to ya
kamata ace akwai shugabannin
matasa, su kuma su tashi su tsaya
acewar mufa mun saba da jin irin
wannan da akeyi, kamata yayi ace ‘yan debi wasu daga cikin mu an
basu aikin yi. Gaskiya shine hanyar
da zamu iya shigowa cikin harkar
siyasar kafin a tafi da mu, idan ba
haka ba gaskiya siyasar bana za
muce baza ayita damuba, zaben ma
ba zamuyi ba, yakin neman zaben
ma, ba zamuyi ba. tunda idan ma
munyi mu ba anfanan muke ba.”
“Youth groups should unite and resist the politicians. They should tell
them [politicians] that, we are used to all your empty promises – so, the
condition for our support is to first of all provide employment for us before we get involved in any electioneering process. If the condition is
not met, we won’t participant in anything, from campaigning to voting.
Because even if we do, we wouldn’t benefit from it.”129
RA Field Notes: Musa acknowledged that youth groups are toothless, they accept every offer from the
politicians. But he thinks that, going forward, youth groups should resist any attempt by politicians to
recruit them for political thuggery.130
Not everyone views youth as participants who are blindly furthering the agendas of others
through violence. Suleman, a 19-year-old Mafita participant, sees youth as having the power to
rise and defend themselves in the face of conflict; although, he suggests, that a Mafita participant
specifically would rather report the conflict to the authorities than get directly involved.
RA Field Notes: Suleiman feels it will be good if youths rise to defend themselves in the advent of a farmer/
herder conflicts but thinks a Mafita participant would rather report the matter to the authorities.131
Lamunde, a female COSDEC trainer, recognizes that youth should take an active role and work
together to demand that their rights be fulfilled. Lamunde demonstrates the view that youth can
take an active and powerful role without participating in violence.
127 Safara’u, Female, Mafita Participant, Kano 128 Ahmad, Male, COSDEC trainer, Katsina 129 Musa, Male, Mafita Participant, Kano 130 RA Field Notes, Musa, Male, Mafita Participant, Kano 131 RA Field Notes, Suleiman, Male, Mafita Participant, Kano
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Quote: “a kgungiyance, su samu wani
shugaba wan da zai shige musu gaba, su kai
koke koken su, ga wan da suka san cewa zai
iya musu magani, ba wai wanda in sun gaya
mishi zai yi shuru ko kuma a kgungiyance
su tashi su nemi na kansu.”
“As to the youth groups, they should find a leader that will be at
the forefront, they should channel their complaints to those that
can solve them not those that will keep shut or they should demand
for their rights collectively.”132
In addition to being capable of addressing rights violations in powerful and peaceful ways, youth
are also viewed as actively capable of caring for each other in ways that may reduce violent
lashing out.
RA Field Notes: The youth groups should ensure proper monitoring of the activities of each one of them
within the group and help the ones in need in the way they can.133
They can even take an active role in counter-violence by helping their peers understand the
importance of peace.
RA Field Notes: She also said youth groups should sensitize youths about the importance of tolerance and
peaceful coexistence.134
Still others see youth as helpless toward violence and unable to take an active role in the
situation. Boss, a 19-year-old non-participant talks about youth escaping a hypothetical violent or
crisis situation should it persist.
RA Field Notes: While he advised the youth participating in Mafita program to be patient, however, he
suggested that they leave the town and abandon the training if the crisis persists.135
Political Leaders
While youth are viewed through a complex lens, political leaders are largely seen as instigating
violence for their own political gain. Drugs and money are mentioned as incentives that
politicians use to manipulate youth into violent action. In the following excerpt, Aisha discusses
her view of the issue.
RA Field Notes: She blames the politicians for all the political violence, they are the main instigators. They
do not use their own children to perpetrate violence, they rather use the children of the poor and most
vulnerable people. Aisha believes local politicians will never do anything to stop political violence. In fact,
they are the benefactors of most of this violence. As such they will only encourage it. She also thinks youth
groups should be organizing sensitization campaigns for youths to shun violence and other social vices.136
However, she sees the responsibility of youth to work actively against this political
manipulation.
Quote: “[kungiyoyin matasa] su rika tara
matasa suna wayar masu da kai.”
“[Youth groups] should be sensitizing youths on the need to shun
violence.”137
132 Lamunde, Female, COSDEC trainer, Katsina 133 RA Field Notes, Hauwa, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 134 RA Field Notes, Fatima, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 135 RA Field Notes, Boss, Male, Non-participant, Kano 136 RA Field Notes, Aisha, Female, Non-participant, Kano 137 Aisha, Female, Non-participant, Kano
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Nafiu, a male Mafita participant, suggests that politicians should work to lessen violence among
youth by creating jobs, but he does not believe politicians will actually do this. This is the
overarching view across participants who discussed the role of politicians in violence.
RA Field Notes: He suggested that national politicians should establish companies in areas where these
jobless youth are concentrated, so that he can work on a daily basis and get paid. This will go a long way
to curb domestic violence and in fighting among the youths. Unfortunately, the national politicians will not
do that.138
Religious Leaders
On the other hand, religious leaders—even if they do not fully use their power to reduce violence
directly—are seen as important in encouraging people to stop violence. Maryam, a female Mafita
dropout, portrays religious leaders as having the ability to play a role in reducing violence.
Quote: “Su ma malamai suna taka rawa
wajen ganin cewa sun ba yara tarbiyya da
wa’azi akan abinda ya dace ayi da kuma
wanda bai dace ayi ba domin a samu zaman
lafiya.”
“Religious leaders can also play a role by teaching children good
ethics and preaching to people to be peaceful.”139
However, Musa, a male Mafita participant, notes that most religious leaders do not take on an
active role in peacemaking.
RA Field Notes: He [Musa] is of the opinion that religious leaders should enlighten both the politicians
and the youths so as not to get involved in political thuggery. However, the majority of those religious
leaders do not take up this enlightenment.140
Hamisu, a male non-participant, sees religious leaders as wrongly engaging in politics rather than
taking on an active peacemaking role.
Quote: “Shuwagabanin addinin wani ma
sai kaji yana tsintar kanshi a cikin ‘yan
siyasa, sai kaji shima duk wani rigingimu
da akeyi na siyasa dashi akeyi. Duk wata
mMagana ta siyasa wadda bata dace ba
dashi akeyi... gaskiya wannan yana haifar
da matsala. Kuma yana watsar da malantarshi, kaga ba za’a ganshi da daraja
ba.”
“You will find some religious leaders behaving like politicians.
You will see them involved in political fights, making unwanted
political commentaries. Honestly, this is not appropriate, and it
degrades their status. People would not respect them.”141
RA Field Notes: He [Hamisu] is of the opinion that religious leaders should pray for the community in such
situations. However, he lamented that religious leaders are not playing the right role. He believes that they
would usually involve themselves in politics – they usually join the politicians in making political
statements. They also engage themselves in the process of election campaigning rather than making efforts
to enlighten the youths and politicians.142
138 RA Field Notes, Nafiu, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 139 Maryam, Female, Dropout, Katsina 140 RA Field Notes, Musa, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 141 Hamisu, Male, Non-participant, Kano 142 RA Field Notes, Hamisu, Male, Non-participant, Kano
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The expected role of religious leaders and their potential to bring about peace should not be
ignored. The way society views religious leaders in relation to violence should be considered in
programming efforts.
Belief that Employment Reduces Violence
We see wide agreement that employment and participation in Mafita are believed to have the
potential to assuage violence. This is suggested by the view that employed people work toward
fulfilling their needs and are too busy to get involved with violence. Sani, a male caregiver,
illustrates this in the following excerpt.
Quote: “Bai dace mMatasa su rika daukar
doka a hannunsu ba. Ya kamata ne su hada-
kai da jami’an tsaro wajen samun mafita.
“Babu yadda za ayi yaran da Mafita ta
yaye shi, ya biyewa wadannan hatsaniya
domin bai da wannan lokaci, ya fi masa
kyau ya yi aikin gabansa domin ya rufawa
kansa da kungiyar Mafita asiri.”
“It is not helpful for youth to take laws unto themselves. They
should instead cooperate with security agencies in order to find a
permanent solution. Never will you find any of Mafita trainees
engaging in violence, because he has no spare time for that. It is
in his, and the organization’s, reputation to face his work and
avoid violence.”143
Youth can also take an active role in lessening violence by focusing on learning and working.
Jummai, a female trainer, emphasizes this in the following excerpt.
RA Field Notes: The youth in the community should remain focused on learning skills or doing business,
which she thinks will discourage them from getting involved in violence.144
This is important because through Mafita’s focus on increasing youth employment, a reduction
in violence may also be a lateral benefit. Among participants, it was commonly believed that
poverty is a risk factor when it comes to violence of all types, despite the inconclusive research
on the relationship between poverty and extremism noted in the introduction of this study. It is
also noteworthy that participants did not indicate the way violence of any type (including that
related to religious extremism) is actively addressed through the program. If indeed violence
prevention is a program objective, violence and related issues such as religious extremism, could
be more effectively and purposefully addressed.
Violence is Usually Not Justified
We also explored the level to which interviewees view violence as justified or not. As expected,
most interviewees at least verbally agreed that violence is not justified, although this may also be
the socially desirable response. We include a variety of these quotes and comments below.
Quote: “Gaskiya babu abinda ya
dace a tada hankali kanshi.”
“The truth is there is nothing that can justify violence.”145
Quote: “Kai! Shi tashin hankali ai
bai samar da komai.”
“Kai! Violence does not help in anyway.”146
143 Sani, Male, Caregiver, Katsina 144 RA Field Notes, Jummai, Female, Trainer, Katsina 145 Samaila, Male, Dropout, Katsina 146 Amina, Female, COSDEC trainer, Kaduna (Sabon Gari)
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RA Field Notes: Bilya asked whether we think there is any time when violence is justified. He still insisted
that violence is never justified.147
Ibrahim expands on this by highlighting political violence in his discussion on why violence is
not reasonable. This may be a response to the pertinence of political violence as previously
discussed.
Quote: “Gaskiya, bazan iya sanin
irin wannan mutanen ba. Idan ana
zaune lafiya babu wani dalilin da
zai sa a yi rigima. Idan kaji ana
rigima ma,akan siyasa ce,kafin kaji
ana rigima akan wani abu daban”
“Honestly, I don’t know anybody who is involved in violence. If people
are living in peace and harmony, there is [no] reason for violent conflicts.
The only source of violence in our society today is politics much more
than anything else”148
While most female respondents stated that violence is generally not justified, they usually made
exceptions. Maryam and Zainab were the only two female youth to have noted unequivocally
that violence is never justified, and both of them were Mafita participants. Maryam also
emphasized that employment would reduce violence and that leaders should work to resolve
unemployment issues.
RA Field Notes: She [Maryam also believes that leaders and politicians should solve the issues of youth
unemployment because unemployment has a correlation with violence and that violence cannot be justified
under any circumstance. She doesn’t know anyone that engages in, supports, or sponsors violence.149
Zainab does not directly say that violence is never justified. However, she does not explicitly
mention any situation where it is justified, and she recognizes that peaceful coexistence should
facilitate a space where violence does not manifest.
RA Field Notes: Zainab has no idea of anyone sponsoring violence in her area, she also cannot pinpoint
any situation when violence is justified. Zainab also believes that violence is not justified when there is
peaceful co-existence between people of different backgrounds.150
Those who identified violence as never being justified came from different areas and included
participants, dropouts, caregivers, and trainers. Interestingly, however, only one non-participant
stated that violence is never justified. He is a 25-year-old male living in Katsina.
RA Field Notes: Kabir doesn’t know any person that engages in violence and he believes that violence
cannot be justified under any circumstance.151
Thus, we see that the view that violence is not justified is generally accepted across interviewees,
but patterns emerge around who unequivocally takes this view and who holds a more nuanced
understanding. Fewer non-participants and female youth indisputably accept violence as never
justified. In the following section, we will consider those who believe that violence is justified in
particular circumstances.
147 RA Field Notes, Biliya, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 148 Ibrahim, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 149 RA Field Notes, Maryam, Female, Mafita participant, Katsina 150 RA Field Notes, Zainab, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 151 RA Field Notes, Kabir, Male, Non-participant, Katsina
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When Violence is Justified
A minority of youth interviewees viewed violence as justified and only under particular
circumstances. Surprisingly, more of these interviewees are female Mafita participants, a pattern
that should be explored in future research. Among Mafita non-participants and dropouts, equal
numbers of males and females stated that violence is justified in certain cases. Interestingly, most
of the interviewees making these statements are from Kano signifying that their responses may
be shaped by the realities of their location. None of the other interviewees (caregivers, MCPs, or
trainers) identified violence as ever justified. The circumstances under which interviewees view
violence as justified fall under two categories: religion and addressing injustice.
Violence to Address Blasphemy
Fatima, one female participant, views disrespecting Prophet Muhammed as validation for
violence.
RA Field Notes: She also believes that only blasphemy against the Prophet Muhammed can justify violence,
but violence is not justified when everybody is doing the right thing.152
Aminu, a male Mafita participant, confirms the same by saying that disrespect against Islam or
Prophet Muhammed is the only reason violence can be justified.
Quote: “Bai wuce in an taba addinin
musulumci ba, gaskiya. Kamar ko anyi ma
annabi SAW batanci ba ko Allah ko Al-
qur’ani, duka dai wannan abun. Duka duk
wanda aka taba ya kamata a dauki mataki,
koda na tashin hankali ne. domin annabi
ba a bin wasa bane. Amman duk wani abu
ana iya hakuri da shi”
“Honestly, only when it concerns the religion. Blasphemy against
the Prophet (peace be upon him), for instance, or God Almighty,
or the Qur’an can justify violence because the prophet is not a
joke. But one can accommodate everything else.”153
Nafiu, a male Mafita participant from Kano, even indicated that someone who blasphemies
against Prophet Muhammed should be killed.
Quote: “Tashin hankali babu amfani sai dai
idan mutuum ya zagi annabi, wannan ya
kamata a kashe shi”
“Violence is not justified except if the person blasphemes against
the prophet. Such a person deserves to be killed”154
However, he notes that violence is not justified when people are “living in peace and harmony.”
As is common among several who mentioned religion as a justification for violence, Samaila, a
male Mafita dropout from Katsina, also noted that someone who “attacks” Prophet Muhammad
should not be able to “go with it freely” —indicating the possible use of violence although the
extent is unclear.
Quote: “Kamar Shi ne ace, an zo wuri,
wani ya zo yayi aibi a kan shugaba Annabi
“Let us say someone comes here and attacks the Nobel Prophet
Muhammad peace be upon him, in that case I would not support
152 RA Field Notes, Fatima, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 153 Aminu, Male, Mafita participant, Kano 154 Nafiu, Male, Mafita participant, Kano
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Muhammadu SAW, irin wannan husuma ba
zan ba da goyon bayan a kyale abin ba” …
“Shi ne lokacin da mutane suna cikin farin
ciki a zo a tada masu da hankali, bai
kamata a zo a tada hankali ba”
letting him go with it freely. […] While people are living happily
in peace then someone disrupts them, it is not good to cause
violence.”155
Violence to Address Injustice
Religion is not the only reason violence can be justified according to Hamisu, an 18-year-old
male non-participant. He notes that violence is justified if the choice of the people is not
respected—although it is unclear if he means violence instigated by politicians, by people against
politicians, or a mix of the two. In any case the participant indicates that violence is justified to
fight against injustice.
RA Field Notes: He said violence is justified during elections or campaigns or during swearing in
ceremony that is if the people’s choice is not given the mandate. He believes that this kind of violence is
justified by [the actions of] politicians even though it is against Islamic teaching.156
Nana, a female Mafita participant, goes on to identify human rights abuses as a justification for
violence, again presenting violence as warranted in defending against injustice.
RA Field Notes: Nana, however, said that she never heard of anyone who sponsors violence or conflict but
interestingly, Nana believes violence is only justified when there is human rights abuse. Nana declined
comments when asked of the situation where violence is not justified.157
Other interviewees identified “election rigging,”158 “when someone has hurt you,”159 “when a
younger person disrespects an older person,”160 and “if someone falsely accuses you”161 as
reasons justifying violence. We include two of these examples below.
RA Field Notes: Jamila does not know anybody that promotes violence in her area, and she thinks violence
can be justified when a younger person disrespects an older person, for instance, when fetching water from
a public tap. However, Jamila strongly indicated that she cannot be violent even if someone insults her
directly.162
RA Field Notes: Hajara said she knows someone that engages in violence. She said violence can be
justified when people’s mandate is taken away through election rigging. She said when there is no cause
for any violence, it should be averted at all costs.163
The interviewees did not give indications of the extent or type of violence that is justified.
Youths’ understanding of violence and the ways they can interact with it (or not) could be
addressed more directly through the Mafita program or other similar programs if this is a
program goal.
155 Samaila, Male, Dropout, Katsina 156 RA Field Notes, Hamisu, Male, Non-participant, Kano 157 RA Field Notes, Nana, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 158 RA Field Notes, Hajara, Female, Mafita participant, Kano 159 Ibrahim, Male, Non-participant, Kano 160 RA Field Notes, Jamila, Female, Dropout, Kaduna (Sabon Gari) 161 Khadija, Female, Mafita participant, Kaduna 162 RA Field Notes, Jamila, Female, Dropout, Kaduna (Sabon Gari) 163 RA Field Notes, Hajara, Female, Mafita participant, Kano
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Knowledge of Violence
Almost all respondents stated that they did not know anyone who was engaged or affiliated with
a group that used violence for political or religious purposes. In the case of the few exceptions,
the knowledge was secondhand and always had to do with violence encouraged by politicians
who then engage youth.
Quote: “Muna da irinsu, wadanda idan
lokacin siyasa yazo haka, zakiga sonata
fadace fadace.”
“We have those kinds of youths, during politics. You could see
them engaging in acts of violence.”
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Recommendations
The following recommendations are organized as follows. First, we provide recommendations
for elements of Mafita to be replicated in future programming. Second, we provide
recommendations for adjustments to be made. Within each section we provide a
recommendation for each of the following phases: youth recruitment, program set-up, continued
engagement, post-program, and sustainability. We then conclude this section with more
generalizable lessons learned.
Recommendations for Replication
1. Youth Recruitment: The use of local networks for recruitment was effective for encouraging
youth to participate in the program. Islamic schools were a particularly effective place for
sharing information about the program and recruiting participants—both female and male.
2. Program Set-up: The engagement and support of existing trainers and MCPs were also
perceived as important elements in the success of Mafita. The vast majority of youth were
very satisfied with their trainers and MCPs. Moreover, the youth and trainers appreciated
learning through the more structured and hands-on teaching method.
3. Continued Engagement: The provision of transportation and food allowances—when
delivered on time and in full—was an important enabler of youths’ continuation in Mafita.
When this financial support was delayed or was not provided in full, it created difficulties for
young people and was perceived as a reason for many of them to drop out.
4. Post Program: The combination of trainings was appreciated by participants and serves as a
promising model for replication and expansion. In particular, respondents stated that the most
effective combination was to receive the literacy/numeracy education, the trade skills
training, and the entrepreneurship training—especially regarding customer service and
money management skills.
5. Sustainability: Finally, Mafita staff reflected on the importance of the project structure. In
particular, the collaboration with both trade associations and the state and local governments
helped to support the program’s success and its hopeful sustainability. Importantly, this
collaboration enabled the formal recognition of training, although formal completion
certificates could enhance this recognition from the perspectives of participants.
Recommendations for Adjustments
1. Youth Recruitment: The program should ensure clear and consistent communication
regarding, and timely processing of, payments and allowances. In general, participants
wanted the program to keep what they perceived to be promises made to participants
regarding financial support during and after the program, including provision of startup
capital or equipment such as sewing machines at the end of the program. For future training
programs, administrators should ensure that messages and expectations regarding stipends
and other incentives are clear to both participants and trainers. In addition, establishing
standardized guidelines and checklists for end-of-training procedures and following up with
participants close to, or at, the end of the program will ensure that the proper program close-
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out procedures are followed by both administrators and trainers. As a part of these financial
considerations, the program should also take into account the proximity of training centers to
participants’ homes as this creates increased expense and time away from possible sources of
income for participants living farther away.
2. Program Set-up, supplies: The program should ensure that machines, materials, and training
are provided in a timely manner to the trainers and MCPs prior to the youth starting the
Mafita program. It is recommended that, as much as possible, the timing of the start of
training programs should be organized such that needed supplies and facilitator trainings are
provided before classes begin. This way, participants will be able to get maximum benefits
out of the program and their trainers. This may require that the project provide initial support
for items that are eventually expected from government partners.
3. Program Set-up, prevention of violent extremism: To the extent that future projects intend to
address attitudes and behaviors related to the use of violence for political or religious means,
they should incorporate program content explicitly designed for achieving those outcomes. In
addition, facilitators with expertise in such programs should be engaged for training other
trainers or the youth directly. An important element of any such additional programmatic
component would include addressing the topics of political violence and engaging religious
leaders in teaching non-violent approaches to conflict.
4. Continued Engagement: Participants should be able to choose training tracks to which they
are assigned. Some Mafita participants were assigned to training tracks when classes for their
preferred vocations were full, and both these participants and their trainers recommended that
students be allowed to choose their training vocations. While most participants who fell in
this category completed the training programs regardless, some of their peers who dropped
out cited this as a reason. The prevailing sentiment was that having a choice would ensure
greater commitment to the program and increased productivity after completion. It is
recommended that the Mafita program ensure that the available choices of vocational training
tracks reflect the desired options in the communities being served and that procedures for
selection also be clearly communicated. Of course, we recognize that there are market-related
constraints to matching participant preferences including both the availability of qualified
MCPs and the importance of avoiding market saturation. When preferences cannot be met
due to these reasons, we suggest that it is important to explain the reasoning to the
participants because doing so will increase the feeling of a fair process while also providing a
learning opportunity about market dynamics.
5. Post-program: For the livelihood outcome, the program should help create and clearly
communicate opportunities and support for participants after graduation. Tied to the idea of
post-program follow-up including the provision of capital and graduation certificates, study
participants highlighted the need for networking support and referrals to organizations for job
opportunities. Some concrete actions toward this could include the setup of Mafita alumni
networks; tapping into the informal relationships with MCPs, trainers, and participants; and,
if feasible, hosting periodic events like job fairs to bring together artisans, current
participants, alumni, and other stakeholders in program locations.
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6. Sustainability: Improve coordination with, and support of the National Business and
Technical Examinations Board (NABTEB) to ensure that all youth receive a formally
recognized certificate of completion immediately upon graduating from Mafita. Because all
certificates were issued by NABTEB due to the need for a nationally recognized
qualification, coordination between the program and NABTEB should be improved so that
participants can rely on receipt of the certificate. The need for certification was highlighted
several times throughout the evaluation study. It is recommended that, as part of the
standardized guidelines mentioned above, the provision and award of certificates be included
in the program close-out procedures. This will ensure that all program sites follow the same
procedures, and that accountability exists regarding award of certificates and other program
close-out requirements. Future projects should also follow Mafita’s example in ensuring that
certificates are recognized by the government.
Lessons Learned
Below we provide lessons learned aligned to the thematic categorization of our findings.
1. Program experiences: Recruiting participants though caregivers and local networks may
increase enrollment and persistence in comparable programs. In addition, having different
interventions with limited access to certain elements or changes in programming between
cohorts runs the risk of participants’ becoming frustrated with a perceived lack of fairness.
Clear and repeated communication is necessary to ensure expectations of the program are
understood by all stakeholders.
2. Livelihoods: The direct costs and opportunity costs of participation in technical and
vocational training programs should be offset; The provision of training and capital goods to
MCPs and trainers is key to the overall success of the program and the satisfaction of both
participants as well as their MCPs and trainers; and Technical training should be
supplemented by training in transferrable business skills—especially in customer service and
money management. Therefore, these aspects should be considered in future program and
research design.
3. Daily routines & social networks: Intensive technical and vocational training interventions
modeled after Mafita will have non-trivial effects on the routines and social networks of
learners. The positive and negative aspects of such disruption should be carefully planned for
and monitored. In addition, systematically encouraging peer-to-peer learning and group work
arrangements may be a particularly fruitful avenue of future intervention and research.
4. Social and political attitudes towards violence: Even among marginalized youth, willingness
to participate in politically- or religiously- motivated violence is rare. Meanwhile, political
violence is a greater concern for youth compared to religious violence within this context.
Programs seeking to address extremism should not look to this intervention as a model.
Instead, such programs should consider addressing (and researching) the negative influence
of political leaders and cultivating the protective influence of religious leaders directly.
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Conclusion
This study adds to our understanding of participants’ experiences and perceptions regarding the
Mafita program and any changes that have or have not occurred due to their participation. The
direct perceptions of Mafita participants are supplemented by those of MCPs, trainers, and
caregivers and are provided with a point of comparison through the experiences of non-
participant youth. Interestingly, the findings were substantively similar for the apprenticeships
and COSDECs and as such are not separated unless there were notable differences.
Regarding daily routines, youth in this study spent a large amount of time in school and religious
activities. The continued engagement with schools, especially Islamic schools, is noteworthy
since all respondents are over 18 years of age. Other common activities included household
chores for young women and working odd jobs for young men. For those in the Mafita program,
participation caused a substantial shift in their daily schedule, often reducing time spent on other
activities and with other members of their social network.
As for social networks, most respondents reported that their networks have expanded. They
spoke positively about making new friends at Mafita and developing supportive relationships
with some MCPs and trainers. At the same time, they kept most of their previous relationships,
although they often spent less time with family members and old friends. Mafita participants
increasingly reported interactions and relationships as related to their productive activities—i.e.,
helping them with their business, finding new clients, or even being customers. This seems to
indicate that relationships and social networks are more instrumentalized as means and less as
ends among Mafita participants, at least in some cases. Overall, the perceived shift suggests
expanded networks, especially with “weak ties,” that may provide young people with more
access to social capital,164 165 but there may be a parallel decrease in the intrinsic value of
friendships.
The primary objective of the Mafita program was to improve the livelihoods of young people. In
addition to the findings of the RCT, this study suggests that youth perceived that Mafita played a
role in improving their trade skills, the status of their work, their earnings, and various
transferable skills. Despite these improvements, the change in earnings was seldom enough for
young people to be self-sufficient. Instead, the extra earnings allowed youth to make choices
about various small personal purchases and to contribute to their household income. The change
in earnings appears to be more subjectively significant for young women, many of whom shifted
from almost no earning power to now having a small amount of earning power—for example
transitioning from selling toffee to selling handmade bags. Young people were proud of their
skills but were frustrated by the lack of opportunities available to them. Many had to either
continue working with their trainers after the program or shift to a different job for which they
did not train. Many young people remained frustrated that they could not better use their skills to
start their own business—a goal of most respondents—due to lack of access to start-up capital.
Most participants explained that they were encouraged to join the program by word-of-mouth,
often from religious leaders and teachers at Quranic or Islamiyah schools. The motivation for
164 Coleman, J. S. (1988). Social capital in the creation of human capital. American Journal of Sociology, 94, S95-
S120. 165 Granovetter, M. S. (1973). The Strength of Weak Ties. American Journal of Sociology, 78(6), 1360-1380.
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joining among young people was primarily in order to gain new skills, but also due to promises
of receiving “certificates” and “start-up capital.” Respondents mentioned program benefits
beyond the development of trade skills. They also talked about learning various transferable
skills, gaining pride, and enjoying the learning approach which was more practical and
participatory. These additional benefits align with the “soft skills” output and the “subjective
well-being” secondary outcome in the program’s theory of change. While there is limited
evidence of Mafita helping participants take on fully independent and self-sustaining
entrepreneurial endeavors (part of the Theory of Change), these transferable skills are
encouraging as soft skills can provide a foundation for entrepreneurial success once structural
conditions provide the opportunity to start such a business.166
Despite the facility with which participants spoke of benefits, there were also several consistent
challenges from during and after the program. Several participants were frustrated that they were
placed in training for a skill that they did not select. Financial struggles came up regularly with
participants having great difficulty covering the costs of transportation and food in order to
attend Mafita trainings. During the training period itself, young people also complained about the
late arrival of machines and materials resulting in delayed or truncated practical training periods.
Finally, after the program, numerous youths were frustrated that they did not receive certificates
of completion and that they either did not receive the “promised” start-up capital or received it as
a loan when they expected a grant.
It is unclear if the program had any impact on social and political attitudes, especially with
regard to the use of violence. What is clear from participants’ responses to the scenarios is that
politicians are seen as the catalysts of violence through their deployment of “political thuggery.”
Meanwhile, religious leaders are seen as a potential force for peace—but one that is
underutilized. Interestingly, the perceived role of youth is more varied, with youth being
perceived as participating in violence, actively working for non-violent solutions, or being
passive observers. With youth comprising the majority of respondents, they may hold a more
nuanced perspective of their own actions and those of their peers while having a less nuanced
understanding of other groups (i.e., politicians and religious leaders). Nonetheless, the responses
highlight the importance and possibility of supporting youth to take an active non-violent route
for dealing with social and political tensions. The responses also highlight the importance of
engaging with religious leaders as key supporters of peaceful resolution to tensions.
Finally, most of the study participants had no direct or indirect experience engaging with violent
groups nor did most condone the use of violence. This suggests that the program did not target
individuals with a high risk of engaging with groups who use violence for social, political, or
religious ends, although responses to these sensitive questions on violence may be shaped by
participants providing socially desirable answers in certain instances. To the extent that youth
were seen as involved in violence, it was with political violence and not religious extremism and
was concentrated among youth in Kano. On the other hand, there were multiple respondents who
stated that violence—and in one case, even killing—is sometimes justified either because of
religious blasphemy or because of social injustice.
166 See for example Rauch, A., & Frese, M. (2007). Let's put the person back into entrepreneurship research: A
meta-analysis on the relationship between business owners' personality traits, business creation, and success. European Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology, 16(4), 353-385.
Page 53 of 83
Much can be learned from the successes and challenges of Mafita, and we encourage the
continuation and improvement of this and similar projects. We hope that this qualitative report
alongside the accompanying quantitative report will jointly provide insights that inform future
funding decisions, program designs, and research projects on apprenticeships and vocational
training programs for marginalized youth.
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Appendix (Instruments)
A1 FGD: Mafita Participant Youth
Focus Group Guide for Interviewer
[Note: If all focus group participants are not ready at the same time, then you can work on completing
the consent forms with those who have already arrived.]
Introduce yourself to the participants and thank them for taking the time to do the interview. Explain the purpose of the focus group and mention how long the discussion should take. Explain the confidentiality
and privacy of the focus group discussion: specifically explain that everything they share will be kept
confidential but that they are in a group and it is their responsibility to keep everything they hear
confidential as well. Remind them that their answers to questions are optional and the research team will
keep them confidential. You may use the script below:
Introduction Script: Thank you for joining in this focus group discussion. The purpose of this
discussion is to understand your experiences in the Mafita program and your experiences and
perceptions of political and religious-based violence in your communities. This research aims to
inform The World Bank and Nigerian policy makers about how best to serve youth in Nigeria.
This discussion will take approximately 60 to 90 minutes of your time. Note that all responses are
welcome, and you will not be judged for your answers. We are seeking to gain an understanding of the
truth, therefore, there are no answers that are either right or wrong. You may leave the focus group
discussion at any time if you are not comfortable with a question or if you no longer want to
participate. Because we are in a group sharing our perspectives, it is important that you all keep what
you hear today confidential and promise not to speak about it after this group discussion is over.
Distribute the consent forms and go over the questions with the participants. During this process you will
need to ask permission from the participants to use the audio-recorder. You may use the script below:
Consent Script: Please review and sign the consent form in front of you. The form confirms that you
agree to participate in the focus group discussion; that you know your responses will be kept
confidential; and that you are free to stop at any time. This is a legal requirement in the U.S. to protect
you and to make sure that we have explained everything to you. It does not hold you to any contractual
agreement.
In addition, audio recording is part of this research study. The audio-file will only be used to type out
what you say later so that I can pay full attention to what you say without taking a lot of notes now.
The audio-file will then be deleted, and it will not be shared with anyone other than the person typing
out the transcription of the interview. You can choose whether to give permission to be recorded. If
anyone decides they do not want to be recorded, then we will take notes instead of using the audio-
recorder.
Read the consent form together with the participants. If easier, you may divide the group into two with
the facilitating researcher explaining the consent to one half and the note-taker explaining to the other half. If a participant chooses not to sign the consent form for any reason, let them know that they will not
be able to participate in the focus group and thank them for their time.
Ask participants if they have any questions before you start the focus group questions. Remind them that
some of them may be asked to participate in an interview after the focus group.
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Materials Needed:
● Note-taking booklet
● Pens (black or blue) for taking notes and signing consent forms
● Audio Recorder
● Consent Forms
● Visual Chart for question 7
Focus Group Questions:
1. Why did you join the Mafita program?
2. Has the program influenced you in any way? If yes, how so?
a) Are these benefits different for different people? If yes, how so?
b) Who does the program least benefit? Why?
3. Has the program been challenging in any way? If yes, how so?
a) Are these challenges different for different people? If yes, how so?
b) Alternate questions: Which group of your peers experiences the most barriers to
successfully completing this program? Why? And which group experiences the
fewest barriers? Why?
4. How would you describe your trainers [Master Craftspersons (MCPs) for the
Apprenticeship participants and Teachers/Trainers for the COSDEC participants]?
a) How was your relationship with them?
b) Can you share any memorable personal or group experiences about your
relationship with them?
5. How have you been supported since leaving / graduating from Mafita?
Alternate: Have you received any support since graduating from Mafita? If yes, what type
of support and from whom?
a) Did you feel this support was sufficient? Why or Why not?
6. Have your interactions with your peers changed since joining the program? How so?
Alternate (related to work): Has your work or livelihood source changed since
joining/competing the program? How so?
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Note for Interviewer: For question 7, use the visual chart with daily routines.
Each respondent should be given one normal sized paper with a grid on it that has 10 ‘spaces’ in the
shape of a rectangle (see below) and 5-sets of 10 strips each with each set having a different color
representing different ways that they spend time during an average week:
● Green: Religious activities
● Blue: Household chores
● Red: Leisure time with friends
● Orange: Working
● Yellow: Doing personal hobbies alone
● Purple: Other
Participants will fill in their grid using the strips to represent what percentage of their time they spend
on the activity during an average week. Each strip represents 10% (1
10) of the week’s waking hours, so
the grid has 10 slots (10 × 10% = 100%). You can use the following script while handing out the
materials:
Activity script: I am going to give each of you a grid [hold up grid] and 5 sets of strips, each set has
a different color [hold up strips]. The grid represents all the time you spend doing different things
during a normal week. Each space represents one tenth (10%) of your time. You’ll fill in the grid
with the combination of 10 strips of various colors representing a good estimate of the percentage
of time you spend on each of the activities. Each of the following types of activities is represented
by a different color: Green represents religious activities such as going to a holy place or reading a
holy book. Blue represents doing household chores like fetching water or cleaning the compound
or working in the garden. Red is for leisure time with friends such as chatting with your friends or
playing football together. Orange represents working or doing anything to earn money. Yellow
represents spending time doing hobbies by yourself, such as reading or knitting or even
daydreaming. Finally, Purple for ‘other’. For example, if you spend half (50%) of your time with
friends and the other half (50%) working then you would put 5 red and 5 orange strips into the 10
spaces of the grid [Demonstrate the example with your set].
7. How would you describe your day-to-day activities?
a) Have your daily activities changed within the past year?
Alternate: Are these the same sorts of activities you engaged in last year/ a year ago?
b) If they have changed, what are the reasons for the change?
8. Do you have any questions and/or comments for us?
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Reference for Question 7:
How I spend my time during an average week.
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
Page 58 of 83
A2 FGD: Non-Participant Youth
Focus Group Guide for Interviewer
[Note: If all focus group participants are not ready at the same time, then you can work on completing
the consent forms with those who have already arrived.]
Introduce yourself to the participants and thank them for taking the time to do the interview. Explain the
purpose of the focus group and mention how long the discussion should take. Explain the confidentiality and privacy of the focus group discussion: specifically explain that everything they share will be kept
confidential but that they are in a group and it is their responsibility to keep everything they hear
confidential as well. Remind them that their answers to questions are optional and the research team will
keep them confidential. You may use the script below:
Introduction Script: Thank you for joining in this focus group discussion. The purpose of this
discussion is to understand your experiences related to your daily life, your hopes for the future, and
your experiences and perceptions of political and religious-based violence in your communities. This
research aims to inform The World Bank and Nigerian policy makers about how best to serve youth in
Nigeria.
This discussion will take approximately 60 to 90 minutes of your time. Note that all responses are
welcome, and you will not be judged for your answers. We are seeking to gain an understanding of the
truth, therefore, there are no answers that are either right or wrong. You may leave the focus group
discussion at any time if you are not comfortable with a question or if you no longer want to
participate. Because we are in a group sharing our perspectives, it is important that you all keep what
you hear today confidential and promise not to speak about it after this group discussion is over.
Distribute the consent forms and go over the questions with the participants. During this process you will
need to ask permission from the participants to use the audio-recorder. You may use the script below:
Consent Script: Please review and sign the consent form in front of you. The form confirms that you
agree to participate in the focus group discussion; that you know your responses will be kept
confidential; and that you are free to stop at any time. This is a legal requirement in the U.S. to protect
you and to make sure that we have explained everything to you. It does not hold you to any contractual
agreement.
In addition, audio recording is part of this research study. The audio-file will only be used to type out
what you say later so that I can pay full attention to what you say without taking a lot of notes now.
The audio-file will then be deleted, and it will not be shared with anyone other than the person typing
out the transcription of the interview. You can choose whether to give permission to be recorded. If
anyone decides they do not want to be recorded, then we will take notes instead of using the audio-
recorder.
Read the consent form together with the participants. If easier, you may divide the group into two with the facilitating researcher explaining the consent form to one half and the note-taker explaining to the other
half. If a participant chooses not to sign the consent form for any reason, let them know that they will not
be able to participate in the focus group and thank them for their time.
Ask participants if they have any questions before you start the focus group questions. Remind them that
some of them may be asked to also participate in an interview after the focus group.
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Materials Needed:
● Note-taking booklet
● Pens (black or blue) for taking notes and signing consent forms
● Audio Recorder
● Consent Forms
● Visual Chart for question 6
Focus Group Questions:
1. Have you participated in any skills-related training programs in the last year?
a) If so, what programs were these?
b) What key skills did you obtain from these programs?
2. How would you describe the various social groups that exist in your community for youth?
a) How do these groups socialize with each other?
b) If some groups do not socialize together, why not?
Alternative question: What groups of people socialize together in your community?
3. What are your hopes for the future in terms of your profession or employment (or
education)?
[Note: Ask about educational plans/goals only if the respondent talks about it or if they do
not have employment plans]
a) What sorts of jobs (or education) would you like to have?
b) Do you face any challenges in achieving these goals?
i. If so, what are they?
4. What support would you like to have in terms of achieving your future goals?
5. What resources do you have access to that can help you achieve your goals?
a) Do you have a sponsor who can help you achieve your goals?
b) Do you have social connections who can help you?
c) Are there organizations that can help you?
Note for Interviewer: For question 6, use the visual chart with daily routines.
Each respondent should be given one normal sized paper with a grid on it that has 10 ‘spaces’ in the
shape of a rectangle (see below) and 5-sets of 10 strips each with each set having a different color representing different ways that they spend time during an average week:
● Green: Religious activities
● Blue: Household chores
● Red: Leisure time with friends
● Orange: Working
● Yellow: Doing personal hobbies alone
● Purple: Other
Participants will fill in their grid using the strips to represent what percentage of their time they spend
on the activity during an average week. Each strip represents 10% (1
10) of the week’s waking hours, so
the grid has 10 slots (10 × 10% = 100%). You can use the following script while handing out the
materials:
Page 60 of 83
Activity script: I am going to give each of you a grid [hold up grid] and 5 sets of strips, each set has
a different color [hold up strips]. The grid represents all the time you spend doing different things
during a normal week. Each space represents one tenth (10%) of your time. You will fill in the grid
with the combination of 10 strips of various colors representing a good estimate of the percentage
of time you spend on each of the activities. Each of the following types of activities is represented
by a different color: Green represents religious activities such as going to a holy place or reading a
holy book. Blue represents doing household chores like fetching water or cleaning the compound
or working in the garden. Red is for leisure time with friends such as chatting with your friends or
playing football together. Orange represents working or doing anything to earn money. Yellow
represents spending time doing hobbies by yourself, such as reading or knitting or even
daydreaming. Finally, Purple is for ‘other’. For example, if you spend half (50%) of your time with
friends and the other half (50%) working then you would put 5 red and 5 orange strips into the 10
spaces of the grid [Demonstrate the example with your set].
6. How would you describe your day-to-day activities?
a) Have your daily activities changed within the past year?
Alternate: Are these the same sorts of activities you engaged in last year/ a year ago?
b) If they have changed, what are the reasons for the change?
7. Do you have any questions and/or comments for us?
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Reference for Question 6:
How I spend my time during an average week.
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
1/10
10%
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A3 FGD: Trainers/MCPs
Focus Group Guide for Interviewer
[Note: If all focus group participants are not ready at the same time, then you can work on completing
the consent forms with those who have already arrived.]
Introduce yourself to the participants and thank them for taking the time to do the interview. Explain the
purpose of the focus group and mention how long the discussion should take. Explain the confidentiality
and privacy of the focus group discussion: specifically explain that everything they share will be kept
confidential but that they are in a group and it is their responsibility to keep everything they hear confidential as well. Remind them that their answers to questions are optional and the research team will
keep them confidential. You may use the script below:
Introduction Script: Thank you for joining in this focus group discussion. The purpose of this
discussion is to understand your experiences related to the Mafita program. This research aims to
inform The World Bank and Nigerian policy makers about how best to serve youth in Nigeria.
This discussion will take approximately 60 to 90 minutes of your time. Note that all responses are
welcome, and you will not be judged for your answers. We are seeking to gain an understanding of the
truth, therefore, there are no answers that are either right or wrong. You may leave the focus group
discussion at any time if you are not comfortable with a question or if you no longer want to
participate. Because we are in a group sharing our perspectives, it is important that you all keep what
you hear today confidential and promise not to speak about it after this group discussion is over.
Distribute the consent forms and go over the questions with the participants. During this process you will
need to ask permission from the participants to use the audio-recorder. You may use the script below:
Consent Script: Please review and sign the consent form in front of you. The form confirms that you
agree to participate in the focus group discussion; that you know your responses will be kept
confidential; and that you are free to stop at any time. This is a legal requirement in the U.S. to protect
you and to make sure that we have explained everything to you. It does not hold you to any contractual
agreement.
In addition, audio recording is part of this research study. The audio-file will only be used to type out
what you say later so that I can pay full attention to what you say without taking a lot of notes now.
The audio-file will then be deleted, and it will not be shared with anyone other than the person typing
out the transcription of the interview. You can choose whether to give permission to be recorded. If
anyone decides they do not want to be recorded, then we will take notes instead of using the audio-
recorder.
Read the consent form together with the participants. If easier, you may divide the group into two with
the facilitating researcher explaining the consent to one half and the note-taker explaining to the other half. If a participant chooses not to sign the consent form for any reason, let them know that they will not
be able to participate in the focus group and thank them for their time.
Ask participants if they have any questions before you start the focus group questions. Remind them that
some of them may be asked to participate in an interview after the focus group.
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Materials Needed:
● Note-taking booklet
● Pens (black or blue) for taking notes and signing consent forms
● Audio Recorder
● Consent Forms
Focus Group Questions:
1. How did you find out about the Mafita program?
2. What were your reasons for joining the Mafita program?
3. What did you understand the goals of the Mafita program to be?
4. What was your experience participating as a trainer in the program?
5. As a trainer, what support or training did you receive to help deliver the program?
a. Did you feel sufficiently supported?
6. Do you think participants benefit from the program?
a. If so, what were those benefits?
b. If not, why do you think so?
c. Were these benefits different for the female and male participants?
● If so, how?
7. How have participants changed during their participation? Please share both positive and
negative changes.
a. Were these changes different for female and male participants?
● If so, how?
8. If you were designing a similar program in the future, is there anything in particular you
would change about the program?
a. Is there anything in particular you liked and would not change about the program?
9. Did any of you have to spend your own money or use your own resources in order to
support the program and the participants? If yes, how do you feel about it?
10. Do you have any additional comments and/or questions?
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A4 Interview: Mafita Participant & Non-Participant Youth
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: Introduce yourself to the respondent and thank them for taking the time to
do the interview. Explain the confidentiality and privacy of the interview and tell them that their answers
to questions are optional and will be kept confidential. You may use the script below:
Introduction Script: My name is [say your name]. Thank you for speaking with me today. Your
responses are important for helping us learn from your experience and to improve future programs
like Mafita. Before we begin, I want to explain to you who we are and what we will be asking and then
ask your permission to continue. To do this, I’ll explain this form to you and ask for your consent at
the end. This form is a required process for researchers to ensure that we explain or work to you and
get your permission to speak together after explaining some details.
Read the consent form to the participant, ask for their signature, and then give them the first two pages
and keep the signature page.
If the participant chooses not to sign the consent form for any reason, say: Without your signing of the
consent form, we cannot interview you, but thank you for your time. Have a wonderful day!
If the participant signs the consent form, say: Thank you. We will now begin the interview.
If the participant has consented to audio-recording, you will now turn on the audio-recording device and
say: I am now turning on the audio recording device.
A. Demographics
Say: To begin I am interested to learn more about you.
1. Can you tell me how old you are? 2. What do you do for work?
*[Question #3 is for PARTICIPANTS ONLY]
3. Tell me about your time with the Mafita program. ● Potential Follow-Up Questions (if they do not answer these in the initial response):
i. How did you get involved in the program?
ii. How long have you been in the program?
B. Daily Routines / Schedule
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this section is to understand if, and how, daily routines have changed as a result of participation in the program. However, you should spend the LEAST time on this
section.
For the following questions where brackets are included, the first part of the brackets are for
PARTICIPANTS (BOLD) while the part after the “/” in the second part of the bracket is for NON-
PARTICIPANTS (highlighted).
Say: Now I’m going to ask some questions to understand more about your experience in the Mafita
program.
1. How did you spend your time [before joining the program / last year]?
2. How is your time spent differently [since participating in the program / compared to last
year]?
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● Potential Follow-Up Questions (if they do not answer these in the initial response): i. Why the change (if any)?
3. For Women Interviewees: Are there any changes in your daily routine that are specific to your
role as woman in your community?
● Alternate question: Are any of these changes different from changes a man in your
community would experience?
C. Social Networks / Relationships
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this section is to understand if, and how, social networks
changed as a result of participation in the program.
1. Who do you spend most of your time with?
2. Potential Follow-Up Question (if they do not answer these in the initial response): 3. Who are these people to you (friends, relatives, immediate family)?
4. Have your friends changed since [joining the program / last year]?
○ Potential Follow-Up Questions (if they do not answer these in the initial response): ■ Did you make any new friends?
i. If yes, how have these friendships impacted/changed your life in any way?
5. For Women: Are there any changes in who you spend time with that you think is because you are
a woman?
D. Livelihoods / Work and Money-making
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this section is to understand if, and how, livelihoods and sources
of income have changed as a result of participation in the program.
1. What did you do for money [before joining the program / last year]?
● Alternate question: How do you pay for your daily needs?
2. What do you do to earn money [now since completing the program / nowadays]?
● Potential Follow-Up Question (if they do not answer these in the initial response):
i. If there is a change, how has this impacted your life?
3. For Women: Are there any other aspects of changes in your livelihood or standard of living that
are specific to your role as woman in your community?
E. Transitioning out of Program
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this section is to understand how participants experienced
transitioning out of the program ether by graduating or by dropping out of the program.
*These questions are for PARTICIPANTS ONLY.
1. Did you complete the program, or did you stop early?
● Alternate question: When did you start Mafita? When did you stop?
● Potential Follow-Up Questions (if they do not answer these in the initial response):
i. Why did you stop early?
ii. What made you decide to complete the program?
● Did you ever think about stopping early? If so, why?
2. What were your hopes upon graduation?
● Alternate question: What did you plan to do after completing the program?
● Potential Follow-Up Questions (if they do not answer these in the initial response):
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i. Is what you are doing now what you hoped you would be doing? ii. How is it different?
iii. How do you feel about it?
3. What are three ways this program could be improved?
● Alternate question: If you were in charge, how would you manage the program
differently?
4. What are the three most important ways this program was beneficial? 5. Would you recommend this program to anyone? If so, to whom?
● Alternate question: If you were going to design an advertisement to encourage people to
join the program, who would the advertisement target?
6. Among your peers, what was the most common change you saw as a result of this program? 7. What was the most important changes you noticed in yourself?
● Alternate question: Has your family noticed any changes in you since completing the
program? Have you noticed any changes?
● Alternate question: What about people close to you, what changes have they noticed in
you, if any?
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this next question is to determine if non-participants participated
in comparable programs to Mafita.
*This question if for NON-PARTICIPANTS ONLY.
1. Can you tell me about any educational or vocational training programs that you participated in this
past year focused on job skills?
● Potential Follow-Up Questions (if they do not answer these in the initial response):
○ Why did you join each?
○ [If they did not participate in any programs] Why not?
F. Social/ Political Context
1. Hypothetical Situations: I am going to show you three situations and I would like you select
one of them and tell me how you think that certain people would react to address the
situation. You can answer how the different people would react in any order.
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this section is to understand the relationship between the
changes participants have experienced since the program and their attitudes towards and experiences of
social/political violence. For the purpose of this interview, participants’ perceptions/ experiences of group
violence dynamics are of particular interest. To introduce this section, you may use the script below:
Say: I am placing three scenarios in front of you and I will explain them as I do. Choose one
scenario about which you will answer questions.
Place the three scenario cards in front of them and read /summarize them to the participants. Give the
participant a moment to look at the three scenario cards and choose the one on which they want to focus.
[Note: The scenarios are listed at the end of this document for your reference if needed.]
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Once they have chosen the scenario, explain the personas and that you would like to hear how they
believe each persona would react to address the scenario.
Once they have finished answering about each of the perspectives: continue with the following questions:
2. Can you tell us about someone that you know who is helping a group that uses violence – even if their help was not violent? You do not need to name a specific person or specific
people.
3. When do you think violence is justified?
4. When do you think violence is unjustifiable?
G. New Question
1. [INSERT a single question here that has emerged through the research, this is also where you will ask any new question as assigned by your team leader].
H. Closing the Interview
At the end of the interview, say: To close, is there anything else you would like to say about
anything we have discussed?
Once they have finished, say: Do you have any questions for me?
Once they have finished, say: Thank you for your time and participation. You can now turn off the audio-recorder if it was used.
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A5 Interview: Trainers/MCPs
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: Introduce yourself to the respondent and thank them for taking the time to
do the interview. Explain the confidentiality and privacy of the interview and tell them that their answers
to questions are optional and will be kept confidential. You may use the script below:
Introduction Script: My name is [say your name]. Thank you for speaking with me today. Your
responses are important for helping us learn from your experience and to improve future programs
like Mafita. Before we begin, I want to explain to you who we are and what we will be asking and then
ask your permission to continue. To do this, I will explain this form to you and ask for your consent at
the end. This form is a required process for researchers to ensure that we explain or work to you and
get your permission to speak together after explaining some details.
Read the consent form to the participant, ask for their signature, and then give them the first two pages
and keep the signature page.
If the participant chooses not to sign the consent form for any reason, say: Without your signing of the
consent form, we cannot interview you, but thank you for your time. Have a wonderful day!
If the participant signs the consent form, say: Thank you. We will now begin the interview.
If the participant has consented to audio-recording, you will now turn on the audio-recording device and
say: I am now turning on the audio recording device.
A. Demographics
Say: To begin I am interested to learn more about you and your work. Remember that your
responses will be kept confidential and accessible only to the research team. Reports will not use your
name or other identifiable information. You are also free to skip any question that you do not want to
answer.
1. Tell me about your work with the Mafita program.
● Potential Follow-Up Questions (if they do not answer these in the initial response):
i. How and why did you get involved in the program?
ii. How long have you been working with the program?
iii. What is your current job?
B. Social Networks
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this section is to understand if, and how, social networks
changed as a result of participation in the program.
Say: Now I am going to ask some questions to understand more about their experience in the Mafita
program.
1. What, if any, changes have you noticed in the friends whom participants spend time with since
joining the program?
● Potential Follow-Up Question (if they do not answer these in the initial response):
i. For those that keep the same friends, have you noticed any changes in how they
interact with those friends? 2. If there have been changes, how do you think these changes in friendships have impacted their
lives—either positively or negatively?
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3. How do you think these patterns differ between male and female participants?
C. Livelihoods
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this section is to understand if, and how, livelihoods and sources
of income have changed as a result of participation in the program. Continue asking for illustrative
examples.
1. Have participants changed the way they earn money and pay for their daily needs since joining the program? If so, how?
2. For participants where there has been a change, how has this change affected them?
3. How do you think these patterns differ between male and female participants?
D. Transitioning out of Program
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this section is to understand how participants experienced transitioning out of the program ether by graduating or by dropping out of the program. Continue asking
for illustrative examples.
1. How would you describe the level of attendance and engagement of the participants throughout
the program?
2. Approximately what percentage of participants did not complete the entire program? 3. For those that did not complete the program, what do you perceive as the major reasons why they
stopped?
4. For those that did complete the program, what do you perceive as the major reasons why they stayed in the program?
5. What are three ways this program could be improved?
● Alternate question: If you were in charge, how would you manage the program differently?
6. What are the three most important ways this program was beneficial?
7. Would you recommend this program to anyone? If so, to whom?
● Alternate question: If you were going to design an advertisement to encourage people to
join the program, who would the advertisement target?
8. Was the program beneficial to you personally as a [trainer / Master Craftsperson]? If so, how/ If
not, why not? 9. Tell me about the training and support you received as a [trainer / Master Craftsperson].
● Potential Follow-Up Question (if they do not answer these in the initial response): i. How could the training or support be improved?
E. Daily Routines
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this section is to understand if, and how, the respondent has
perceived that the daily routines of participating youth have changed as a result of their participation in
the program.
Because the answers are about changes in others, ask the respondent to share specific examples from
specific participants to illustrate each answer. If they are more comfortable, they do not need to use the
name of the youth in the examples.
1. How has the way participants spend their time changed from when they first started the program?
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● Potential Follow-Up Questions (if they do not answer these in the initial response): i. Consider things like religious activities, household chores, leisure time with
friends, working, and doing personal hobbies alone
ii. What do you see as the biggest difference in how they spend time differently since participating in the program?
iii. Why the change (if any)?
iv. If no change, why do you think there has not been a change?
2. How do you think these patterns differ between male and female participants?
F. Social/ Political Context
Part -F1-
a. Have you ever had the young people who you train come and ask you for advice about
topics that are not related to work – for example about their personal lives, their religion,
or their politics?
i. If so, can you share an example?
Part -F2-
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this section is to understand the relationship between the changes participants have experienced since the program and their attitudes towards and experiences
of social/political violence. For the purpose of this interview, participants’ perceptions/ experiences of
group violence dynamics are of particular interest. To introduce this section, you may use the script
below:
Say: I am placing three scenarios in front of you. Choose one scenario about which you will
answer questions.
Place the three scenario cards in front of them and read/summarize them to the participants. Give the
participant a moment to look at the three scenario cards and choose the one on which they want to focus. [Note: The scenarios are listed at the end of this document for your reference if needed.]
Once they have chosen the scenario, place the Perspective Cards (“A youth in the community,” “A
youth participant in Mafita,” and “A trainer/ MCP - Master Craftsperson”) in front of them on the table and say: Here are three notecards with different people who might have different perspectives
on the scenario you chose. How would the following people react to address each situation? Feel free
to answer in any order.
Once they have finished answering about each of the three perspectives, ask: If one of the youth you
work with asked for your advice on how to handle this situation, what would you tell them?
You can then continue with the following questions:
Part -F3-
1. Can you tell us about someone that you know who is helping a group that uses violence – even if their help was not violent?
2. When do you think violence is justified?
3. When do you think violence is unjustifiable?
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G. New Question
a. [INSERT a single question here that has emerged through the research, this is also where you
will ask any new question as assigned by your team leader].
H. Closing the Interview
At the end of the interview, say: To close, is there anything else you would like to say about
anything we have discussed?
Once they have finished, say: Do you have any questions for me?
Once they have finished, say: Thank you for your time and participation.
You can now turn off the audio-recorder if it was used.
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A6 Interview: Caregiver NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: Introduce yourself to the respondent and thank them for taking the time to
do the interview. Explain the confidentiality and privacy of the interview and tell them that their answers
to questions are optional and will be kept confidential. You may use the script below:
Introduction Script: My name is [say your name]. Thank you for speaking with me today. Your
responses are important for helping us learn from your experience and to improve future programs
like Mafita. Before we begin, I want to explain to you who we are and what we will be asking and then
ask your permission to continue. To do this, I’ll explain this form to you and ask for your consent at
the end. This form is a required process for researchers to ensure that we explain or work to you and
get your permission to speak together after explaining some details.
Read the consent form to the participant, ask for their signature, and then give them the first two pages
and keep the signature page.
If the participant chooses not to sign the consent form for any reason, say: Without your signing of the
consent form, we cannot interview you, but thank you for your time. Have a wonderful day!
If the participant signs the consent form, say: Thank you. We will now begin the interview.
If the participant has consented to audio-recording, you will now turn on the audio-recording device and
say: I am now turning on the audio recording device.
A. Demographics
To begin I would like to ask some basic information about you and your work.
2. Can you tell me how old you are?
3. How many youths in your care have participated in Mafita?
● What are their ages and genders?
● Can you tell me about your relationship with them? i. Probe: How close do you feel you are?
ii. Probe: [If necessary], how often do you talk with them about their days?
iii. How did you know about Mafita and what motivate you to support their initial
participation? 4. What is your current job?
B. Social Networks
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this section is to understand if, and how, social networks
changed as a result of participation in the program. Continue asking for illustrative examples.
4. With whom do the Mafita participants spend most of their time once they have completed the
program? 5. Are these the same people that they interacted with before joining the program?
6. What, if any, changes have you noticed in the friends they spend time with since joining the
program? a. For those that keep the same friends, have you noticed any changes in how they interact
with those friends?
7. If there have been changes, how do you think these changes in friendships have impacted their
lives—either positively or negatively?
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8. Is there anything additional you would like to share about changes you have seen in their social networks?
C. Livelihoods
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this section is to understand if, and how, livelihoods and sources
of income have changed as a result of participation in the program. Continue asking for illustrative
examples.
4. How did youth in the Mafita program get money to pay for their daily needs before joining the
program?
● Did they earn money through any activities?
5. What do they do now to get money since completing the program?
6. Do you feel that their financial situation has improved, stayed the same, or gotten worse? How? 7. When it comes to changes in earning money and paying for daily needs before and after Mafita,
are there changes that you believe are unique to male or female participants?
8. Is there anything else you would like to share about changes in their work, earnings, and ability to pay for their basic needs?
D. Transitioning out of Program
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this section is to understand how participants experienced
transitioning out of the program either by graduating or by dropping out of the program. Continue asking
for illustrative examples.
10. How would you describe their level of attendance and engagement throughout the program?
11. Did they complete the entire program?
● If not, what were the major reasons why they stopped?
● If they did complete, what were the major reasons why they completed the full program?
12. What are three ways this program could be improved?
● Alternate question: If you were in charge, how would you manage the program
differently?
13. What are the three most important ways this program was beneficial? 14. Would you recommend this program to anyone? If so, to whom?
● Alternate question: If you were going to design an advertisement to encourage people to
join the program, who would the advertisement target?
E. Daily Routines
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this section is to understand if, and how, the respondent has perceived that the daily routines of participating youth have changed as a result of their participation in
the program.
Because the answers are about changes in others, ask the respondent to share specific examples from
specific participants to illustrate each answer. If they are more comfortable, they do not need to use the
name of the youth in the examples.
2. How did they spend their time before joining the program?
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● Specifically, what percentage of their time would you say they spent during an average week doing the following: doing religious activities, household chores, leisure time with
friends, working, and doing personal hobbies alone.
3. What do they spend most of their time doing now after completing the program?
● What do you see as the biggest difference in how they spend time since participating in
the program?
● Why the change (if any)?
4. How do you think these patterns differ between male and female participants?
5. Is there any additional information you would like to share about changes in their daily routines?
F. Social/ Political Context
1. Do [your children, the youth in your care] often come and ask you for advice about religion
or politics?
i. If so, can you share an example?
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: The goal of this section is to understand the relationship between the changes participants have experienced since the program and their attitudes towards and experiences
of social/political violence. For the purpose of this interview, participants’ perceptions/ experiences of
group violence dynamics are of particular interest. To introduce this section, you may use the script
below:
2. Hypothetical Situations: I am going to show you three situations and I would like you select
one of them and tell me how you think that certain people would react to address the
situation. You can answer how the different people would react in any order.
Place notecards of the scenarios out one at a time while explaining them and their accompanying
personas. Once they have chosen a scenario ask them how each of the personas would react to address the
situation.
3. Follow up question: If [your child, the youth in your care] asked for your advice on how to
handle this situation, what would you tell them?
NOTE TO INTERVIEWER: Be careful when asking these questions and hearing responses. Do not respond with any judgement or any advice. If you are not sure what to say you can say simply: “Thank
you for sharing your thoughts honestly.”
If a respondent becomes defensive, explain that these are questions that affect countries all over the world
and we are not assuming anything about their community when we ask them. Finally, remind the
respondent during this section that everything they say will be kept confidential.
4. Can you tell us about someone that you know who is helping a group that uses violence – even if their help was not violent? You do not need to mention any specific names.
5. When do you think violence is justified?
6. When do you think that its unjustifiable?
H. New Question
a. [INSERT a single question here that has emerged through the research, this is also where you
will ask any new question as assigned by your team leader].
H. Closing the interview
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At the end of the interview, say: To close, is there anything else you would like to say about
anything we have discussed?
Once they have finished, say: Do you have any questions for me?
Once they have finished, say: Thank you for your time and participation.
You can now turn off the audio-recorder if it was used.
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For Your Reference
Hypothetical Situations Used in Social/Political Context Section Listed Here for Your Reference:
Scenario 1: Cattle herders are reported to have attacked a farming community a few kilometers from
where you live. It is unclear exactly what provoked the attack and the police have released conflicting reports about the number of people involved and vague information about their plans to provide security
to the region.
How do you think people in the following positions would respond to this situation?
● A traditional/tribal leader
● A youth leader
● A police commissioner
● A religious leader
● A governor
Follow up question: If [your child, the youth in your care] asked for your advice on how to handle this
situation, what would you tell them?
Scenario 2: The majority of young people in your community are unemployed and are unable to earn
enough money to pay for their basic needs. As the election season starts, politicians begin campaigning in your community. At the same time as the campaigning by politicians begins, the economic situation
worsens.
How do you think people in the following positions would respond to this situation?
● A religious leader
● A local politician
● A local group of youth
● A national politician
● A young person without work who has a sick relative
Follow up question: If [your child, the youth in your care] asked for your advice on how to handle this
situation, what would you tell them?
Scenario 3: A powerful socio-cultural/political group than yours is trying to make a law that will make
everyone to conform to their mode of dressing and practices. They have almost gotten the law passed and
the authorities are ready to enforce it.
How do you think people in the following positions would respond to this situation?
● A traditional/tribal leader
● A mother/father in the community
● A 17-year-old boy worried about his family’s safety
● A religious leader of your current religion
● A senator (or governor) from your state
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A7 Research Team Bios
Daniel Shephard has worked with dozens of educational programs to improve their use of evidence, their
ability to implement, and their utilization of behavioral science to help bridge the gap between intentions
and actions. He holds a Master of Science in Evidence Based Social Intervention from the University of
Oxford, was a member of the Obama’ White House Social and Behavioral Science Team where he worked on education (including issues of finances and loan repayment) and has spent over 10 years
working in education in dozens of countries around the world. Previous projects have included work with
the OECD, Basmeh & Zeitooneh, Near East Foundation, Opportunity International, Aflatoun International, and Nudge Lebanon.
Tobore Egborge is a doctoral student in the International and Comparative Education Program at
Teachers College, Columbia University. She is an international development professional with over 15 years’ experience in the non-profit sector and with expertise in the areas of qualitative research, program
management and evaluation, strategic planning, and business development. Tobore’s experience includes
work in the fields of emergency response and recovery, adult education, and public health communication in countries including the Democratic Republic of Congo, Nigeria, South Sudan, and Zambia. Her current
doctoral study and research focuses on the role of civic education in the construction of national identity
and citizenship in African contexts.
Marlana Salmon-Letelier has completed her Ed.D. in International Educational Development at Teachers
College, Columbia University where she also serves as an Assistant Adjunct Professor. Her mixed
methods doctoral research focused on Federal Unity Colleges (diverse secondary boarding schools) in Nigeria and involved longitudinal surveys, social network analysis, interviews, and observations. She also
holds an M.T.S. from Harvard University in Multiculturalism and Religion with a focus in Education and
a B.B.A./B.A. in International Business/Spanish from the University of Texas in Austin. She has experience as a high school math teacher and has worked and continues to work on a variety of research,
consultancy, and advocacy projects with organizations such as FHI360, Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), the Global Partnership for Education (GPE), United Board, Citizen Schools, and the Arab Educational Institute.
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A8 Dissemination, Use and Influence Plan To disseminate the important findings in this research and make them available to those who can build on
them in practice and theory, we plan to share this paper in three ways. First, the paper has already been shared with implementing partners to contribute to direct improvements to the program and future
implementation of similar programs. Next steps include sharing the program evaluation via the World
Bank (WB) and Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) websites, and revising the paper to submit to a well-known international development journal.
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A9 Consent Form (English Version)
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