Women & PoliticsFrom the Perspective of Islamic Movements in Jordan

Hassan Abu Hanieh

Women and Politics:From the Perspectiveof Islamic Movements in Jordan

Hasan Abu HaniehAugust 2008

Published in 2008 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Amman Office/Michael BröningP.O. Box 926238, Amman 11110 - Jordan

www.fes-jordan.com, fes@fes-jordan.org

© Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2008

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publishers.

Printing: Economic Printing Press, Amman, Jordan

Translation and Editing:Mona Abu Rayyan, Beirut, Lebanon

Design and layout: Maya Chami, Beirut, Lebanon

اململكة الأردنية الها�شمية

رقم الإيداع لدى دائرة

املكتبة الوطنية

(2008 /12 / 4259)

305.4Abu Haniyeh, HassanWomen and Politics : From the perspective ofIslamic Movements in Jordan \ Hassan M. AbuHaniyeh; translated by Mona Abu Rayyan .-Amman: Friedrich , 2008

( 160 )p.Deposit No.:4259 /12/2008.Descriptors:\ Women//Politics//Islami

❖ اأعدت دائرة املكتبة الوطنية بيانات الفهر�شة والت�شنيف الأولية❖ يتحمل املوؤلف كامل امل�شوؤولية القانونية عن حمتوى م�شنفه ول يعبرّ هذا

امل�شنف عن راأي دائرة املكتبة الوطنية اأو اأي جهة حكومية اأخرى

PrefaceGender Equality and Gender Mainstreaming are cherished

conceptsintheinternationaldonorcommunity.Thisdoesnotcomeas a surprise, given the fact that under-development and povertyare–amongstothercauses–widelyattributedtosocialnormsthatdeprivewomenofequalopportunities.

Thereisnowconsensusamongobserversintheglobalizedworldeconomy thatwomen’s skills and talentscanno longerbeunder-utilized. The widespread exclusion of up to 50 percent of theirrespective populations from equal rights and opportunities is notonlyindicativeofanongoingmoraldilemmaformanycountriesbutalsoposesasignificantstrainonsocialandeconomicdevelopmentprospects.Foreconomists,theequationissimple:Nodevelopmentwithoutwomen’sparticipation.

Obviously,thisreasoningisnothingnew–neitherforinternationalhuman rights advocates, nor for decision-makers in Arab states.The most recent Arab Human Development Report of the United Nations Development ProgrammeidentifiedgenderinequalityasoneofthemainobstaclestodevelopmentintheArabRegion.Builtonthe“wealthofArabknowledgeandinsight”,thereportattemptstopresent“avisionofself-determinedchangebasedonacommitmenttointernalsocialreformandfrankself-assessment”.Assuch,thereportbyscholarsfromaroundtheArabworldcallsonArabgovernmentstofacilitatenothingshortofa“RiseofWomen”.

Does it come as a surprise that these calls have not passedunchallenged?Intheend,itissalientthattheroleofwomeninanysociety isnotmerelyaneconomicquestion,butfirstandforemostahighlysensitiveculturalparadigmbasedoncenturiesofhistoricaltradition.

Yet, when questions of women’ participation in the Arab worldare discussed, it seems that progressive ideas and internationalnormsconcerningtheparticipationofwomenaretodaynotprimarilyobstructedanymorebyopencriticismandoutrightrejection–eventhoughthiskindofoppositionisstillfairlycommon.Rather,theyareoftencounteredwithsilentpersistenceandasternbutunarticulatedrefusaltochange–abehaviourwhichis,ofcourse,onlytoofamiliartoagentsofchangeintheWestaswell.Howisthistobeexplained?Howdodecisionmakersarguetheircase?HowareWesternconceptsofgenderequalityperceivedinthecontextofIslamicmovements?

TheseandotherquestionsarediscussedinthecurrentvolumeofIslamic PoliticswhichusestheHashemiteKingdomofJordanasacase study relevant to the region at large. The analysis by HasanAbuHaniehattemptstolookintoIslamicmovement(s)inJordanandendeavourstoexplorepositionsofdecision-makersandsympathisersonthewidefieldof“womenrights”alike.

However,thestudydoesnotonlyfocusonpositionsbutalsoanalysespractice. Abu Hanieh examines not merely official statements andtheinternalIslamicdiscourse,butalsofocusesonthepoliticalrealityontheground.ThepresentvolumethusdealswithpoliticalpositionsandprogramsofIslamicpartiesconcerningwomen’sissues,studiestheroleofwomeninIslamicparties(inParliament,municipalitiesandparty institutions) and also looks into the role of women in socialinstitutionsandcharitableorganisationsrunbyIslamicMovementsintheHashemiteKingdom.

The present study constitutes the second volume of the series,Islamic Politics,publishedbytheFriedrich-Ebert-Stiftung(FES).WehopethatthepublicationwillprovideausefulpointofreferenceforthefurtherstudyofIslamicmovementsinJordan.FES,asaGermanpoliticalfoundationbasedontheprinciplesofsocialdemocracyandequality,encouragesincreasedparticipationofwomeninJordanianpubliclife.

However, the study demonstrates that this is unlikely to happenwithoutexternalsupportandathoroughinternaldebate,bothinsideandoutsidetheIslamicmovement(s)inJordan.Obviously,anysuch

debatecanonlybeconstructiveas longasdiscussionsarebasedonacarefulstock-takingofthestatusquo.Tocontributetosuchanunbiasedanalysisistheobjectiveofthisbook.

Amman,20July2008 Michael Bröning

Content

Introduction........................................................11

Part IIslam,WomanandPoliticsOutsidetheDemocraticFramework..................17

Introduction........................................................19

Hizbut-Tahrir(IslamicPartyofLiberation)................................22

Al-Salafiyaal-Taqlidiyeh(TraditionalSalafists)..........................................35

Al-Salafiyaal-Jihadiyeh(JihadistSalafists)..............................................49

Jamaa’ahat-TablighwalDa’wa(Missionary,AdvocacyandCallingorInvocation(toGod)Group)............................65

Part IIIslam,WomenandPoliticsintheFrameworkofDemocracy........................77

Introduction........................................................79

TheMuslimBrotherhood...................................83

IslamicActionFront...........................................93

TheMuslimCenterParty.................................118

TheDua’aParty...............................................128

Conclusion......................................................134

Endnotes.........................................................140

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IntroductionThosemonitoringthenumerousissuesthataffectwomeninJordan

will perhaps notice a considerable change in the vision and thepositionofIslamicmovementstowardswomen’srightsandissues.Transformationsthathaveaffectedtheregion,ingeneral,andJordan,inparticular,havenoticeablycontributedtothereassessmentofthenatureoftherolewomenplayinsociety.BybecomingincreasinglyinvolvedinvariousIslamicmovements,whichformanyyearsweretheexclusivedomainofmen,theMuslimwomanhasbeguntoridherselfofthehistoric,culturalandsocietalchainsthathave,thusfar,limitedher activities, behavior and reactions. She began by establishingwomen’scouncilsandcommitteesthroughwhichshedemandedagreaterroleinthehierarchicalstructurewithinthesemovements,andthroughwhichshebegantoovercomehertokenizedpresence.Shehas,instead,takenonanactiveandrealroleinthedecision-makingprocessandhasbecomeafactorindefiningthenarrativeofIslamicmovements.

However, despite Muslim women’s increased activities withinIslamicmovementsinJordan,theyhavenotproventhattheyareabletocreatetheirownnarrativeindependentoftheMuslimmalevision.Women’sissuesandrightsarestillbeingnegotiatedanddiscussedunder very strict and established structures in this narrative, suchas the insistenceon theuniquestatusof theMuslimwoman,andthedifferencesbetweenthisstatusandthoseofprevailingWesternwomenmodels.TheobjectivesadvocatedbywomenIslamistshavebeen,thusfar,summarized inacall fordevelopingwomen’srightsorganizations based on Islamic values and references, which farexceedthoseuponwhichtheWesternmodeliscentered.

The effectiveness of the social and political activities of IslamicmovementspresentsanalternativemodeltoOrientalistandWestern

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interpretationsofIslam,whichseethese(feministIslamic)movementsasbeingbasedonafixedandstrict religiousdoctrine,andwhichnegateIslam’spotentialforevolution,changeandprogress.Tillthisday, the common Western view of women in the Muslim world isgroundedinthebeliefthatwomenarelowerinstatusandaredefeatedinMuslimandArabsocieties:ItconsidersIslamicmovementsasanextensionofatraditionfoundedinoppressingandrepressingwomen,withoutanyconsiderationtothecomplexnarrativeandpracticesofthesemovements,betheytraditional,activistorrevolutionary.ThisisnottodenythatcertainWesternwomen’smovementsandothers,whichhavefocusedonthe‘third’world,havestartedtounderstandthe special case of women in the Southern hemisphere and theArabandMuslimworlds,andhavestartedtoworkonchangingthestereotypicalandprevailingimagebestoweduponthesewomen.

Women Islamists are indeed engaging in internal and externalstruggles, within the various strata of Islamic movements, gearedtowards improving thestatusofwomen.Traditionally,wefind thatconventional Western feminist movements have found many allieswithinArabsocieties–allies,whoadopttheiragendasandproposals,createdoubtsabout theexistenceof Islamicwomen’smovementsthat defend women’s rights in a modern, educated and universalfashion–andwhorejectthespecialstatusofMuslimwomenandtherelativityofculturaldifferences.Furthermore,aninternalself-definingstruggle within and between the Islamic and ‘modernist’ traditionexists,despitethefactthatallthesemovementsattempttolifttheimpedimentsandbarrierstoeffectivesocialandpoliticalparticipationofwomeninsociety.

Towards this end, many Islamic movements in the Arab andMuslimworldsandspecificallyinJordanhavebeguntogivespecialattention to the importance of the participation of women in allavenuesandarenas.Thesemovementshavealsoreconsideredthenatureoftherolethatwomenplayinsociety,withinavisioncallingforchangethatdependsonnewconsiderationsanddeliberationsintheirpracticalprogramsaswellaspolitical ideology.Thisvisionofrenewal,which is tightlyconnectedtohistoryandcurrent realities,considers the Islamicwomanactivistasoneof itsmost importantplayers in building a future where women stand side by side with

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meninliberatingcontemporarystructures,basedontheprinciplesofintegration,inclusion,collaborationandunderstandingthateliminatetheplagueofdisputeandconflict.

It is apparent that this vision of the Islamic woman activist mayseemidealistic,atthepresenttime,andoutofreachintheshadowofcertainIslamicmovements,whicharestillprisonerstoaninheritedstaticdoctrine,andwhichviewtheWestasanabsoluteevilandamenacetoIslamthatisseekingtodestroyandruinIslamicsocietiesthroughtheir‘corruption’ofthewoman.Thesespecificmovementsdostandinthewayofdevelopingandstrengtheningthepresenceofwomen;however, incontrast,othermovementsexist, inJordanandelsewhere,whichhavedeclaredtheircommitmenttowomen’srightsandissuestotheextentthatthisintentionhasbecomeafixedcomponentintheirplatformsandactivitieswithinarenewedIslamicintellectand(re-)organizationofvalues.

TheexperienceoftheIslamicwomanactivistinJordanisconsideredrelatively nascent as it did not really become visible until the lastdecadeofthe20thcentury.Eventhen,withinamoresymbolicratherthan effective participation and activism in the charitable, social,medicalandeducationalnetworksandservicesprovidedbyIslamicmovements. Indeed, from the1950s to the1970s,secularwomenactivistswithleftist,nationalistandliberaltendenciescontrolledandprevailedoverthetotalityoffemaleactivisminJordan.Thesewomenestablished women’s unions and actively joined political parties.However,theyfacedcriticismastheywereperceivedashavinganelitistnatureandwereclearlylimitedtoupperclasswomen,whichsignificantlylimitedtheoutreachofthesemovementstothewomenof the mass populace. In contrast, Islamic women activists, whohave managed to infiltrate the base, have succeeded in reachingouttowomeninthemoreunderprivilegedandsometimesshatteredclassesincities,villagesandrefugeecamps.Asevidence,theveilsurfacedinthe1980sasasignificantsymboloftheriseofIslamicmovementsinJordanaswellasintheArabandMuslimworld.

In this study, we will examine women’s political issues from thepointofviewofIslamicmovementsinJordanandfromtheirstrategicpositionasgoal-seekingactivists.Wewilldissecttheirvision,which

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challengesthenotionthatthedomainofpoliticsisasciencelimitedtoanddefinedbythestateortheauthorityThisvisionattemptstoovercomeprevailingstagnantlimitationsandmediocritybyexploringthehorizonsofapoliticalsciencethatlooksatsocietyasawhole,and considers all that is ‘societal’ as being the domain of thepolitical– indeed,avision that ismoreconsistentwith the Islamicdefinition of politics as being “the condition of working towardsthatwhichwill reformandameliorate”.Thisvision is free from thetraditionalassociationofpoliticstomalesonlyandfromatraditionaldistribution of roles according to gender which, after colonization,overranthevisionsofnewlybornArabstatesingeneral,andJordaninparticular.

Ingeneraland incommon, Islamicmovementshavealldeclaredthroughtheirdiscoursethattheirultimategoalisthe“resumptionofanIslamicwayoflife”,despitedifferencesintheirvariousideologiesandvisionsof‘change’.Themovementswewillstudyvaryintheirideologies from reformatory to revolutionary and radical. However,theyallmeet,atsomelevel,intheirattemptsatcreatingrestorativeorreformativemovements–similartothatofthetraditional‘Salafists’and‘Jamaa’atTabligh’aormissionarymovements–inthattheyallseekthere-Islamizationofsocietyfromitsbase,usingtacticsthatwilllead,intheend,totheriseofanIslamicstate.Forexample,thereformistpolitical movement of the Muslim Brotherhood and its associatedpoliticalparty,theIslamicActionFront,seekreformthroughpoliticaldemands and confrontation. Meanwhile, the more radical partiessuchas theHizb ut-Tahrir (IslamicLiberationParty)seek tocreateallianceswiththepowers-that-beinattempttoenforcechangefromits ‘roots’orat theheadof thegoverninghierarchy.RevolutionarymovementsliketheSalafiya al-Jihadiyehseek,throughviolenceandthroughthe‘force’orpowerofJihad,tooverthrowgovernment.

ThepositionsoftheIslamicmovementsdiffer intheirmeansandways, including in their attitudes towards the established state,which vary between opposition, appeasement, collaboration andevendisregard–butintheend,alljoinintheagreementoftheneedtoestablishanIslamicstate.

aJamaa’ahorjamaa’atmeans‘groups’inArabic,‘tabligh’and‘da’wa’aretermsthatbothindicatethemeaningbehinda‘religiouscalling’,‘missionary’or‘invocation’inArabic

ThisstudyaimstoshedlightontheeverexpandingandproliferatingrolesandpositionsofwomeninJordanianIslamicmovements.ItwillexaminethewaysinwhichvariousIslamicmovementsandpartiesseek to connect with the populace, and how they establish theirpresence.Thisstudywill,hopefully,exploretherolethatwomenplayintheranksofthesemovements.ItlooksattheirstruggletoaffirmthemselvesthroughintegratedIslamicmovements;theirstruggletopreservewomen’srightsbydevelopinganIslamicfeministvisionthatmayhelpimprovethestatusofwomeninsociety,inacleardeparturefromthehorizonsofonlookerstothehorizonsofparticipation.

Thisstudyhasbeendividedintotwoparts(andaconclusion):

1. Part I

The first part of the study examines Islamic movements whichoppose and are in confrontation with the modern ‘democratic’model,andwhichbranchoutfromseveralpoliticalideologies,fromreformist to radical Jihadist or revolutionary. These movementsinclude:

-Hizb ut-Tahrir(IslamicPartyofLiberation)-Al-Salafiya al-Taqlidiyeh(TraditionalSalafists)-Al-Salafiya al-Jihadiyeh(JihadistSalafists)-Jamaa’ah at-Tabligh(Tablighi Jamaa’at)(ormissionarygroups/groupsof‘callingto’,‘conveyance’or‘invocation’ofGod)

2. Part II

Thesecondpartofthestudywillexplorepartiesandmovementsthatbelieveinpoliticalparticipationwithinthestateapparatusandfromwithinthe‘democratic’process,andwhicharereformistsbynature.Thesepartiesinclude:

-TheMuslimBrotherhood-IslamicActionFront-MuslimCenterParty (Hizb al-Wasat, withwasat meaningmiddle,orcentrist)-Hizb Dua’a (Arab Islamic Democratic Movement)

3. Conclusion

Part IIslam, Woman and Politics Outside the Democratic Framework

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IntroductionItcanbesaidthatthemajorityofIslamicmovementsinJordandoes

notbelieve indemocracyasamethodorprocess forgovernanceandformanagingpublicaffairs.Theirtheoreticalposturesareratherbased on the belief in the totality and wholeness of the Islamicreligion.Evenifdifferencesintheirtheoreticalpositionsandpragmaticpoliticalpracticesexist,theyallshareintheiroppositiontoWesternpractices,whichareviewedasathreatandasasourcethatseekstoeradicatetheMuslimidentityandtocontrolanddominatetheArabMuslimworld.Thesemovementssharethis‘nationalist’(Islamic)oruniversal(Islamic)visioninrelatingtotheworld.

The majority of the Jordanian Islamic movements were initiatedabroad,afterthecollapseoftheIslamicCaliphate(Ottoman)Statein1924;establishingbranchesinJordanonlyaftertheendofthecolonialerathatplaguedtheArabMuslimworld.Theywouldbecomeactiveduringthestate-buildingprocessthattookplaceaftercolonizationormandateperiods,meaningthatIslamicmovementsdidnothavearealpresencewhentheTrans-JordanEmiratewasestablishedbyKingAbdullahIin1921,undertheshadowoftheBritishmandate.

Themandateerawitnessedtheemergenceofsecularnationalistparties that operated from within Jordanian territory and whoseinterests lied in resisting thecolonialoccupation.During that time,therewerenolawstogovernpoliticalpartiesandthuspartiesweremodeled according to organizational structures and institutionalby-laws inherited from the Ottoman state. Around twenty politicalparties emerged with a secular, politically nationalist ideology thatalsoservedtheinterestsofPrince(laterKing)AbdullahI;partiesthatwerestrictlymales-only.

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WhenJordangaineditsindependencein1946,Islamicmovementsbegan to form under the benevolent auspices of the founder ofthe country, who was tied by lineage to the Hashemite ProphetMohammad.Thatsameyear,themovementoftheMuslimBrotherhoodwasestablishedinJordan(thismovementisoneofthefocusesofthesecondpartofthisstudy).

Theyear1948provedaverycriticalanddeterminingstageinthemodernhistoryofJordanandintheestablishmentoftheJordanianstate.ThecreationofthestateofIsraelandthe1948warresultedintheunionofthetwoJordanRiverbanksintheyears1949-1950,hencecreatingnewpoliticalandsocio-economic realities,which, in turn,allowedcertainpoliticalreformstocrystallizeintoanewconstitutionforJordan in1952.1952wasalsotheyear thatHizb ut-Tahrir (theIslamicPartyofLiberation)wasestablished.Manysecularnationalistandleftistpartieswerealsoformedinthe1950s,althoughamajoritydid not receive licenses until the Party Law was enacted in 1955.Thisperiodalsowitnessedtheemergenceofwomen’sorganizationsthrough the Rabitat al-Yaqaza al-Nissa’iyyah (Women's AwakeningLeague)thatcalledforwomen’ssuffrage,ortherighttoelectionandtovote.

These newly established political parties won a large majority inparliamentaryelectionsin1956,whichledthelateKingHusseintoaskthelargestofthesepoliticalpartiestoformanoppositiongovernmentunder the leadership of Suleiman al-Nabulsi. This experiment didnotlastlongasthesepartiespresentedopposingviewstothestateagenda,whicheventually resulted ina royaldecree todissolveallpoliticalpartiesandtodelegitimizeanyaffiliationtoapoliticalpartyoractivityinJordan.

The1967warthatresultedintheIsraelioccupationoftheWestBank(oftheJordanRiver)imposedanewrealitythataffectedallwalksoflife–political,socialandeconomic.Jamaa’ah at-Tabligh wal Da’wawasformedinJordanamidsttheemergenceofPalestinianresistancefactions that would soon clash with the Jordanian government in1970–clasheswhichresultedinforcingthesefactionstomovefromJordan toLebanon.The formationof theSalafiya al-Taqlidiyehb (or

bTaqlidiyehmeans‘traditional’inArabic

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Traditional Salafists) and a resurgence of Islamic movements tookplace throughout the 1970s, in parallel to the decline of secularnationalistandleftistmovementsafterthe1973warwithIsrael,theeconomic boom attributed to the oil industry and the martial lawimposedthroughoutmostoftheArabworld.

In1988,Jordan facedstiflingeconomichardship that resulted inhigh unemployment and severe poverty. The country underwentstructural reformunder theauspicesof theWorldBank,measureswhich coincided with a decision to dissolve official administrativerelationsbetweenJordanandtheWestBank,which,inturn,ledtoanewperiodofpoliticalopennessin1989.TheenactmentofthePartyLawin1992eventuallyledtothecreationofoverthirtynewpoliticalparties in the Jordanian political arena, as well as the rise of theSalafiya-Jihadiyeh (Salafist Jihadist)movement.During thisperiod,thewomanwastotallyabsentfromtherealmofIslamicmovementsand instead, women of the secular, nationalist, leftists and liberalpartiesdominatedthepoliticalscene.

In this part of the study, we will explore the reality of women inthe narrative, organizational and operational apparatus of IslamicmovementsthatworkoutsidethedemocraticcontextorframeworkinJordan.Wewilltrytounderstandtheextentofwomen’sparticipationintheranksofthesegroups,themechanismsthroughwhichwomenoperatedandthemeansoftheirproliferation.Wewillalsoinvestigatethepossibilityofthecreationofwomen’srightsorganizationswithinthesemovements,andthepossibilityofwomentodeveloptheirownnarrativeandactivities.

Thesemovementscinclude:-Hizb ut-Tahrir(IslamicPartyofLiberation)-Al-Salafiya al-Taqlidiyeh (TraditionalSalafists)-Al-Salafiya al-Jihadiyeh(JihadistSalafists)-Jamaa’ah at-Tabligh(Tablighi Jamaa’at)(or‘missionary’group)

cEnglishnamesofcertainorganizationsareoftenusedinthetexttofacilitatethereadabilityofthetranslation;however,readersshouldnotethatsomeoftheseor-ganizationsaremostlyknownorrecognizedbytheirArabicnames,eveninEnglishcontentandcontexts.

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Hizb ut-Tahrir(Islamic Party of Liberation)

Hizb ut-Tahrir wasfoundedbySheikhTaqiuddinal-Nabhani(1909-1977) in1952.Afterdecidingonsometheoreticalapproachesandpractical optionsconcerningamorepolitical Islamwith somekeypeople,heformedablocthatresultedinthebirthofHizb ut-TahrirortheIslamicPartyofLiberation.Al-Nabhaniproceededtoapplyfora license forapoliticalparty1, and in thisapplication,hedeclaredthe party’s headquarters to be in the city of Jerusalem. However,the license was rejected by the Jordanian government, based onthe justificationthattheparty’sproposedprogramwascontrarytothe spirit and principles of the Jordanian constitution2. Followingthegovernment'srefusaltograntthepartyapermit,thepartywentundergroundandbegantooperateunderSheikhNabhani’sguidancethroughwhatwastermeda“LeadershipCommittee”.

Fromthetimethepartywasestablished,SheikhNabhaniworkedon producing a number of books that reflected upon the uniqueidentity of the party, its goals and objectives, mechanisms andmodesofoperation.Hisbook“TheIslamicSystem”(Nizam al-Islam)isconsideredoneofthemostimportantbooksadoptedbytheparty–abook,which,despiteitsrelativelyshorttext,newpartymembersspenttwoyearsstudying3.

Al-NabhaniwroteanumberofotherbooksinthefieldoftheoreticalandpracticalapplicationsofIslamsuchas“TheEconomicSysteminIslam”,“TheSystemofGovernmentinIslam”,“TheSocialOrderin Islam”, “The Islamic State”, “The Foundations of the (Islamic)Renaissance” and “The Muslim Personality“ in three parts. Healso authored books concerned with practical implementations ormechanisms (Islamic systemic methodologies) called the “Starting

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Point”andthe“BlocParty”.AllthesebooksemergedinJerusalemintheperiodbetween1952and1953asIslamicPartyofLiberationpublications. In the 1960s, he published a new book on the “TheCaliphate”and,in1973,hepublishedhisbook“Reasoning”.Ayearbeforehisdeathin1976,al-Nabhanipublishedhisfinalbook“Wit”.

OtherPartyofLiberationpublicationsexist,butunderthenamesof other members and sometimes penned anonymously to credital-Nabhani. For example, books such as the “Party of LiberationConcepts”,“ThePoliticalConceptsofthePartyofLiberation”,“AnImpassionedAppealtoMuslims”,“APreambletotheConstitution”and“TheFile”werepublished,aswellashundredsofbulletinsanddeclarations constantly issued by the party to respond to certainissues,orwhentheneedaroseoraspoliticalrealitieschanged.4

ThePartyofLiberationisconsideredoneoftheearliestoftheIslamicpartiestohaveworkedonbuildinganintegratedandcomprehensivesystemofthoughtonthereligion,thestateandonsociety.Despiteits inception on purely male, patriarchal foundations, the partyaddressedbothmenandwomeninits‘callings’forthemtoadheretothedivinelaws.Thepartyallocatedmuchtimeandspaceparticularlyforwomenandthefamilyinitsdiscourse.Itdevelopedatheoreticalphilosophytowardstheseissuesinthebook“TheSocialSysteminIslam”and laidout the legalandpolitical rightsandobligationsofwomeninthebook“APreambletotheConstitution”.

ThenotionoftheIslamicstatehasaverystrongpresenceinthetheoretical structure and philosophical underpinnings of the party.This concept is a prevalent theme in all its events, activities andpragmaticstrategies,andisimprintedonthecourseoftheformationoftheparty,itspoliticsandmethodologies.5

ThePartyofLiberationhasbeenorientedtofollowaradicalpoliticalpath. It identifies itselfasa“politicalparty,whoseprinciplesare inIslam;whichoperatespoliticallyamongsttheummad(orthe‘nation’ofIslam,thepeopleofIslam)andwithit,theummaadoptsIslamasitscause;inordertoleaditbacktotheCaliphateandtogovernance

dThetermumma or nation (when italicized) refers to Islam/the Muslim peoples as one nation

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basedonGod'srevelationtoHisbeings”.“ThePartyofLiberationisapoliticalbloc,notaspiritualorscientificbloc,notaneducationalorcharitablebloc. Islamic thought is thespiritof itsbody, itscoreandthesecretofitslifeline.“6Theaimofthepartyisstatedasthe“resurgenceoftheIslamicummafromitssharpdecline;toliberateitfromthethoughts,systemsandgovernanceoftheinfidel;tofreeitfromthecontrolandinfluenceofinfidelcountriesinordertorestoretheIslamicCaliphatestate;andthusreturningtogovernancebythewordandtherevelationsofGod”.7

BothmanandwomanwouldparticipateintheestablishmentoftheIslamicCaliphateState,respondingtothewordsofGodAlmighty:“Lettherebeinyournationthosewhocallforgood,demandkindnessandforbidevil;thosearethesuccessful”.

According to the party, “God addressed the human being andmadethehumanbeingthesubjectoftherightsofthe‘word’andofthe‘duty’;Godhassentforththehumanbeingandholdsthehumanbeing accountable, as it is the human being who enters heavenandhell;soit isthehumanbeing,andnotthemanorthewoman,whoisthesubjectofthetasksandthelaws.”8ThisstatementisinaccordancetoHisGodAlmighty’swords: [Wehavecreatedyouintheformofamaleandafemaleandmadeyouintonationsandtribessothatyouwillknowoneother]…thatGodcreatedthefemaleandmalehumanbeingwithcertaindispositionsandconstitutions,whichdifferandexceedthoseofanimals;thatwomenarehumanbeingsandmenarehumanbeings,andneitherexceedstheother intheirhumanity.9

Inspiteoftheemphasisofthepartyontheequalitybetweenmenand women in their disposition and constitution, it has developeddifferentrolesformenandforwomeninsociety.Ultimately,thepartybelievesthatmoderncallsfortheliberationofwomenarecontrarytoIslamiccivilizationandthatWesterncolonialismandthenation-statesthatexistintheIslamicworldtodayareresponsibleforthemutationof the woman’s identity and of Islam itself. Therefore, the party isstrugglingon two frontsat thesame time, internalandexternal. Itbelievesthat“Muslimsociety(thenation)isatebb,alowpoint;initsentirety;itwascolonizedbyWesterncountriesanditisstillcolonized

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despitewhatitmanifestsasself-determinationandgovernance.Thissociety is subject to the total control of the democratic, capitalistintellectual leadership – a leadership that forces (upon Muslimsand thestate)ademocratic regime in itsgovernanceandpolitics;acapitalistsysteminitseconomy;foreignarmaments,trainingandmartialartsinitsmilitary,andacolonialistforeignpolicyinitsexternalaffairs.Therefore,wecansaythatIslamiccountriesarestillcolonizedastheyremainthefocusofacolonialismthatimposesmilitarycontrolandpolitical,economicandculturalexploitationofthesevulnerablepeoples.”10

ThefoundationoftheIslamicPartyofLiberation’sanalysisofthereasonsfortheunderdevelopmentoftheIslamicworld, inallfieldsandingeneral,andinthesocialstatusofwomen,inparticular,liesinthiscolonialistassaultanditsattemptstodistorttheIslamicidentitybyspreadingmisconceptions–misconceptionsthathaverestrictedIslamfromitsnation’sworshipandmorals.Andthus,theobjectiveofthepartyisto“interactwiththenationinordertoreachitsgoals,andinconfrontingcolonialisminallitsnamesandforms,toachievetheliberationofthenationfromthecolonialistintellectualleadershipandtouproot this leadership’scultural,political,militaryandeconomiccontrolfromthesoilsoftheMuslimpalace(Islamicworld)”.11

Accordingtotheparty,amongthemanymisconceptionsderivedfromtheWesternvisionofwomen'srightsisthat,“someareoftheview that in Western society the woman stands next to the man,withoutdiscrimination;andwithan indifference to thesubsequentconsequences.TheyseethattheWesternwomanhasdevelopedacivicform;andsotheyappearincivicform;theyimitateortryhardtoimitate‘her’withoutrealizingthattheseformsareconsistentwithWesterncivilizationanditswaysoflife,itsvisionforlife;butarenotconsistentwithIslamiccivilizationanditsways…Thatiswhy‘they’callforguaranteeingthepersonalfreedomoftheMuslimwomanandforgivinghertherighttodowhateveritisshepleasestodo.”12

ItisintheabsenceoftheproperunderstandingorconceptsoftheCaliphatestatethatthepartyseesthecausesfortheunderdevelopment,the deterioration and the degradation of conditions in the Muslim

26

world. This symbolic and legal structure (the Caliphate state andstructure)iswhatcolonialismandtheWestworkedtoundermineanddestroywhen“England,theleaderoftheinfidelsandofthegreatestenemiesofIslam,assumedthetaskofallthecountriesoftheWest,anddestroyed the real sourceofdanger to theWestembodied intheCaliphatestate;and,subsequently,appropriatedandtookoverthemajorityoftheIslamiccountries”.13Therefore,toestablish(orre-establish)theIslamicstate“isthecollectivedutyofallMuslimsallovertheworld;tocarryoutthismissionisanimperative,anobligation;itisneitherachoicenormayonerelent”.14

In the Party of Liberation, addressing women’s issues and theirplace insociety is interpretedanddealtwithunderavisionof theIslamicpoliticaldomainorsphere.Thetotalityofeconomic,political,societalandculturalvariationsisnotgivenweight,asdemocracyinitselfisasystemofapostasyaccordingtotheparty.Inaddition,thesystemoftheCaliphateIslamicstateisinoppositiontotheideologiesofcapitalism (andsocialism)and itsconsequentpolitical systems,suchasdemocracy.15

Thepartyadoptsasofterstanceintermsofsocialism,whicharosefromcommunism,despitetheparty’sassertionthatsocialism’sgoalremains“demolitionanddestruction”.16ThepartyalsoassertsthatsocialismhasfailedintheIslamicworld,“andthatitsfailureisnaturalas it encroaches on the instinct, or the natural disposition, of thehumanbeingandcontradictsthedoctrineofIslam”.17

However,accordingtotheparty,thefirstenemyofIslamremainscapitalism,asystemof the infidel that iscontrary to Islam.“Islam,in itself, is in contradiction to the capitalist system; there can benoconciliationorharmonybetweenthem.Therefore,everycall forconciliationorharmonybetweenIslamandcapitalismisaninvitationto abandoning Islam and adopting the system of the infidel.”18 Abreakwithcapitalismanditssystemofdemocracythatdominatestheworldisinevitable“asthemodernworld,infact,meanscapitalismanddemocracy,withcivillawsandthelike,whichareheresyintheeyesofIslamandmustbefoughtandeliminatedinordertoestablishtheruleofIslam”.19

27

Perhaps the most dangerous act of colonialism, according tothePartyofLiberation, isthat ithasworkedtochangethesystemof the state and of the Islamic Caliphate, and brought with it ademocraticcapitalistsystemthatitimposedlegally,administrativelyand politically. Colonization applied capitalism to the economy,democracytogovernance,andwesternlawstoadministrationandtothejudiciary.20ThisimpositionwouldnothavebeenpossibleiftheMuslimshadnotadopted themisconceptionsand the falseviewsthatdemocracycouldbeequalingovernancetotheIslamicShura;norwouldithavebeenpossiblehaditnotbeenfortheprevalenceofideasthatcallforreconciliationbetweenthetwosystemsbyclaimingthatIslamisactuallyareligionofdemocracy.21

Duetotheseriousnessoftheissueofdemocracyandtheconfusionit has created in the Muslim community, the Party of Liberationissuedabookletentitled“Democracyisthesystemoftheinfidel.Itisforbiddentoadoptit,applyitoradvocateit.”22Theparty’spositionissummarized in itsviewofdemocracyasasystemof the infidel,marketedbytheWestinMuslimlands,whichcontradictsIslam,bothfullyandinpart,initsorigin,faith,foundation,ideasandthesystemsthat created it [capitalism]. The party asserts that capitalism is asystemestablishedbyhumanbeingsandhasnothingtodowithdivineinspirationorreligion.Therefore,itgivessovereigntytohumanbeingsratherthantoGod.Itgiveshumanbeingstherighttolegislateasthesourceofauthority.Incontrast,inIslam,sovereigntyisinthe(divine)law(theShariae)andnotinthepeopleorthenation,asGodaloneisthelegislator,and(only)governanceisforthenation.Inaddition,theauthorityindemocraticsystemsisacollectivewhereas,inIslam,itisbasedonasingularauthority.Theideaofindividual(civic)freedomstakesthehumanbeing(down)tothelevelofthebrute;and,inanycase,the(Muslim)humanbeingisrestrictedtoconductinghimself/herselfaccording to the lawsof theSharia.However, thepartyapparentlyseesnoharminparticipatinginparliamentaryelections,althoughtheybelievethatdemocracyandthesystemsthatregulateitintheIslamicworldarepaganor apostasy.The rationale is that simpleelectoralprocesses at polling stations are not in itself democracy – rather,democracyisthecomprehensive‘system’ofsecularfoundations.23

eShariaisIslamiclaw;whenthetermappearsinitalics[Sharia]inthetextofthisdocument,italwaysreferstoIslamicLaw

28

Thepartyfurtherstipulatesthatallthosewhoengageintheelectoralprocesshavetodeclarethattheydonotbelieveinthedemocraticsystem,andthattheyhavetoworktouncoveritscorruption,todestroyitandreplaceitwithanIslamicsystem.Peopleparticipatingintheelectoralprocessshouldcreateprogramsthatarecompatiblewiththisultimateobjective,withoutcollaboratingwiththosewhosupportthesystemofdemocracy.Therefore,theymaynotact,participateorcooperatewithsecularcandidatesonanycommonagendas.Onemustnotvoteforthosewhodonotfollowtheseguidelinesorrules,justasMuslimsmustnotelectsecularcandidatesastheycontributetomaintainingthesystemofthenon-faithful(infidels).24

Accordingtotheparty,theselawsapplyequallytobothwomenandmen,as“womenandmenmaybecomemembersofparliament,iftheyareexplicitlyclearintheirelectoralprogramsthattheirinvolvementisrestrictedtoadvocatingIslam,tooversightofthegovernmentandto holding it accountable for not applying the word of God or forbeing linked to infidels or colonizers. The promotion of virtue andtheprohibitionofsinisthedutyofbothwomenandmen.Similarly,expressingtheseopinionsisarightofbothwomenandmen.”25

Bothmenandwomenareallowed toparticipate in theelectoralprocess subject to the condition that “the candidate is offering toadvocate Islamandtooverseegovernment. Ifacandidate intendsonenactinglaws(otherthantheSharia)orparticipatingintheworkofgovernanceinparliament,bothmenandwomenarenotallowedtoelectorvoteforsuchacandidate.”26

Party founder Sheikh Taqiuddin al-Nabhani’s interest in theparliamentaryprocessbeganatanearlystage,priortothefoundingof the Party of Liberation. He considered parliament as a validplatformforadvocatingIslam.In1951,heranforparliamentaryofficeforthedistrictofJerusalem,butdidnotwin.UponfoundingthePartyof Liberation, he was keen to participate in an Islamic bloc in the1954electionsinwhichfivecandidatesfromthePartyofLiberationparticipated.Onlyoneofthesecandidates,SheikhAhmadal-Da’our,won.Whentheparliamentwasdissolvedin1956andnewelectionswereheld,thepartyagainparticipated,andagain,allitscandidateslostexceptforSheikhal-Da’our,whowonforthesecondtimeinthedistrictofTulkarem.27

29

IntheperiodbetweenDecember3,1957,andMay13,1958,ninemembers of the House of Representatives were dismissed fromparliament, among them Sheikh Ahmad al-Da’our, who was alsosentencedtotwoyearsinprison.Followingtheseevents,thepartydidnotparticipateinanysubsequentelections.28

ThePartyofLiberationbelievesthat“intrinsically,womenaremothersandhousewives;theyarethehonorthatmustbepreserved.”29Itisalsostipulatedinthepreambleoftheparty’sconstitution,inArticle101,that“ingeneral,menandwomenaretobeseparatedandarenottobejoinedexceptbyaneedmandatedbytheSharia,suchasinanactofcommerceorwhereotherunionsareallowed,suchasduringtheHajjf”.30

Asforwomen’srightsinassuminggovernance,thepartystipulatesin Article 104 of its constitution that “Women are not allowed togovern.Thewomanmaynotbecomeaheadofstate,orajudgeinthecourts,oragovernororanemployeeofanyworkthatisrelatedtogovernance.”31

The party also makes a clear distinction between parliament, orhousesofrepresentatives(orcouncilsofdeputies)incontemporarydemocracy and the (Shura) council of the Islamic nation in that“(Modern)parliamentsoverseethreemainfunctions:(1)anoversightfunction–itmonitorsthegovernment,(2)legislation–itlegislatesand(3)accountabilityanddismissal–i.e.itisabletoholdtheauthorityand its legislators accountable and dismiss them. The party doesnotconsideraccountabilityandoversightas‘governance’However,activities such as legislation and dismissing those in authority areconsideredasgovernance.Incontrast,inthe(Shura)counciloftheIslamic nation, a ruler is held accountable and is supervised, butnolawsareenacted,andrulersareneitherinstallednordismissed.Therefore,womenarenotallowedtobecomemembersofparliamentaslongasthisinstitutioninvolvestheprinciplesofthedemocratic,capitalist systems of governance, while women are allowed toparticipate inthe(Shura)counciloftheIslamicnation,as ithasnoprovisionsforgovernance.”32

Accordingtothispartyview,andintermsofexpressingitsideas

fPilgrimagetoMeccaandoneofthefivepillarsofIslam

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withregardtowomen’srights,womenareentitledtoparticipateinit[the(Shura)counciloftheIslamicnation],butonlyaccordingtostrictprovisionsthataremeanttopreventtheunlawfulcontactorrelationsbetweenthesexesoutsidethespecialcaseswherethiscontactorrelationsareallowedbyIslam.Thepartystressesthisban,makingchastityadutyandallmethodsandtechniquesofpreservingmoralityamust.Thiscodeisconsideredessentialforthe(Shura)councilandtherefore,adheringtothiscodeandmaintainingitisadutyinitself.

The party has set many laws and provisions with regard to thismatterthatinclude:

1. Both men and women should cast down one’s eyes to eachother.2.Inpublic,womenshouldappearinfullcover,withonlytheirfaceandhandsshowing.3.Itisforbiddenforwomentotravelthedistanceofadayandanightunlessaccompaniedbyalegalchaperon.4. It is forbidden formenandwomen to spend time together inprivate,unlessthewomanisaccompaniedbyalegalchaperon.5.Womenarenotallowedtoleavetheirhomeswithouttheexpresspermissionoftheirhusbands.6.Women’sgatheringsshouldbeseparatedfrommen’sgatheringsinprivatelife.7.Contactandrelationsbetweenmenandwomenshouldbelimitedtotheimplementationofgeneral,publictransactions.33

As for working, the Party of Liberation allows women to workunder very precise conditions and clarifies these conditions asfollows:“Althoughawoman’swork is intrinsically thatofamotherorhousewife,sheisnotlimitedorforbiddenfromotherwork.WhatthisreallymeansisthatGodcreatedwomensothatamancanliveinpeaceandtranquilitywithherandtoprocreatewithher.ButGodalsocreatedwoman towork inpublic life as inprivate life, asHehasgivenherthedutytoadvocateIslamandtoseekeducationforwhatsherequires inherworking life.She ispermitted tosell, rentandbeanagent…Sheisallowedtoengageinagriculture,industryand commerce, to handle contracts, ownership, to increase herassets,totakecontrolofherownaffairs,tobeapartneroraleaserof

31

people,estatesandotheritems,andtocarryonallkindsofaffairs...Butsheisnotallowedtogovern,soshecannotbeapresidentoravicepresident,agovernororanemployeeofthegovernment...Shemay assume the position of a judge in a people’s court, as thesecourtssimplysolvedisputesamongpeople;and,therefore,shewillnotbearulerassuch.Butshecannotbeanombudsman(judgeingovernmentaffairs).”34

The former text summarizes the party’s ‘liberation’ vision on the

collectiverightsanddutiesthatwomenenjoy,avisionthathasnotchangedsincethefoundingoftheparty,thusfar.However,thepartyconsidersthewomandulychargedwiththedutyofadvocatingIslamandthecreationoftheIslamicState.Accordingtotheparty,“Islamspecifically delineates the legal duties of women and men, givingwomenrightsanddutiesandsimilarly,givingmenrightsandduties...However,Islamallocatesvariousprovisionsformenandothersforwomen,astherealityofthefemaleisdifferentfromthatofthemale...Thisallocationdoesnotinferinequality;butrather,istheproperorright remedy for their special characteristics and conditions... Thevariations in rulings does not exempt the woman of her duty toadvocateIslam(ormissionaryduty),topropagateanIslamicwayoflife,orfromherresponsibilitytoworktochangediresocialconditionsorsituations– thecalling to theseresponsibilities isageneralandcommondutyofbothmenandwomen.”35

This specific vision of the Party of Liberation strives to includewomenwithinitsranks,accordingtoitsparticularmodelandschoolofthoughtwithregardtowomen’sissues.However,womeninJordanhaveneverreachedleadershippositionsinthePartyofLiberation,asthe party’s organizational structure is riddled with a hierarchy thatreflects itssecretivenature. Indeed, thissecrecy is inherent to theparty’sadoptionofa radical, revolutionaryapproachaswellas itshostility to ruling regimes,which thePartyofLiberationdeemsasinfidelregimesthathaveabandonedIslam.

Anationalcommitteecomposedofseveralpartymembers,calledthe “Governance (or State) Committee”, oversees the workings ofthe party in every country where the party exists. There are alsocommittees,referredtoas“LocalCommittees”,whichoverseeparty

32

activityinspecificcitiesorspecificareas.Sometimesasingleperson,referred to as a “Representative”, is assigned the responsibility ofoverseeingthepartyinaparticulartownordistrict.

Meanwhile,the“LeadershipCommittee”isconsideredthehighestpointinthepartypyramidandisheadedbytheleaderoftheparty.SheikhTaqiuddinal-Nabhaniledthepartyfromitsfoundinguntilhisdeath in 1977, from Beirut, where he moved after being targetedbythe(Jordanian)secretservice.Uponal-Nabhani’sdeath,SheikhAbdelKadimZalloumtookoverthePartyofLiberation’sleadershipuntilhediedin2003.ThepostwaslaterassumedbyEngineerAtaAbual-Rashteh,whostillcommandsthepartyfromBeirut36astheLebanesestatehasshowntolerancetowardstheparty.Asanote,alltheparty’sleadershavebeenJordaniansofPalestinianorigin.

Women’sactivitiesinthePartyofLiberation[inJordan]arecarriedoutwithina frameworkof secrecybecauseof itshard-line stancetowardstheregimeandsystemofgovernment.Ontheotherhand,women’s performance and activities in other countries where theparty exists have evolved significantly. For example, the officialspokespersonofthePartyofLiberationinBangladeshisawoman,FahmidaKhanomMuni.37InPalestine,womenareactiveinvariousprograms(targetingotherwomen)thatfocusoneducation,organizingeventsandinadvocacywebsites.38

Instead,theparty’scurriculumfor‘change’inJordanhasworkedto reduce thewoman’s roledue to risks thatpartymembers thereareexposedto.Theparty’svisionof‘change’isbasedonasingularreadingofthe‘wayoftheProphet’orSunnag,anditseesthatoneshouldfollowthispathandnoothercourse.ThepartyseesthelawsoftheShariaasalso indicatingonlyonepath;thispath isthewaytheProphetMohammadtooktoadvocateandtospreadIslamandIslamic nation-building. Everyone who follows the Prophet mustfollowthesamepath,“Onemustnotveerfromthispath,initswholeorinitsparts,evenatthelengthofahair;andonecanremainonthispathwithoutmakinganyconsiderationfortheevolutionoftime,and

gThetermSunna,initalics,signifiesthewayoftheProphet,orthebiographyorcourseandwayoflifeoftheProphetMohammad,whichisusedasoneofthemainsourcesofreferenceformostMuslimsandMuslimscholars.

33

thechangesthathavecomewithit–since,whathaschanged(overtime)arethemeansandtheforms,buttheessence(substance)andthemeaningneverchanges,andwillneverchange,nomatterhowtimesanderas,peoplesandcountrieschangewithtime.”39

Sheikh al-Nabhani’s reading of the way of the Prophet (Sunna)concludes that the path for change is based on secret advocacy(missionary) as a starting point, followed by a stage where thegatheringofthefaithfulinSahaba(companionsoftheProphet)blocstakesplace–afterhavingspenttimeinsmallerworkingblocs.Thepaththenprogressestopublicadvocacy,aftertheblocsofthefaithfulSahabahavebeenstrengthenedandareable to facesocietyasawhole.ThisprocessultimatelyendswiththecreationoftheIslamicStateinal-Medina.40

ThePartyofLiberationdefines the threephases required for thecreationoftheIslamicstateas:

First:Theeducationalstage,or thestagewhere thepartyseeksoutpeoplewhobelieveintheideasofthepartyanditsmethodsofformingpartyorSahabablocs.Second:Thestageofinteractionwiththenation;whenthenationcomestoadoptIslamuntilIslambecomesitscause,anduntilthenationmakesIslamtherealityofitslife.Third:Thisphaseentailstakingovergovernance,thecompleteandtotal applicationof Islam,andcarrying itsmessage to theentireworld.41

Theparty’svisionwithregardtowomen’sissuesaswellasotherissues,ingeneral,hasasubstantiveandstaticcharacter.Itconsidersinternationalagreementsconcerningwomen’s rights tobenothingbut strategies to control and dominate the Islamic world, and thealienationoftheIslamicworld.Thepartystates:”Women’sliberation,InternationalWoman’sDay...areamongthemanyinvitationscomingfromtheWesternlandstoMuslimssothatMuslimsfollowtheinfidel’sperceptionofwomen,familyandsociety.”42

It reiterates the above by saying, “The Muslim women suffer a

34

viciouscampaignbyWestern,capitalist,infidelcountriesthatstrivetotakeheroutofherpurityandthechastityofherrelationships,tomakeheracommercialcommodityandanobjectofdesire…Thiscampaign started from the onset of the West’s general campaignagainstthenation,althoughitsintensityhasincreasedrecently,andespeciallyafter9/11.”43

ThesinuousmarchoftheIslamicPartyofLiberationhasbeenfullofvolatilityandfissures.ThepartyhasbeenimprintedwiththepersonalityandcharacterofitsfounderSheikhTaqiuddinal-Nabhani,specificallyinopinionsthatheformedinthe1950swithregardtowomen.Theseopinionshaveremained,asis,–withnochange,diligenceorrenewal–withintheparty’scentralintellectualortheoreticalstructure,whichisalsothebasisfortheparty’sdiscourse.Thisfacthaslimitedtheparty,fromthetimeofitsinception,toanisolated,elitistframeworkorcontext,whichhaslimiteditsconnectionwiththemasspopulaceofmenandwomen.ThisrelativeisolationopenedthewayforotherIslamic movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood, the Salafiya al-Taqlidiyeh(TraditionalSalafists),theSalafiya al-Jihadiyeh(JihadistSalafists)andJamaa’ah at-Tabligh(ormissionarygroups).

TheIslamicPartyofLiberation,meanwhile,hasremainedcaptivetoastaticandrigiddoctrinethatdoesnotreflecttheoverallchangethathasaffected international systems in this eraofglobalization.Thecaseofwomenand the roleof thewoman isconsideredoneof thegreatestchallenges facing theparty in the future,especiallywithin the framework of the emergence and proliferation of otherdiligentIslamicviews,whichhaveprovencapableofcrystallizinganorganized discourse and practice that guarantees women’s rightsand offers them a wider platform, under the auspices of modern,democraticpoliticalsystems.

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Al-Salafiya al-Taqlidiyeh(Traditional Salafists)

SheikhMohammadNasruddinal-Albani(1914-1999)isconsideredtheoriginalfounderoftheTraditionalSalafistmovement inJordan.During his lifetime, he managed to formulate a new school ofSalafistthought,whichestablishedhimasonethemostprominentsymbolsoftheSalafistmovementinthesecondhalfofthetwentiethcentury, and which granted him an extensive reputation andacceptanceintheMuslimworld.Hisschoolofthoughtismarkedbyspecialcharacteristics thatdistinguish it frompredecessorSalafistmovementssuchastheWahhabihSalafistmovementinal-Hijaz[todaypartofSaudiArabia],theReformSalafistmovementinEgyptandtheNationalSalafistmovementinMorocco.However,itshareswithallSalafistmovementsthecalltothereturntotheBook(Quran),thewayoftheProphet(Sunna)andthegoodpathofthe‘firstthreeblessedgenerations’aftertheProphet(al-Salaf)asreformistmovements.Theothermajorobjectiveof thesemovements includes risingup fromthedeclineinscientificoutput,thecollapseofpoliticalsystemsandthecolonialdomination(oftheMuslimworld)bycallingforarevivaloftheheritageofIslamic,workingtorestorethepureimageofIslamandriddingitoftheinfidelandhereticpracticesthathavebecomeassociatedwithitoverthecourseofitshistory.Thesemovements’goalincludessettingandstrengtheningtheauthentic(pure)moralsof Islamand its valuesystem,assummarizedby the fundamentalprinciples of the original monotheistic calling of obedience and ofrighteousness.44

WhileinSyria,andafterthe1967waranddefeat,Sheikhal-Albanibegan developing a new Salafist school of thought that became

hAMuslimSalafistsectfoundedbyAbdulWahhab(1703–1792),knownforitsstrictobservanceoftheQuranandflourishingmainlyinArabia.

36

connected with his name, and which did not exist in the Levantbeforehim. Itwasanempirical (in thetheologicalsense), revivalistmissionary movement. Salafist thinker Sheikh Rashid Rida had agreat influenceonal-Albani’s theoreticalorientations.However, al-Albani’sreadingofSheikhRida’sSalafistinterpretationswaspartialrather thancomprehensive; it focusedon themore literal,scriptedaspectsofRida’stextsandnottheintellectual,interpretiveside.Al-AlbaniredressedhisadmirationforSheikhRidabysayingthat“OurappreciationofSheikhRidadoesnotprecludeusfromacknowledginghisdeviations,ashewasaffectedbytheprevailingatmosphereinthecontemporaryIslamicworldofmaterialismandofabsenceoffaithintheUnknown,whichisthetruesourceofIslamandthefirstelementofthetruefaith.”45

Al-Albani’sphilosophycanbesummarizedinthesloganadoptedbythemovement,“PurificationandEducation”,whichisapractical,empiricalinterpretationoftheSalafisttraditionthatal-AlbanipreachedinhisbooksandinlectureshegaveinthevariouscitiesanddistrictsinSyria.Hismovementcame toJordan in the1970sbywayofaseriesoflectureshewasinvitedtogivebytheMuslimBrotherhoodintheZarqadivision,wheremany‘brothers’suchasSheikhAbdullahAzzam, Deeb Anis, Dr. Ahmad Nawfal and professor MohammadIbrahimShaqraalreadyhadSalafisttendencies,.46

Theconceptof“purificationandeducation”is,accordingtotheirbelief,basedonarevivalistvision,themaincomponentsofwhicharefoundedontheprincipleofapurificationofbeliefandworshipfromthe blemishes, heresies and deviations that have plagued Islamicpracticesoverthecourseoftime,andofeducatingindividualsaboutthesedangers.Thecoreofthisvisionisencapsulatedinthephraseoften used (by al-Albani), “Following and Not Deviating”, alludingdirectly to a strict reading of the Hadith (sayings attributed to theProphet,or thePropheticTradition) thatsays,”Thepeople (umma)ofmygenerationarethebest, thenthosewhofollowthem,andthen those who followthelatter...”.Theterm“follow”indeedrepresentstheessenceof the (Salafist) theoryofpurification that isbasedonexposingheresyandpurifyingsocietyfromitsdangers.Onthisal-Albanisays“RiddingIslamoftheheresythathasaccumulateduponithasbecomeanecessitythatcannotbeavoided,andthatcannotbe

37

carriedoutwithoutsettingpeopleupontherighteouspath...Heresyisdeviationfromtherighteouspath,andleadstohell;and,Goddoesnotacceptanyonetoenterthereligionwhoisnotofit(therighteous/orthodoxpath);toworkonthatwhichisnotthecommandofGodisutterlyrejected.”47

Heemphasizestheessenceornatureof“following”therighteouspathinthefollowingstatement:”ItisimperativetoalertMuslimstotheheresiesthathaveenteredthereligion.Itisnotsufficient,assomemayadvocate, to teachonly tawhid (monotheism in faithorGod’soneness)andSunna(thewayoftheProphet)andtobesilentontheplaguesofblasphemiesandheresies;for,ofthereasonsthatheresyexistsinourreligionis,indeed,weakandfabricatedHadith”.48

Al-AlbaniseesIslamasself-sufficient,self-evidentandclear;thatitdoesnotrequireinterpretationorexplanation,asitistotallydifferentfromotherreligionsandcivilizations.HesummarizesthemeansfortherebirthandreturntoIslaminapurificationprocess,orpurifyingthereligionfrominterpretationslatchedontoIslamovertime.Tothis,hesays:“Theonlyremedyisareturntothereligion;butthisreligion,asweallknow,andasreligiousscholarsinparticularknow,isheavilydisputed.Therefore,it ismyviewthatthefirstreformthatmustbeimplementedbythemissionariesofIslamandthosewhocallfortheestablishmentofanIslamicstate, incompletehonesty, istoreturntothemselvesfirst,tounderstandthemselvesfirst,andthenturntomakingthenationunderstandthereligionthattheProphetMohammadbroughtforthtous...ThiscanonlybeachievedthroughthestudyoftheQuranandtheSunna... Theones,whoshallteach,musteducateanewgenerationofMuslimsthatwhichhasbeenprovenintheBook(Quran)andtheSunna...ThiseducationiswhatwillproduceapureMuslimsociety,onethatwillleadtoanIslamicstate.Withoutthesetwopreconditions–correctteaching,andcorrecteducationbasedoncorrectteaching–itwillbeimpossible,inmyopinion,toestablishIslam,theruleofIslamortheIslamicstate.”49

The Salafiya al-Taqlidiyeh (Traditional Salafists) crystallizedintellectuallyandpoliticallyduringthetimeal-AlbanilivedinJordansince 1980. Many students would flock to him, forming a Salafistcurrentwithaverypreciseandexplicitvision.Ofthemorenotable

38

representatives of the Traditional Salafist movement in Jordan areSheikh Mohammad Shaqra, al-Halabi, Salim Hilali, MohammadMoussaNasrandMashhoural-Salman.These‘disciples’orstudentsof al-Albani continued the mission of proliferating the TraditionalSalafistschoolofthoughtthroughthepublicationofamagazineseriesentitled“al-Assalah”(‘thepure’orthe‘source’),andbyestablishingthe Imam al-Albani Center for Empirical and Formal Studies onJanuary8,2001.

ThevisionoftheTraditionalSalafistswithregardtowomen’sissuesisbasedonastrictreadingofIslam,whichisconsideredholisticinitsapproachtoallsocietalmatters.Accordingtoal-Albani,“Islamisself-sufficient.Itcontainsdefinitiveanswerstomanyproblemsanddoes not require anything external to complete it. The problem isintheMuslimsandnot in Islam,whichwasexposedtodistortionsandfalsificationsthroughouthistory, taintingthepure image ithadduring the age of the faithful Sahaba (faithful companions of theProphet)and theSalaf (ourpredecessors– thoseof thefirst threegenerations).HeresyandsocietalandpoliticalattributesworkedtodeformIslam;and,itiscrucialtoreverttotheoriginalsourcethattheProphetbroughtforthtousthroughtheBook(Quran)andtheSunna.ThereturntoreligionisareturntotheBookandtheSunna.Thisisreligion, as agreedbyall imams; and, this is thepath thatguardsagainstdeviationandstrayingfromtherighteouspath.TheProphetsays, ’I leaveyoutwoweightythings, ifyoumaintainbothyouwillnevergoastrayafterme:theBook(ofGod)andmyWay(Sunna)’.”50

Accordingtoal-Albani,simplyreturningtotheBookandthecorrectSunnawillleadtotherequiredreforminbothstateandsociety:“ItisessentialthatwomenremainathomeinaccordancetoGod’swords‘Remain (settle) in your houses’[yourimpliestowomenbyvirtueoftheusageoftheverb]andinaccordancetohowthewomenofourSalafbehavedandlived,andwhodidnotinterfereinpolitics.”51

TheWahhabiSalafistssharewiththeal-AlbaniSalafiststhestanceofSheikhAbdelAzizBenBaz,whosays:“Thecallingforwomentogotoworkinthearenaofmen,whichleadstointermingling(betweenthesexes),withthepretextthatthisiswhatisrequiredbythis‘age’incivilizationisaverydangerousmatterwithdangerousconsequences,

39

bitterfruitanddireresults.ItcontradictsthetextoftheSharia,whichorderswomentoremainathome,tocarryoutherdutiesathome…Removing the woman from her home, which is the dome of herqueen-hoodandhervitalsource in this life, isanabandonmentofherinstinctandthenaturethatGodhasbestoweduponher.”52

Although the Traditional Salafist movement asserts that womenandmenareequal increationandformation, itrequireswomentoremainathomeandnottodemandequalrightstomen.Sheikhal-Albanidirectswomen toaccept that factand toadhere to it: “Forinstance,thewomandoesnotaskherhusbandforallequalrights...Tobespecific,awomanmustobeyherhusbandasmuchasshecan,asthisishowGodgavemanpreferencethroughtwoofHisSurasi:‘Men are the keepers or guardians of women’and‘Men are one step ahead of women’,nottomentionthemanyHadiththatconfirmthisinterpretation.”53

Although the Wahhabi and Traditional Salafists share the strongconviction that the woman’s place is her home, the TraditionalSalafistsarefarmoretolerantintermsofwomen’sattire.TheWahhabiSalafistsclingtotheadherenceofcoveringallofawoman’sbodyandface,andconsidershowingawoman’sfaceasadisplayofhercharms,orasSheikhBenBazsays:“Youhave likelywitnessedallthedisastersthatafflictedthemanycountrieswherewomendisplaythecharmsthatGodforbadethemfromshowing,andwhoarenotveiled from men. This is no doubt a great evil and a manifest sinandofthegreatestreasonsforpunishmentandwrath–becausethelackofthiscoveringrevealsobscenity,leadstocrimesofindecencyandtheprevalenceofimmorality...FearGod,Muslims!Andobstructthe foolish and your women from what God has forbidden. Keepthem veiled and decent and beware of God’s wrath and his vastpunishment.”54

SheikhAbdelAzizBenBazemphasizedthenecessityofwearingtheveilandofremainingathome.Hesays:“GodhasorderedusinHisgoodBooktoveilwomenandtokeepthemathome.Hewarnedofprimpingandgrooming;andHedirectedthemtosuccumbtoman’swords, which keeps women from corruption, and warns women

iAnyofthe114chaptersorsectionsoftheQuran

40

againsttheoriginofseductionandofchaos.”55

Followers of the Wahhabi Salafist school of thought reference amultitudeofbooksandessaysthatnecessitateawomantoremaininherhome;andinthecasethatnecessityforceshertoleaveherhome,that she must cover her face, especially before strangers. SheikhMohammadBenSalehal-A’athiminsays,“Beaware,ohMuslim,thatawomanveilherselfandcoverherfacebeforeforeignmenisadutyandorder;itsobligationreferencedintheBookofAlmightyGodandtheSunnaofyourProphetMohammad(MPBUH);itisthecorrectandproperway.”56

Ontheotherhand,theTraditionalSalafistsoftheal-Albanitraditionadopt a doctrine that is more tolerant with respect to a women’sattire.Sheikhal-Albanidelineatedthisdoctrineinseveralbookshewroteonthesubjectofwomen,amongthem“TheMuslimWoman’sVeil”inwhichheconcludesthatawoman’sproperattiremustsatisfythefollowingsevenconditions:

1.Itmustcontainthewholebody,exceptthefaceandthehands.2.Itmustnotbeadorned.3.Itmustnotbetransparentortranslucent.4.Itmustbelooseandnottootight.5.Itmustnotbefragrant(orperfumed).6.Itmustnotresembletheattireofmen.7.Itmustnotcallforthattentioninanyway.57

Eventhoughal-Albaniappearsstrictenoughonawoman’sproperattire,hehasbeenaccusedbythefollowersoftheWahhabiSalafistmovement of being too soft, and of practically inviting the act ofunveiling, primping and chaos (brought forth by seduction). Thisaccusationdroveal-Albanitoauthoranotherbook,inrebuttal,whichheintroducedas“Theirrefutableresponsetothosewhoopposethetheologians,andwhoclingtofanaticismandwhoenforceuponthewomanthecoveringofherfaceandhands;andtothosewhoarenotconvincedwiththeir(thefanatics)claimthat‘ItisoftheSunna;anditiswhatisproper(andpreferredbyGod)’”.58

Al-Albanisaysapologeticallyandwith remorse:“The truthof the

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matter is that my heart is broken with despair and sorrow when Iwitnessthelowlyunveilingandshamefulprimpingthatappealstothewomenof thisgeneration, throwingthemselvesat it likebutterfliesto a fire. However, I will never be of the view that the solution tothisproblem isby forbidding themwhatGodhasallowed them inrevealingtheirfaceandhands.”59

Adopting and imitating the (ways of the) West is considered thegreatest challenge and danger facing the Muslim world and has,thus, come to dominate Salafist intellectual thought almost in itsentirety.Thewesternizationofsocietyandofwomenisviewedasamanifestationemanatingfromaneedtoimitatetheinfidels;andthus,al-Albanisternlywarnsagainstit,inallitsformsandrepresentations.Hesays, “It is forbidden formenandwomen to imitate infidels intheir formsofworship,their feastsandcelebrationsor intheattirethatisparticulartothem.ThisisagreattenetofIslamicShariathathas been broken, unfortunately, by many Muslims; even by somewhoareinvolvedinreligiousmattersandinmissionarywork.Itisoutofignoranceoftheirownreligion,oroffollowingtheirownwhimsorofgettingsweptawaywithcontemporarywaysandthecustomsofpaganEuropetillithasbecomeofthemainsourcesthathumiliatesandweakensMuslims,andallowsforeignerstocontrolandcolonizethem.”60

Asforpoliticalrights,bothTraditionalSalafistsandWahhabiSalafistsdonotseethattheseconcernwomen.Furthermore,menthemselvesarenotallowedtopractice‘politicalrights’.Politicsaccordingtoal-Albani,“isofreligion,andisalreadydealtwithandlegislatedinourSharia”.Heemphasizes inoneofhis fatwasj that“It ispolitical (toleaveor)nottobeinvolvedinpolitics”.61

Inthisfashion,theSalafistsresembleothermissionarymovementslike theJamaa’ah at-Tabligh,whoalsohaveno immediate interestinpolitics.Thiscommonstance isbasedonthesharedbelief thattheresultsdesiredforsocietycanbereapedthroughthepoliticsofmakingsocietyIslamic,andthataccessingthelargepopularbaseof

jIslamiclegalopinionsusuallyissuedonmattersrelatedtoeverydaylife;anIslamicreligiousruling,ascholarlyopiniononamatterofIslamiclaw.Afatwaisissuedbyarecognizedreligiousauthority

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society isthe indispensablestrategyofreformpriortodelving intotheissuesofthestateandtheresumptionoftheIslamicwayoflife.

Andthus,TraditionalSalafistsof theal-Albani traditiondeny thattheir movement is political. Sheikh Mohammad Ibrahim Shaqraemphasizes that Salafist “is a word that, in itself, negates anyindicationofpoliticsorapoliticalmovement.”62ForthetheologiansoftheSalafistmovement,politics,initscontemporarymeaningandmoderncontext,isnottobepracticedasitcontradictswhatpoliticsis, as defined by the Sharia. Sheikh Shaqra says: “We should notminglewithpoliticalcurrentsastheystandnow.Therearenolegalgrounds to remove this restriction from the circle of that which isforbidden to us by the Sharia. Those that mingle in these circles,commitsin,andthosethatrepent,Godforgivesthem.”63

Followersof theal-AlbaniSalafist traditionagreeon thisopinion.SheikhAlial-Halabiseesthat“Politics,bydefinitionoftheSharia,isinreligion(practicingthereligioninitspureform);whereas,initsmoderndefinition,politicsisrejected.TheSalafistcallingisnotapoliticalone;itisnotapoliticalmovement;anditwillnotallowitselftobethat.”64

Often,theSalafistdiscourseisparticularlyaggressivewithregardtopolitics.SheikhMohammadMoussaNasrseesthat“PoliticsfortheSalafistsisfoundinreligion;butwhichpolitics?Isitthepoliticsofnewspapers,magazinesandZionistorCrusadernewsagencies?OrisitthepoliticsoftheProphetandHisSahaba(faithfulcompanions)?Isitthepoliticsofthedemocrats,whoregurgitatethetermsusedbytheinfidels,‘Ruleofthepeoplebythepeopleforthepeople’?!OrthepoliticsofIslamthatsays“TheruleofGodaccordingtotheBookofGodandtotheSunna(way)ofHisProphet,emanatingintheprinciplesof theShuraasdecreedby Islam?!Or is it thepoliticsofdefiningwhat is rightby thenumber of fingers raised inparliaments, evenifthis‘vote’concernsacquiescingtoasin,anatrocity,polytheism,nightclubsoradistillery?Or is it thepoliticsof ‘Indeed,decision,commandand judgmentareassertedasAllah'sown,HeordainedthatyouworshipnoonebutHim.Thisistherightsystemoffaithandworshipbutmostpeopledonotperceivethisfact.’k”65

TheSalafistdiscoursehasatendencytoleantowardssecrecyand

k Sura 12, Yusuf [verse: 40]); sourcehttp://www.islamic-council.com/qurane/yu-suf/40.asp

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inconsistency,forpoliticsintheIslamicsenseisrequiredbySharia;butthispolitics isthepoliticsoftheSharia.Asformodernpolitics,itisseen(bythemovement)asrepresentingpolytheism,hypocrisy,sin,deceitandcheating; forallsystemsnotworkingto instatethewordofGodarebreakingthelawsofIslam(oftheSharia).IslamandMuslims,today,are living inseverealienation,accordingtoSheikhal-Albani:”Wearesurroundedbyinfidelcountriesthatarestronginmaterialpossession.Wearecursedbyhavingleaders,mostofwhodonotadheretothelawsofGod,ordosoonlyincertaincases.”66

Inthediscourseoftheal-AlbaniSalafists,thenatureofpoliticsisdeterminedbyqualitativeprinciples–anditisamatterformenonly.Thereisnospaceforanyinterventionbywomenaccordingtotheirvisionoftheworld,whichisdistinctlycharacterizedbyaManichaeandualism and within a framework of clashing values betweencivilizations.TheyviewtheMuslimnatureasdistinguishedbypurityandabsolutegoodness,andthenatureofcontemporarymodernistsas that of ruin founded upon hypocrisy, corruption and deceit.Therefore,thediscourseofal-AlbaniSalafistsforbidsinvolvementinthepoliticsofthemodernworld,andadoptsapoliticalvisionwhosemainconcernisareligiousethos,anethosthatrequiresengaginginsocietyandnotthestate.Theindividualmembersofsocietyarethetargetof theal-AlbaniSalafistmessage,whereas thestateand itsmoderninstitutionsaretobeavoidedandnotdealtwith.TheyseethatwhatisinthebestinterestofsocietyanditsreformwilleventuallynecessitatethecreationoftheShariastate,andwillultimatelypermittheresumptionofIslamiclifeasanobleend,asthefruitofreformandthepoliticsofIslamization.Thisultimateobjectiveisstressedinthefiftharticleof themovement’sstatementofgoalswhichreads:“TourgentlypursuearesumptionofanIslamicwayoflife,matureinformandthatfollowstheProphet’swayandcourse.”Nevertheless,theyunderstandthatthisresumptionofa‘matureIslamicwayoflife’mustgothroughstagesofdevelopment,whichcannotbeavoidedbeforean Islamicstatecanbecreated.Thisdevelopment requiresaprocessof‘purificationandeducation’ofthemembersofsocietyuntilthewholeofsocietybecomes‘ofGod’andthereby,capableofcarryingout thetaskanddutiesentrustedto thembythecovetedstate.Thisprocesscanonlybeaccomplishedthrougha longtermIslamicpoliticalethos,whichstrivestopurifyandclarifysocietyof

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theimagesofpolytheism,heresy,sectarianismandmoraldissolutionanddiversionaswellasthecreationofaSalafistidentitythatispiousandpurewithoutanytraceofthevaluesoftheWestoroftheinfidel.Thepoliticsof Islamizationofsociety is theonlypathfor ‘political’workandfortheestablishmentofthestate.

Theal-AlbaniTraditionalSalafist rhetoriccontainsavisionof the(modern)world, stateandsocietyasdeviating from theBook, theSunnaandthepathof thegoodSalaf (andSahaba): “ThepoisonsthathaveweakenedtheMuslimsandhaveparalyzedtheirprogressare not the swords of the infidels that gathered together in a plotagainstIslam,itspeopleanditsstate;butrather,themaliciousgermsthathaveinfiltratedthegiantMuslim’sbody,albeitinslowdoses,butincessantlyandeffectively.”67

Salimal-HilaliseesthatthefortressoftheMuslimnationisbeingthreatenedfromtheinside,“InordertoensurethattheMuslimnationdoesnotawakenfromthepricksofthepoisonousneedlesfilledwithkillergerms,andinordertokeepit(the nation)inthedarkaboutthiscondition, the imams of the infidels have created factories on theinside todispatch thesepoisons internally...This iswhat the lordsof the farangi (the Franks) and the Jews are constantly planning.Theseplansareexecutedbytheirslavesinourland...Thetroupesofdarknessarestillraisingtheirvoicesandtheyarecallingforhell–Godforbid.Here,theadvocatesofdemocracyareshouting,andhere,theGodsofsocialismarebrayingandhere,thelordsofnationalismarebarking,withthepeoplebehindthemgasping,becausetheyarenotenlightenedwith the lightof knowledgeand theyhavenot soughtshelterinthestronghold.”68

Sheikh al-Albani blames the backwardness of the Muslims onexternal factors related to the West, but he gives even greaterimportancetotheimpactofinternalfactors,saying,“TheproblemoftheMuslimsandtheMuslimstatesbeingboundintheirhumiliationandslaverytotheinfidelsortotheJewsisnotnecessarily intheirignorance of the reality of the situation, or that they do not standuptotheschemesandtheconspiraciesoftheinfidels,itisintheirneglectoftheirownreligionandinnotapplyingthestandardsoftheBookandoftheSunna.”69

Al-Albaniconsidersimitatingtheinfidelsandfollowingtheirways

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to be of the greatest causes of the Islamic nation’s ignorance,immorality and heresy; and, he sees that all the forms of westernpolitical systemshavenoplace in Islam: “What theBookand theSunnabroughtus,andthelife,theapproachandtheobjectivesofourSalaf (thegoodSahaba)aresufficient forournation.However,therearethosewhoencourageapproaches,ormaybeIshouldsay,allow themselves to imitate theWest in theapproachofachievingwhat they call – or claim – is democracy, social justice and othersuchtermsnotbasedinreality.OurGodhasprovideduswithoursalvationandhasenricheduswithourSharia.Thereisnoneedtobedependent,inanymeansorforms,ontheinfidels.Ifwetaketheirpaths,wewillhaveveeredfromthepathofthefaithfuland,indeed,followedthepathoftheinfidels.”70

Thosewhoreadthemagazine“al-Assalah,”publishedinthenameoftheal-AlbaniSalafists,maybealarmedbytheconspiratorialpoliticaldiscourseandundertonethathasafflictedeachofitsvolumes.Onewillfindinoneoftheireditorials,undertheheadingof“TheStateoftheMuslimWorld”,statementssuchas“Theyellowpeople [white,Western]haveshowntheirfangs;theyfoldthepagesofdeceitaboutdemocracyandhaveshownwhatishiddenintheirhearts...Theyarethefalsepropagandaandthelewd(immoral)billboards.”71

For Traditional Salafists, there is no place for the presence ofwomeninthepoliticalsphere;noraretheyallowedtopartakeinanywayorforminthepoliticalsystemsofmoderndemocracies.Thesedemocracies,intheirdiscourse,areanimportedpagansystemthatcontradictsIslamicSharia.Al-Albanisays:“Thosewhohaveinstateddemocracyandwhobelieveinitsclaimthatitisthe‘ruleofpeoplebythepeople’andthat‘thepeople’arethesourceoflaw–bothoftheseclaimsareincontradictionwithourIslamicShariaandourfaith.DemocracyisasystemofidolsandIslaminstructsustorejectidols...Democracy and Islam is a contradiction that cannot be bridged...There isnomeans for thosewho try to incorporate it (democracy)intotheIslamicShura.”72

Al-Albani is emphatic about elections being prohibited, and thatparticipating inthemisprohibitedforbothmenandwomen:“Withregard to political elections – they are part of the instruments of

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democracy, which is forbidden and not permitted. Parliaments(representativecouncils)donotadheretoGod’sBookandtheSunnaofHisMessenger,andwhich,insteadofadheringtothewillofthemajority,arecouncilsofidolatryandthus,mustnotberecognized.TheMuslimshouldnotstrivetoestablishthemorcooperateintheirexistenceastheywagewaragainstGod’sSharia;and,becausetheyareawayoftheWest,producedbyJewsandChristiansthat,bythelawsoftheSharia,weareforbiddentoimitate.”73

The Traditional Salafists’ perceptions about the reality of thepoliticalandsocialenvironmentsandaboutthenatureoftheIslamicreligionhaveproducedaninferiorviewofwomen.Nevertheless,themovementdidworktowardsemployingwomeninthecontextoftheirpoliticalethosortheory,whichstrivestoachievethegoalofmendingthemalfunctioningrealityoftheMuslimworld,toresumeanIslamicway of life and in the creation of the Caliphate state. Therefore,it established a women council at the Imam al-Albani Center74whosemission is tocommunicatewithwomen intheirhomesandconductinglecturesforwomen–amovethatisinaccordancewiththeiroverallstrategyofoutreachtosocietyfromtheinsideandnotfromthe topofapyramid.Thisstrategyand its instruments,suchasthewomencouncil,haveassistedthemovement’sexpansioninmanyofthepoorestneighborhoodsinmajorcities,andthespreadofthemovementwidelyamongwomenintheseareas.

ItisevidentthatTraditionalSalafistsandothermovementsofthesame tendency, such as the Wahhabi Salafists, present a majorobstacle in the path of women’s advancement in society and inher attainment of civil and political rights. This impediment is duetotheirpiousnatureandnotionsofpurity,whichopposehistoricaldevelopmentsandprogress.ItisbasedonthedeepconvictionofthewholenessandtheperfectionofIslamthatholdsnoconsiderationforchangingtimesandcircumstances.Itinsistsonmaintainingtheroleofwomenaslimitedtotheprivatesphereofherhomeandherfamily,andtoastrictviewofmalesuperiority.InasuperficialreadingandvisionofIslam,thesemovementsbelievethattheplaceofwomenin(theirreadingof)Islamguaranteesherrights,bydefault.Thesestrictconceptionsarereinforcedbytheirbeliefthattheirwaysareperfectandthewaysofothersareevilandcorrupt.

According to their vision, by simply reverting to the word of the

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Book,theSunnaandtheinterpretationsofthefaithfulSalaf(Sahaba),progressisself-evidentandguaranteed.Furthermore,intheirview,benefiting fromothercivilizations isastepbackwards,heresyandabandonment of the religion. According to the renowned SalafistSheikhMashhoural-Salman,“Islamiclibrariesarefullofstudiesonwomen, their rights, their duties; and they reveal the conspiraciesthat have been weaved against them (women) by westernization,andrevealtherefutationofthefalsehoodsofouropponentsandofsecularistpropaganda.”75AccordingtotheTraditionalSalafistvision,the realityofmodernwomen is that “Shehasbecomea (spider’s)web,ornet,whichcollectsmoneyandyoungmen;shehasbecomeameansofmarketingimmoralityandperversion,andamereladderfor attaining others’ goals. All of this is due to abandoning the[Islamic]rules,whichcanprovidejoyandhappinesstoallhumanityiffollowed.”76

Sheikh Mohammad Moussa Nasr views women’s rightsorganizationsasnothingbutaconspiracyagainsttheMuslimwoman,anothermeansofwesternizationandthespreadofimmoralityashesays,“Wemusttakeheedagainsttheconspiraciesoftheenemiesof Islam. The conferences they hold are really conspiracies wherethey regurgitatewhat theJews,humandevilsanddemonsdictatetothem...Theywantoursocietiestofall intothesludgeormudofvice;andtheywantoursocietiestorungaspingafteritssins.Forthedeteriorationofmoralsisthepredicatesteptomilitaryoccupation;therefore,theMuslimstatemustdeterioratemorallyandtheMuslimwomanmustbecorruptedforthisoccupationtotakehold.”77

The issue of women’s rights and celebrating events such asInternational Women’s Day is seen as “a celebration held by theenemiesofIslamfortheMuslimArabwoman;sothatsheemulatesthe Western woman, to wreak havoc in Islamic societies and tocorruptMuslimfamilies;sothattheMuslimArabwomanbecomesliketheWestern,foreignwoman,neverrejectingthehandofthosewhowanttotouchher,withherhusband’ssupremacylostoverher,andwiththe ََqawamal ofherfatherorguardianlostoverher.”78

The conspiratorial vision of the Traditional Salafist movement is

l‘Thecaretaking,protection,spending,responsibilityandcounsel’,alsoreferredtoas‘custody’,butwhichistranslatedbyWesternsourcesas:toadifferencein‘powerrelationswithinafamily’

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reflectedintheirall-embracingviewonthepoliticalrightsofwomen.Thisunbendingviewisduetothemovement’sreclusivenatureandlackofflexibilitywithregardtoijtihadm,themovement’spracticeanditsparticularpoliticalimaginarywithregardtothestateandIslamicsociety,allofwhichisbasedonthemodel‘civil’statetheProphetestablishedinal-Medina.Inreferencetoallofthelatter,Sheikhal-Albanibanswomenfromallpoliticalrightsandactivity“basedontheexperienceofthewomenofthegoodSalaf(Sahaba),wheretheydidnotinterfereinpolitics”.79

Perhaps thestatedpositionofSalafists inKuwaitwith regard totheissueofwomen’srightswillelucidatetheprejudiceheldagainstwomen in thosemovements.SheikhAbdulRahmanAbdulKhaliq,considered thespiritual fatherof theSalafistmovement inKuwait,publishedabookentitled“OnWomenPartakinginPublicAffairsandParticipatinginParliamentsasRepresentativesorasVoters”whereheconcludesthat“TosaythatawomanhastherighttobewithmenintheShura(council)andinthestate’sauthority;thatshehastherighttopostsorofficeinthepublicsector,andthatsheshouldbeequaltomeninallrightsanddutiesissinful,insolentanddisrespectfuloftheShariaanddeviancefromthereligion.”80

m In Islamic law, ijtihad is theanalysisofproblemsnotcoveredprecisely in theQuran,theHadith,orthescholarlyconsensuscalledtheijma'.

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Al-Salafiya al-Jihadiyeh(Jihadist Salafists)

ThecontemporaryJihadistSalafistmovementmadeasharpbreakfromthereformIslamthatbegantodevelopintheearly18thcenturyandcontinueduntilthemid-20thcentury.Themovementhasbecomesaturatedwithradicalrevolutionarythought,whichsitesJihadattheheartofitspriorities.FortheJihadistSalafists,Jihad isconsidereda revolutionary concept whose aim is to overthrow the whole ofthe Islamic reform movement and its approaches. Islamic reformmovementsdemand theapplicationofSharia and theprogressiveformationofanIslamicstatethroughpeacefulprocesses.However,in response and in contrast, the Jihadist Salafist movement hasbusied itselfwith theconceptofJihadasarevolutionary ideology,whoseobjectiveistooverthrowcontemporarysystemsandregimesthatitconsiderstobeexamplesoftheJahiliyan.Today,theJihadistSalafist movement views modern Arab Muslim nation-states andregimes – that took form after the demise of the colonial era andadopted political agendas principled in nationalism, democracy,liberalism, socialism, the left or a combination of these ideologies–tobeapostasies,ignorantandheretical.

TheJihadistSalafistmovementemerged inseveralplaces in theArabworldinthe1970s,butdidnotbecomenascentinJordanuntiltheSecondGulfWarin1991.SayyidQutbisconsideredtheprinciplefounderofthecontemporaryJihadistSalafistmovement.Hisideasare used as the principle reference for justifying their split fromIslamicreformistthought.Themovement’sconstitutionandfoundingdeclaration isbasedonQutb’sbook “Milestones”uponwhich the

nApostasy;Jahiliyastemsfromthewordignorance.Itisusedtoidentifythepre-IslamicArabianageofignorance,markedbybarbarismandunbelief.Islamcametoendthisageofignorance,accordingtoitsview.Reference: http://www.pwhce.org

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JihadistSalafistmovementhasfoundeditspropositionsandoverallvisionof theworld – that is, twomajorprinciples: “Hakimiya” (theabsolutegovernanceandsovereigntyofGod’slaw)and“Jahiliya”.

In the 1980s, the Afghani struggle (considered a form of Jihad)againsttheSovietoccupationgaveagreat impetustotheJihadistschool of thought. Sheikh Abdullah Azzam81, a Jordanian ofPalestinian origin who is considered one of the most importantJihadistleadersandtheorists,traveledtoAfghanistanin1984,whereheactivelyparticipatedinthisstruggleandformed,uponhisarrivaltoAfghanistan,the“OfficeofServices.”SheikhAzzamwasabletoattract a large number of those who wished to participate in thisJihad,orstruggle, intheIslamicworld, includingJordanwherethenumbersofconscriptsreachedalmostonethousand.ThisJordaniancontingency would later form the nucleus of the Jihadist SalafistmovementinJordan.FollowingtheSecondGulfWar,manymembersof the Gulf region’s Jihadist Salafist movement came to Jordan,creatingavastsurgeinthenumberofJihadistSalafiststhere.82

SheikhAbuMohammadal-Makdissi83andthePalestinianSheikhAbu Qatada84 are considered two of the most important theoristsof this movement. They crystallized and shaped the movement inJordan, which had been hitherto disorganized, scattered with noclear ideological linkages or organization and regulations. JordanwitnessedtheemergenceoftensofJihadistSalafistcellsintheearly1990s,themostprominentofwhichwere“Mohammad’sArmy”andthe“JordanianAfghans.”However,therealbirthofthiscurrentcamewithwhatisknownasthemovementofthe“AllegiancetotheImam”in 1994, whose most notable members are Abu Mohammad al-MakdissiandAbuMusa’abal-Zarqawi.BothmenmetinPakistanintheearly1990s,andmadeplanstoworktogetherinJordanupontheirreturn.Theyagreedtobeginalecturecircuitanddistributebooksandpamphletsauthoredbyal-Makdissi,whichcallfortheestablishmentof an Islamic state based on the principles of revolutionary Jihad,expose the heretical nature of prevailing regimes and systems,andcallforpreparingtochangethesesystemsthroughaggressive(violent)revolutionaryJihad (struggle).TheJihadistSalafistmovementhas, indeed,succeededinattractingandrecruitingalargenumberofmembersandenlistingthemintothemovement’sranks,whichis

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evident in theproliferationof thiscurrent inmanyJordaniancitiesincludingAmman,Zarqa,al-Salt,IrbidandMa’an.

TheJihadistSalafistmovementisbasedonauniversalapproachof radical revolutionary ideology with regard to state, society andwomen. It considers thehumanbeing,manorwoman, subject totheSharia,andthattheShariagovernsallhumanactionandactivity.Sayyid Qutb crystallizes these referential, basic concepts in thetheoryofHakimiya,which isborrowed fromthewell-known Indiansub-continentIslamicthinkerAbual-A’alaal-Mawdoudi,andwhichisnotconsidered takfirio innature,but rather“tajhili”–ora theorybased on exposing “ignorance”. According to Mawdoudi, Islamicsocietiesareonlysobyname,notbypractice.Inhisview,Muslimmenandwomen,whocommitactscontrarytothelawsoftheSharia,aresinful,asisthesocietytheybelongto.Hesays:“They[societies]take off the yoke of Islam (like taking off a piece of clothing) andthusbecomenon-Islamicsocieties.”85Hecontinuesthatnosocietycan“claimitselfIslamicwhenitdoesnotpracticeanIslamicwayoflive.”86

Although al-Mawdoudi never uses the logic of takfir directly, henevertheless pushes the principles and mechanisms of takfir tothe limits in his book “The Four Terms in the Quran” in which hesummarizesthestateofcurrentIslamicsocieties.Inhiswords,“Theyrepeatthemantra(al-shehada)oftheonenessofGod(tawhid),‘ThereisnoGodbutGod’,buttheydonotreallyunderstandthemeaningandrequirementsimbuedbythisstatement.”87

Developingtheconceptof HakimiyatookfurtherdimensionswithSayyidQutb’sbook“Milestones”,whichisoneofthedocumentsonthebasisofwhichhewasconvictedand thenexecuted inEgypt,in1966,duringtheregimeofJamalAbdel-Nasser.Insummary,theconceptofHakimiyaclaimsthatlegislationisthesolerightofGod,andonlythe ummahastheauthoritytoimplementGod’slegislation.

QutbutilizestheconceptofJahiliya–whichheborrowsfromSheikhAbual-Hassanal-Nadawi,anotherIslamicthinkerfromtheIndiansub-

oExcommunication;declaringapersonorgroupofpeoplenon-Muslimandnon-believers.

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continent – frequently andextensively in his theoretical discourse.Jahiliya,forQutb,doesnotrefertoahistoricalera,butheratherusesittodescribeorrefertocertainconditionsorcharacteristics,whichcome about when the elements of these conditions are present.AccordingtoQutb,anysocietyorcommunitythatisnotMuslimcanbedescribedas‘Jahil’(ignorant);and,forQutb,thistermordescriptionincludes “every society on earth today, really – All these societiesthatclaim tobe Islamic…whosepeoplearenot reallyMuslim (donotbehaveasMuslims).ThemissionistobringthembackfromtheirJahiliyatoIslam,makingMuslimsoutofthemanew.”88Jahiliya,forQutb,“comesaboutwhenGod’ssovereigntyonearthisquestioned,andhisdivinepowers(orHakimiya) areencroachedupon...Jahiliyareferstowhentheideas,values,laws,systemsandsocialconditionsofasocietyanditspeoplearefarfromthepathofGod.”89Basedonthisdefinition,heconcludesthat“Weare,today,inaneraofJahiliya,likethatwitnessedbeforethebirthofIslam.”90

Women, according to the vision of Jihadist Salafist movements,arenotexemptfromthisdescription;theyareinvitedtobeattentiveand aware of the dangers that surround them. On the origin ofequalitybetweenmenandwomen,Qutbstates,“Asforthesexes,God granted women complete equality in terms of the sexes andhumanrights.Hedidnotdifferentiatebetweenthemandmenexceptincircumstanceshavingtodowithcertaincapacities,experienceorliabilities.Thisdoesnotaffecttherealityofthehumanconditionforeachofthesexes.Ifwomenandmenhavethesameexactcapacities,experienceandliabilities,thenthetwoaredeemedequal;butwhenthesequalitiesdiffer,obviously,differentiationfollowsaccordingly.”91

WithregardtotheplaceofwomeninIslam,SayyidQutbasserts,“Fourteencenturiesago,IslamgrantedwomenrightswhichWesterncivilizations have not given women to this day. He granted them–whennecessary– the right toworkand toearna living;butHealsoreservedforthemtherighttotakecareoftheirfamily.”92SayyidQutbseesthatthewoman’smainroleshouldbeinnurturingthenextgeneration,asheconsidersthefamilytobethebreedinggroundforestablishingasystemofmorals,aswellastheyardsticktomeasurehowcivilizedorbackwardasociety is.Hesays:“Thefamily is thecornerstone of society. When a family is built on the principles of

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specializing the rolesanddistributing theworkbetweenamarriedcouple;andwhenthenurturingoftheyoungandnewgenerationisconsideredoneofthemostimportantfunctionsofafamily(…),thatisacivilizedsociety.(…)ThiswayandbyfollowingthepathofIslam,thefamilybecomesthenurturingenvironmentwherehumanvaluesandmoralsaresetanddevelopedintheyoung.Thesevaluesystemsandmoralstandardsareimpossibletoestablishinanyunitinsocietyotherthanthefamily.”93

Qutbbelievesthat“thepathtohumanprogressisincontrollingouranimal instincts and whims; and restricting sexual relations to theneedsofthefamily,orthehumandutyofgeneratingandpreparingagenerationthatwillinheritthecivilizationoftheirparents–acivilizationcharacterizedbyitshumanvaluesratherthanitsanimalinstinctsthatservethesolepurposeofpleasure.”94

Withregardtotheconceptofqawama,hesays:“Asfortheconceptofqawama,menare‘qawamounoverwomen:or(Menarethetutelaryguardiansofwomen'sinterestsandwelfarebyconsequenceof,theinherentconstitutionalqualitiesandattributesAllahhasinvestedinone,abovetheother,andbyvirtueoftheexpendituretheyincur.)p.This‘preference’ofthemanorhisrighttoguardianshipissetonthebasisoftheman’ssocialabilities,experienceandtraining.Byvirtueof not being bound by the requirements of motherhood, the maninteractswithsocietyover longerperiodsof time.He is, therefore,better equipped, intellectually, to handle matters that pertainto society. On the other hand, the woman is captive to her ownrequirements;nottomentionthatmotherhoodandtheresponsibilityofmotherhoodcreatesanemotional,passionateandexcitablesideinwomen,whilemennurtureamorecontemplativeandrationalside.Themanwaspreferredintherighttoqawamabasedonhissocialexperienceandhisabilitytocarryouthisdutiesandhisresponsibilityinearning income.Thisfinancial factorhasastrongconnectiontothedifferentiationmadeintheconceptofqawama (orcustodialrightsorguardianship).Itisarightgainedbymeninreturnforadifferentresponsibilitythatresultsinabalance,orabalanceintheequality,betweenrightsandresponsibilitiesinthearenaoflifeandtherolesofthetwosexes.Fromanabsolutehumanitarianview,strippedofthese

pSura4,Al-Nissa[verse:34],http://www.islamic-council.com/qurane/nisa/34.asp

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kindsofpracticalresponsibilities,thewomanisgivenmorerightstocareforchildrenthanmen.Thisrightbalances,oristhecounterpart,totheman’srightofqawama.”95

Jihadist Salafist ideologues in Jordan agree with Sayyid Qutb’sviews with regard to women, society and state. They have evenworkedtoexpandontheseviews,accordingtoanintegratedsystemofthoughtthatcallsforexposingthekufr(orheresy)ofothersystemsandstatesintheworld–aheresythatexistsinotherreligionsandincapitalist,socialist,communistandnationalistsystems;ortheheresyofleavingIslamandtheconceptsoftheonenessofGod;oraheresy,whichintheirviewexistsintheArabandIslamicworlds.ThisissuehasoccupiedanextensivepartofJihadistSalafistthought.SheikhAbdullahAzzamseesthat“GoverningbytheBookandtheSunnaisIslamindeed.AllwhoaccepttoleavethewordofGodandacceptthewordsofothers,orgiveprecedencetothewordsofhumansoverthatoftheQuranortheSunna,willhavenochanceinIslam;andthis,initself,isheresy,preciselyandwithoutadoubt.”96

Azzam emphasizes that idolatry is idolatry whether it is Arab,American, Afghan or Russian, and that this atheism is one sect;idolatersandatheistsincludeallthosewhogovernwithotherthanwhat God has dictated, even if they pray, fast or are religiouslyobservant.Thelawsthatruleovermattersofhonor,blood[relations]andmoneyarewhatdeterminesanddefinestheidentityoftherulerintermsofatheismorfaith.”97

AbuQatadareassertsthatthecontemporaryormodernArabandIslamicregimesareregimesofheresyandapostasy.Hebasesthisconclusionon traditionalandcontemporarydoctrinal referencesbyIslamic scholars and thinkers such as Ibn Taymima, al-Shatibi, al-Shanqiti,MohammadBenAbdelWahhab,MohammadBenIbrahimal-Sheikh,andAhmadShaqer,amongothers.Heconcludesthattheduty of Jihad in the Islamic world is to reclaim the house of IslamandtoreestablishtheCaliphate.Heviewsthespreadofheresyandapostasyasaresultofatheistdemocraticsystems,whichrelyontextsotherthanthewordofGodtogovern;systemsthataimtoreplacetheShariaandfight Islamand theMuslims.98 In thesamevein,SheikhAbuMohammadal-Makdissidedicatesanentirebook toexposing

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theheresyofdemocraticsystemsentitled“DemocracyisReligion”inwhichheclaimsthat“DemocracyisareligionnotthatofGod;itisasectotherthanthatoftheonenessofGod(tawhid).Itsrepresentativecouncils(parliaments)arenothingbutbarracksforheresyandatheism;andareedificesforidolatrythatmustbeavoidedinordertoachievetheonenessofGod (tawhid)... orGod’s rightand total sovereigntyoverhisworshippers,whoshouldstrivetodestroythesesystems[ofdemocracy]andfighttheleadersofdemocracywithalltheirhatredandtheirwars…It(thecallfordemocracy)isnotamatterofdiligence(a formof ijtihad)as thosewhoarespreadingconfusionwould liketoclaim…Itisclearanddefinitivepolytheism,orjustplainatheism.GodhaswarnedusagainstitbywhatHebroughtforthtous;andourProphet,al-Mustafaq,(MPBUH)foughtagainstit.”99

The heretical concept of human governance adopted by theJihadistSalafistsinthepoliticalcontextisdefinedbyconstitutions,modernpoliticalsystemsandgovernments,allpolitical institutionsrepresentedintheformofparliaments,politicalparties,cabinets,thejudiciaryandstate-establishedmilitaryinstitutionslikethearmyandsecurityforcesintheArabandIslamicworld.ThesesystemsarealloutsidetheconceptofonenesswithGod(tawhid),whichaccordingto the Jihadist Salafist reading is “Singling out God as the onlyentitywiththerighttolegislateandtorule”.Inaccordancewiththisstrictviewofgovernance,itisthereforeforbiddenforbothmenandwomen,whoarecommandedtoonlyfollowtheSharia,topartakeorbeactiveinpoliticsorinanypoliticalinstitutions,whetherintheformofelections,legislation,citycouncils,executiveposts,statesecurityormilitary.Itevenconsidersthosewhogoagainstthisprohibitionascommittingblasphemy,aspoliticalparticipationprovideslegitimacytothesepaganandcorruptsystemsofignorance(Jahiliya).Indeed,politicalparticipationisconsideredasabettingtheoppressorsandenemiesofMuslims,nottomentionthatithelpssupportandprolongthelifeofthesesystems.

For the Jihadist Salafists, strategies for change are based on arevolutionaryideologybuiltonthepowerofJihad.Al-Makdissireflectsonthisstrategy:“Thequestionofchangingourcurrentrealities–even

q Al Mustafa means the “Chosen” and is used as another nomenclature for theProphetMohammad

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if this isouronlyhopeandthatwhichworriesusmost–mustnotbe rushed. Comprehensive, total change requires preparation andcapacity,andmustbeaconcertedeffortbyeveryone,everywhere.Theseeffortsneedtobeconsolidatedattherightplaceandattherighttime...WhatmanycommunitiesandgroupsaffiliatedwiththeJihadistSalafistmovementarecarryingout,hereandthere,isJihad;evenifitappearsthattheseeffortsarejusttospitetheenemiesofGod;andthattheywillnotchangecurrentrealities.Onthelongrun,theseeffortswillpreparethemenwhowillbringaboutchange,andwill lay the groundwork for the real and complete change to takeplace.Webelievethatcompetentmen,whowillleadthisumma,willnotemergefrombehindcomfortabledesks,orthroughelectionsandballotboxes;rather,wewillfindtheminthebattletrenchesandonlyJihad willdifferentiatebetweenwhoisamanandwhoisnotaman.Inorderforustopossessthecapacitiesrequiredfortotalchange,wemustworkonspreadingtheideasofthecompleteonenessofGod(tawhid)and tofightall thedifferentcriticismsof tawhid.Wemuststrivetochangethefalsebeliefs,theimmoralthoughtsandthemanyconflictingallegiancesofMuslims inour country;wemust call onthemtorealizeonenesswithGodinordertoexoneratethemselvesfromthispolytheismandthesedenunciationsofIslam.Thistypeofchange is of the most important kind; without it, there can be norealchange…However,wedonotinsistthatweholdthereignsofchange;itisnotanecessarycondition;nordowerequirethatchangebeginsinourowncountry.Instead,wearesoldiersamongthemanysoldiersofthismovement;and,ifweseeourbrotherstryingtocreatechangeanywhereon this earth,westandby them,and take theirside,firstand foremost.Ahome forMuslimshas tobe found.Wewillimmigratethereandmakeitstronger.ThatiswhenGodwillopenthedoorsforMuslimsandfacilitatewhathasyetbeenimpossibletochange.”100

SupportersoftheJihadistSalafistmovementdonotseeanyotherstrategyforchangeexceptthroughviolenceandtheforceofJihad–withtheultimategoalofchangebeingtoestablishanIslamicstate.In terms of achieving this goal, the Jihadist Salafists give priorityto fighting the establishment and its systems in the Arab Muslimworldfirst.Theyconsidertheseregimesandsystemsaspaganandapostate; and, according to their religious diligence, doctrine and

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vision,thatmeansgivingfirstprioritytofightingtheenemyclosesttoIslam.Inhisbook“TheAbsentDuty”,engineerAbdulSalamFarraj–EmiroftheJihadistSalafistmovementinEgypt–assertsthatJihad isadutyofeveryMuslimagainsttheleaders(ofmodernArabandMuslimregimesandsystems).Hesays:“TheenemyresidesinthelandsoftheIslamiccountries;moreover,theenemyhastakenovercontrol; and among these enemies are the leaders who displacedtheMuslims’leaders;fightingthemisanobligation,anunequivocalduty.”101

In the same context, Abu Qatada offers a doctrinal view for thenecessityofJihadintheArabandMuslimworld,whereheconcludesthat“TheserulersarecorruptingthisearthduetotheirhatredforthisummaandbecausetheyrulewithSatan’slaws.GodhasorderedtheFaithfultocarryoutJihadagainstthesecorrupters.TheyhavefoughtGod and His Prophet by opposing Islam’s Sharia, by abandoningtheirobediencetothelawsoftheBookandtheSunna.Dutycallsontheummaof Islamtodoeverythingrequiredtocleansethemfromthisearth.”102

However,thisstrategybegantochangeinlightofinternationalandregionalshiftsinthemid-1990s.Atthistime,theconvictionwasbornin some of the sectors of the Jihadist Salafist movement that the“closestenemy”–asrepresentedinArabMuslimleaders,regimesand systems – did not function on its own, but with the help ofothers;andthatthoseotherswererepresentedbytheUnitedStatesofAmericaandherIsraeliallies.ThisconvictionconcludedwiththecrystallizationofanewstrategicapproachdevelopedbyOsamaBinLadenandAymanal-Zawahirithatresultedinthebirthof“TheWorldIslamicFrontforFightingJews,CrusadersandAmericans”103in1998.Al-Zawahiri commenced theorizing on this new strategic objectiveof thenewSalafist tendency inabookentitled“Knightsunder theStandardof theProphet” inwhichhe reaches theconclusion that“TheIslamicmovementand,aboveall,itsJihadistfront,indeedtheentire Islamic umma has to enter into war against the greatest ofcriminals:theUnitedStatesofAmerica,RussiaandIsrael.Wehavetomakethelandoftheenemyourbattlegroundandburnthehandsofthosewhosetfiretoourlands.”104

ThisstrategyledanumberofJihadistSalafistsinJordantoenroll

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in al-Qaeda, which came to represent the world Jihadist Salafistmovement. For example, Abu Musa’ab al-Zarqawi, who took overleadershipofal-QaedainIraq,wasthemostprominentsymboloftheJihadistSalafistmovementinJordan.SheikhAbuYounisal-Shami,anotherJordanianSalafist,joinedal-Zarqawi.Thisparticularbranch,ledbyJordanians,isconsideredasthebloodiestandmostviolentoftheJihadistSalafistbranchesofal-Qaeda,andinthehistoryoftheJihadistSalafistmovements.Itincreasedthelevelofsuicideattacksandrecruitedwomenthroughthe“FemaleMartyrBattalion.”105

The Jihadist Salafists allowed women to enter into the ranks oftheirJihad,leadingtothephenomenonofthe“femalemartyr”asamodel for theMuslimwomanfighter.SheikhAbdullahAzzam isoftheopinionthatawomanisallowedtoenterintoJihadwithoutthepermissionofherhusbandorguardianiftheummaisunderattackorthelandsofMuslimsareunderoccupation.“Wehavediscussedthese rulings and deliberations with regard to Jihad at length inAfghanistan,PalestineandotherMuslimlandsthathavebeenraped.WeconfirmwhatourSalaf(ancestors,thegoodSahaba/CompanionsoftheProphet)andotherpredecessors–scholarsininterpretation,theologiansandotherfundamentalists–havedecreed;andthatis:Ifone inchofMuslimlandscomesunderattack,Jihadbecomesaobligatorydutyofthepeoplesofthatland.WomenmayleaveforthisJihadwithoutthepermissionofherhusbandorguardian”.106

SheikAzzam,however,isoftheviewthatifawomanchoosestoenterintoJihad,shestillrequiresachaperon:“ArabwomenarenotallowedtojointheJihadwithoutachaperon;andeveninJihad,theirworkmustbelimitedtoteaching,nursingorrescuing.ArabwomenareprohibitedfromfightingasAfghaniwomanwereinthepast.”107

However,itseemsthatSheikhAzzam’sfatwawasoverturnedafterhisdeath,aswomendid,indeed,enterthebattlefieldinmanyareas.Aftertheinternationaldevelopmentsthattookplaceafter9/11,themodelofthewomanfighter(thefemaleJihadist)begantooverwhelmSalafistliteraturepertainingtowomen.SheikhYousefal-A’ayiriauthoredthebook“TheRoleofWomeninFightingtheEnemy:SalafistModelsoftheWomanFighter(Jihadist)”.Al-A’ayiriisconsideredasoneofthemostimportanttheoristsfortheJihadistSalafists.HeistheFirstEmir

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ofal-QaedainSaudiArabia.WhenrelayingthenarrativesofseveralfemaleSahaba,whofoughtinbattlesandfoughtinJihad,hesays,incitingwomeninthisage,“This,myMuslimsisters,isonlyapartofthehistoryofthewomenofourSalaf,whoseJihadwehavesharedwithyou;and therearemanymoreexamplesof theirJihad.Whatpreventsusfromgivingmoreexamplesisthatitwouldtaketoolong.WeareawarethatwehaveshownyouonlyoneaspectofthefemaleSahaba’shistory.WhatifwetoldyouabouttheirworshipandtheirfearofGod,theirwork,theirhonestyandtherestoftheirrighteouswork?Then,wewouldbetalkingfora longtime.Nonetheless,wehopewehaveprovidedyouwithenough,Godwilling”.108

Al-A’ayiristressestheroleofwomen inJihadbysayingto them,“During theerawhen Islamflourished, IslamcouldnothavebeenvictoriousagainsttheInfidelsandthecountriesoftheInfidels,whohadmoresoldiersandmoreresources,ifitwerenotfortheMuslimwoman.ThewomanistheonethatraisesherchildreninthedoctrineofJihad.Sheistheembodimentofserenityandpersistenceandinstillsthisserenityandpersistenceinheroffspringandinherhusbandinorder that they may endure and remain on the righteous path. Aspeoplehavealwayssaid:‘Behindeverygreatmanisagreatwoman’andthisstatementperfectlysuitstheMuslimwomanofthosetimes.And, thus, we say: ‘Behind every Jihadist is a great woman’. Theenemyoftheummaiskeenon‘liberating’womenbecausetheyareawarethatwomenarethebackboneofsociety;ifsheiscorrupted,herproductivity is corrupted, all those aroundher are corrupted...Thewoman iscrucial toourstruggle today;and,sheneeds tobepresent in this struggle, with all that she possesses in ability andemotion.Herpresenceisnottocomplementtheworkrequiredforourstruggle...No!Herpresence isoneof thecornerstonesof thesuccessofourstruggleandofourabilitytoremainontherighteouspath... Toprove to you the importanceof your role in this intensestruggletodaybetweenthewayoftheinfidelandthatofIslam,nottomentionthenewCrusadebeingbattledbytheworld,underthecommand of the Americans, against Islam and Muslims, we mustremind you of the various aspects of your role in our struggle, asreflectedtousbytheimageoftheJihadistwomenintheGoldenageofIslam.”109

Contemporary Jihadist Salafist rhetoric frequently encourages

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women to fight by citing historical role models of women fightersin Islam.SheikhAbuMohammadal-Makdissidedicatedachapteron women’s rights in his book “The Great Middle East Project”thathe introduceswith the following text: “Women’s rightsareyetanotherstringbeingstrummedbytheenemiesof Islam.And,theirtails (followers) inMuslim landsdance to theenemy’s treacheroustunes.Theyclaimthatthewomanisoppressed...oppressednotinthelandofMuslims,whohaverenouncedGod’sSharia,butratherbyIslamitself...defeated,subjugatedwiththehijab(veil),besiegedby restrictions of purity and of chastity, wronged by polygamy,her inheritancehalf thatofaman...not ‘free’ tomarryoutsideherreligion;and thus, theydemandto ‘free’her.Her rejectionofwhattheycallarchaiccustomsandtraditionsareallbig,arrogantwordsspewing from their mouths. They establish women’s organizationswith all these different titles and disperse them throughout theMuslim world... And they supported them, morally and financially.Theypublicly incitewomen toannounce theirheresy,encouragingcorruption, prostitution, adultery and fornication under the pretextof freedom, under the auspices of democracy... They forget theirWestern culture so dark in its history with regard to their women.Theyclosetheireyestoherhumiliation,oppressionanddisgraceinsomanyoftheircountriesthatexportthe‘calltoliberatewomenandtomakethemequaltomen’toourlands.”110

Al-Makdissicontinuestodiscusstheplaceofthewoman,herrightsand her duties in Islam, concluding that the status of the MuslimwomaninIslamisexalted,herroleinbearingthestandardofIslamand indefendingherumma verysignificant, “Anyonewho reflectsuponIslamichistorywillseetheactiveroleofwomeninthetriumphofthereligionandinbearingthestandardofIslamfromtheverydawnofIslam.ThefirsttobelieveintheProphet(MPBUH)wasawoman;womenwereactive in theconversionof ‘Aqaba’, and in the storyofal-Hijra(themigrationtoMecca);shewasanaidandashield.InthemanybattlesinthenameofIslam,womenclearlyparticipatedinprovidingadviceandinassistingthefightersinamultitudeofways,includingfighting.”111

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Al-Makdissiwritesatgreat lengthabout the inferiorityofwomeninboth the religiousandsecularWesternculture.He referencesawiderangeofstatisticsthat indicatetheerosionofwomen’srightsintheWest,andontheviolenceagainstwomen.Hestressesuponimages of the treatment of women in Iraq and in Afghanistan byAmerican administrations and the American military, and in otherareassubjectedtoAmericanoccupation.

HeaffirmsthattheWestseekstocorrupttheidentityofIslam,whichemergedaftertheIslamicAwakeningthatchallengedthepaganWest:“ItisobvioustoallthattheydidnotandwillnotacceptanythingbutamodernIslam,aWesternized,andAmericanizedIslam.Thus,theywagewaron thispieceofcloth, the ‘veil’,not tomention thewartheyarewagingonchastity,purityandvirtue.Intruth,itisawaronthisgreat religion,whichhascommandedthesevirtuesandwhichrequirestheveil...”

Hecontinues:“Therealityoftheveil–asourenemiesseeit–isthatit isablatantdeclarationofourrefusaltosubjugateandtosubmitourselves to theuncouth,vulgarcultureof theWestand its fallen,paganglobalization.TheveilrepresentstheMuslimwoman’sidentity,ofwhichsheisproud;itisthesymbolofherdignity,prideinIslamand freedom from the slavery of the tyrannical, impure civilizationof theWest...But,as longas theMuslimwoman’sveil representsthisreality,theenemiesofIslamcannottolerateseeingitupontheheadsofMuslimwomen;theywillnotpermititoracceptit,untilitisdenigratedasawhiteflagannouncingourdefeat,ourdeclineandoursurrendertothehegemonyofWesternglobalizationandculture…”

Makdissi furtherstipulates that“Theveil isasignof theRevival,theawakeningoftheummafromitsstupor,andasignofourrefusalto subjugate ourselves to the corrupt civilization of the West; thatwewillnotwalkwiththem...Theveilsymbolizesthenewchallengeto thepaganWest,after thecollapseof theSovietUnionand thenewfoundhegemonyoftheUnitedStatesacrosstheglobe.IslamandMuslimsrepresentthesolechallengetotheWest’sprostitutionandinfidelity.Allthosewhofighttheveil,bothWesternersandtheirlocaltails(followers),areaware,andcomprehendandunderstandtherealsignificanceoftheveil.ThisiswhyyouwillfindthemfightingIslam,

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andallthelawsandrulingsthatcomeforthfromIslam,whichincludetheveil...Otherwise,thosewhoarenotawareofthesefacts[oftherealreasonstheveilisunderattack],wouldbecompletelyastoundedbythevehementwaragainsttheveil,andshouldwonderhowthoseattackingtheveil,singoutthepraiseof‘freedomofexpression’,butcannot find in their secularism a place for the right or freedom towearthispieceofcloth!”112

The Jihadist Salafist movement stresses that it not only affordswomentheirrights,butaffordsthemaveryprominentpositionthatnoother,previousorcontemporary,civilizationshaveaffordedtheirwomen.Themovementaffirmstheequalitybetweenmenandwomenincreationandcomposition.Itseesthatwhatisproperforthewomanistoremainathomeinorderthatshemaycareforandnurtureanexceptionalgeneration,raisedontheQuranandinthewaysoftheQuran,andthatthisvisionisinharmonywiththehighestidealsandvaluesinIslam,becauseaccordingtotheJihadistSalafists,thefamilyistheproverbialspringandtheultimatesourceforsettingthemoralstandardsofasociety.

Progressorbackwardnessismeasuredordeterminedbytheextenttowhichasocietycommitstoitsmoralobligations,andnotthroughits technology and industry. Jihadist Salafist women and men areaddressedasequalsintheQuranandintheSunna... However,sincetheMuslimworldhas, according to JihadistSalafist view, enteredintoaneraofJahiliya,byvirtueofitsdeviationfromtheSharia,andsince contemporary political systems have taken on the nature oftheinfidelbyimportingWesternvalues,suchasdemocracy,itistheduty of the woman to work alongside the man to change societyandthestate,througharevolutionaryideologyspringingforthfromthe concept of Jihad – as it is understood in Islam, and that thisrevolutionary path is the only path that will work to overthrow theprevailingsystemsandreplacethemwiththeCaliphate.

Therefore,themodelofthe‘Jihadist’womanhascometodominatetheliteratureoftheJihadistSalafistmovement,whichhassoughttofullyintegratewomenintoitsprojectasoneofthecornerstonesofitsrevolutionarystrategies.Furthermore,itconsiderstheveilasoneofthesymbolsofresistanceandofrejectionofWesternhegemony.As

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aresult,womenhaveactivelyjoinedinthemovement’sranksthroughthe“FemaleMartyrsBrigade“aswellasbyassistingthemenintheir‘mission’,byworkingonthemovement’smediaand,particularly,theinternet.

It seems that the future of women in the global Jihadist Salafistmovement has begun to grow in many areas around the world,includingJordan.And,indeed,JihadistSalafistwomenarebecomingincreasinglysuccessfulintheiroutreachandinenlistingotherwomenintotheranksofthemovement.

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Jamaa’ah at-Tabligh wal Da’wa (Missionary, Advocacy and Calling or Invocation (to God) Group)

Jamaa’ahat-Tablighisconsideredasanidealexampleofthekindofmissionaryand revivalmovements thathaveevolvedwithin thescope of contemporary Islamic movements. They do not seek toestablishanIslamicstateinthecontextoftheirideologyorintheiractivitiesandpragmaticprograms,thoughtheydonotdenythattheirultimategoal isactuallythereinstatementoftheIslamicCaliphate,andareturntoIslamingoverningtheMuslimworld.Themovementreconcilesthisapparentdichotomybyclaimingthattheirmissionarystrategy,orstrategyfor‘conveying’(themessage),orcallingotherstoGod,willindirectlyleadtoallMuslimsdesiringandworkingtowardstheultimategoalofestablishing theSharia state;making it afinaloutcomefortheMuslimworld.Thismissionarygroupormovementisalsocharacterizedbybeingglobalaswellaslocal,withitsadvocacystrategyandmissionaryworknotlimitedtoanyspecificgeographicarea.

In spite of its missionary or revivalist approach, the group hasbecomeanincubatorforagreatnumberofitsmembers,wholaterbecameactively involvedwithin the ranksofotherpolitical IslamicandJihadistmovements.

Jamaa’ahat-Tablighwasestablishedin1945bySheikhMohammadIlyas Ben Isma’il al-Kandahlawi, who was born in the village ofKandahlaintheIndianregionofSharanford113.Hisfamilyhadamassedriches, Sharia knowledge and knowledge in the Chishti order ofmystic Sufism, which was prevalent in the Indian subcontinent atthattime.114HelatertraveledtoDeobandinIndiaandstudiedinthe

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Hanafirschools,attendinglessonsheldbySheikhMahmoudHassan,whowas,atthattime,consideredbeingoneofthemostprominentsheikhsinIndia.115

SheikhMohammadIlyasemergedinthemidstofanenvironmentthat isdescribedby the renowned religiousadvocateAbuHassanal-Nadawias“timeswhenapostasymovementswereactiveandthereturntoancestral,paganreligionsbasedonidolatrywasrampant.ThelargestcentersforthepromotionofthesemovementsandpracticeswereareasinwhichMuslimslived.ClaimswerebeingmadethattheMuslims once belonged to families of the ancient Hindu tradition,priortotheirconversionbysuccessiveIslamicgovernments.Itwashightime,accordingtotheBritishgovernment,thatanyindividualorgrouptaketherightandhavethefreedomtoadoptanyreligiontheywanted,orreturntotheirancestralheritage–basically,encouragingany movement that would weaken the Muslims, who had beenstrippedoftheirauthorityandfromthegovernmenttheyhadonceled.ThispushtorelinquishIslamwasprevalentinareaswheretheMuslim population was uneducated and where they adhered tomanytraditionsoftheHinducivilization;so,manytribes,whoweredescendant of Hinduism, did commit blasphemy and left Islam to‘return’ to the religion of their forefathers, with whom they sharedmanycustomsandbeliefs,inanycase.”116

Thedire realityof thissituationpushedSheikhMohammad Ilyastoseekwaystohelppeoplereturntotheirreligion.Hesettledinal-Medina(SaudiArabia)forseveralyears,untilhewasenlightenedbyavisionthatcametohiminadream,basedonaversefromtheQuranthatsays,“YouMuslimshavebeenthebestpeoplethathaveevolvedfrom mankind for mankind. You enjoin equity and you recourseto general principles of justice. You forbid all that is wrongful andobsceneandyouconformyourwill toAllah’sblessedwill”.s ItwasthenthatSheikhMohammadIlyassawthat‘enjoyingwhatisrightandforbiddingwhatiswrong’couldonlybeachievedthroughthemeansofgrassrootsmissionarywork,forthesakeofGod;throughworking

rTheHanafiSchoolisthefirstofthefourorthodoxSunnischoolsoflaw.

sSura3,Al'Imran[verse:110])http://www.islamic-council.com/qurane/imran/110.asp

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withpeopleintheirhomesandattheirplacesofwork,inapacethatsuitedpeople’severyday life,andcalling for themtoreturn toandabidebythewaysofIslam.Indeed,SheikhIlyassawthisapproachasbeingparalleltothewaythattheProphet(MPBUH)broughtpeopletothefaith–andnotbysittingidleinmosquesandreligiousschools.ThedutyofthetruemissionaryandadvocateofIslamrequiredthathegooutand‘conveyorcommunicatethemessage’(tabligh)and‘callothersforthtoIslam’(al-Da’wa);togotothepeople,wherevertheymaybe.”117

SheikhMohammad Ilyasbeganhisactivism inal-Da’wa (thecallto Islam) in 1927.118 In this initial period, hedidnot targetwomendirectly.Hismissionaryworkandcallingwaslimitedtomen,towhomheconveyedthemessagetoreturntoGod,torenewone’sfaithinIslam,anddoingsobyreturningtothelawsoftheSharia. AndSheikhMohammadIlyasdidsousingamethodologyinal-Da’wa uniquetohim.

The formofal-Da’wa thatheestablishedwas in responseto theprohibitionsandrepressionbytheBritishcolonialists.Hemadeitclearthattosustaintheirmissionarywork,heandhisadvocatesshouldnotgetengagedorsidelinedfromtheirmissionaryworkbyclashingorconflictingwithotherIslamicmovements.Thus,hedevelopedaplatformbasedontwomajorpillars:“HonoringallMuslims”and“NotEngaginginDifferences”.119

UponthedeathofSheikhMohammadIlyas,andafterhehadlaidthefoundationsforthisformofal-Da’waandtabligh,hissonSheikhMohammadYusufwouldleadthegroup.UnderSheikhMohammadYusuf’s guidance, the group expanded to many Arab and Islamiccountries.Uponhisdeath in1965 themovementcontinuedunderSheikhMohammad Ina’amal-Hassan.However,after thedeathofthe latter,anexpanded formofaShura councilwithoutaspecificEmirorleaderwouldleadthegroupanditswork.120

Jamaa’ah at-Tabligh came to Jordan in 1964 through a groupof missionaries that came from Pakistan. This group succeededin convincing a number of sheikhs to join them on their tours of‘calling and conveyance’. The sheiks accompanying the Pakistani

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missionariesbecameconvincedofthemethodsandthewaysofthegroupandcontinuedon theirownafter thePakistanimissionariesreturnedtoPakistan.AnEmir(generalleader),SheikhAbuMustafaal-Rafati,waselected.Through thenewlyadopted formof ‘callingandconveyance’,thegroupsoonspreadalloverthekingdom.121

Indeed,thegroupproliferatedonavastscaleduringthe1970s.Itestablishedheadquarters in thecityofMarka,southof thecapitalAmman,whichwasvisitedbythousandsoffollowers,inadditiontoothercentersinothercities.Thereisnopublishedliteratureavailablethatclearlyexpoundsontheirvisionortheirmethodologyofal-Da’wa(calling)andtabligh(conveying‘themessage’)asSheikhMohammadIlyasdidnotleaveanybooksbehind.Hesawthattowriteabook,anauthormustremainseated,andforareadertoreadabook,he/she must be relaxed and in a comfortable position. Thus, the joydissipates and everything read is forgotten as soon as the readerreturnstotherealityofhisdailylife.Instead,SheikhMohammadIlyasstressed,“OurmethodsofeducationarethesameasthemethodsusedduringthetimeoftheProphet(MPBUH),whentheyhadneitherbooksnorpublications.”122

For the most part, the group relies on an oral tradition that istransferredfromonememberofthegrouptoanother.However,onebookparticulartothegroupdoesexistandisreferredtoasthebookof“TheLifeoftheSahaba”,whichwasauthoredbySheikhMohammadYusuf.ItisconsideredaprimarysourceofstudyforthegroupandwaspublishedduringhistermasEmir.ThisbookconsistsofstoriesofthewayoftheProphetandstoriesofthewaytheSahabaaddressedissuessuchaseducationandcommunication.Anotherbook,entitled“TheMeadowsoftheGood”,writtenbyImamNawawi,isalsousedbythegroupandisconsideredasmallnarrativeencyclopediathatsimplifiesandexplains,inlaymen’sterms,manylegislativeaspectsoftheIslamicSharia.

In itsapproachand in its teachings, thegroupcalls forMuslimstoreturntothewaysofIslam,thelawsofIslamandthewaysoftheProphetastheywerepracticedduringthetimeoftheProphet.Thefundamentalintellectualfoundationforal-Da’waandtabligh,followedbythegroupisbasedonbringingintoone’slifesixmajorprinciples

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delineatedbySheikhMohammadIlyas,whicharereferredtobythegroupas“TheSixCharacteristics”:

1.Firm Belief in and Realization of the Word:“AnarticleoffaithinwhichoneacceptstheShehadeh (testimonyoffaith) ‘Thatthere isno God but God and the Prophet Mohammad is His messenger’,whichisaccomplishedthroughworshipingGodalone,andbywhatthe Prophet (MPBUH) brought forth through prayer and acts ofworship.AndthatGodcandoeachandeverythingwithoutthehelpofcreation,andcreationcannotdoanythingwithoutthehelpofGod.Theonlywaytosucceedinthisworldandinthenext(lifeafterdeath)istowalkonthepathshownbytheProphetMohammad”.

2.Prayer with Reverence and Submission:“Thefivedailyprayersareessential tospiritualelevation,pietyanda lifefreefromthe illsof thematerialworld.Carryingoutprayers,withall theirpartsandduties performed, with an emphasis on reverence – as reverenceis theessenceofprayer,withoutwhichthere isnofruitionofwhathasbeenforbiddeninimmoralityandevil.ThatishowonebuildsaconnectionwithGod,theAlmighty,andhowonelearnstogainfromHisunlimitedtreasures”.

3. Knowledge (Ilim) and Remembrance (Thikr): “The thirst forknowledgeandremembranceofGodconductedinsessionsinwhicheveryindividualcontributeswhateverknowledgeonecanwithregardtoperformingprayers,recitingtheQuranandreadingHadith;Learningbyaction,inotherwords,learnwhatisnecessaryofknowledge;butbyactivelyapplyingwhatonelearnsisThikr(remembranceofGod),and learningwithoutaction is forgetfulnessandreluctancewithoutanyreverence–asreverenceistheessencewithoutwhichtherearenoresultsintermsofforbiddingevilandimmorality”.

4.Honoring the Muslim: “To treat fellowhumanswithhonoranddeference, to love the young and to respect elders; and to haverespectforthescholarsofIslam”.

5. Reforming Intentions: “Reforming one’s life in supplication toGodbyperformingevery(good)humanactionforthesakeofGodandtowardsthegoalofself-transformation”.

6. Calling and Conveyance (al-Da’wa wal Tabligh): “Sparing time

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tolivealifebasedonfaithandlearningitsvirtues,followinginthefootsteps of the Prophet, and taking His message from mosquetomosque,neighborhood toneighborhood,country tocountry, toreformourselvesandtoreformothers,forthesakeofthefaith,byadvising,bychangingconditionsand theenvironmentby learninghow toapplyandadhere to the lawsof Islamand thewayof theProphet.SincetheProphetofGod(MPBUH)wasthelastandfinalprophet,itisourdutytonowcarryontheworkoftheprophets,andcallotherstowardsgoodandpreventevil”.123

Onecansaythat,inthesubjectofworshipandfaith,theJamaa’ahat-Tablighandal-Da’wafollowthewaysandmethodsoftheDeobondiMatridisectthatisverywide-spreadintheIndiansub-continent,andwhichembracesmanyaspectsofmystic IndianSufism,especiallythatoftheChishti,Nakshabandiya,Qadireyahandal-SahrawardiyaSufimovements.124AllegiancetotheEmirispledgedinaformofal-Bay’ah (pledgingallegiance)that istraditionaltothewaysofthesefourSufimovements.However,withthespreadofthegroupintheArabianGulfandtheArabianPeninsula,ithasbecameinfluencedbytheSalafistschoolofthought;andinJordan,theJamaa’ahat-TabligharecloserinmentalityandideologytoSalafiststhantoSufis.125

Intermsofthepoliticaldomain,theJamaa’ahat-Tablighprohibitsitsmembersfromgetting involved inpolitics inall its forms. IntheviewoftheJamaa’aht,politicsseparatesbrothersandincitesenvyandhatredamongMuslims.Furthermore,involvementinpoliticsmaydistractfrom,hinderorevenobstructtheworkofal-Da’wa.Forthesereasons,establishingIslamicgovernanceisnotoneofthemovement’sdirectgoals;nordothemembersofthegroupparticipateinelections,aseithercandidatesorvoters;nordotheylendtheirsupporttothegovernmentinanycountry;nordotheyopposeanygovernment;nordotheystudyorteachaboutthestateorpoliticsintheirlessons;nordotheyspeakaboutthestateorpoliticswhentheypreach.126

The Jamaa’ah considers malfunctions in Muslim public life asbeing caused by deviation from the true faith and from strictlyfollowing IslamicLaw.Malfunctions inpublicaswellasprivate lifecanberesolvedandwilleventuallydisappearaltogetherwhenand

tShortformofthenameofthegroup,whichmeans,literally‘TheGroup’

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if all Muslims return to truly practicing their religion; not throughpoliticalormilitarysolutionsorapproaches.ThisrationaleexplainstheirpositionwithregardtothePalestiniancauseandtheir lackofparticipationintheJihadiststruggleinAfghanistanthatmanyotherIslamicmovementsandorganizationswereenthusiastictojoin.127

In terms of their view towards modern Western culture, theyconsider it“apairofshoesthataMuslimputsontoget towherehe needs to go; and once the Muslim has achieved this goal, hetakesthemoff,getsridofthem.TheMuslimmaybeinneedofthatwhichWesterncultureshaveproducedintermsoftoolsandmeanstohelpreachingagoal;however,their theories,artsandtraditionsareheresiesthatmaybenecessaryfortheinfidel;asthislifeishisparadiseandthislifeiswhereheneedstobeentertainedonthelevelofintellect,aestheticsandfantasy.ButfortheMuslim,thislifeishissmallprison;hisconcernisescapingthislifeforthatofGod’svastheavensintheafterlife...Thetheoriesofmoderncivilization,itsartsanditstraditionscannotassisttheMusliminachievingthat.”128

ThemissionarymodelusedbytheJamaa’ahat-Tabligh is tocallonMuslimstore-positionandtransformtheirlifestylesbyadheringtothewaysandlawsofIslam.TheJamaa’ahconsidersthemosqueasthefocalpointfortheirmissionaryworkandadvocacy;anditisbymeansofthemosquethat itcarriesoutmultipletasks,namely:Education,ThikrorremembranceofGod,prayerandpreparingformissionaryandadvocacytoursinsurroundingareas.

AccordingtoSheikhMohammadIlyas,therecanbenorealreturntoIslamunlessthemosqueregainsandre-establishesitsfunctionalityandisre-injectedwithlife.129TheJamaa’ahworkonrevivingtheroleofthemosquebyholdingweeklymeetingsatmosquesinordertodiscussandtoreviewmissionaryworkandadvocacy(al-Da’wa)beingconductedinthatarea.Theseweeklymeetingsbeginafterevening(a’sir)prayersandcontinueuntilsunrisethenextday.

After performing the evening prayer at the mosque, a memberof the Jamaa’ah invites all those present in the mosque to hearthereportsofthemissionaries,narrativeaccountsofthevirtuesofconducting theirmissionaryandadvocacy roundsandof reaching

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out to the people in the name of God. The purpose of inviting allthosepresentinthemosqueistoinspirethemtojointhatparticular,localgroupofmissionariesorJamaa’ah.Once thepurposeof themeetinghasbeenintroducedtoallthosepresentatthemosque,theJamaa’ah’sShuracouncil thenconveneswith themembersof thegroupinthatarea.Inthisgroupmeetingmoremembersarechosentodofurthermissionaryandadvocacyrounds,withanEmirinstatedtoheadthenexttour.Othermembersarethenchosentoconducta tashkilior “logistical” tour.Oneof themembersgivesa talkandselectsanothermember,whoisassignedtheresponsibilityoftashkil(logistics),atermcoinedbySheikhMohammadIlyasonallmattersconcerning theorganizationand logisticalarrangements related totheir field work. A third member is then appointed to discuss anyspecial instructionsrequiredfor travel.At thispoint,anyremainingworkrequiredforsendingoffthetashkiligroupsisfinalizedandtheysetoffontheirmissions.Remainingmemberssplitintogroups,someofwhomjointogetherincirclesofThikr(remembranceofGod)andal-Da’wa(conveyance),whileothersjoininthecircleof“education”orlearning.

After sunset (maghreb) prayers in the mosque, announcementspertaining to the group’s activities are made. Tashkil, which alsomeansconstituentorformation,isthetermusedtorefertoanactivitywhereoneoftheJamaa’ahmembersgetsupandtriestoconvinceothersprayinginthatparticularmosquetojointheJamaa’ahoratleastsupportit.

Teachingor‘educating’’intheprinciplesofal-Da’watomembersof the group and anyone else interested, takes place after dinner(isha’a)prayersatthemosque.TheselessonsincludereviewingtheJamaa’ah’s rulesofconduct inmosques,discussing thevirtuesofThikr (remembrance), reading and reviewing parts of the Quran130,aswellasreviewingthecodeofconductoftheJamaa’ahwhileonmissionaryandadvocacytours,acodewhichincludesmanyrules,theprincipleonesofwhicharesummarizedasfollows:

First: To commit to four (principles): Obeying the Emir; actively

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sharing in the burden of collective work; to show patience andendurance;andmaintainingthecleanlinessofthemosque.

Second: To work on four (principles): Al-Da’wa (conveying ‘themessage’); worship; education (in the word); and (community)service.

Third:Toreducethree:Eating;sleeping;andtalking.

Fourth: To avoid four: Waste and excess; overbearing attitudesandjudgingofothers’work;questioning;andusingthepropertyandpossessionsofothers.

Fifth:Nottoengageinfour:Fiqh(issuesofIslamicjurisprudence),inordertoavoidinstigatingdisputes;politics,inordertoavoidobstaclestooranypretexttobantheworkofal-Da’wa;interferinginthestateofaffairsoftheJamaa’ahoranyotherIslamicgroupsandmovements;andarguinganddebate,inordertoavoiddisagreement.131

Theperioddesignatedforfieldworkbyaregularmemberof theJamaa’ah(travelonadvocacyormissionarytours)isinitiallyaminimumofthreedays;however,amemberassignedthepositionofDa’i (the‘conveyor’)shouldperformthisdutyatleastonceamonth,thenfor40consecutivedaysonceayear,thenforfourconsecutivemonthsinone’slifetime.IftheDa’icandomorethantheserequirements,thebetter;andfinally, ifonecompletelydevotesone’s lifetoal-Da’wa,thisisperceivedasachievingperfectioninthegroup’srank.

Women in Jamaa’ah at-Tabligh wal Da’wa do not perform fieldwork or tours like the men do; instead, they focus on attendingclasses held by theologians in the mosques. Women can also be‘educated’ in amoreconvenient and suitable space, suchasoneof the women’s homes, as long as they respect the requirementsof thehijab (veil)anddonotmixwithmen.WomenthatbelongtotheJamaa’ahcanconvey to their female relativeswhat theyhavelearnedaboutal-Da’wa,aboutthevirtuestheyhaveacquiredthroughtheirowncommunityworkandabouteducationseminarstheyhaveattended.

Al-Jamaa’ah do not object to certain sisters, who are properly

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educated,tovisitotherwomenintheirhomestoencouragethemtocommittothelawsofthereligionandwayofthefemaleSahaba,orteachthoselawsandwaystothem,inrestrictedmeetingsincertainhomes,understrictprecautionsthatmeettheneedsofthespecialcaseandconditionsofproperMuslimwomen.132

Within the organizational structure of the Jamaa’ah, a GeneralEmirischosenbytheJamaa’ah’sShuracouncil.Womencommittoobeying this General Emir through a special pledge of allegiance.And,ineverycountryintheworld,aCountryEmirischosenbytheShura council of the Jamaa’ah; then for every province, region ordistrictwithinacountry,aswellasforeveryneighborhoodinacity,andforeverymissionaryandadvocacygrouptravelinginthenameofGod,anEmirischosen.133

TheEmirofJordantodayisSheikhOmaral-Khatib.Sheikhal-KhatibtookovergoverningtheJordanianbranchafterthedeathofitsformerEmir, Sheikh Abu Mustafa al-Rafati. During the 1990s, women inJordanbegantoactivelyparticipateinthemissionaryandadvocacywork of the Jamaa’ah. They began to travel and tour within andoutsidethekingdomwiththeirhusbands,sonsorguardiansinordertoperformtheirshareoftheworkinal-Da’waandtablighprocess.These ‘missionary’ or tablighi women are chosen when they haveaccumulatedsufficientexperienceinmissionaryandadvocacyworkin thehomesofotherwomen,especially inpoorandmarginalizedneighborhoods.Today,thenumberofwomenwhohavepartakeninda’waandtablighitoursof40consecutivedayshasreachedmorethan60,andhundredsofotherwomenhavepartakenintoursof3to7daysinduration.134

It is evident that the Jamaa’ah have greatly benefited fromexperimentingwithwomenadvocatesandmissionaries.Theyhaverealized the importance of the role of women in the work of theJamaa’ah’s headquarters in Pakistan, where tablighi women andwomenworkinginadvocacyandmissionaryworkwereintroducedatamuchearlierstage.Thishelpedquickenthepaceofthegroup’sexpansion, efficacy as well as helped open thousands of schools(madrasas)affiliatedwithmosques.However,theJordanianJamaa’ahdidnot followsuituntila relatively laterstage, in the1990s,when

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theybegansettingupprivateschoolswheretheQuranandtheologyaretaughttogirls.

TablighiwomenhaveprovengreatlysuccessfulinattractingwomentojointheranksandwaysoftheJamaa’ah.ItmaybethatthepeacefulapproachusedbytheJamaa’ah,thegroup’stotalabstinencefrompolitics, the simplicity and decentralization of its structure and itstoleranceforothershasearnedthegrouptheconfidenceandrespectofbroad sectorsof society, and inparticular,women.All of thesefactorshavebeengreatlyassistedbythecultureoffearfrompoliticalactivity that has prevailed in the collective consciousness of theJamaa’ah,especially theJamaa’ah inJordan,where, fordecades,politicalactivitywaslegallyprohibitedtobothmenandwomen.

And,despitetheemergenceandincreasedprominenceofIslamicmovementsofamorepoliticalnatureinJordan,nonehavebeenabletoreducethesizeandefficacyofthemissionaryandadvocacyworkoftheJamaa’ahat-TablighwalDa’wa.

Part IIIslam, Women and Politicsin the Framework of Democracy

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IntroductionHistorically,onecanclearlytracetheriseandemergenceofIslamic

womenactivists inpublic life inJordanalongwith thedemocratictransformation,whichfollowedthesevereeconomiccrisisinJordanin1989,andwhichalsocoincidedwiththethirdwaveofdemocratizationthat swept across several areas of the world previously subjectto totalitarian regimes. The ‘culture of fear’ connected to politicalactivismhadbeenprevalentamongwomenfordecades;infact,fromthe time the Jordanian state was established, despite intermittentperiodsofrelativerespite(inparticularinthemid-1950s).Indeed,theJordanianwomanwascaughtinthecycleofmarginalizationandof‘fear’andwasvirtuallyhemmedinbythereligion,thestateandthetribe.

Thestateitselfwasestablishedonpatriarchicormale-dominatedfoundations,andreinforcedthesefoundationswithpolitical,legalandmilitarylimitationsandrestrictions.Furthermore,thestatebuttresseditspoliciesandpoliticalstructureduringanextendedperiodofmartiallaw,whencivilsocietyand,particularly,politicalpartiesandpoliticalactivitieswereprohibited.

Thetribe,bynature,ispatriarchic;thepredominantlytribalstructureofJordaniansocietyhascontributedtorestrictingthescopeofthewoman’sparticipationoutsidethecontextofthefamilyandthehome,duetotheconceptofhonorthatgovernstribalsocialstructures,andwhichestablishestherankandvalueofanindividualinsociety.TheextensivedebatethathasembroiledJordaniansrecentlywithregardto‘crimesofhonor’mayverywellrevealtheimportanceandrankof‘honor’inthemoralandvaluesystemsofJordaniansociety.

Intermsofreligion,inastateinwhichSunniMuslimsconstitute90%oftheinhabitants,andwhereofficialreligiousandpopularinstitutions

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have come to adopt a conservative Salafist view – echoed in theconditionsandsociallawsspecifictowomen–,rigidandconservativereligious jurisprudence and strict religious interpretations have allworkedtoreinforcethemarginalizationofwomen.

Thisallianceofconservatismbetween thestate, religionand thetribal structure has contributed to a historical absence of womenfromthepublicsphere,especially inthepoliticaldomaininJordan–not tomention that therewasa totalabsenceof Islamicwomenrolemodels, suchas those thatexisted inotherArabandMuslimsocietiesandcountries.Indeed,itwasnationalist,leftistandliberalwomen activists who monopolized the field of Jordanian womanactivism. However, this activism was limited to the upper classesandwaselitistinnatureand,thus,neversucceededinreachingouttowomen fromother classesandwider segmentsof society. Thecombination of all these factors resulted in an increased isolationof liberal ideologies– ideologies,which, in themselves, lie instarkcontrastwiththesocialandculturalrealitiesandspecificitiesoftheaverageJordanianwoman.

The1990switnessedacharacteristic change in thewaysocietylookedatthewomanastraditionalalliancesbegantocrumbleduetonational,regionalandinternationaldevelopments.Thestatebegantotakeinitiativestointegratewomenintoitsnationalstrategies;Islamicpartiesbegan formingwomen’scommittees;andsocietybegan tomovetowardsamoresensitiveconsiderationandunderstandingofwomen’srights.Thus,anewerabegantoemergeinthehistoryofJordanianwomen.

In thispartof thestudy,wewilladdress thestatusofwomen inrecentlyformedIslamicpoliticalpartiesandinthediscourseoftheseparties.ThissectionwillparticularlyfocusonpartiesthatwereformedaftertheenactmentofthePartyLaw(Article32)in1992.Threepoliticalparties,whichadoptedIslamasthebasisfortheirideologyandfordeveloping their strategic and practical programmatic platforms,werelegallyregisteredunderthislaw.ThesepartiesfurtherfortifiedtheirlegalstatuswhenthenewPartyLaw(Article19)wasenactedin2007.

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Thesepartiesare:-TheMuslimBrotherhood,as representedby the IslamicActionFrontparty;-TheMuslimCenterParty(Hizb al-Wasat al-Islami);-Hizb Dua’a

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The Muslim BrotherhoodThe Muslim Brotherhood emerged in Jordan as a natural

offshoot and product of the ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood’smotherorganizationinEgypt,whichconsiders itselftobeaglobal,transnationalmovement.ThemotherorganizationoftheBrotherhoodwas founded in al-Ismailia in Egypt in 1928 by Sheikh Hassan al-Banna(1906-1949).ThePalestiniancausecreatedanentrypointforestablishingbranchesofthemovementthroughouttheArabworldandJordan,withthemotherorganizationinEgyptsendingcadresfromitsleadershiptoothercountriesintheregion.EstablishingthemovementinJordaniscreditedtoSheikhAbdel-LatifAbuKoura,whohadaverygoodrelationshipwiththefounderoftheEgyptianmovement.SheikhAbuKourawasactuallyamemberofthefoundingcommitteeoftheoriginalmovementinEgypt,whosememberscamefrommanyArabcountriesandincludedSheikhMohammadMahmoudal-Sawwaf,thefounderandheadoftheBrotherhoodinIraqandSheikhMustafaal-Seba’ai,founderandheadoftheBrotherhoodinSyria.135

SheikhAbuKourabeganhiseffortsonlicensingthemovementinJordaninlate1945,andreceivedapprovalinearly1946.Theopeningceremonyofthemovement’sheadquartersintheJabalAmmanareaofAmmanwasunderthepatronageofJordan’sKingAbdullahBinal-Hussein136. In its first years, the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordanprospered under the leadership of Abu Koura and the movementenjoyedthecandidsupportandbackingoftheJordanianauthorities.TheBrotherhoodcommencedwithacommitmentto implement itsprogramwithinthescopeoftheoverallobjectivesandstructureoftheJordanianpoliticalsystem;ithelditsmeetingsopenly,andmanywere attended by official representatives of the state, governmentandthemilitary,aswellasdistinguishedreligiousleaders.137

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The Brotherhood’s first years (from 1946-1953) in Jordan weremarked by a solid and close relationship between the authoritiesand the Brotherhood. It was a healthy coexistence nurtured byfeelingsofmutualrespect.TheregimeconsideredtheBrotherhoodadependableallyanddifferent fromothergroupsandparties thatworkedtounderminethefledglingcountry’sstabilityandsecurity.138

The 1948 war with Israel presented a major turning point forthe Jordanian Brotherhood. From that point forth, the movementwouldbecomemoreandmoreinvolvedinpolitics;membersoftheBrotherhood even volunteered to fight against the Jewish forces,forming a brigade based out of the town of Ein Karem, south ofJerusalem,underthecommandofHajjuAbdel-LatifAbuKoura.139

Themovemententeredintoanotherphaseofitsevolutionin1953–aneracharacterizedbyasweepingproliferationofnationalistandleftistmovements in theArabworldafter the1952JulyRevolutionin Egypt. Indeed, under suspicious conditions and circumstances,MohammadAbdel-RahmanKhalifawasappointedSecretaryGeneraloftheMuslimBrotherhoodinJordan.

AfterKhalifatookovertheleadershipoftheJordanianBrotherhood,efforts began to restructure the organization of the movement,following theexampleof themotherorganization inEgypt.Khalifaworkedonenactingafocusedmissionforthemovement:ItwasanorganizationbornofacomprehensiveIslamicplatformanddoctrine;and, thus, it should operate on a comprehensive front and in allmattersoflife–political,economic,socialandcultural.Basedonthisnewdefinition,themovementappliedtotheauthoritiestoregisterasaGeneralIslamicAssemblyandnotsimplyacharitableorganization.Thegovernmentapprovedthisrequest.140

Basedonstructuralchangesanditsneworientation,themovementinJordanenteredanewphasemarkedbymoreactiveinvolvementinthefieldofpoliticsthaninpreviousperiods.Itremainedalliedtotheauthorities,though,particularlyduringtheeventsofApril1957,whenaconfrontationtookplacebetweentheregimeandtheNabulsicoalitiongovernment.141Afterbeingcontentwithsimplysupporting

uTitlegiventoamanwhohasperformedtheriteofHajj(pilgrimagetoMecca)

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membersoralliesinthe1951and1954parliamentaryelections,in1956,theBrotherhoodraninparliamentaryelectionsforthefirsttimeasamovement,andwonfourseats.

DespitethefriendlyrelationsthatexistedbetweentheBrotherhoodand the regime during that period, the Brotherhood, in reality, didconstitutea threat to thestate:On theonehand its ideologywasdiametricallyopposedtotheWest,ontheotherhandthemovementconsidered the Islamic Sharia as the only legitimate legislativefoundationforthestate.

Indeed,theMuslimBrotherhooddidcriticizethegovernment(thestate) from time to time, especially when it felt that the state wasdeviating from the Islamicvaluesystemandmoral standards.ThemovementwasalsostronglycriticalofthespecialrelationshipthatsuccessiveJordaniangovernmentsharboredwithGreatBritain.TheycondemnedtheBaghdadAllianceof1955andanyattempttobringJordan into thealliance, as theyopposed theEisenhowerproject,whichaimedtofillthevacuumleftbyGreatBritainintheregionwiththeUnitedStates.142

DespitetheebbandtideexperiencedintherelationshipbetweenthestateandtheBrotherhoodattimes,themutualinterestsofbothparties and the legacy of coexistence between the two remainedstrong, especially as the Brotherhood stood by the regime in itsdarkesttimesandinthemoreseverecrisesofthe1950sand1960s.Inreturn,theregimebecameasafehavenfortheBrotherhoodatatimewhenotherArabregimesweretighteningthenoosearoundIslamistsandotherMuslimBrotherhoodmovements,aswasparticularlythecaseinEgypt.143

Apointworth mentioning about thisparticular period is that theMuslimBrotherhooddidnotattempttoreapanygainsfrombeingfreeofrestrictionssufferedbyotherparties.Theydidnotuseprivilegesandfacilitiestheywereprivytoinordertomakeanypoliticalgains.Instead,theyconsolidatedtheirpositioninthepublicspherethroughtheirworkandactivitiesasacharitableorganization.

After the war and defeat in June 1967, the Muslim Brotherhood

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witnessedasubstantialshiftwithrespecttoitsorganizationandinterms of its proliferation. The movement began to attract youngercadresasretractingnationalistandleftistmovementsbegantofacesevererestrictionsacrosstheregion.Withinthemovement itself,anewcurrentbegantoemerge,whichopposedthereformistplatformanddemanded that themovementpave theway for activeJihad.Soonafter,theBrotherhoodestablishedJihadistbases,knownasthe“SheikhsBrigades”,which launchedsuccessfuloperationsagainstIsraeli military targets. The Brotherhood’s military cells operatedunder the umbrella of the Fatah Movementv, which supplied themwithmoney,militarygearandweapons.144

Themovement’sexperiencewithJihadendedwiththedepartureof thePalestinian resistance forces fromJordan in1970, after theevents of September. During this period, the Muslim Brotherhoodtook a neutral stand, beseeching both sides to practice restraint,nottoshedbloodbetweeneachotherandpreservenationalunity.After this milestone in Jordanian history, the movement becameactivelyinvolvedinstudentunions;itsetuptheIslamicHospitalandthe IslamicCenterSociety,establishedmany Islamicschools inallthemajor cities in the kingdom, andbolstered itspresence in themosques,tradeandprofessionalunionsandstudentorganizationsthroughoutthecountry.145

The relationship between the Muslim Brotherhood and thegovernmententeredanewphasein1989.InAprilofthatyear,JordanwitnesseddangerousdevelopmentsandunrestaftertheJordaniancurrency(Dinar)collapsedandtherateofunemploymentincreased,injuxtapositionwithasuddenriseininflationandhigherinterestrates.Theeconomiccrisis led toamassivewaveofanger,violenceandstreetprotests.ThelateKingHusseinwasabletocontainthiscrisis,andannouncedthestartofanewerabyrestoringparliamentarylifeandcivicfreedoms.146

AlthoughtheMuslimBrotherhooddidnotpartakeintheAprilunrest,

vFatah, literallymeansopening,and isa reverseacronymfromtheArabicnameHarakatal-Tahriral-Watanial-Filastiniorliterally:the"PalestinianNationalLiberationMovement".FatahisamajorPalestinianpoliticalpartyandthelargestorganizationinthePalestineLiberationOrganization(PLO).

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theywerethefirsttobenefitfromtheseeventsastheymanagedtogivetheirpoliticalagendaagreatlyneededpushonthestreetandamongthemasses.

In the same period, the first Palestinian Intifada began in 1987and with it the rise of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas),which emerged as the military wing of the Muslim Brotherhood inPalestine.

As mentioned previously, the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordanrelies on the ideological foundations and organizational structuresof themotherorganization inEgypt.Uniformityexistsbetweentheorganizationsintheresourcestheyhaveadoptedfortheirreferences–resourcesandreferencesthatwereinstitutedbythefounderSheikhHassanal-Banna,whichwereexpandeduponandputintoactionbytheinfluentialBrotherhoodmemberSayyidQutb.Indeed,al-Bannaplayedacentralroleinthemovement’sproliferationandinbuildingitsorganizationalstructure;hedefinedtheplatform,theobjectivesandthemethodologyofthemovement.Abdel-QaderOdehcontributedtobringingtheideologicalandtheoreticalfoundationsofthemovementback to its religious ‘origins’ by rebuilding and reconnecting themovementtotheBook(Quran)andtheSunna.SayyidQutbintroducedanumberofamendmentsandchanges,whichplayedamajorroleinredefiningthecourseofthemovementandofothersworkingwithintheframeworkoftheso-called“IslamicNahda(Awakening)”,aswellasotherIslamicpoliticalmovementsandmilitantgroups.

However,aviolentcontroversyanddebateensuedinthemotherorganizationaroundthevisionofthemovementandaboutthewaythe Brotherhood should operate, which resulted in the rise of twomajorcurrents:TheReformists,whowouldstaythecoursedefinedbyal-Banna;andtheRadicals,whoadoptedQutb’spropositions.TheMuslimBrotherhoodinJordanwasaffectedbythecontroversywithinthemotherorganization inEgypt, to theextent that themovementinJordanbecamepolarizedanditsmembersbegantotakesides,despitetherelativelyuniqueexperiencethattheBrotherhoodenjoyedinJordan.

Thewaytheissueofthewomanwasdealtwithcanbeconsidered

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asoneofthemainpointsthatdistinguishtheMuslimBrotherhoodinJordanfromthemotherorganizationinEgypt,becauseImamHassanal-Bannabestoweduponthewomanaspecialsstatus,importanceandpriorityinhisdiscourseandpractice.Al-Bannawasofthefirmconvictionof theneed for thewomantoactivelyparticipate in thegrassrootsworkofthemovementandsawherasoneoftheimportantagentsofchangeandameanswithwhichthereformprogramoftheMuslimBrotherhoodcouldbeachieved–as stated in the internalcharteroftheprincipalorganizationoftheMuslimSisterhood.

Withthisconvictioninmindandfromthemomentheinitiatedthemovement in1928, Imamal-Bannaestablishedaschool inoneofthe first Brotherhood mosques, which he called the school of the“MothersoftheFaithful”.Theschool’scurriculumcombinedtheologyandsocialstudies.Hethenestablishedasectioninthemovementforthewives,daughtersandotherfemalerelativesofBrotherhoodmembers, which he would later call “The (Team of the) MuslimSisterhood”.Al-BannawenttoputforthaplantoorganizetheworkoftheSisterhood.Hedefineditsobjectives,itsmethodologyanditsinternalcharterandstructure.Theaimofcreatingthis‘team’wastostrengthenandtofortifyadherencetoIslamicmorality,topropagatevirtueandtoexposetheharmcausedbytheprevailingdevianceofMuslimwomen.Al-Bannahimselfheadedthisgroup,or‘team’.

AMuslimSisterhoodCommitteewasestablishedinCairoin1932when the Brotherhood’s administration transferred there. LabibaAhmad was the first leader of this committee. Labiba Ahmad hadbeenanactiveparticipant inthenationalrevolutionthateruptedinEgyptin1919.Herefforts,alongwithHudaSha’arawiandNabawiyaMoussa,ledtoamassivedemonstrationbywomen,whoprotestedagainst the crimes of the British against Egyptian nationalists andtherevolution.Thisdemonstrationbrought theEgyptianwomantotheworld’sattention.Soonafter,LabibaAhmadclashedwithHudaSha’arawionhowthewomen’smovementinEgyptwouldproceed;AhmadsawthatthepathtoliberationbeganwithareturntoIslam,and she established the magazine “Women’s Nahda (Awakening)”tocountertheideaofwesternization.Shethenwentontofoundanassociationfor“TheNahda(Awakening)ofEgyptianWomen”.

Fromitsinceptionasamovementandada’wa(mission),theMuslim

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Brotherhooddedicatedmuchattentiontowomenandwomen’sissues.In 1933, the first women’s committee was established in Ismailia,Egypt.Afterwards,theGuidanceOfficeoftheMuslimBrotherhoodworkedtoengagethisgroupwitheverypartofthelocalcommunity.After the second meeting of the movement’s Shura Council, theGuidanceOfficedecidedtocreatea(General)MuslimSisterhood’sCommittee that would, from that point forth, operate under theauspicesoftheBrotherhood’sHeadOffice,tooverseeallSisterhoodcommitteesthroughoutEgypt.ImamHassanal-BannachoseLabibaAhmadtoheadthiscommittee.Shewasunable,though,tocontinueduetohermanyothercommitments.Shepassedawayin1955.147

TheMuslimSisterhoodcommitteescontinuedtogrowinnumberuntiltheyreachedfiftybytheyear1948,whichwasalsothesameyearthattheMuslimBrotherhood(andall itsactivitiesandcommittees)was disbanded (by the authorities). Until that year, the SecretaryGeneral of the Muslim Brotherhood, Hassan al-Banna, supervisedthesewomencommitteeshimself.148

Al-Hajjaw Zeinab al-Ghazali is considered as one of the mostimportant Muslim Sisters. She pledged her allegiance to ImamHassanal-Bannain1948,andcontinuedtoworktirelesslyinthefieldofadvocatingIslamformorethanhalfacentury.Sheplayedalargeroleinthepoliticalstruggle(ofthemovement),andwassubsequentlyimprisonedbyJamalAbdel-Nasser’sregime;inprison,sherecordedherexperienceinabookentitled“DaysfromMyLife”.149

ManywomenrosetodistinctionamongtheranksofthemovementinadditiontoLabibaAhmadandZeinabal-Ghazali,includingAminaQutb and Hamida Qutb, both of whom shared the experience ofincarcerationwithal-Ghazali.150

The experience of the Muslim Sisterhood in Egypt did not echoinJordan’sMuslimBrotherhood.Perhaps,differences in thesocialstructure and fabric, such as tribalism in Jordanian society, didnot allow for similar activism on the part of Muslim women there.Furthermore,theconservativeinterpretationonIslamicjurisprudence

w The title given to a woman who has performed the rite of Hajj (pilgrimage toMecca)

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prevalent in the Jordanian movement did not allow for the importofmattersofjurisprudencefromtheEgyptianBrothers,eveniftheysharedthesametheologicalresourcesandreferences;and,althoughthey both accepted the theoretical propositions of Sheikh Hassanal-Bannawithregardtowomen,inapplicationandinpractice,thesetheorieswerenotappliedinthesameway.

Al-Banna’stheologicaldiscoursewithregardtothewomanbeginswiththepremisethatIslamempoweredthewoman,andmadeheranequalpartnertothemaninrightsandresponsibilities.Hesays:“Thisisveryclear.Islamexaltedthestatusofwomen,valuedhermoreandconsideredherthesisterofman,thepartnerinhislife;sheisofhimandheisofher (as God says: ‘You are of each other’). Islamgavethewomanherfullprivate,civilandpoliticalrights.Ittreatedherasahumanbeingwhoisofacompletehumanity,whohasdutiesandrights...TheQuranandtheHaditharefulloftextsthatemphasizeandclarifythis.”151

He furtheremphasizes that anydifferentiationbetweenmenandwomen,intermsoftheirrights,arisessolelyfromthenaturaldifferencesofeach,andthedifferencesofthemissionsandresponsibilitiesofeach;but,atthesametime,inkeepingwiththerightsgiventoboth.Headds thatbetween themanand thewoman isastrong innateattractionthatisthebasisfortheirrelationship;and,thatthepurposeofthisattraction,beforepleasureandsuch, istocombinethetwoinpreservinghumankind,andtoassisteachotherinmanagingtheburdensoflife.Withregardtoeducation,al-Bannafindsthat,morally,a woman should learn that which is essential in terms of readingandwriting.However,hegoesontoaskthatwomennotbetaughtthatwhichdoesnotconcernthem.152HeadvisesMuslimsbysaying,“EducatethewomanwiththatwhichsherequirestofulfillthemissionanddutythatGodcreatedherfor:Totakecareofherhomeandherchildren.”153

Heinsistsontheneedforseparatingmanandwoman,andinsiststhat the two not be allowed to mix. He makes this appeal basedonthelogicthat“Islamconsidersmixingbetweenmenandwomena definite danger… Therefore, we declare that Islamic society isnotaplural (mixed)society,butasetofsinglesocieties,withmenhavingonesocietyandwomenhavinganother,theirown.Islamhas

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allowedwomentobeeyewitnesses,tohavegroupattendance,evento fight in battle when absolutely needed. But, it stops there andplacesmanyconditionsonthewoman:Thatsheavoidallformsofadornmentandmake-up;thatshecoversherbodyandsurroundsitwithappropriateattirethat isneithertransparentortight;and,thatsheneverbealonewitha foreigner [amalewho isnot family],nomatterwhatthecircumstances”154

Withregardtoworkandtheworkplace,al-Bannaprohibitswomenfrom working based on the logic that Islam prohibits the privatepresence of a woman with a ‘foreigner’, the mixing of sexes, andrequires women to cover their bodies and faces; and, that it ispreferred(byGod)thatwomenprayathome.Heconcludesthatthelatterarejustsomeoftherestrictions,so“afterallthathasbeensaidanddone, can it be that Islamdoesnot stipulate thatwomenareprohibitedfromworkinginapublicplace?!”155

As for the political participation of women, Imam al-Banna hada unique opinion, which he did not declare in the form of Islamicjurisprudence, but rather theorized upon, based on the prevailingcircumstancesofEgyptiansociety,andtherealityoftheoccupationEgyptwassuffering.Heunderstood that therewasaneed forherparticipation in such circumstances. For him, the most importantreasonsforherparticipationweretoallowforthetransformationofsocietyandtoreestablishitsreligiousvaluesandmoralstandards.

In1944, thequestionofwhetherwomencouldpractice lawandtheir right to votewassubmitted to theHouseofRepresentativesinEgypt.Shewasgrantedtherighttopracticelaw,butnottherighttovote–adecisionjustifiedbytheclaimthatsocietysufferedfromcultural, intellectualand religious illiteracy.Al-Bannacommentsonthisissueasfollows:“Weholdareasonable,moderateviewonthisissue,whichweputforthtoallthoseinterested;and,weshouldallbeinterestedinthisissueasitisanissuethataffectsmorals,familyandcivilsociety.Nothingwas,orwillbe,tothedetrimentofpeoplemorethanmisunderstandingtheconditionswhichexistandwithinwhichwelivetoday;thisruleofimmoralityandofactingincontradictiontocreation–indeed,whateveronetries,onewillnotfindanalternativetoGod’sway.”156

It appears that the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan adopted the

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theoretical doctrine of Sheikh Hassan al-Banna, without givingmuchattentiontomorepragmaticrealities,particularlywithregardtoadvocacy.ThemovementinJordanupheldal-Banna’stheoreticalvision, but translated it in the public realm by not establishingsectionsinthemovementforMuslimwomen,despitetheexperienceof theEgyptianmovement.Despite theevolution in theworldwidemovement’sdiscoursewithregardtotherightsofwomenbySheikhMohammad al-Ghazali, Youssef al-Qardawi, Hassan al-Turabi,Rashidal-Ghanoushiandothers, thisevolutiondidnot translate inanypracticalformordimensioninJordanuntilthedemocratizationprocessstartedtotakeholdinthecountryafter1989.Indeed,itwasonlyin1992,whenthemovementestablishedtheIslamicActionFrontparty,thattheycreatedaspecialplaceinthepartyforwomen.

Oftheeightyseatsinthe11thHouseofRepresentativesinJordanupforparliamentaryelectionsin1989,theMuslimBrotherhoodwon22seats;but,indeed,themovementdidnotnominateasinglewoman.Itwaswilling,thoughtotakesignificantadvantageofwomen’sworktogarnerwomen’svotesforthem.

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Islamic Action FrontAfter a period of discussion inside the Muslim Brotherhood,

and between the Brotherhood and several prominent Islamicindependents,adecisionwasmadetoestablishtheIslamicActionFront (IAF) (political) party. The party was founded on October 8,1992underPartyLawNo.32,whichwaslegislatedthatsameyear.Afterreceivingitslicense,thepartyhelditsfirstconferencetoelecta Shura council. However, most of the members who consideredthemselves ‘independents’, withdrew from the party, accusingthe Brotherhood of hegemonizing and monopolizing the party’sleadershipanddescribingthepartyassimplybeingapoliticalfaçadefortheMuslimBrotherhood.157ThisdescriptionbecameproofwhentheMuslimBrotherhoodfinallysucceededincompletelydominatingtheIslamicActionFront.

TheIAF’spoliticalplatformwaslaunchedbasedonasetofbasicprinciples,themostimportantofwhicharelistedas:TheresumptionofanIslamicwayoflifeinsociety;contributingtobuildingtheumma in thestruggle (jihad) against theZionists; toserve thePalestiniancause;toseektheunityofthe ummaanditsliberation;toconsolidatenational unity; to consolidate the Shura and democratic model ofgovernance; to defend the dignity, rights and freedoms of humanbeings; to tend to people’s daily life issues; and to achieve thecomprehensivedevelopmentofsocietyfromanIslamicperspective.

The party’s objectives are summarized by the party as follows:Realizing the principles of freedom; establishing governance byShura;guaranteeingpluralism;protectinghumanrights;encouragingdialogueanddefendingthecitizen’ssecurity,stabilityandprosperity;guaranteeingfreedomofopinionandspeech;strengtheningnationalunity;supportingthearmedforcesandsecurityservices;combatingpolitical,administrativeandfinancialcorruption;respectingwomen

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and their legal rights; ensuring that youths receive the specialattention and care they deserve; working to achieve pan-Arabunity; disseminating the culture of Islam; and supporting religiousinstitutions.

The methodology of the party’s political program is summarizedin: Organizing public activities; giving lectures; holding seminars,conferencesandfestivals;publishingbooks,pamphlets,newspapersand magazines; establishing the institutions and cadres requiredto implement these activities; establishing centers for scientificresearch, attending to the needs of youth clubs, cultural centers,sportsactivities,unionsandsyndicates;organizinganddevelopinglegislation for amending fiscal laws through democratic channels;and involving the party in all aspects of public life through activeparticipation inunionandsyndicateelectionsaswellasmunicipalandparliamentaryelections.

The party’s organizational structure is composed of a foundingcommittee, a general assembly, a public symposium, the Shuracouncilandtheexecutiveoffice.TheShuracouncilconsistsof120members,whorepresentallthedistrictsandareasinthecountryandwhoareelectedbyproportionalrepresentation;theexecutiveofficeconsists of 17 members, including the party’s secretary general.Meanwhile,theparty’sgeneralassemblyisopentoeverymaleandfemaleJordaniancitizenover18yearsofage.158

Women and women’s issues in the discourse of the MuslimBrotherhoodandtheIAFarestillinastagethatcanbestbedescribedasunderdebateandnegotiation.Effortsareunderwaytoredefinetheroleofthewomaninthecontextofthemovementandtheparty–withthisissueconsideredtheonemostopentodebateandmostopentoexperimentationandexamination,accordingtosocialresearcherLisaTaraki.159

However,thereisavastdisparitybetweenthisdiscourseandrealityduetotheexistenceofaveryconservativecurrent(hawks),whichhasplacedstrictrestrictionsontheparticipationofwomenintheparty(and in themovement).Dr.HammamSaid (the IAFGeneralGuide)andMohammadAbuFares(IAFhawkandmember)havetakenvery

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conservativepostures,explainedbyDr.AbuFaresasfollows:“SincetheShariadoesnotpermit thewoman tobe theguardianofevenherself inmarriage,andgavethisguardianshiptotheman,then,itisafortiorithatshecannotbepermittedtoholdpublicguardianshipoverMuslims,theirblood,moneyandhonor.”160

Thus, Abu Fares prohibits women from assuming any post inthe public authority, in the judiciary, in cases of jurisdiction or asombudsman, inministries, in resolvingdisputesandcontracts.HeusesasevidencethesayingoftheProphet,“That nation will never prosper which puts a woman in command of its affairs.”x

Hecontinues:“WhatisinferredgrammaticallybythewordsofthisProphetic saying, in Arabic, is a conjugation indicating the plural,which indicates ‘its’ affairs, or all the nation’s affairs, public andprivate.Meanwhile,theguardianship(ofawoman)overprivateaffairshasbeenextricatedfromthisinterpretationof‘allaffairs’(publicandprivate)inother(religious)texts;forexample,theguardianshipofawomanoverherownmoneyisexemptbyaverseofGodAlmightythat says: ‘And give the women, whom you join in wedlock, theirdowerwithgoodwill.Butifthey–thewomen–willinglyremitapartthereofoftheirownaccord,thenyoumayeatitintoyourheartsandenjoyit;mayitgiveyoupleasure;mayitdoyougood!’yFurthermore,womenareallowedtobecustodiansorguardiansoverotherprivateaffairs, as stipulated in other (religious) texts; thus, ‘affairs’ in theProphet’sverse(above)signifiesallpublicaffairs,andpublicreferstoalljudicialmattersaswellasmattersofjurisdiction,theresolutionofdisputes,orthoseministerialorcontractualinnature.”161

However,andincontrast,Dr.Ruheilal-Gharaibehconcludesfromhisownresearchthat“Weareinfavoroftheopinionthatthewomanhastherighttoenjoyallpoliticalrights,onanequalfootingwiththeman, with the exception of the highest post in authority; and this

xSahihalBukhari,KitabalFitn,quotedin“TheStruggleofMuslimWomen”,byDrKaukabSiddique,publishedbyAmericanSociety forEducation&Religion,1986,pg.55

ySura4,AlNissaa[verse:4],“TranslationofthemeaningsoftheQuran,”byRashidSaid Kassab, Kilani and Skur publishing, Amman, 1994 and http://www.sacred-texts.com/isl/quran).

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opinioncorrespondswiththeabsolutelawoftheShariathatdeclarestheequalityofmanandwomaninlegaldutiesandobligations,takingintoaccountanyexceptionthathasbeencitedinauthenticatedtextsandissupportedbyconsensus(ijma’z)”.162

Creating a negative uproar against him, Sheikh Mohammad al-Ghazaliwent even further thanal-Gharaibehwhenhedeclared, inareligiousrulingordecisioninIslamicjurisprudence(ijtihad),thatitwaspermissibleforawomantoassumeanypublicpost,andatthefore,thepostofheadofstate.163

It seems that the movement’s discourse tends towardsgeneralizations to a large degree, since the movement’s electoralplatform in 1989 was replete with slogans emphasizing the equalrightsofmenandwomen,aswellasotherissuesthataretherightofall.164

TheMuslimBrotherhoodexpressesitspositiononwomen’sissuesandparticularlytheissueofwomen’spoliticalparticipationinastudyentitled “The Muslim Woman in Muslim Society”. Their positionwithregardtothewomaninthepoliticaldomainisexplainedinthecontextoftheirbeliefthat:Menandwomenareequalintheoriginoftheircreation,andinthedignityoftheirhumanity;thattheyareequalin terms of responsibilities, albeit with some exceptions; that theyareequalinreward,punishmentandsin;thattheShariadeterminedthatmenandwomenshouldcooperateon issues that require thiscooperation;thattheyshouldbothbefaithfultoGod;andthatmenandwomenareequalintheirrightsandduties.165

Thestudyalsofocuseson(religious)textsthatviewthewoman’sbodyinitsentiretyastemptation;thus,itisforbiddenthatawomanrevealanypartofherbody,otherthanherfaceandhertwohands,toanyoneotherthanthoseforbiddentoherinmarriage(orwhatiscalleda‘muharam’, forexampleafather,sonorbrother). It isalsoforbiddenforawomantositinprivatewithanyoneotherthanthoseforbiddentoherinmarriage(muharam);andthatitisnecessarythatwhenexercisingherfreedomandherrightsthatthewomanbeina

z When Ulama’a (scholars of religion consulted on matters both personal andpolitical)reachaconsensusonanissue,itisinterpretedasIjma’

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frameofcircumstances thatpreservesherhonor,dignity,modestyandsanctity.

Thisstudyalsoconsiders theproperplace for thewoman tobeinherhome,toensurethestabilityofthefamily,asthefamilyisthefundamentalpillar insociety–thefundamentalcorethatmaintainssociety’s cohesiveness, solidity and goodness. Furthermore, onemustnotdisregardtheSharia-givenrightofthehusbandtopermit(ornottopermit)hiswifetoleaveherhomeortowork.Indeed,themovement considers this latter right, as stipulated by the Sharia,asonethatmaintainsorderandorganizestherelationshipbetweenhusbandandwife–arelationshipthatcanneitherbeorganizedbythelawnorinterferedwithbytheauthoritiesexceptinveryspecific,rarecases.

The movement believes that there is no provision in Islamic lawthatprohibitstheparticipationofwomeninparliamentaryelections;indeed,theybelieve it is thedutyofwomentoparticipate inorderto assist in the election of proper persons (persons versed in theSharia). Insomecircumstances, thisparticipationmayevenbeanessentialdutyorobligation.And,asmanyIslamicstatestodayhaveelectorallaws,whichdictatethatthewomanshouldexerciseherrighttovote,anyattempttoreducetheMuslimwoman’sparticipationinanelectionmayactuallyweakenthechancesforvictoryof Islamic(movements’ / groups’) candidates. The movement is also of theviewthattherearenoprovisionsinanyofthetextsoftheShariathatprohibitwomen frombecomingmembersofparliamentsorofanyotherrepresentativecouncilorassembly.

Withregardtowomenassumingpublicposts–withtheexceptionofthepostofheadimamorofheadofstate–andspecificallywhenitcomestopostsinthejudiciary,andgiventhedisputeamongscholarsand the fact that it is still an ongoing subject of jurisprudence, ithas been agreed that the obvious recourse in deciding what postawomancanorcannottake, istoreturntotheprecedenceoftheSharia first;thentoconsiderwhatisbestforthewell-beingandtheinterestsofMuslims,while taking intoconsideration legal liabilitiesandprevailingconditionsofthesocietyinwhichtheylive.Allthesefactorsmustbereflectedinanydecisionwithregardtothesubject(a

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womanassumingapublicpost,andparticularlyinthejudiciary).

In termsofotherpositionsandother typesofwork–as longasthewomanworksinadomainthatisconsideredhalalaaandwherenoreligioustextsexist,whichprohibitthatparticularpositionortypeofwork,andaslongasheremploymentinthepublicrealmisthattypeofwork–thereisnoreasonnottoallowherfromassumingthatpostortakingthat job.Forexample,womenarepermitted(bythemovement)toworkasdoctors,teachers,nursesandinothertypesofprofessionsrequiredbyherandhercommunity.166

One of the objectives of the IAF’s internal charter is stated as:Respecting the woman, her legitimate rights and her role in theprogress and development of society, within the framework ofIslamicvirtueandvalues;andprovidingherwiththeopportunitytoparticipate inpublic lifeandtheopportunityforthe leadersamongthemtoemergeinthepoliticalarena.167

Dr.Isahak(Issac)al-Farhan,aprominentmemberandleaderintheparty,isconsideredtobeamongtheleadingcadresintheIAFthatencourageswomen’sparticipation.HeisofthefirmopinionthatthedistortedimageofthewomanandthediminutionofherrightsisthesoleproductofsocietyandnotofIslam.Hemakesitclearthatwhatismeantby“women’spoliticalrights”istoperformallthetasksthatmakean impactonasociety’spoliticsandculture,which includesthe propagation of virtue and the prevention of vice, participationinpoliticalorganizationswith thepurposeofserving thepublic,oradvocatingapoliticalprinciple,influencingpoliticalpolicies,toelectandbeelected,andpledgingallegiancetotheheadofthestate.

Intermsoftheright(ofwomen)torunascandidatesinparliamentaryelections,Al-Farhanputsforwardthefollowingopinion:Hebelievesthattherearetwotasksrequiredofaparliament:1)tolegislateand2)tomonitorthestate.Inhisopinion,thetaskoflegislationrequiresworkandrequiresknowledgeoftheneedsofsociety;and,inIslam,therighttoknowledgeisarightequaltomenandwomen.Thetaskofmonitoringtheadministrationofthestateandexecutiveauthoritiesisconsidered,byal-Farhan,asfallingundertheumbrellaofpropagating

aaInaccordancewithorpermittedundertheSharia

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virtueandpreventingvice;ataskinwhich,again,menandwomenare equals in the eyes of Islam. As for what is meant by GodAlmighty’sverse, “That men are qawamoun (custodians/guardians) over women”isthatthemanhasbeenchargedwithactingasheadofthehouseholdandofcarryingitsburden,andhasnothingtodowiththesubjectofwomencarryingoutthetaskofeitherlegislatingormonitoringthestateonbehalfoftheumma.

According to al-Farhan, the only requirement for exercising thispoliticalrightisacommitmenttoIslamicethics.

Furthermore, the woman has the right to public posts and topublicoffice.WithregardtoreferencesmadetotheProphet’ssaying(orHadith) “That nation will never prosper which puts a woman in command of its affairs”,al-Farhanexplainsthatthecontextinwhichthis Hadith emerged must be taken into consideration when it isinterpreted.TheHadithcameatatimewhentheProphetdeclaredthatIslam’senemy,thePersians,handedoverthegovernanceofthestatetooneofKisra’s(KhosrauII)daughtersafterhisdeath.

Al-Farhan also maintains that governance, in its categoricalmeaning, isnot forbiddentowomen in Islamic jurisprudence;and,that this Islamic ruling was determined by consensus (ijma’). AbuHanifa,al-TabariandIbnHazm[ImamswhoareconsideredcrediblereferencesfortheoraltraditionoftheProphet]permittedwomentoassumejudicialroles(i.e.holdthepositionofajudge)incertaincases–notingthatthepostofajudgeisapublicmandate–,inadditiontopermittingwomentoconferfatwas[ausuallynon-bindingopinionon Islamic law issuedbyan Islamicscholar that is in linewith theSharia].

Finally,al-FarhansummarizestheexperienceofIslaminthissubjectas follows: The Muslim woman has always worked in the publicdomaintohelpbuildsociety,inallitssectors...inemployingothers,intheeconomy, incharitableworkand insocialwork.TheMuslimwomanhascarriedoutherdutiesbyworkingtoadvocateIslamandtoeducate; shehasworked topropagatevirtueandprevent vice.Allowing the woman her political rights includes recognizing herpoliticalrighttojoinpoliticalorganizations,openingthedoortoher

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membershipintheIAFpartyandpreservingherrighttovoteforandbeelectedtoalllevelsoftheparty’sleadership;andfurthermore,Dr.Abdel-LatifArabiyat168concurswiththisapproach.

Itappearsthatprogresshasbeenmadeonthelevelofestablishingand streamlining the theoretical approach of the Brotherhood andtheIAF.In2005,theIslamicmovementpublishedareformdocumententitled“TheVisionoftheIslamicMovementforReforminJordan”thatreaffirmedtheequalityofmenandwomeninthattheyarebothhonored in God’s eyes, as they are considered brother and sisterincreation,andasthemasculineandthefeminineinIslamarenotfactorstobeusedtodiscriminateanddifferentiate;rather,thecriteriafordifferentiationinIslamisinpietyandingoodwork.Theyarebothgiventhesamedutiesandmissionsandarejudgedinequaltermsofaccountability,rewardandpunishment.Theyarepartnersinbothshoulderingresponsibilityandcarryingoutthedutiesofthenation,incooperatingandempoweringeachotherinfulfillingtherequirementsofthereligion(Islam),andinstrengtheningIslam’spresenceonthisearth.

Ofthemostimportantoftheseuniversalstatementsofprinciples(accordingtothemovementandtheparty)concerningwomenare:

1.Womenenjoyacompletecharacterandpersona;theypossess,from the perspective of the Sharia, an independent inviolability insocialstatus,legalposition;and,theyaretotallycapableintermsoftheirabilitiesandinperformingtheirduties.

2. Women have the right to own land and possessions, make aprofit,beemployedandemploy, todisbursefinances, toseekthisearth,tothinkandtocontemplatethisuniverseandenjoyallgoodthings.

3.Womenhavetherighttochoosetheirspousesandbuildafamilywithoutcoercionorbyforce.

4.Womenhavetherighttoeducationandtolearn,togainknowledgeandunderstandingofthereligion,tospecializeinthesciencesandarts,toreceivetraining,toimproveandtodeveloptheirskillsandto

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masteranytradeorprofession.

5.Womenenjoy fullpolitical rightsas represented in the right tovoteand to run for election, toholdoffice, to joinpolitical partiesandintherighttofreedomofexpressioninallaspectsoflifewithoutexception.

6.Womenhavetherighttoenjoythatwhichislegislatedintermsof nationality, employment, retirement, and in forming charitablesocieties,women’scommitteesandorganizationsandleadingtheseorganizationsandworkingthroughthem.

Withregardtoallof theabove,themovementandpartystate inthe reformdocument that:The roleof thewoman, in juxtapositionwith the man, is characterized by partnership, by cooperation, bycomplementing and by distributing roles and duties, accordingto measures of ability and capacity, in a framework of morality,decency,parityintreatmentandmutualrespect,whichexistwithintheparametersspecifiedbytheSharia,andwhicharefarfrompettycontradictions,competitionandsuperficialconflict.Furthermore, itshouldbenoted that the fruitsof human life arenobler andmorepreciousthananymaterialcommodity;and,thatthesefruitsdeserveatruemotherhoodtocareforitandraiseit,contentedandcomforted.Andthemotherwillcontinue–withhermessageofhumanityandinher raising and rearing of generations – to occupy the position ofhighesthonorandthepositionofgreatestimportanceinsociety.169

ThisreformdocumentrevealssignificantprogressinthevisionoftheMuslimBrotherhoodandtheIAFpertainingtowomen’sissues;indeed, they reconcile their theoreticaloptions in far clearer termsthaninpreviouseras.

This conclusion is confirmed by Arwa al-Kilani, the head of thewomen’ssector intheIAF,whoseesthatthepastdominanceofastrict, conservativevisionwith regard to thewomanhasbegun toyieldandtobalanceitsposturewithregardtomanyissuesthataffectwomen inside the Islamic movement – despite certain incidents,suchastheparty’sconferenceoftheGeneralAssemblyinDecember2001,whichincludedawordfromthewomen’ssector.Thespeech

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facedsomeopposition frommembers,who rejected the ideaofawoman speaking before a public gathering of men, and some ofthosememberswithdrewfromthehallledbyDr.AbuFares.170

DespitethedifficultiesIslamicwomenactivistsencounteredintheIAFduring theparty’s fledgling stages, theyhavemaintained theirpresenceintheparty’sShuracouncilandintheGeneralAssemblyinwhich,today,womenrepresent10%ofthemembership.

WomenactiveintheIslamicActionFrontmaintainthatthesuccessofwomenbreaking into theranksof theparty’sShuracouncilhasimproved, beginning with one woman, then two and reaching six.Indeed,inthelastShuracouncilelections,ninewomengainedseatsinthe120membercouncil.

ArwaKilaniseesthisrepresentationinthecouncilasreflectingthe10%representation(ofwomen)intheparty’sGeneralAssembly.Ontheotherhand,sheattributestheabsenceofwomenintheparty’sExecutive Office to the special circumstances of women, and nottoanyparticularbanby themen in theparty. Indeed,sheassertsthatthepartyencourageswomentoaimforthehighestranksintheparty’shierarchy.171

Islamicwomanactivistshaveslowly,butsteadily,beguntomakeprogress in the ranks of the Muslim Brotherhood and the IslamicAction Front. They have managed, in a very short period of time,to establish an active women’s movement that has penetrated allsectorsofthepoliticalarenaandJordaniancivilsociety.Despitetheirdelay inentering thepublic realm, theyhaveproved theypossessgreatawarenessandaremorethancapableoftheirresponsibilitiesintheentirerangeofwomen’sissues.Indeed,itiscommonknowledgethatIslamistwomendidnotenter,inanydirectmanner,thepoliticalarena until the 1990s; and that, up until then, the participation ofJordanian women was monopolized by the nationalist, leftist andliberal movements or the elite and upper classes of society, whoarecloselyalliedtothestate.Moreover,laws,statepolicy,thetribalsocialstructureandtheconservative, religiousattitudeofSalafistshave all contributed to curbing and limiting the involvement ofwomen inpolitical life. Indeed,between1950and1957, the focus

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of women’s activism was limited to general issues of nationalismandthePalestiniancause;evenintermsoftheseissues,women’sparticipation in political parties was confined to campaigning forthe party, attending rallies, distributing pamphlets and organizingdemonstrations.172

Equalitywithmenintermsofpoliticalrightswasnotpartofthesewomen’s program; however, steady appeals and demands finallysucceeded ingettingwomen the right tovote.TheArabWomen’sUnion,establishedin1954,submittedadraftproposaltoamendtheelectorallaw,whichwaslaterapprovedbythecabinetin1955.Thelawgavetherighttovotetowomenwhohadaminimumofaprimaryschooleducation;therebydenyingilliteratewomenbutnotilliteratementhatright.173

Thislawwasaflagrantdiscriminationagainstwomenandaclearderogation of her rights, which deepened the gap between whatwas stipulated in the constitution and what was legislated by thelegislatureandgovernments.ThetextoftheJordanianconstitutionof 1952 clearly stipulates that men and women are equal in theirrightsandduties.Furthermore,thefirstitemofArticle22statesthateveryJordanianhastherighttoholdanypublicoffice,accordingtoconditionsstatedinthelawandinstateregulations.174

Women in Jordan would wait until 1974 to receive their fullconstitutional rights. This was a time when international pressurewithregardtogivingwomenalltheirrightsexistedallovertheworld.The international climate was further supported by a UN decisiondeclaringtheyear1975astheInternationalYearoftheWoman,underthebannerof“Equality,DevelopmentandPeace”.AroyaldecreewasissuedinJordanthatorderedtheelectorallawbeamendedtogiveallwomentherighttovoteandtobeelected,withoutanyconstraints;Inreality,however,thelawwasnotpracticallyenforceduntil1989.175

Indeed, it was not until the parliamentary elections of 1989 thatwomenwerereallyabletoexercisethatright.Twelvewomenwerenominatedoutof146candidatescompetingfor80seats.Thisnumberofwomenwasactuallysetbyanelectoralregulationthatsetaquotafor women’s participation to 2% of the nominees. The 12 women

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enteredtheelectoralbattleasindependents;theircampaignswerenot endorsedbyanyparty, organizationor evenwomen’sgroups;andnoneofthemwon.

The Muslim Brotherhood, and other Islamic movements, forthatmatter,didnotnominateanywomencandidates for the1989elections.However, this election tookplaceprior to the IAFbeingestablished,beforethewomen’scommitteesbegantoappearwithinthe movement of the Muslim Brotherhood, and at a time when astrict,religiousdoctrinalideologyagainstwomen’sparticipationstillexistedinIslamicmovements.

Again, during the 1993 elections, which took place after theenactmentofthe1992PartyLaw,andinwhichtheIAFparticipated,only three women were nominated out of 550 candidates. Thesenominationsalsotookplaceunderanewelectorallawthatadoptedthe system of “one person, one vote”, which replaced the law ofproportional representationand representationbydistrict. In theseelections,theIAFdidnotnominateanywomen.

During these elections, Toujan Faisal won and became the firstwomaninthehistoryofJordantobecomeamemberoftheJordanianparliament. However, this victory was not achieved based on theprincipleofcompetition (betweenherandothermenandwomen);shewondue to thevotesof theChechensandCircassians in the3rddistrict inAmman [ToujanFaisalbeingofCircassianorigin,andthe3rddistricthavingahighproportionofChechenandCircassianresidents].176

In the 1997 elections, 17 women were nominated out of 561candidates.However,nonewouldwindespitewomen’scommitteesorganizingandcoordinatingwitheachother in theelectoraleffort,undertheumbrellaoftheJordanianCoordinationCommitteeforNon-GovernmentalOrganizations,whoseobjectivewastobringwomenintothelegislature.Theireffortswerenotsuccessful.

However,inMarch2001,ininterimelectionstofillavacantseatafterthedeathofoneofthemembersofthe13thparliament,awomanwas

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electedbythemembersofparliament;thatis,notthroughapopularelectionforthatseat.177

It should be noted that the IAF and the Muslim Brotherhoodboycottedthe1997electionsinprotestofthenewelectorallaw(‘oneman,onevote’),whichthegroupsawasunfairlytargetingthem,aswellasinprotestofJordan’speaceinitiativewithIsraelin1994.

In 2003, elections took place after parliamentary life had beensuspended for a period of two years; these were also the firstelectionstobeheldunderthenewlyinstatedKingAbdullahII,andinwhichthenumberofparliamentaryseatswereincreasedfrom80to110seats.ThiselectionresultedinavictoryfortheIAF,whowon17seatsinparliament.

Parliamentaryelectionshadbeensuspendedduetotheprevailinginternalandexternalconditionsatthattime,whichincludedtheonsetofthesecondPalestinianUprising(Intifada),thethreatofwaronIraqaftertheeventsofSeptember11andtheU.S.declarationofwaronterror.Inthecontextoftheseconditionsandduetodomesticpoliticalchanges, thegovernment launchedanationalcampaignundertheslogan“JordanFirst”.Duringthiscampaign,thegovernmentformedaseriesofnationalcommitteesdelegatedtostrengtheningpoliticalparticipationinthecountry.

OneofthemostimportantofthesecommitteeswastheWomen’sCommittee,whosemaingoalwas tosupportpragmaticmeasuresdesignedtopromoteandstrengthenwomen’spoliticalparticipation.This committee’s work resulted in the legislation of yet anotherelectoral law, which not only amended the number of seats inparliamentbutdidsoaccordingtoaquotasystemthatallocatedsixparliamentaryseatsforwomen.

The2003electionswereheldinthecontextofover200temporarylawsthatwere issuedduringtheperiodofmorethantwoyearsofsuspendedparliamentary life.Among these ‘temporary’ lawswereamendments made to laws pertaining to women, retirement, civiclawsandcitizenship.Withregardto improvingtherightsand legalstatus of women, amendments made to the Personal Status Law

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madekhale’(thewoman’srighttoterminateamarriage,orawoman’srighttodivorce)legal,andraisedthelegalageformarriagefrom15yearsofageto18forfemales.

760 candidates ran in these elections, among them 54 women.Hayatal-Mesami,anIAFcandidatefromtheZarqamunicipality,won,ranking4thamong90candidates in thatarea.Luckdidnotgoherway, though,as shedidnotwincompetitively inherprecinct (butratheronthebasisofthequota);andthedifferencebetweenherandtheotherwinningcandidatewasonly51votes.178

Theseelectionsdidnotresultinanyvictoriesforfemalecandidatesoutsidetheframeworkoftheestablishedquota.And,althoughtheIAF had originally objected to the quota system, their only femalecandidatewhowonwouldnothavesucceededifitwerenotforthequota.

Inthemeantime,alsoduringthisperiod,therelationshipbetweenthe Muslim Brotherhood and the IAF, on the one hand, and thegovernment, on the other, was undergoing major developments,which led to a deterioration in the relationship between the twosides. Tensions had been escalating between the two sides sincethe1990s–aperiodthatincludedtheJordanianeconomiccrisisof1989,structuralchangesininternationalrelationsafterthecollapseoftheSovietUnion,andtheemergenceofauni-polarworldledbytheUnitedStates.Thetensionswereintensifiedbyaninflamedandunstableclimate intheregionthatculminatedintheoccupationofKuwaitbyIraq,theinterventionbytheUnitedStatesthatledtotheSecondGulfWar(sometimescalledthePersianGulfWarorFirstGulfWar)in1991,andthestartofathirdwaveofdemocratization,whichsweptacrossmanycountriesintheregionandintheworld.

With the Muslim Brotherhood winning 22 seats in the 1989parliamentary elections, the movement began to emerge as asignificantoppositiongroup.Indeed,theMuslimBrotherhoodpartookinthe1991coalitiongovernmentofMudarBadranwithfiveministerial(cabinet)posts–aparticipationthatwouldlaterleadtoatragicshiftin the relationship between the regime and the Brotherhood; thisgovernment was formed in a context where the Jordanian regime

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wassufferingfromisolationintheregionaftertheSecondGulfWar(1991),andwheretheMadridpeacenegotiationsrepresentedawayoutforJordanfromitsisolation.

ThismajorshiftintheJordanianregime’sforeignpolicycoincidedwith another substantive shift in domestic politics –a shift thatparticularlyconcernedtherelationshipbetweentheregimeandtheMuslim Brotherhood –, which was epitomized by the movement’ssingularlyuniquepopularityafter foundingthe IslamicActionFrontin1992.

ConflictsbegantoeruptbetweentheregimeandtheBrotherhoodwith thebeginningofpeacenegotiations (with Israel) in1991.Thegapfurtherintensifiedwiththepassingofthe“oneman,onevote”electorallaw,whichtheBrotherhoodsawasalawthatwasdesignedto limitand reduce theirparliamentary representation–ameasuretheyfeltwasintendedtocurbtheirabilitytoblocktheratificationofthependingpeace treaty,whichwassignedandbecamea realitybetweenJordanandIsraelin1994.Thepeacetreatywasratifiedbythe12thparliament,whosememberswereelectedin1993underthenewelectorallaw.

ThenewofficialpolicytowardstheBrotherhoodwasnotlimitedtotheelectorallaw,butratherextendedtoobstructingthemovement’sactivitiesandinvolvementinuniversitiesandinofficialstateinstitutions.This was followed by a series of laws, which many analysts andobserversconsideredasconfirmationthatthedemocraticprocessinJordanwasontheretreatandcivilfreedomswereregressing.

AllthesecircumstancescombinedledtheMuslimBrotherhoodtoboycottthe1997parliamentaryelections.Astatementpublishedbythemovement,entitled”WhyWeBoycotted”,includedprotestationsagainst the reversal in the democratic process and the deliberatetargetingofthemovement’sroleinpoliticalandpubliclife.

These tensions had a major impact on both the IAF and theBrotherhood and on all their members, male and female alike inso far as the 1997 parliamentary elections took place without theparticipationoftheBrotherhoodandtheIAF,aswellasseveralother

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oppositionpartiesinthecountry,whichalsoboycottedtheelections.The schism and conflict between the state and the BrotherhoodcontinueduntilthedeathofKingHusseinin1999andKingAbdullahIItookoverthethrone.

WiththearrivalofKingAbdullahII,anewpagewasturnedintherelationshipbetweentheregimeandtheBrotherhood.Thechannelsof political dialogue between the two sides remained to preventtensionsfromreachingembarrassinglyawkwardlevels.Inreturn,theBrotherhoodrestraineditsmembersfromparticipatinginsubsequentconfrontations with the state’s security apparatus, such as theprotestsof1996inthesouthandinseveraluniversitiesagainsttheeconomicrestructuringpolicy,which,atthattime, ledtoasuddenincrease inthepriceofbasicstaplesandgoods.TheBrotherhoodlimited itself to anabsolute minimum participation in theprotests,contrary to leftist and nationalist camps, who participated in fullforce. Indeed,several factorswouldplayamajor role inredrawingthetermsoftherelationshipbetweenthenewKingAbdullahIIandtheMuslimBrotherhood.

Thisperiodoftransition(inpower)createdasortofpoliticalvacuumthatallowedthecountry’ssecurityservicestotakeonamoredefinitiveandpowerfulroleinthemicromanagementofinternalaffairs.Oneofthe results of this new condition led to a strategic transformationin the relationship between the regime and the movement, whichculminatedintheexpulsionoftheleadershipoftheHamasmovementfromJordan in1999.Thiswasaclearmessageabout theshiftingterms in the strained relationship. From this point forth, tensionswouldoscillatebetweenescalationandretreat.

Hamas’landslidevictoryinthePalestinianelectionsinearly2006addedtothealreadytensesituation,andrepresentedanadditionalfactorthatexasperatedthealreadystrainedrelationshipbetweentheBrotherhood and the Jordanian regime. The tensions escalated tounprecedentedlevelsandthestateofaffairsbetweenthetwosidesthreatenedtoleadtoaproverbialdivorce.

Finally,thechoiceofamanconsideredacloseallyofHamas,ZakiBenRashid,asSecretaryGeneraloftheIAFinMarchof2006,was

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perceivedasanopenthreatbytheregime.Thecrisisbetweenthetwosidesfurtherescalatedwhenthegovernmentstruckat theMuslimBrotherhood’s“IslamicCharityCenter”onthepretextthattherewasfinancialandmanagerialcorruptioninthecharitableassociation.Thepoliticalmotive for thismoveby thegovernmentwas tooobvioustohideas the interventionwasobviouslyconnected to thestate’sconviction that the center was a major source of funding for theBrotherhood,arecruitmentbeehiveandamajorbaseforincreasingthemovement’spopularsupport.179

TheBrotherhoodnominated26candidatesinthe2007elections,including two women. However, only six of the Brotherhood’scandidate won; and neither of their female candidates made it toparliament.Furthermore,thislosstookplaceinthemidstofaclimateofsuspicionabouttheelectionresultsandopenaccusationsoffraudandfoul-play.180

Municipalelectionswereheldinthesameyear–tonote,womenweregrantedtherighttovoteandtobeelectedinmunicipalandvillagecouncilsin1982.Sincethenanduntil1995,womenparticipatedinmunicipalelectionsasvoters,butnotascandidates.

Bytradition,municipalitiesandvillagecouncilshavealwaysbeenan exclusively male domain. However, 1994 proved an importantturningpointforwomen,intermsoftheirparticipationatthemunicipallevel. The cabinet agreed to appoint 99 women to the municipalcommitteesthatorganizedandsupervisedmunicipalelectionsandtheelectionofmayors.In1995,the“NetworkofJordanianWomen’sCommittees” was established to supervise and to implementthe cabinet decision (to encourage women’s participation at themunicipal level).Consequently, 20womenwerenominated for the1995municipalelections–whichrepresentedaturningpointinthehistoryofmunicipalelectionsinJordan.Onewomancandidatewasactually elected mayor of her municipality and nine women wonseatsinmunicipalcouncils.Later,23womenwereappointedtoothermunicipalcouncils.

Inthemunicipalelectionsof1999,43womenwerenominatedascandidates,eightwonand25wereappointedlater.TheIAFdidnotput

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forwardanyfemalecandidatesinthe1999elections.Inthemeantime,theIAFandotheroppositiongroupsactuallyboycottedtheelectionsof 2003 in protest of an amendment to the municipality law thatgrantedthegovernmenttherighttoappoint50%ofmunicipalcouncilmembers.Duringtheseelections(2003),46womenparticipatedascandidates in35municipalitiescovering12provinces;fivewomenwon and 94 women were appointed (making up 27% of the totalcouncilmembersappointedbythestate).181

Inthemostrecentmunicipalelectionsin2007,theIAFnominatedtwowomenascandidates.However,theseelectionspresentedamorethanawkwardmomentbetweenthestateandtheBrotherhoodandtheIAF.Thelatterwithdrewtheircandidatesjusthoursafterballotingbeganinprotestofelectoralfraudthat,intheirview,exceededanyacceptablelimits.182

ThefirmconvictionamongIslamicwomenactivists,whichparalleledthatofthemales,thattherewasadeliberateplanbythegovernmenttorestrictandlimittheexpansionoftheBrotherhood’sparticipation(whethermaleorfemale)inthepoliticalandpublicdomain,wasbornoutofthesebitterexperiences

Despite the fact that Arwa Kilani acknowledges the importanceof women’s involvement in the political arena, she stresses thatadvocating Islam and social work through civil society and civilinstitutionswasmoreproductiveinlightoftheprevailingauthoritarianpolitical mentality, which operates according to the principle ofmarginalization rather than participation. She further states thatthispoliticalenvironmentisoneofthemostimportantreasonswhywomen have been precluded from participating in political andpartisanlife,asfearisanotherobstacletopoliticalefficacy.Sheaddsthatharassmentissystematicandnotlimitedtothepoliticaldomain,butratheralsoextendstocivilsocietyandcivicactivities.183

The Muslim Brotherhood and IAF have a clear stand on twocontroversial issues pertaining to women that have been widelydebated in Jordan: ‘Honor crimes’ and amendments in legislationconcerninghonorcrimes,and “legalizedkhale’“(thewoman’s righttodivorce).Anintensedebatehastakenplacewithregardto‘honor

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crimes’ and the amendments in the legislation concerning honorcrimes between conflicting parties; those who support or oppose(bothsidesvehemently)LawNo.340oftheJordanianPenalCode,which allows for mitigated acquittals or reduced sentences for amuharam (man forbidden toawoman inmarriage)whohaskilled,harmed or maimed his wife, sister or mother caught in the act offornicationoradultery (orsinsdealingwithsexual relationsrelatedthereoftothe‘honor’ofthefamily).

Indeed,with regard to these two issues,membersofparliament(MPs),andamongthem17IslamistMPs,rejectedPersonalStatus(Code)LawNo.82of2001becauseitincludedprovisionsforsettingthelegalageofmarriageandthewomen’srighttodivorce(khale’).Inaddition,theyalsorejectedthePenalCodeLawNo.86of2001,which stipulated amendments to Law No. 340 of the Penal Codedealing with honor crimes. These MPs consider these laws ascontradicting IslamicSharia,aswellasthecustomsandtraditionsof Jordanian society. They see these amendments as detrimentaltoJordan’ssocialfabricandtosocialrelationsbetweenindividualsand family.SomeMPsevenconsider these lawsascausingmoredamagethannot,especiallyastheyhavealreadystirredupsomuchcontroversy among the masses and in society. And subsequently,through an alliance between the Islamic and conservative MPs, amajoritywascreatedinparliamenttooverturnthesetwolaws,whichthe government had endorsed during the parliament’s period ofabsence.

The Personal Status (Code) Law (82) on khale’ gave the womanthe right to divorce, while Penal Code Law (86) cancelled the lawthat allowed those who committed ‘honor crimes’ to benefit fromreducedsentences.Islamistsjustifiedtheirpositiononthekhale’ lawbyclaimingthatitdestroysfamiliesandpromotesthebreakdownofsociety.184

IAF activist Umayma al-Akhras points out that these ideas andissues come to Jordanian society by way of a western agendabuilt on western feminist philosophies, which do not respect theculturalspecificitiesofothersocieties,nottomentionthatJordaniansocietyhascustomsandtraditionsthatdifferfromothersocieties.In

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addition,shestatesthatalthoughtheseproblemsdooccuranddohaveapresenceinMuslimsociety,itisIslamicShariathatshouldbeusedtojudgeandtolitigatewhenitcomestoissuesofvaluesandmorality.TheSharia, initself,providesthespaceforlegislationandprecedence,whichevaluatesonthebasisofwhatisforthegreatergoodofsocietyandprotectssocietyfromevil.185

Anothermatterthatthe IAFtakes issuewith isthequotasystem(forexample,quotasonseats inparliament).Theyclaimthatsuchsystems are a discriminatory practice with regard to women. Theonlyreasontheyagreedtothequotawasbecauseitwasplacedasatemporarymeasureandnotestablishedaslaw.186

YoungwomenwhoareIslamicactivistsalsoparticipateinstudentmovements inJordan’suniversities. Indeed, theroleof theMuslimBrotherhood’s student activities in academic settings experiencedmajor changes in the mid-1970s, after several Muslim Brothers(students) won a majority in Jordan University’s Student Councilelections in the lastsemesterof1975.ThevictorywascappedbyastudentmemberoftheBrotherhoodwinningthepostofStudentCouncil President. Since that time, the Muslim Brotherhood hasparticipated in student council elections in universities throughoutthe kingdom. Furthermore, and also since the 1970s, they havemanagedtodominateallthestudentcouncilsandassociationsinthecollegesofSharia inallthecountry’suniversities.Indeed,sincethemid-1980s,theirpresencehasspreadtoallthestudentcouncilsandorganizationsthatwereoncemonopolizedbyleftistmovements.

In fact, leadershipof Jordanian student movementshasbeen inthehandsofMuslimBrotherhoodstudentssincethelate1980s,withthemovementseizingcontrolofalmostallthestudentassociationsinthecountry,andevenledtheCoordinationCommitteeofStudentAssociationsatJordanUniversityfrom1987to1989.

Moreover, since 1990, the popularity of the Muslim Brotherhoodhas increased among the general student body in Jordan in anunprecedented way. In 1990, students of the Muslim Brotherhoodwon the majority of seats in the Administrative Committee for theGeneral Union of Students in Jordan. Later, it gained control of

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the Executive Committee of the General Union, which drafted theunion’sconstitution.In1992,thisExecutiveCommitteecametoanagreementwiththeuniversity’sadministrationtoestablishunionsinall theseparatedepartments, inwhich,again, theywoncontrolbywinningover80%oftheseatsofthesmallerunions.Furthermore,itwasstudentsoftheMuslimBrotherhoodwhoproposedestablishinganAlumnaeBoardfortheGeneralUnion.By1998,thegovernmentstepped in to restrict thecontrolof theBrotherhoodoverall theseunions, committees and associations by requiring the university’sadministrationtochangethewayelectionswereheldatuniversitiestocorrespondtothe‘oneperson,onevote’principle,aswell.ThisperiodwasrepletewithwavesofarrestsofstudentmembersoftheBrotherhoodduringpoliticalactivities,protestsandanyotherformofovertoppositionactivity.FemalestudentsfromthemovementstronglycontributedtothecontroltheBrotherhoodsuccessfullygainedinthestudentunionsandassociationsinacademicenvironments.187

Female presence is also quite significant in professionalassociations,withthenumberofwomeninprofessionalassociationsreaching21,259outofatotalof98,353members,or21.6%oftotalmembership.

The main professional associations of Jordan were establishedin the1950swhenJordan’s lawyers,dentists, journalists,doctors,pharmacists and engineers all formed their own professionalassociations.Bythelate1960sandearly1970sagriculturalengineers,veterinarians,geologists,nurses,midwivesandcontractorshadalsoformedtheirownprofessionalassociations.

As was the case with student unions and associations, theMuslimBrotherhoodbegantopenetratethehistoricalmonopolyofJordan’sprofessionalassociationsbysecularnationalistsandleftistmovementsinthe1980s.188

The participation of Islamist women in many of these unionstodayisconsideredexceptionalandveryeffective,especiallyintheUnionofEngineersandintheAgricultureAssociation.Forexample,IslamistwomeninthecommitteeofFemaleEngineers’AffairsintheJordanEngineersAssociationorganizemanyactivities forwomen,

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andcoordinatewithseveralcivilsocietyorganizationsthatarecloseto the Muslim Brotherhood, such as the Charitable Association of Virtue,forexample,withwhichthecommitteerecentlyorganizedapubliclaunchforthebook“TheFamilyCharterinIslam”.189

Furthermore, women enjoy a large presence in a number ofnon-profit associations and organizations close to the MuslimBrotherhood, such as the aforementioned Charitable Association of Virtue,whichwasestablishedin1992.Throughthisassociation,Islamistwomenareintenselyactiveinorganizinglectures,seminars,conferences and the publication of books and pamphlets, whicheducate women about their rights as stipulated by Islamic law. InJuneof2008,theyorganizedaconferenceentitledthe“ConferenceonFamily:TheFortressofValuesandIdentity”,which,accordingtoDr.Isahac(Isaac)al-Farhan,wasimpededandpostponedmorethanonceduetogovernmentalinterference,similartothatwhichaffectsotheractivitiesoftheBrotherhoodandthosecloselyalliedtoit.190

Indeed,Islamicwomenactivistsparticipateinavarietyofcharitableandcivilorganizations.TheAssociation for thePreservationof theHolyQuran,establishedin1992, isconsideredasoneofthemostimportantexamplesoftheirorganizations.InthecityofAmmanalonethereare60ofthesewomen’scenters.OtherbranchesexistinalloftheothermajorcitiesandprovincesinJordan,totalingalmost400innumber.191

Islamist women are also very active in working on developingthemodelof the IslamicActionFront’s (Islamic) framework for theliberationofwomen–that,intheiropinion,goesfurtherthanWesternfeministliberationideologybyfocusingonamoraldimensionwithinaframeworkofa‘collective’Islamicphilosophy.Thisphilosophygivesparamountimportancetothecommunityandtheummaratherthantheindividual,whichinturn,isthecoreofWesternfeministphilosophy.Indeed,atthecoreoftheIslamicfeministliberationphilosophyistheconceptofthefamilyasthecenterofproductionforsociety’svaluesandasthefortressofIslamicidentity.

Accordingto thisvision, theWeststrengthens itshegemonyandcontrolover theMuslimworldby targeting itscore,or theMuslim

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family,bycorruptingitandchangingitsroleinsociety.Dr.Abdel-LatifArabiyatelaboratesonthisviewbysaying:“TheWesthasconsistentlyworkedatstrengtheningitspresenceinandcontrolovertheArabandMuslimworldbyusingallmeansattheirdisposal...military,economicandpolitical.Initsmission,it[theWest]hasfocusedspecialattentionon the mentality and social fabric of society and, in particular, onwomen, the familyandyouth,whichhashadaprofound influenceonthefamily.TheWest implements itsmissionthrough itsstudiesand largeconferences,andbyallocatinga tremendousamountofresourcesandmoneytomanipulatetargetedcommunitiestowardsits(theWest’s)ownobjectivesandinterests;objectivesthataimtotightenthenooseofcolonizationovertheregionandotherpartsoftheworld.Bymanipulatingthesecommunitiestoadoptitscivilizationanditsvaluesystem,itconsolidatesthefoundationofitstotalitarianpresence.Ithasalsocreatedalltheseinternationalorganizationsandinstitutionstohelpitachievetheseobjectives,withmanyinternationalconferencesbeingheldallovertheworldthatfocusontheissueofthe family– thenotion,structureandroleof the family–,which isnothingbutanothermeansofculturaldomination,hegemony,andamanipulationofthevaluesoftheMuslimArabfamily.”192

Dr.Abdel-Latifunderlinesthenecessityofbeingacutelyawareandwary of Western feminist notions such as “gender”, and warns oftheirdangersandtheirambiguity.Hewarnsof“thesefierceattackstargeting the institutionof the family; theseattempts todislodge itfrom itsplaceat thecoreofourcivilsociety;and, theseefforts toreplace it with other social norms… One of the methods used intheseattacksisadopting(andtryingtoconvinceustoadopt)newambiguousconceptsandtermsintroducedbynumerousinternationalconferences – terms thatwerepreviouslyunknownandwhicharemaliciouslychosentofacilitatetheiruseandtheirbeingpassedontous–;andoneofthesetermsistheterm‘gender’.”193

Within the context of these ‘international conferences targetingwomen’sissues’,whicharesoregularlyconvened,Dr.MohammadAbuFarescommentsontheBeijingConference:“Thecommandersofcorruptionandofcorrupting,sospecializedincorruptingwomen,have established committees for women in countries and nationsallovertheworld,thatmarchtoadeliberateandcalculatedpolicy,

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claiming that the woman is unjustly treated and oppressed, herfreedoms restricted; and thus, she must be liberated of all moralvaluesandvirtues,toliveinaswampofstagnationtofacilitatehercorruptionand, thus, thecorruptionof thenextgenerations... TheInternationalConferenceonWomeninBeijingisjustoneexampleofthemanyfacesoftheseactivitiestakingplaceonthe internationallevel…withitsnumberofsessionsforwritingthelinesofthisfabledhistoryreaching51!”194

However, this view on the nature of international conferences,movements, conventions and agreements on women, which themovementbelievesharborradicalfeministagendasandmaywellbeconnectedwithpoliticalagendasofhegemonyanddomination,doesnotmeanthattheyareanabsoluteevil.Arwaal-KilaniandUmaymaal-Akhras,twooftheleadingwomenmembersoftheIAF,findthatsome of the issues and cases highlighted in international forumsare proper and positive, and need to be addressed or supported;meanwhile, they maintain the right to ensure that they are free todenouncenegativeoutcomes.Thetwowomenpointtothefactthatwhile there are some universal values shared by the world, at thesametime,thereareculturalspecificitiesthatmustberespected.

ItcanbesaidthatIslamicwomenactivistsintheIAF,andinothercivilsocietyorganizationsclosetotheparty,havebeguntoperformavery importantroleandfunctionwithintheparty framework.Thepartyand theseorganizations,and theworkofwomenactivists inthem,haveexpandedintheirfunctionsbeyondsimplyestablishingbranches specialized for women. Consequently, women havebegun to demand a larger role within the party – according totheir own comprehensive and complete vision, which opposes, atits core, Western feminist ideologies and establishes an Islamicideological framework for women’s rights, consistent with Islamicvalues. Inaddition, it contributes to serving thecauseof Islam, ingeneral. The women of the IAF have even begun the groundworkforacomprehensiveprojectthatwillencompassateamofwomen,whowillcoordinatewithotherIslamicwomenactivistswhoarenotmembersoftheIAF.Thisprojectisentitled“LiberatedWomen”andtriestodefineanIslamicfeministphilosophyandmethodology,thecoremissionofwhichistoeducateandtoraiseawarenessofwomen

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ontheirlegitimaterightsunderIslamicLaw,ortheSharia.195

Frominterviewsconductedforthisstudy, ithasemergedthat, ingeneral,IslamicwomenactivistshavebeguntoinitiatenewmodelsforpoliticalactivismwithintheframeworkofIslam,andwithintheirowndefinitionoffeminism.TheseIslamicwomenactivistsproducean image diametrically opposed to the stereotype that WesternOrientalistsandradical feministshavebrandedthemwith. Islamistwomen are totally confident in their ability to renew themodesofthoughtanddeliberationwithintheIslamicexperienceandexchangeofexperience;theyaremorethanconfidentthattheywillbeagentsofchangethatwillmakeasignificantimpactanddifferenceintheirsociety,duetotheirabilitytocommunicatewithandreachthemassesandwidesegmentsofwomeninsociety–ranksofwomenthatthesecularfeminists,withtheirelitistnuancesandtheirassociationwithWesternagendas,havefailedtopenetrateallthesedecades.

It isevident that theMuslimBrotherhoodand the IslamicActionFronthavebeguntosignificantlyreviewandreconsidertheirpositionwith regard to women, their rights and their participation. Afterdecadesofresistancetochange,womenhavebecomeanintegralpartofthemovement’sideologicalvisionandasignificantfactorintermsoftheirpragmaticworkandpracticalprograms.Perhapstheirengagementinthedemocraticprocessandtheirneedforwomen’svotes in elections and their faith in women’s ability to mobilize,organize, recruit and make a difference have contributed to thisconsiderablereconsiderationoftheroleofwomen.Toattesttothisfact,Arwaal-KilaninotesthattheIAFgot70%ofthewomen’svoteinthe2003parliamentaryelections.

Nevertheless, Islamic women activists affirm that progress inthe course of achieving their equality and their rights as womenis the mission of women, themselves, first and foremost. Despitethe infancy of the experience of Islamist woman’s participation inJordan,sheismakinggreatstridesthatpointtoprofoundchangesandtransformationsinthefutureofpoliticalIslamandinthefutureofIslamicmovements.

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The Muslim Center PartyTheMuslimCenterPartyisconsideredasarelativelynascentparty

as itwasonlyestablished in2001.Therationaleforsettingupthepartywasdevelopedwithintheframeworkofanattempttoconstructaparallel lineofpolitical Islam to thatof theMuslimBrotherhood.ThereasoningthatledtoestablishingthepartywasbornofcertainobjectionstoandreservationsaboutthewaytheMuslimBrotherhoodand the IslamicActionFront (IAF)work. Itwasalsoanattempt tobuildamoderateorcenterpoliticalpartyinJordanthatpracticesapoliticalIslambutdoesnotconductmissionaryworkoradvocacyatthegrassrootslevel.

ThepeoplewhooriginallydevelopedtheideadidnotseethepartyasanattempttocompetewiththeBrotherhoodoractasanalternativetotheBrotherhood.However,itwasfoundedatatimethatcoincidedwithaperiodofinternaldisputewithintheBrotherhoodandtheIAFontheissueofboycottingthe1997parliamentaryelections.Indeed,thebasicrationaleoftheMuslimCenterPartywastocreateawiderfrontandspaceforindependentIslamistsandotherdiversepersonalities,andtocompensatefortheMuslimBrotherhood’shegemonyovertheIAFandtheunilateralisminitsdecision-makingprocess.

Thepartywassuccessfulinitsearlierstagesbutlaterwouldsufferaseriesofsetbacks that resulted inagreatnumberof theparty’sfoundersleaving.Thepretextforthesedisenchantedmemberswasthat thepartywasdiverting from itsoriginalcourseofactingasaconstitutionally-based and Islamic political party that believed inJordanian national principles, and of practicing politics within theofficial state framework, but not of becoming associated or alliedwiththegovernment.196

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Nawalal-Faouriexplainsthatthepartywasestablishedbasedontheneed for theexistenceofaparty thatcombined ideologywithpragmatic curricula and programs, which is what was missing inthe Brotherhood and in the Islamic Action Front. She says: “TheMuslimCenterPartywasnotestablishedbecauseofadisagreementor conflict, but rather because of the conviction of the foundersthat there is a societal need for aparty that combines ideologicalreferences with practical application in its programs. This kind ofplatform cannot materialize except through a political, partisaninstitutionwithalegalstructureandlegitimatepresencethatpermitsittoimplementitsprogram,inallitsforms,andtoremainattunedtothepulseofthestreetandbesensitivetotheneedsofthepeople.Furthermore,thepartywasestablishedtocontributetothepopularespousalofdemocraticprocessesandvalues,sothattheconvictionisborninthepublicofthepragmatismoftheparty’sprogramsanditscompatibilitywithpopularopinion.”197

Indeed,theaccusationthatthepartywaslinkedtothegovernmentrequiredmembers tomakeamajoreffort toclarify tootherswhatexactlywasthenatureoftherelationshipbetweenthetwo.Whatwasit?Anoppositionpartyoranallyofthegovernment?

Dr.HayelAbdelHafez,whopreviouslyoccupiedthepostofVicePresident of the party’s Political Bureau, underlines that, “We area Jordanian political party that is based on an Islamic school ofthoughtandsuchclassifications(ofbeingornotbeingalliedtothegovernment)donotgovernus.WhatgovernsusisapragmaticvisionbasedontheShariaandonwhatwebelieve isbestforJordan. Incertainissues,wemaybeinoppositiontothegovernment;inothers,wehavenoproblemsupportingthegovernment.”198

Thepartyphilosophy isbasedonasetofpillars founded in theprinciples that: It is a party referenced in Islam, which situatesitself in the political center; is orthodox in its Islamic theology; ischaracterizedbyitsrespectfortheuniquenessofIslam;believesthatthepoliticalcenter isan intellectualapproachtopoliticsthatgivesrisetomoderationandtobehavingfairlytowardsoneselfandothers,withoutchauvinismandwithoutextremism.

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In their view, the political center is created: By establishing abalance between the legislative, executive and judicial branchesof the state; by renewing discourse and modernizing reality byreturningtotheauthenticreferencesoftheHadith;bymodernizingwhat isproper in intellect andpractice;by keepinganopenmindandgettingtoknowothersonthebasisofrespectingthediversityandpluralityofhumankind;byusingdialogueanddebatetosolvedifferences;byconsideringcitizenshipasthecornerstoneforhealthysocialrelationswithinIslamicsocietiesandwithnon-Muslims;and,by creating a vibrant, healthy public life by making political workpartofunderstandingIslam–as Islamistheofficial religionof thestate. The duty of the party is seen as: Cleansing the country oflaws that contradict Islamicmorality andethics; strengthening themechanisms needed for achieving transparency, accountability,freedom,responsibility,justiceandeconomicdevelopment;resolvingimbalances;and,adoptingShariaasthedefinitivereference,whichisnotjustaspiritualcensor,acustodianofconscienceandareligiousbelief,butratheravaluesystem,areferenceandasetofcriteriathatservesasaguideforpeopletoleadagoodandrighteouslife.199

The Muslim Center Party’s intellectual and political orientationrisesoutofasetofprinciplesthataresummarizedinthestatement“Islamisfaithandawayoflife”,bytransformingthisbasicprincipleintoplansandprograms,andbyparticipatinginalleffortsthatarechanneled toward the nation’s best interests. Moreover, the partyalsobelievesthat:Allcitizenshavethesamerightsand,thus,havethesameresponsibilities;astrongJordanisthebrickforbuildingthenation;thePalestiniancauseisthecentralpoliticalissueandpriorityforall(ArabsandMuslims);andthattheZionistthreatisamenacetoall(ArabsandMuslims),ingeneral,andJordan,inparticular.

The party seeks to partake in both the legislative and executiveauthority,andrejectstheuseofviolenceasaninstrumentofchange.It emphasizes the role of the woman and the importance of herparticipationinallspheresoflife.Italsoplacesemphasisontheroleofyouthandtheimportanceoftheireffectiveparticipation.ThepartyalsobelievesintheimportanceofArabandIslamiccooperationandthat Arabs and Muslims are complementary and interdependent.Finally,thepartybelievesintheimportanceofsecuringadignified,

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decentlifeforthecitizen.Itemphasizesthatallpoliticalreformshouldproceedfromaframeworkreferencedinthecountry’sfundamentalreligiousandhistoricalrootsandculturalspecificity.Itworkstoattainthe goal of the Islamic Sharia: To safeguard the human being, hisreligion, his mind, his honor, his dignity and his possessions. Thepartyworkstosupportfreedom,asit isabasictenetofIslamanda prerequisite for humanitarianism. In addition, it considers thepeacefultransferofpowerbymeansofballotasbeingproperandideal.Finally, thepartyworksondeveloping thehumanbeingandattendstohisreform–asthehumanbeingisthekeytochangeandthecornerstoneofchange.200

Theorganizationalstructureofthepartyiscomposedof:thepartyleadership;thePoliticalBureau,whichconsistsof11memberselectedbytheparty’sShuracouncilforatwo-yearterm;theShuraCouncil,whichconsistsof50memberselectedbytheGeneralAssemblyforafour-yearterm;andtheGeneralAssembly,whichincludesall themembersoftheparty;aswellasallthepartybranches,committees,thecabinetofexperts,thepartycentralcourtandcourtofappeal.201

Thepartyhas750members,including12women.The50-memberShuraCouncilhasfivewomen.Butnowomanhasyetbeenelectedtotheparty’sPoliticalBureau,thelastelectionsofwhichtookplaceon July 14, 2008, with Dr. Malek Mohammad al-Momani electedPresidentofthebureau.202

Theparty’sviewonwomen’sissuesandwomen’srightsisderivedfrom a comprehensive outlook on the Jordanian family and ofimprovingthesituationoftheJordanianfamily,ingeneral,bystrivingforandreinforcingsocialjusticeasaprinciple.Butthepartywarnsof being drawn towards the ways of the West and asks, instead,that lessonsare learned fromwhathashappened to it (the family)there(inWesternsociety).Indeed,theparty’svisionofsocialreformisexplainedasfollows:“Ourparty’svision(onsocialreform)stemsfromimprovingtheconditionsoftheJordanianfamily,basedontheprincipleofsocialjusticeandacomprehensiveoutlookwithregardtothefamily.Itisavisionrootedinstrengtheningthefamily,ensuringits cohesion and creating and maintaining a balance between itscomponentsanditsfunctions.Forthispurpose,weinsistthatlessons

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arelearnedfromwhathappenedtotheinstitutionofthefamilyintheWest, the relationshipsofwhichwerebuiltbetween individualsonabasisofconflictanddivision;where rights tookon thenatureofindependenceofindividualsfromoneanother,orareperceivedinthecontextofrestrictingoneanother.”203

Thepartysees that thecultureandrealityof thisageofdecline,ignoranceandbackwardnesshasweighedontheabilityof Islamicsocieties tounderstand thewisdomandprogressivenatureof theSharia,whichbroughtaboutagreatrevolutionintermsofwomen’srights.Indeed,forthepartytheprinciplethat“Women are but the full sisters of men”isattheheartoftheSharia.Thus,thepartyemphasizesthe need for genuine ijtihad (due diligence and deliberation inIslamicjurisprudence)andforconstantinnovation,whiletakingintoconsiderationtheeconomic,socialandculturaltransformationsanddevelopmentsthathavestrickenIslamicsocieties,andamongthemtheJordaniansociety.

Theparty’sviewisthatthewomanhasborneahistoricinjustice;thatshehassufferedmostfromtheepidemicofignorance,illiteracy,oppression, injustice and abuse; and from being deprived of therightsgiventoherundertheSharia;andofbeingdeniedofherrightsunderthelawandinsociety;andthatshehasbeenexploitedsociallyandeconomically.Subsequently,thepartyinsistsontheprincipleofstandingby thewoman, inapositiveandconstructivemanner, toovercomethishistoricbreachofjustice.Itbelievesintheprincipleofequalopportunitybetweenthetwosexesandthatbothdeservetoberewardedbasedontheireffortandmerit,andaccordingtotheirunique(human)natures,usingasareferencethetenetsofIslamanditshumanitarianprinciples.204

Theparty recognizes andcommends thepositivegains securedforthewomanintheWest–andseesthatthesegainshaveevolvedintoaseriesofinternationalconventionsandagreementsthataimtoeradicatethewiderangeofmanifestationsofdiscriminationagainstthewoman.However,thepartymakesitclearthatthisrecognitiondoesnotprecludethepartyfromexpressingitsreservationsaboutcertainphilosophicaland ideologicaldimensions,whichmaycontradictorconflictwiththeprovisionsoftheIslamicSharia,orwiththecentrality

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ofthefamilyinstitutionintheSharia;orthatmaycontradictorconflictwiththeculturalandsocialspecificitiesof(Jordanian)society.205

Theparty’sreformmodel,withregardtowomen’srightsandwomen’sissues,stipulatestheneedforijtihad(duediligenceanddeliberationinIslamicjurisprudence)withintheIslamicsysteminordertodevelopa national project pertaining to women, instead of following otherexamples,turningtoWesternmodelsortoWesternization.

The party’s reform program (with regard to women) is based onthreecentraltenets:Theactive,effectivewoman;acohesive,strongfamily;and,asafe,securechildhood;andthereby,thepartymakesademandthatthefollowingactionsandmeasuresbetaken:

1.ToeradicateanyremnantsofilliteracyamongJordanianwomen,andtoadoptspecialprogramstoaccomplishthisgoal inBedouinand rural areas; to work on correcting the prevailing culture andnegativeperceptionsabouttheroleofthewomaninsociety.

2.Toempowerthewomanwithallherrightsunderthelaw(Sharia);toreformalllegislationpertainingtothewoman,usingIslamiclawasthemainresourceofreferenceandprecedence.

3. To ensure the woman’s legitimate right to work; to facilitateperformingherroleindevelopingthesocietyinJordan;toencouragecooperativeproductionbywomen,throughtheprovisionoffinancialsupportandlegalfacilities.

4. To activate the mechanisms for implementing and executingdecisions taken by the civil and Sharia courts regarding issuesconcerning women, particularly in cases of divorce submitted bywomen in self-defense and against harm inflicted upon her, suchas cases of separation, irreconcilable differences, absence of thespouse,financialnegligenceonthepartofthespouse,desertionandthelike.206

Nawal al-Faouri is considered to be one of the most prominentandactivewomenintheparty,andwasappointedtotheJordanianSenatein2005.ShewasthefirstwomantobeelectedtotheIslamic

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ActionFront’sShuracouncil,andshecontributedtoestablishingtheMuslimCenterParty.ShewasamemberoftheMuslimCenterParty’sPoliticalBureauandisveryactiveinthedomainofwomen’srights.She isamemberof theGeneralUnionofJordanianWomen;and,despiteheraffiliationwiththeCenterParty;herpositiononwomen’srightsexceeds thatproposedby theparty,althoughshesays thatshedoessharetheiroverallvision.

Accordingtoal-Faouri,theprocessofreformisglobal(especiallyinthecontextofglobalization),thatonemustrecognizethisfactinordertoconsolidatethecourseofdemocracy,andthatfreedomofexpressionandthefullparticipationofallsegmentsofcivilsociety–ofbothwomenandmen–arefundamentalrightsoftheArabcitizen.Shearguesthatonecannotbutbenefitfromtheglobalexperience,andthatoneofthemostimportantstepsrequiredtoachievegenuinepoliticaldevelopmentandreformistopushforaradicaltransformationof theperceptionofwomen inArabsocieties;aperception,whichhas,thusfar,preventedthewomanfromexercisinghercivilrights,asstipulatedintheconstitutionandasbeenfullyandmeticulouslydetailedintheIslamicSharia.207

Al-Faouricallsforamendinglawsthatpreventwomenfrompracticingtheir rights to fullyparticipate indeveloping thecountrypolitically,socially and economically – noting that the active participation ofwomeninsocietyisapartofthecountry’sandtheumma’sheritageandhistory,andparticularlyapartoftheHolyQuranandtheSunnaoftheProphet.

SheperceiveswomenpracticingpoliticalandsocialactivismasabasicandfundamentalprinciplefoundinthetenetsofIslamicSharia;sheviews thisactivismasexemplified inaneffectiveparticipationin choosing the methods and institutions of governance; in aneffectiveparticipationinselectingtherepresentativesofthepeopleinlegislativeassemblies,andinmonitoringthewaytheseassembliesperform; in an effective participation in the spectrum of activitiesof civil society institutions such as political parties, labor unions,charitableassociationsamongothers;and,lastbutnotleast,inaneffectiveparticipation inpublic life,which includeswomenrunningascandidatesformunicipalcouncilsandlegislativeassemblies,and

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in women participating in the decision-making process and in theadministrationofthestatethroughitsinstitutions.208

Withregardtogenderissues,al-Faourimaintainsthatthedebateondefiningtherolesofthemanandthewomaninsocietyhasbeenanongoingone,andhasbeenacontroversialissuethroughouthumanhistory.Indeed,historyhaswitnessedthemostpainfulexamplesoftheinjusticetowomenuntiltheriseofIslam,whichsettheprincipleof equalitybetweenmanandwoman.MuslimwomenwereactiveparticipantsandcontributedgreatlytotheriseandspreadofIslam;however, and unfortunately, with the passage of time and as aconsequenceofthewaycircumstanceshaveevolvedintheMuslimandArabworld,dangerousdigressionshavetakenplace;and,Araband Muslim societies returned to much of what prevailed prior toIslam(theeraofJahiliya).Inthemeantime,othernationsadvancedand gave the required attention to the issues of gender, taking itupon themselves,asnations,andas internationalorganizations todefendtherightsofwomenanddefendhercauseinwaysthatwereappropriateforthemandinwaysthatservedtheirinterests.

Sheclaimsthatwithadvancementsintechnologyandinthemeansof communications, and supported by money and power, these(Western)conceptshavespread.Adding to that, thehegemonyofWesternsocietieshasbeen furtherbackedby the forceofarms...Gender issues and the relationship of these issues to equality isobvious.However, al-Faouri insists that theequalitybetweenmenandwomencannotbeabsoluteasthiswouldbeacontradictionofthenatureof things;and, IslamicSharia hasmadeprovisionsandtakenintoaccountthenaturaldifferencesbetweenmenandwomen...Thus,equalitycanonlybeequalityintermsoftheirhumanity,whichsignifiesequalityandinterdependencebetweenmenandwomenintheirsocialrolesandresponsibilities,inordertoachievehappinessforeachandforsociety–whichisintheinterestofhumankind,asawhole.209

With respect to laws related to the family institution,whichhavebeenthecauseforextensivedebateinJordan,suchasthoserelatedto the women’s right to divorce or khale’ (a divorce initiated by awoman),‘honorcrimes’andraisingthelegalageofmarriageto18

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years,thepartyisofthefollowingview:ThatincreasingthelegalageofmarriagedoesnotcontradictIslamicShariaandisinlinewiththesocialandeconomicdevelopmentsthathaveoccurredovertime–asthetheologiansoftheShariahaveallagreedthat“lawschangewiththechangeof times”As for the issueofwomen initiatingdivorce,the party confirms that a divorce initiated by a woman is a rightclearlystipulated in theSharia.However, the issuebecomesmorecomplicated when it comes to application, with certain problemsarising,suchasarbitrarygrounds(i.e.whenthegroundsfordivorceareambiguousandmaybeunfairtotheman).Insuchcases,arguestheparty,thespecialconditionsofagivensocietymustbetakenintoaccountandaneffortmustbemadetoplacesafeguardsthatensurethere is no injustice done to the man. In terms of the law dealingwith‘honorcrimes’,thepartyseesthatsocialrealitiesandcustomsimposetheirownbalanceofsorts.Therefore,thepartydoesbelievethatamoreequitablemeanstolegislateinthecasesof‘honorcrimes’isneeded,butthepartyopposesthepassingoftheproposedlawonoverturningreducedsentencinginthecurrentforminordertoavoid(moralandsocial)chaos,and inorder toprotectandpreserve thecustomsandnormsofsociety.210

Withregardto internationalorganizationsthatadvocatewomen’srights,thepartytakestheviewthattheseorganizationsdohavetheirownagendas,andthattheseagendasarelinkedtoaWesternculturalperspective;therefore,itisimperativethatinternationalagreements(onwomen’sissuesandrights)takeintoaccountculturalspecificitiesthatmustconcurwithIslamicvalues.Butdespitethesedifferencesinculturalperspectives, thepartybelieves in investinganeffort towork (withsuchorganizations)on issuesofcommonconcernandsupportingcommonissues,whichdoesnotprecluderejectingthoseissuesthatcontradicttheIslamicvaluesystem.211

AlthoughtheMuslimCenterPartyopenlyencouragesengagingtheparticipationofwomenandactivatingtheirrole,femalemembersoftheMuslimCenterPartysuffermuchofthesameproblemsasotherwomen in other political parties. They all find difficulty in activelyparticipatingandengagingeffectively inpoliticsdue to social andculturalreasonsandrestraints.

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Theparticipationofwomen in theparty, thus far,hasbeenmosteffectiveinthe“ForumforModerateIslamicThoughtandCulture”,whichwasestablishedin2001,andisconsideredtobeaffiliatedtothepartyas itsculturalandeducationalbranch.Within this forum,womenareactiveinround-tablediscussions,entitled“TheModerateWoman”, that seek to highlight the role that women can play ineffectingchangeandreform,throughamoderatewayofthinkingandunderstandingofIslamasareligionandasacivilization.Thepurposeoftheseround-tableforumsistodrawattentiontothecivilizedroleIslamplayedwithregardtothewomanandinimprovingherlegalandsocialstatus;toencourageyoungwomentocontributetoservingthepublic;tosupportandencouragewomen’sparticipationinpoliticallife;toprepareanddevelopwomenleaders;tostrengthenthenotionandunderstandingofcitizenship;andtoimproveanddevelopstrongrelationswithotherwomen’sorganizations,whichareactiveincivilsocietiesinthelocal,Arabandinternationalarena.212

GiventhattheMuslimCenterPartyisstillarelativelynewparty,itsactivitiesintradeunionsandstudentunionsisstilllimited.Inthelastelections,thepartynominatedthreewomenascandidatesandonemalecandidate,butnonesucceededinwinningaseat.However,thepartyclaimsthatsevenmembersofparliament,whodidwin,didsowiththeendorsementandsupportoftheparty.213

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The Dua’a PartyThe Dua’a party was established in 1993 under the name “The

ArabIslamicDemocraticMovement”,whichwaschangedtoDua’aParty after it was registered under Party Law No. 19 of the year2007. According to party members, the name was changed duetotheconfusiontheoriginalnamestirred inthepublicwithregardto the identity of the party, as the name alluded to the notions ofnationalism, Islam and democracy all at the same time. However,despite the amendment to the name of the party, its identity stillseemsambiguousasthepartyusesasortof ijtihad (duediligenceanddeliberation in Islamic jurisprudence),whoseoriginsarevagueandcannotbeattributed toanyof theknownorusualsourcesofreference.FinallyitproposesanIslamicvisionthatisparadoxicallyfoundedonaleftist,(Arab)nationalistideology.

The party was established on a set of founding principles thatreflect its intellectual and ideological construct, which is: Faith inGod,HisAngels,HisBooks,HisMessengers,Hisjudgmentandwill,JudgmentDay,andthefullsurrendertotheknowledgethatGodistheoneandonlymakerinthisuniverse.

TheQuranandtheSunnaareconsideredasthemainsourcesfortheparty’s ideologicalplatformandorientation.ThepartybelievesinthepoweroftheQurantoidentifyanddiagnoseallthatoccursinreality;andthus,italsobelievesinthepoweroftheQurantoprovidesolutions toall thatmayoccur.For themembersof theDua’a thehumanmindisatooltounderstandthetext,tocommunicateitandto activate it. The party also believes in the necessity of purifyingthese (pure) texts from the guardians of its interpretations (thosewhohavemonopolizedandleftstagnantitsinterpretation),becauseevery age has its problems and, therefore, its own solutions. ThepartybelievesthatIslamisauniversalreligion,areligionofdialogue

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andoneopentoallotherreligionsandfaithsintheworld,andthatthe Arab Islamic civilization is an organic part of the construct ofhumancivilization.Finally,thepartybelievesinamodernArabandIslamicdiscourse,enlightenedbythedialecticsofArabismandIslam,undertheumbrellaofanIslamicformofdemocracyordialecticsofgovernancebydemocracyandShura.214

TheorganizationalstructureofthepartyiscomposedofaSupremeCouncil,BoardofTrusteesandanAdvisoryBoard,alongwithseveralspecialized committees for media and information, cultural andintellectual affairs, external affairs, public relations, internal affairsandadministration,legalaffairsandregionalaffairs.

Thenumberofmembersregisteredinthepartyis850,350ofwhicharewomen.TheBoardofTrusteeshasthehighestauthority inthepartyandiscomposedof20members,sevenofwhicharewomen215,whichisthehighestpercentageofwomeninaleadershipcouncilinallofthelicensedpoliticalparties(inJordan).

Theparty’svisiononwomen’s rightsandwomen’s issuesstemsfrom the dialectics of the Islamic text: Where society – male andfemale–isthedomainofDivineprovidenceandcare,wherespecialprecedenceisgiventobuildingasocietycleansedandpurifiedofallformsoffilthandpsychologicalandmoraldeviance.Itemphasizestheneedforacontextualized,dialecticreadingoftheQuran,whichrequires that verses are not taken out of context, or that they areunderstoodwithinthebackgroundofthetimes inwhichtheyweregiven.

The party’s reading of the ‘texts’ is used to emphasize that themanand thewoman in theHolyBookofGodareconsideredonesubject,andthatsubject,initself,isthehumancondition(thehumanandhis/herworldlyconcerns).Thecaseofthe‘onesubject’thatthe‘puretexts’speakof,firstandforemost,emphasizestheprincipleofequalityandparitybetweenthesexes.Equality,inthiscase,referstoequalityincreation,astheoriginofbothisone–earth(orclay).Menandwomenarecreatedfromthesameearth(clay);andthestoryofcreatingEveoutofAdam’sribisconsideredafable,asthetextoftheQuranclearlyequatedbetweenthemintheformoftheircreation.For

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example,themessageofthe‘puretexts’isalwaysamessageintheplural form,addressingAdamandhiswifetogether,atonce.Theiroriginisofoneclay;theirresponsibilityisinheavenasitisonearth.

The party places great emphasis on the principle of parity. ItconsidersitselfanenlightenedArabandIslamicmovement,whosemissionistowageabattleforachievingequalitybetweenthesexesandapply thisprinciple toallaspectsof religious life–aprinciplederived from the basic knowledge that the ultimate priority is thehumanbeingandthehumancondition,ratherthanitbeingsimplyanissueofwomenandwomen’srights.Itistheopinionofthepartythatthehumanbeinghasmisunderstoodthe‘puretexts’;and,whetherthismisunderstandinghasbeendeliberateoroutofignorance,thehumanhasfalleninthetrapofdiscordbetweenthesexes,insteadofrealizingtheharmonybetweenthem.

Thepartyconsidersthataproper,productivefamilyisbuiltonthefreewilloftwomatureandsaneadults,whereneither isunderthe‘control’orguardianshipoftheother,andwherecoercionisnotusedin the relationship.These two (adultsof freeandmature)wills arefree todecidewhen itcomes toselecting theotherpartner–withtheaimofbuildingafamily,whosepreservation,careandgrowthisthesharedandequalresponsibilityofbothpartners,accordingtohisandhercapacity.

The party sees the woman as the greatest victim of ignorance,backwardnessandinjusticeinsociety.However,itisherresponsibility,asitistheresponsibilityoftheman,tofreewomenfromthisdarkreality–arealitywhichmakesit imperativethatwomentaketheinitiativetopenetratetheranksofandengageinthepublicdomain,whetherthisengagementisinproduction,intheeconomy,incultural,socialorpoliticalwork.Thisisnotonlyawoman’srightbutherduty,whichsheshouldnotneglectduetoimmoralcoercionorsocietalpressure,society’s negligence or ignorance. Attaining this goal requires aseriousefforttosafeguardthewoman’sbasicrightsandtoputthemintoaction,beginningwithherrighttoaneducationuptoanylevelshecanachieveandendingwiththerighttobeingthe leaderofasociety–andalltheotherrightsthatrestbetweenthesetwo,suchastherighttochooseherspouseandtowork,amongothers–because

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“Women are but the full sisters of men”;andthestandardorcriteriaforanypreference(betweenthesexes)issolelyintheirpiety.216

However,itappearsthatthepartyhashadtorevisitandreconsidermuch of its theoretical principles and practical strategies with theadmission of new members. Interviews with many of the partymembers–menandwomen–haveshownthatanextensivedebateistakingplaceinthepartywithregardtopoliticalissuesthatpertaintothewoman.

Withoutadoubt,theriseinthepartyranksofNabilaAdibSayyidAhmadasChairpersonoftheparty’sWomen’sCommitteehasmadeamajordifference,withheroverfifteenyearsofexperienceinthepublicdomainaspresidentofanorganizationworkinginruraldevelopment[Ummal-Qura(TheMotherofVillages)forSocialDevelopment],andas a member of the board of directors of the Union of JordanianWomenfortwoconsecutiveterms.Indeed,NabilaAhmadhasbeenable toattracta largenumberofwomento join thepartyandhasfounded, and currently presides over, the Dua’a Association forSocialDevelopment.217

Nabila Ahmad emphasizes that one of the major reasons whywomenarereluctanttodelveintopoliticsisactuallyfear.Indeed,inherview,thenotionofbeinginvolvedinapoliticalpartyandpoliticalactivism is associated with security (surveillance and the securityservices),asaresultofthemanyyearsoftheabsenceofdemocraticlifeandthelongperiodofmartiallawinthecountry,inadditiontothesecuritymentalityassociatedwithawholerangeofpolitical issuesandactivities.Furthermore,ifahealthypoliticallifeistobebuilt–onethat includestheactiveparticipationofwomen–thengreateffortsmustbemadetobuildtrustandconfidenceinpoliticalpartiesandintherelationshipbetweenpoliticalpartiesandthegovernment.218

The party and the Association for Social Development organizelecturesandlessonsineducatingwomenontheirrights.Theyalsoworktocommunicatetheserightsbymeetingwithwomenintheirhomes.NabilaAhmadandtheDeputySecretaryGeneralofWomen’sAffairstotheSecretaryGeneral,UmmKhalid,pointoutthatoneofthemostimportantentrypointstopoliticallife,whenlivingunderacultureoffear,ischaritablework.219

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UmmKhalidemphasizesthefactthatwomen’srightsareguaranteedbyIslamicSharia;and,thus,womenarenotrequiredtocommittointernationalagreementsonwomen’srights.Shesays:“ThepointofdepartureforourorientationisourJordanianenvironmentandsocialcontext,andwedonotlookoutsideforsolutions,althoughwelearnandbenefit from theexperiencesofothers.However,wedohaveourowndistinctcharacteristicsasasociety;therefore,whatmaybeproperheremaynotbeproperoutside,andviceversa.”220

Withregardtothesubjectofthehijab(veil),NabilaAhmadconfirmsthattheveilisamatterofGodandanexpressionofone’sselfandone’sIslamic identity. Furthermore, the veil offers women more freedomofmovementandreinforcesherself-confidence.SheconsiderstheabandonmentoftheveilasthelogicalconsequenceoftheMuslim’swomanlossofself-confidence.221

Dr.MohammadAbuBakr,theSecretaryGeneraloftheDua’aParty,explains that the party has not nominated women candidates forparliamentaryelectionsduetotheir lackof faithandconfidence inthe‘oneperson,onevote’electorallaw.Heconsidersthislawasanobstacle topartycandidatesgettingelected toparliament, that is,inadditiontothemanyotherobstaclesthatexist,andwhichapplytomenandwomenequally.HebelievesthatJordaniansocietystillrejects the ideaofpoliticalpartiesandpartisanworkand remainsfearfulof joiningpoliticalparties. Inaddition to thisnon-conduciveenvironment, women are – in his view – still prisoners of theirhomesandhostagesoftheirhusbands,withstillveryfewandweakopportunitiesforwomentopartakeinpubliclife.222

With regard to thequota law (that allocatesacertainnumberofseatsinpublicassembliesforwomen),thepartyconsidersittobetheworstcasescenarioandhasmadedemandsthatitbeannulledor retracted.Themain rationale for thisoutright rejection is that itdiscriminates between the sexes. Furthermore, the mechanismfor applying this quota is riddled with many problems. In theparty’sopinion,whatisreallyrequiredisanelectorallawbasedonproportionalrepresentation,wherewomenaregivenaproportionalpercentageoftheelectorallists,sothatshewinsseatsbasedonherowneffortsandmerit,andontheeffortsandmeritsofthepartywithwhichsheisaffiliated.223

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With regard to the set of laws and legislation pertaining to thewoman,andwhich,asstatedpreviously,haveledtogreatconflictandextensivedebateinsideJordaniansociety–especiallythelawsthatgavethewomantherighttodivorce,raisedthelegalageofmarriage,anddealtwith‘honorcrimes’–,thepartyhasnotyetformulatedanopinionorspecificvisionduetotheinnerconflictanddebateamongpartymemberswithregardtotheseparticularissues.224

Finally,withregardtoWesternfeministideologies,theirparticularagendasintermsofwomen’srightsandtheirabstractandtheoreticalconcepts, such as “gender”, Nabila Ahmad speaks for the partywhenshesaysthatthesephilosophiesdonotapplyandarenotinharmonywiththevaluesystemofIslam,notwithstandingthattheypoint to an obvious political agenda. Furthermore, in her and herparty’sopinion,officialandcivilinternationalorganizationsofferverygenerousfinancingtosecular(women’s)movementsandinstitutionsin Jordan, while these movements and institutions are insular innature and theirwork is limited to andwithin aparticular classofwomen,whichhaslittletodowiththerealworriesandconditionsofdisadvantagedwomeninsociety.ShefurtheremphasizesthatwomeninArabandIslamiccountriesaredemandingrightsthatareneitherextraordinarynorunrealistic. In themeantime,under theprevailinglocalsocialconditions, theyshouldbedemandingwhat isalreadytheirs(intermsofrights)undertheSharia,whichsetsaceilingthatisalreadyhigherthanthecapacityandpracticalabilitiesofJordanianwomen,andwhichgiveswomenevenmorethanwhattheyaspiretoday.Sheconcludesthat,ifwewanttodevelopaneffectivepracticeofwomen’srights,thepointofdeparturemustbetheIslamicShariaand itsvaluesystem.Thenextstepwouldbe toactivateandusedue diligence and deliberation in Islamic jurisprudence (ijtihad) toconstructandtocreateanauthentic,properIslamicfeminism.225

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ConclusionPerhaps themost important lesson tobe learnedand tobenefit

from, in the context of the Islamic woman activist’s experience inJordan,istoavoidasumofsingularandsimplisticinterpretations,which rely on rudimentary or fundamentalist visions of Islam andwoman in Islam. Indeed, Islamicmovementsandparties inJordanhaveproventhattheyoffer,toagreatextent,diversity,complexityanddifferencesinvisions,approachesandpractices,ormodioperandi.Atthesametime,there isasharpdistinctionbetweenmovementsthatoperateoutsidethedemocraticcontextandthoseworkingwithinthatframeworkwithregardtothesumofissuespertainingtowomen,duetotheextensivevariations induediligenceanddeliberation inIslamicjurisprudence,orijtihad,fromonegrouptotheother,whichfollowadiverserangeofideologicalstructures,schoolsofthoughtsandpragmaticorpracticalstrategiesofapplication.

Movements and groups that operate outside the democraticframework, whether they are missionary, activist or revolutionary,have begun to modify their pragmatic approaches with regard toissues pertaining to the woman. They have allowed women intotheirranksasmissionaries,advocatesofIslamorassocialworkersand as activists. These women have begun to play an importantrole inside these movements and groups through their activewomencommitteesandbranches,whichhaveprovenveryefficientand capable in their outreach to the masses and the grassroots,popularbaseofwomen.However, despite thesemovements’ andgroups’ variances in theoretical and practical approaches, they allhavevisionsofself,ofheritageandof‘Us’andthe‘Other’thatarecharacterizedby rigidityandtradition.Theirdiscourse isbornofastrictfaithinthe‘wholeness’ofthehistoricalexperienceofIslam,theauthorityofIslam,andthecomprehensivenatureandabilityofIslamtodealwithallissuesandquestionsthatmayemergeinsociety.For

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thesemovementsandgroups,thenation-stateofal-Medinaduringthe time of the Prophet Mohammad serves as the role model, orarchetypeguideforprovidingarights-basedparadigmforwomen,which, in their opinion, far exceeds any other offered by previousandsuccessivecivilizations.Finally,thesemovementsviewWesterncivilizationasanenemy,which isworking incessantly toeradicateandtoeliminateIslam,andwhichisseekingtocompletelydominateand control the Arab and Islamic world’s resources and wealththroughtheincitementofwomen’srightsandissuesintheArabandIslamicworld.Theyviewthecorruptionofthewomanandthefamilyinstitutionasthepointofentry(oftheWest’shegemonicstrategy),as thewomanand the family is central to Islamicmoralityand itsvaluesystem.Bycorruptingthewomanandthefamily,theWestis,thereby,preparingthegroundsforcorruptingsocietyasawhole,andcreating thebreedingground inwhich theycanenforce their totaldomination–politically,economicallyandculturally.

DespitethedifferencesinmethodologyandindiscourseamongtheIslamicmovementsoperatingoutsidethedemocraticcontextaboutthemechanismofchange–fromreformtorevolution–,theyallsharealiteral(andnotacontextualorinterpretative)readingoftheBook(theQuran)andtheSunna astheirfundamentalresourceandsourceofreference.AllsharetheultimateobjectivesofestablishingaCaliphatestate,ofapplyingIslamicShariaandofresuminganIslamicwayoflife.Theyalsoshareinstressingthat,inIslam,thewomanisequaltothemaninresponsibility,increationandinnaturalinstinct;butthatthehome is theprincipledomainof thewoman.Thus, thewomanleavingherhomeistheexceptionandnottherule.Subsequently,allthesemovementsandgroupsplacestrictconditionsonthewomanworkingandonherpresence inpublic lifeor in thepublic sector,not to mention prohibiting her from any political participation andanyleadershipposts,particularlyinthepublicsector,inthepoliticalarenaandthejudiciary.

Despitealloftheaboverestrictions,thesemovementshavemadegreateffortsinemployingandrecruitingwomenintotheirranks,withthegoalofreinforcingtheirpresenceinthepublic,socio-economicand socio-political arena. Women have subsequently emerged inthesemovementsandgroupsaseffectiveactivistsintheirmissionary

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andadvocacyworkinthehomesofotherwomen,aswellasincivilsociety institutions and charitable organizations. Finally, active,Islamistwomenhavesucceeded inbecominga rolemodeland inprovidingguidanceforotherMuslimwomen,accordingtotheirownvisionof(Islamicfeminist)thoughtandideology.

Asanexample,Hizbut-Tahrir(theIslamicPartyofLiberation)hasbuilt themodelorparadigmof the“radical,politicalwoman”,whocontributestopoliticalandsocialchange,startingwiththeheadofthepoliticalpyramidofthe(modern)state.Themoremissionaryandadvocacy-orientedmovementsandgroups,suchastheSalafiya al-Taqlidiyeh(TraditionalSalafists)andJamaa’ah at-Tabligh wal Da’wa(missionarygroupsorgroupsofcalling),haveadoptedamodelofthe“missionarywoman”,whoworksonpenetratingthesocialfabricandchangingsocietyfromitsbase(fromthemassesorbottomofthe pyramid). Meanwhile, movements that believe in revolution asthe main instrument of change, such as the Salafiya al-Jihadiyeh(Jihadist Salafists), introduced and established the concept of the“Jihadist,fightingwoman”asthemodelforbringingaboutthetotalchangerequiredinsociety,throughtheuseofviolenceandthroughtheforceofJihad.

Thesemissionary,activistandJihadist (revolutionary)movementshaveallwitnessedamajorpenetrationofwomen into their ranks,wheretheyhaveproventhemselvesaseffectiveagentsofchange.Indeed,political,economicandsocialdevelopmentshaveworked,albeit extremely slow, in changing the image of the woman andher role within these movements, in particular, and within society,in general. Moreover, this change has remained limited and weakgiventheseverityof thereligious ideologythatgovernstheoreticaland organizational structures. Therefore, it will likely be difficult totalk about theevolutionofwomen’s rightsmodels andparadigmsanytimesoonwithintheframeworkofthesemovements,whichnotonlyoperateoutside thedemocratic context,but,moreover,don’tbelieveinit.

Iftheimageofthewomanappearsstaticanddoesnotbodewellforthefutureintheframeworkofmovementsthatoperateoutsidethedemocraticframework,itappearstotallydifferentwithinmovements

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thatoperatewithinthedemocraticcontext.Thesemovementsandparties have, indeed, worked to develop a vision for the religion,the state and for society based on a reading of Islamic heritageandofmodernity, usinga traditional, discursive contextbasedonthe mechanisms of ijtihad, and with a renewal of the discourse inthefieldof Islamicdeliberation.Termssuchasreform,democracy,governancebyShura,pluralismandothershavebecomerootedinthesemovements’semantics;women’srightsmodelshavebecomepartoftheirtheoreticalandpragmaticconstants.Thepracticeandpragmaticneedsofthesepartieshaveproventheimportanceoftherolethatwomencanplayintheprocessofreformandincomprehensivedevelopment;indeed,theimportanceoftheirpoliticalparticipation,theirintegrationintopartyframeworksandinestablishingbranchesandactivitiestargetingwomenhavealsobeenmadequiteevident.

AlthoughIslamicpoliticalmovementsinJordanhaveamendedtheirvisionandwayofthinkingwithregardtothemanyissuespertainingtowomen,theirstancesandpositionsstillrequirerenewalandevenmorediligence(or ijtihad).Indeed,manyobstaclesandbarriersstillremain,whichstandinthewayofprogressintermsoftheconditionofwomen.Thesehindrancescanbeattributedtotheprevalenceofstrict views within these movements, and in orientations that stillhavenotdeterminedtheirtheoreticalandpragmaticoptions.

Perhapsthemostprominentphenomenainallthisdeliberationisthe Islamistwomanherself,assheemergesmoreawareofherselfand of the role she can play. After many decades of displaying areluctance to enter the public sphere, she has charged forth, indefianceofthereligiousandthetraditionaltribalstructuresthathaveworkedsolongtomarginalizeherintheframeworkofapost-colonialpatriarchalstate.

Islamicwomenactivistshaveenrolledintheranksofthesemovementswithdemandsforagreaterroleintheirhierarchicalstructures,whichfarexceedsameretokenpresenceinisolationwithinthebranchesand committees for women. This dynamic has created effectivepolitical participation within an ongoing engagement in dialogueanddebate,whichcallsforestablishingarights-basedmodelintheframeworkoftheIslamicvaluesystem,whichdifferentiatesitselffrom

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Westernfeministrights-basedmodels–models,whichtheyperceiveas being based in conflict and contradiction. In contrast, Islamicfeministmodelsclaimtheyarebasedonreligious,moralprinciplesthatarecharacterizedbyinclusionandintegration;and,thatIslamicfeminist models are based on the right to differ in opinion withWesternmodels,accordingtotheprinciplesofdialogueintheIslamictradition–atraditionthatbuildsonacreativesynergyofdiscourserooted in theprinciplesofdiligenceand renewal, and thatdispelsthe stereotypical andallegedclaimsperpetratedby theWestwithregardtotheMuslimwoman–,whichconsidersheroppressedandmarginalizedbypoliticalIslam;andwhichclaimsthatpoliticalIslamworkstoestablishormaintainlawsthatdiscriminateagainstwomen–allofwhichareclaimsthatreverberateanOrientalistperspectiveand culture, built on fundamental allegations that view Islam as adiscriminatory,oppressiveandviolentreligion.

As for Islamic women activists, they view these Western claimsin thecontextof imperial strategiesofhegemony,dominationandcontrol under the guise of human rights organizations offering aglobalized,universalculturethataimstoeliminateallotherculturalspecificities,valuesandcivilizations.

The issues of the veil and the family institution are obviously ofthemostcontentiousandnebulousissues.However,Islamistwomeninsistthattheveil is legitimateandisareligiousresponsibility,andone not imposed by the man; rather, these women view it as anexpressionoftheirIslamicidentityandasymbolofresistanceandofrejectingWesterndominationandhegemony.Indeed,forthemitisasymbolofliberationthatallowswomentooperatemorefreelyinthepublicdomain.

In terms of the family and the family institution, the family isconsidered as the fortress that protects morality and values. Thefamilyisthecornerstoneforbuildingapure,egalitariansocietyfreeofdecadenceanddeviantbehavior.ForIslamicwomenactiviststhereis no contradiction between the woman being a wife, mother anddaughterandherassumingapoliticalandsocial role;asthereareinherent,naturalyetcomplementaryandinterdependentdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen.Theybelievetheirroleinsocietyisbuilt

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on a philosophy derived from the plural form of interdependence,cooperation and coexistence, and not of individuality built onselfishnessandconflict.

The growing phenomenon of the Islamist Jordanian woman’spresenceinthepublicdomainisstillrelativelynew,asisherpoliticalparticipationandpartisanwork,whichonlybeganinthe1990s.Yet,despitethisshorthistory,shehasbeenabletoproveherqualificationsandherabilitytoplayavitalroleincommunicatingandconnectingwithwomenacrosswidesectorsofsociety,whichsecularwomen’smovement were never able to access, despite their existence formanydecades.Indeed,thesecularwomen’smovementsremainedelitistinnatureandlimitedtoupperclasswomen.Incontrast,Islamicwomenactivistshavebeenabletopenetrateallsegmentsofsocietyandsocialclasseswiththeirlectures,seminarsandlessons,whichstrive to clarify forwomen their legal rights as stipulated in Islam.Islam,according to the Islamistwoman,giveswomenrights takenawayfromthemanddeniedthembytraditionandoutdatedculturalandsocialnorms.

Finally, intheviewofIslamistwomen,thecultureoffearremainsoneofthemostimportantobstaclesandconsiderationsthatimpedethe woman’s intervention in the political domain and her joiningof political parties. Indeed, most of these women, despite theirrecognitionoftheimportanceofpoliticsandpoliticalintervention,stillprefertoworkincivilsocietyandwithincharitableorganizationsandnetworks.Theyattributetheirexclusiontodecadesofoppressionandmarginalization, and to the prevalence of reactionary, authoritarianmentalitiescontrollingthedestinyofreformandtheprogressofmenandwomen.

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Endnotes1.ThepartyincludedSheikhTaqiuddinal-Nabhaniaspresidentoftheparty,DaoudHamdanasvicepresidentandsecretary,GhanemAbdoastreasurer,Dr.Adelal-NabulsiasmemberandMunirShoqairasmember;Seealso:IhsanSamara:“TheConceptofSocialJusticeinIslamicThought”,Daral-Nahdaal-Islamiyeh(IslamicRenaissance[Publishing]House),Beirut,SecondEdition,1991,pg.141;Dr.MahmoudSalemObeida:“TheEffectofIslamicGroupsFieldWorkinthe20thCentury”,Daral-Fikr,Amman,pg.230Dr. Musa Zaid al-Kilani: “Islamic Movements in Jordan”, Dar al-Bashir,Amman,FirstEdition,1990,pg.87

2.Theparty’srequestforlicensingwasrejectedinaletterfromtheOfficeoftheMinistryofForeignAffairs,dated14thMarch,1953,No.ND/70/52/916;See:IhsanSamara(see(1)above):“ConceptofSocialJusticeintheIslamicThought”, Dar al-Nahda al-Islamiyeh, Beirut, Second Edition, 1991, pg.147

3.AhmadAl-Baghdadi:“Hizbut-Tahrir:AStudyintheConceptoftheIslamicState”,DarCortas,Kuwait,1994,pg.12

4.See:Abdel-Halimal-Ramahi:“IslamicMedia”,unpublisheddissertation,IslamicUniversity,Pakistan,1986,pgs.29-30;There are many books published by the members of the party like:“Exemplary Political Economy,” “Marxist Socialism Criticism”, “How theCaliphatewasDestroyed”,“RulesofEvidence”,“PenalSystem”,“LawsofPrayer”,“IslamicThought”

5. See: Fahmi Jada’an: “State Theories in Contemporary Arabic IslamicThought”,in“TheTheoryofHeritageandotherArabandIslamicStudies”,Daral-Shurouq,Amman,FirstEdition,1985,pg.61’Dr.HammamSaid:“Hizbut-Tahrir:AStudyandCritique”, intheSeminarProceedingsof:“DirectionsinContemporaryIslamicThought”,OfficeoftheArabEducationforGulfCountries,Bahrain,1985,pg.618;Dr.AbdullahFahdal-Nafisi:“SchoolsofThoughtforIslamicMovements”,

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Al-RabieanforPublishingandDistribution,Kuwait,FirstEdition,1995,pg.17

6.“Hizbut-Tahrir”,aHizbut-Tahrirpublication,Sept.5,1986,pg.2

7.Ibid,pg.2

8.Taqiuddinal-Nabhani:“TheSocialSysteminIslam”,Daral-Umma,Beirut,SecondEdition,1990,pg.18

9.Ibid,pg.18

10. “The Concepts of Hizb ut-Tahrir”, Hizb ut-Tahrir Publications, SixthEdition,2001,pgs.80-81

11.Ibid,pg.84

12. Taqiuddin al-Nabhani: “The Social System in Islam,” Dar al-Umma,Beirut,SecondEdition,1990,pgs.12-13

13.“AMemorandumfromHizbut-Tahrir”,aHizbut-Tahrirpublication,pg.4Seealso:Abdel-KadimZalloum:“HowtheCaliphatewasDestroyed,”Daral-Umma,Beirut,ThirdEdition,1990

14.Taqiuddinal-Nabhani:“TheCaliphate”,aHizbut-Tahrirpublication,pg.3

15. Mohammad Zahed Joul: “Hizb ut-Tahrir: Paths to Forming RadicalIslam”,unpublishedresearchreport,pg.22

16.Taqiuddinal-Nabhani:“Al-Takatulal-Hizbi”(TheClusteringofParties),aHizb-Ut-Tahrirpublication,pg.14

17.Ibid,pg.16

18. “A Warm Calling to the Hizb ut-Tahrir Muslims”, a Hizb ut-Tahrirpublication,Khartoum,1965,pg.13

19.Ibid,pg.32

20.Taqiuddinal-Nabhani:“The IslamicState”,Daral-Umma,Beirut,Fifth

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Edition,1994,pg.174

21. Abdel-Kadim Zalloum: "How the Caliphate was Destroyed”, Dar al-Umma,Beirut,ThirdEdition,1990

22.See:Abdel-KadimZalloum:“Democracy:ASystemoftheInfidel(thatis) Forbidden to be Adopted, Applied or Advocated”, a Hizb ut-Tahrirpublication

23.See:“Al-Wa’i(Awareness)Magazine”,Beirut,No.58,Feb.1992,pg.35

24.“TheShariaonParticipationinParliamentaryElections”,aHizbut-Tahrirmanifest,datedAug.1,1992

25.“TheShariaonElectingandNominatingWomentotheRepresentativeCouncilinDemocracy”,aHizbut-Tahrirmanifest,Kuwait,March26,2005

26.Ibid,pgs.1-2

27.Dr.MusaZiadal-Kilani:“IslamicMovementsinJordan”,Daral-Bashir,Amman,FirstEdition,1992,pgs.93-94

28.Ibid,pg.89

29.Taqiuddinal-Nabhani:“TheSystemofIslam”,Hizbut-TahrirPublications,FifthEdition,1953,pg.99

30.“TheIntroductiontotheConstitution:OrtheReasonsthatRequireit”,aHizbut-Tahrirpublication,1963,pg.252

31.Ibid,pg.258

32. Taqiuddin al-Nabhani: “The Social System in Islam”, Dar al-Umma,Beirut,SecondEdition,1990,pg.18

33.Ibid,pgs.31-32

34.Ibid,pgs.86-89

35. Mohammad Hussein Abdullah: “The Muslim Woman and Missionarywork”,Al-Wa’i(Awareness)Magazine,No.118,March1997,pg.2336.See:Al-Wa’i(Awareness)Magazine,Beirut,No.234andNo.235,August

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andJuly2006,pgs.19-20

37.See:AHizbut-Tahrirpressrelease,Bangladesh,invitingHamidaHusseinandherfollowerstoadebatedefendingherSecularFaith,April20,2008,seewww.hizb-ut-tahrir.org

38.See:UmmFiras,Palestine:“MemoirsofaMissionaryWoman”,Al-Wa’i(Awareness)Magazine,Beirut,No.230,April2006,pgs.44-45

39.Taqiuddinal-Nabhani:“TheSystemofIslam”,Hizbut-TahrirPublications,FifthEdition,1953,pg.99

40.Taqiuddinal-Nabhani:“The IslamicState”,Daral-Umma,Beirut,FifthEdition,1994,pgs.13-26

41.“Hizb-Ut-Tahrir”,aHizb-Ut-Tahrirpublication,May9,1985,pg.2

42.“OnWoman’sDay”,Al-Wa’i(Awareness)Magazine,No.175,May2000,pg.13

43. “The Capitalist Campaign Against the Muslim Woman”, Al-Wa’i(Awareness)Magazine,March,2006,pg.29

44.MohammadZahedJoul:“AlbaniSalafistPoliticalDiscourse”,Kitabal-Misbar,No.7,2008,pg.52

45.MohammadIbrahimal-Shaibani:“TheLife,LegacyandPraisesofal-Albani",CenterforManuscripts,HeritageandDocuments,Kuwait,SecondEdition,2004,pgs.1/401

46.AninterviewwithSheikhAbdelFatehOmar,July2,2008

47. Mohammad Nasruddin al-Albani: “A Scientific [theological] ContestBetweentheTwoGrandImams:AbdelAzizBenAbdelSalamandIbnal-Salah”,IslamicOffice,Beirut,SecondEdition,1405Hijri[Islamicyear]

48.MohammadNasruddinal-Albani:“UsefulAnswerstoQuestionstotheUniversityMosqueCommittee”,IslamicOffice,Beirut,SecondEdition,1400Hijri[Islamicyear]

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49.MohammadNasruddinal-Albani: “PurificationandEducationand theNeedofMuslimsforThem”,al-Maktabaal-Islamiya,FirstEdition,1421Hijri[IslamicYear]pgs.30-31

50.Ibid,pg.29

51. Nasruddin al-Albani, in critique of: “Women’s Rights in Islam: A CalltoTheSoftGender [WomanKind]”,byMohammadRashidRida, IslamicOffice,1975,pg.11

52. Abdel Aziz Ben Abdullah Baz: “The Risks of Women Participating inMen’sWork”, from“TheVeilandUncovering (sufur) [notwearingtheveil]intheBookandtheSunna”,Daral-Kutubal-Salafiya,Cairo,FirstEdition,1986,pgs.21-22

53.MohammadNasruddinal-Albani:“TheEthics(Adab)oftheWeddinginthePurified[Authentic]Sunna”,DarIbnHazm,Beirut,andal-Maktabaal-Islamyia,al-JbeihaThirdEdition,1996,pgs.279-289

54.HisEminenceSheikhAbdelAzizBenAbdullahBenBaz:”TheLawsofUncovering(Sufur)[notwearingtheveil]andtheVeil”,publishedandprintedby the Ministry of Islamic Affairs, Endowment, Advocacy and Outreach,SaudiArabia,1419Hijri[Islamicyear],pg.47

55.Ibid,pg.49

56.SheikhMohammadBenSalehBenOtheimayeen:“TheMessageoftheVeil”,theMinistryofIslamicAffairs,Endowment,AdvocacyandOutreach,SaudiArabic,1419Hijri[Islamicyear],pg.81

57.MohammadNasruddinal-Albani:“TheWoman’sGown(Julbab) intheBookandtheSunna”,al-Maktabaal-Islamyia,Al-Jbeiha,IbnHazm,Beirut,FourthEdition,1997,pg.37.

58.See:MohammadNasruddinal-Albani:“TheCompellingResponse”,al-Maktabaal-Islamiya,al-Jbeiha,FirstEdition,1421Hijri[Islamicyear]

59.MohammadNasruddinal-Albani:“TheWoman’sGown(Julbab) intheBook and the Sunna”, al-Maktaba al-Islamyia, al-Jbeiha, Dar Ibn Hazm,Beirut,FourthEdition,1997,pg.30

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60.MohammadNasruddinal-Albani:“ADescriptionof thePrayersof theProphet (MPBUH), from Takbir [Saying Allahu Akbar] to Tasleem [sayingAssalumAleikum]asYouareSeeingit”,Maktabatal-Ma’arif,Riyadh,FirstEdition,1992,pg.43

61.AbiObeida,Mashhoural-Salman:“ThePoliticsWantedbySalafists”,al-Daral-Athariya,Amman,FirstEdition,2004,pg.33

62. Mohammad Ibrahim Shaqra: “Not in Defense of al-Salafiya, RatherDefendingal-Salafiya”,nopublisher,pg.3

63.MohammadIbrahimShaqra:“Belonging,FaithandPathistheSalafiya”,nopublisher,SecondEdition,2000,pg.179

64. Ali al-Halabi al-Athari: “On the Salafist Calling (Da’wa), Once Again,andNotfortheLastTime”,al-Ghadnewspaper,FridayMay25th,2007,No.1017,pg.7

65.MohammadMoussaNasr:“WhatTheyResentoftheSalafiya”,Daral-ImamAhmad,Cairo,FirstEdition,2004,pg.54

66. Mohammad Nasruddin al-Albani: “The Sensible Way to Building theIslamicEntity”,“Al-TariqAl-RashidNahwaBina’aAl-KiyanAl-Islami”,from“TheLifeandLegacyofal-Albani”,Center forManuscripts,HeritageandDocuments,Kuwait,SecondEdition,2004,pg.1/377

67.SalimBenEidal-Hilali:“TheSmokeWithin”,al-AssalahMagazine,No.11,1414Hijri[IslamicYear],pg.12

68.Ibid,pgs.13-15

69. Mohammad Nasruddin al-Albani: “(Fiqh al Waq’i) ComprehendingReality”, al-Maktaba al-Islamiya, al-Jbeiha, Second Edition, 1422 Hijri[IslamicYear],pg.3

70. Mohammad Nasruddin al-Albani: “Issues and Answers (Massa’el wa Ajwebatha)”,al-AssailMagazine,1420Hijri[IslamicYear],4thyear,No.22,pg.77

71. Al-AssalahMagazine,1414Hijri[IslamicYear],No.8,pg.79

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72. Mohammad Nasruddin al-Albani: “Contemporary Issues in ShariaPolitics (Massa’el A’sriya fi Al-Siyassa Al-Sharia)”, al-Assalah Magazine,1413Hijri[IslamicYear],No.2,pg.17

73.Ibid,pg.22

74. See: Women’s Committee: “Together on the Path of Success andExcellencefortheIndividual,theFamily,theStudentandtheSchool”,al-Daral-Athariya,Amman

75.MashhourHassanal-Salman:Preface, “RulingonWomenWorking inIslamicTheology (Hukum A’amal Al-Mar’a fi Al-Fiqh Al-Islami)”,byAdnanBenDaifAllahal-Shawabka,al-Daral-Athariya,Amman,FirstEdition,1428Hijri[IslamicYear],pg.5

76.Ibid,pg.6

77.MohammadMoussaNasr: “Women’sRights in Islam”, tapecassette,No.14

78.Ibid

79. Mohammad Nasruddin al-Albani: in critique of: “Women’s Rights inIslam”,byMohammadRashidRida,IslamicOffice,1975,pg.11

80.AbdelRahmanAbdelKhaleq:”TheRulingonWomenLeadinginPublicAffairsandParticipatinginLegislativeCouncils,asaRepresentativeorasaVoter”,pg.5

81.AbdullahAzzamwasborninavillageintheJeninareainPalestinein1941.HebecamearefugeeinJordanafterthe1948war.HestudiedattheShariaCollege in theUniversityofDamascuswherehegothisBachelordegree. He later worked as a high school teacher in Amman. He was aprominentmemberoftheMuslimBrotherhood.Afterthe1967war,hejoinedwhatwasreferredtoasthe“SheikhsBrigade”,whichwasestablishedbytheMuslimBrotherhood.HelaterreceivedaMastersdegreeintheOriginsofFiqh(TheologicalJurisprudence;atermusedtodesignatetheprocessesof exposition, analysis, and argument which constitute human effort toexpressGod's law,referencehttp://www.iranica.com/articles/v9f5/v9f537.htmlin1969,afterwhichhebecamealecturerintheShariaCollegeintheUniversityofJordanbetween1973and1980.In1980,hewasfiredfromtheuniversityandlaterlecturedattheKingAbdulAzizUniversityinJeddahin

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SaudiArabiain1981.In1984,hedecidedtogotoPakistananddedicatedhimselftoworkasaconsultantineducatingfortheAfghaniJihad;inPakistan,heestablishedtheOfficeofServices(Maktabal-Khadamat)andremainedthereuntilhewasassassinatedinNovember1989byacarbomb.HeleftalargelegacyinjurisprudenceinissuesofJihad.Hisworkwascollectedintoa5-partseriesthatwasedited,printedandpublishedbyTheMartyrAzzamMediaCenterinPeshawar,Pakistan.

82. See: Hasan Abu Hanieh: “The House of Islam and the InternationalSystem in theContemporarySalafistJihadistThought”,Kitabal-Missbar,al-MissbarCenterforResearchandStudies,No.5,May2007,pg.139

83.AbuMohammadal-Makdissiwasbornin1958.HisrealnameisIssamMohammadTaheral-Barqawi,butknownasal-Makdissi.HecomesfromthevillageofBurqaoutsideofNablus.HeleftwithhisfamilytoKuwaitwherehefinishedhishighschooleducation.HelaterstudiedGeneralSciencesattheUniversityofMosulinIraq.Later,hestudiedShariaTheologyinSaudiArabia,wherehedelveddeeplyintotheliteratureoftheWahhabimovementandtheworkoftheDa’wa(Calling)theologiansoftheSalafiyamovementinNajd(SaudiArabia).HelatertraveledtoPakistanandAfghanistan.Hefinallysettled in Jordan in 1992, where he began publishing and disseminatinghis thoughts and ideas until he was arrested in 1994 due to his allegedinvolvementinthecasereferredtoas“PledgingAllegiancetotheImam”.Hewasreleasedfromprisonin1999througharoyalpardon.Later,hewouldgetarrestedseveraltimesfororganizingfortheal-Salafiyaal-Jihadiyeh(theJihadistSalafist).HeauthoredmanybooksontheteachingsoftheJihadistSalafistmovement.Formoredetails,seethedocumentonAbuMohammadal-Makdissionthewebsite“Manbaral-TawhidwalJihad”atwww.tawhed.ws.

84.AbuQatadaal-Falastini(thePalestinian)wasbornin1961;hisrealnameisOmarMahmoudOthmanAbuOmar.HeisaJordanianofPalestinianoriginfromthevillageofDeiral-SheikhoutsideJerusalem.HestudiedShariaattheUniversityofJordan.Originally,hebelongedtoJamaa’ahat-TablighbutlaterswitchedtotheSalafiyaal-Taqlidiyeh(TraditionalSalafistmovement).In fact,hehelpedfoundthemovementat theendof the1980s. In1993,heleftforPakistanandAfghanistanwherehisaffiliationandbelongingtotheTraditionalSalafistmovementcrystallized.HemovedtoGreatBritainin1994,wherehebegantopublishhisnewsletter“al-Ansar”whichsupportedarmedIslamicgroupsinAlgeria.HelaterpublishedtheTraditionalSalafistmagazine“al-Minhaj.”Hewasconsideredthespiritualleaderofal-QaedainEuropeandNorthAfrica.HewasarrestedinGreatBritainbutwasrecently

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released.Amonghispublishedworks,“JihadandDiligence”isconsideredtobeoneofthemostimportantbooksontherhetoricoftheSalafistJihadistphilosophy.

85. Abu al-A’laa al-Mawdoudi: “Islamic Theory and a Gift in Politics, theLawandtheConstitution”(“Nathareyet al-Islam wa Hadiya fi Al-Siyassa, wal Qanun, wal Dustour), translated by JalilMohammadal-Islahi,Dar al-Fikr,Lahore,pg.153

86.Ibid,pg.153

87. Abu al-A’laa al-Mawdoudi: “The Four Terms of the Holy Quran” (“Al-Mustalahat Al-Arba’a fi Al-Qoran Al-Kareem”), al-Dar al-Kuwaitiyeh,translatedbyMohammadKathemSabiq,FirstEdition,1969,pg.8

88.SayyidQutb:“Milestones” (“Ma’alem fil Tariq”),Daral-Shurouq,CairoandBeirut,EighthEdition,1982,pgs.91-93

89.Ibid,pg.10

90.Ibid,pg.21

91.SayyidQutb:“SocialJusticeinIslam”,DarAl-Shurouq,CairoandBeirut,1995,pg.47

92.Ibid,pg.51

93.SayyidQutb:“Milestones”,(“Ma’alem fil Tariq”),Daral-Shurouq,CairoandBeirut,EighthEdition,1982,pg.123

94.Ibid,pg.125

95.SayyidQutb:“SocialJusticeinIslam”,Daral-Shurouq,CairoandBeirut,EighthEdition,1995,pg.48

96.AbdullahAzzam:“FaithandItsEffectinBuildingtheGeneration”(“Al-Aqida wa Atharaha fi Bina’a Al-Jil”,pg.9;See also: Abu Abada al-Ansari: ”The Concept of Authority in the MartyrAbdullahAzzam’sThought”(“Mafhoum al-Hakimeya fi Fikr al-Shahid Abdullah Azzam”),MartyrAbdullahAzzamMediaCenter,Peshawar,Pakistan

97.Ibid,pg.67

149

98.OmarBenMahmoudAbuOmar:“JihadandDiligence:ReflectionsontheTeachings”,Daral-Bayariq,Amman,FirstEdition,1999,pgs.93-99

99.AbuMohammadal-Makdissi:“DemocracyisaReligion”,pg.5,www.tawhed.ws

100.MohammadAbuRumman:“APrivateConversationwithal-Makdissi”,www.tawhed.ws

101.AbdelSalamFarraj: “TheEstablishedDuty” (“Al-Faridaal-Qa’ema”),www.tawhed.ws

102.OmarMahmoudAbuOmar:”WhyJihad”,www.tawhed.ws

103.“DeclaringWaronTheUnitedStates(ofAmerica)”,amanifestpublishedbytheWorldOrganizationofal-QaedainAfghanistan,1998

104. Ayman al-Zawahiri: “Knights under the Standard (banner) of theProphet” (“Fursan Tahta Rayet al-Nabi”), published in the Middle East“Sharqal-Awsat”newspaper,December2001,pg.41

105.Formoreinformation,seeHasanAbuHaniehandMarwanShehadeh:“TheStrategyofal-QaedainIraq:TheFoundingandtheRise”(“Istratejiat al-Qaeda fi AlIraq: Al-Noushou’ wal Irtiqa’a”).

106. Abdullah Azzam: “Catch Up with the Caravan” (“Ilhaq bil Qafila”),MartyrAbdullahAzzamMediaCenter,Peshawar,pg.45;AbdullahAzzam:”Defending the landsofMuslims is theMost ImportantDuty”, (“Al-Difa’a a’an Aradi al-Muslimin Aham Furud al-A’ayan”),pg.19

107.Ibid,pg.48

108.Youssefal-A’ayrie:“TheRoleofWomeninJihadAgainsttheEnemy:ModelsfortheJihadistWomanfromtheWomenoftheSalaf(Ancestors)”(“Dawr al-Nissaa fi Jihad Al-A’ada’a: Namathej lil Mar’ah al-Mujahida min Nissaa al-Salaf”),pg.15

109.Ibid,pg.22

110.AbuMohammadal-Makdissi:“TheGreatMiddleEasterProject”,pg.48,www.tawhed.ws

150

111.Ibid,pg.50

112.Ibid,pgs.61-62

113.“TheEasyEncyclopediaofReligionsandContemporarySects”(“Al-Maousou’a al-Mouyassara fi al-Adyan wal Majaheb al-Moua’assira”),SecondEdition,Riyadh,“TheologySeminarforIslamicYouth”(“Al-Nadwa al-Ilmiya lil Shabab al-Islami”),1989,pg.115

114.HusseinBenMuhsenBenAliJaber:“ThePathtotheMuslimUnion”(“Al-Tariq ila Jama’at al-Muslimin”),Daral-Wafa,al-Mansoura,ThirdEdition,1989,pg.295

115.Abual-HassanAlial-Husseinial-Nadawi:“PersonalitiesandBooks”,Daral-Qalam,Beirut,1990,pg.16

116.Ibid,pg.17

117.Dr.FaisalDarrajandJamalBarout,editors:“IslamicParties,MovementsandGroups(Jama’at)”,ArabCenterforStrategicStudies,Damascus,FourthEdition,1/646

118. Dr. Ahmad Mubarak al-Baghdadi: “The Contemporary IntellectualContributionsoftheIslamicLiberationParty(Hizbut-Tahrir)andtheTablighGroups (Jamaa’at)”, Social Affairs (Shu’un Ijtima’eyeh) Magazine, Sharja(UAE),Summer1995,No.46,year12,pg.14

119.Abual-HassanAlial-Husseinial-Nadawi:“PersonalitiesandBooks”,Daral-Qalam,Beirut,1990,pg.19

120. Ayman Abu Shadi: “A Scientific View in the Origin of Tabligh(Communication)andal-Da’wa(Calling)”(“Nathra ‘Elmeya fi Assl al-Tabligh wal Da’wa”),Cairo,1998,pg.87

121.Dr.MahmoudSalemObeidat:“TheEffectsoftheFieldWorkofIslamicGroupsinthe20thCentury”,(“Athar al-Jama’at al-Islamiya al-Maydani Khilal al-Qarn al-Ishreen”), Maktabat al-Rissalah al-Haditha (The Office of theModernMessage),Amman,FirstEdition,1989,pg.279

122.Dr.SadiqAmin(pennameforDr.AbdullahAzzam):“IslamicCalling:ALegalDutyandaHumanNecessity”,(“Al-Da’wa Al-Islamiya: Farida Sharia wa Daroura Basharia”),ThePrintWorkersCooperative(Jami’yet Oumal al-Matabe’e al-Ta’awouniya),Amman,1992,pg.69

151

123.AbuBakral-Jaza’iri:“EloquentWordsintheTablighGroup”,(“Al-Qaoul Al-Baligh fi Jamaa’ah at-Tabligh”),pgs.6-7

124. For more details on the beliefs of the Jamaa’ah at-Tabligh, see:Abi Salama Sayyid Taleb al-Ahmad: “Jamaa’ah at-Tabligh: Its Belief andDefinitions: Exposition and Critique”, Dar al-Bayan, Islamabad, Pakistan,FirstEdition,1999

125.Saadal-Hussein:“AnotherOpinioninJamaa’ahat-Tabligh”,fromtheseminar“TheDirectionsofContemporaryIslamicThought”,Bahrain,OfficeofHigherEducationfortheGulfStates,1985,pg.578

126.Ibid,pg.579

127.AbuBakral-Jaza’iri:“MatureWordsintheTablighGroup”(“Al-Qaoul al-Baligh fi Jamaa’ah at-Tabligh”),pg.27

128.Saadal-Hussein:“AnotherOpinioninJamaa’ahat-Tabligh”,fromtheseminar“TheDirectionsofContemporaryIslamicThought”,Bahrain,OfficeofHigherEducationfortheGulfStates,1985,pg.583

129.Dr.AbdelKhaleqBeirZada: “TheTeachingsofal-Da’wa (Calling) toGod for Those Who Seek the Path of God” (“Manhaj al-Da’wa ela Allah Liman Yakhruj fi Sabeel Allah”),Maktabital-Iman(OfficeoftheFaith),Cairo,1993,pg.52

130.Ibid,pgs.69-72

131.AbuBakral-Jaza’iri:“MatureWordsintheTablighGroup”,pgs.14-16

132.Dr.AbdelKhaleqBeirZada: “TheTeachingsofal-Da’wa (Calling) toGodforThoseWhoSeekthePathofGod”,Maktabital-Iman(OfficeoftheFaith),Cairo,1993,pg.116

133. Dr. Saadudin Saleh: “The Ways, Contemporary Islamic Groups andtheir Historical Roots” (“Al-Turuq wa al-Jama’at al-Islamiya al-Mou’asirah wa Juthuraha al-Tarikhiya”,Daral-UhudforPublishingandDistribution,FirstEdition,2000,pg.367

134.InterviewwithSheikhAbdelHayAbuKhaled,July5,2008

152

135. Ibrahim al-Ghareibeh: “The Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan: 1946-1996”,TheNewCenterforJordanianStudies,DarSindibadforPublishing,Amman,1997,pg.49

136. Awni Judu’a al-Obeidi: “The Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan andPalestine:1945-1970”,Amman,1990,pgs.36-37

137. Dr. Amnon al-Kakhen: “The Muslim Brotherhood”, in: “IslamicMovementsinJordanandPalestine”,editedbyDr.MoussaZeidal-Kilani,al-Rissala (TheMessage) Institute,Beirut,Daral-Bashir,Amman,SecondEdition,1995,pg.38

138.Khaledal-Shakran:“TheMuslimBrotherhood’sPoliticalRoleinJordan1989-1995”,unpublishedMasters thesis,UniversityofAlel-Beit,Mafraq,Beinal-HikmaInstitute,pg.60

139. Ibrahim al-Ghareibeh: “The Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan: 1946-1996”,TheNewCenterforJordanianStudies,DarSindibadforPublishing,Amman,1997,pg.54

140.Khaledal-Shakran:“TheMuslimBrotherhood’sPoliticalRoleinJordan:1989-1995”,unpublishedMasters thesis,UniversityofAlel-Beit,Mafraq,Beinal-HikmaInstitute,pg.21

141. Dr. Amnon al-Kakhen: “The Muslim Brotherhood”, in: “IslamicMovementsinJordanandPalestine”,editedbyDr.MoussaZeidal-Kilani,al-Rissala(TheMessage)Institution,Beirut,Daral-Bashir,Amman,SecondEdition,1995,pg.76

142.Dr.MohammadAbdelKaderAbuFares:“PagesinthePoliticalHistoryoftheMuslimBrotherhoodinJordan”,Daral-Furkan,Amman,FirstEdition,2000,pg.31

143.NiveenMasaad:“DialecticofExclusionandParticipation:AComparisonBetweentheIslamicSalvationFrontinAlgeriaandtheMuslimBrotherhoodinJordan”,al-Mustaqbalal-Arabi,year13,No.145,March1991,pg.56

144.ZiadAbuAmr:“IslamicMovementsintheWestBankandGazaStrip:TheMuslimBrotherhoodandtheIslamicJihadMovement”,Daral-Asswar,AcreandJerusalem,pg.27

153

145. Ibrahim al-Ghareibeh: “The Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan: 1946-1996”,TheNewCenterforJordanianStudies,DarSindibadforPublishing,Amman1997,pg.181

146. Terese Haddad: “The Portfolio of Political Parties in Jordan: 1919-1994”,Amman,1994,pg.9

147.Ibrahimal-Sayyidal-Hindawi:“LabibaAhmadandtheConstructingtheMuslimWoman”,www.almujtamaa.com

148. Ahmad Tamam: “Labiba Ahmad and the Muslim Sisterhood”,www.islamonline.net149. See: Zeinab al-Ghazali: “Days from My Life”, Islamic House ofDistributionandPublishing,Cairo,FirstEdition,1999

150. See: Timothy Mitchell: “The Experience of Detention in IslamicDiscourse:AReadingof‘DaysfrommyLife’byZeinabal-Ghazali”,in:“TheIntellectualandtheFighterinContemporaryIslam”,preparedbyJillCableandRyanRichard,Daral-Saqi,Beirut,FirstEdition,1994,pg.175

151. Sheikh Hassan al-Banna: “The Muslim Woman”, Dar al-Jil, Beirut,SecondEdition,1088,pg.7

152.Ibid,pgs.7-8

153.Ibid,pg.11

154.Ibid,pgs.11-12

155.Ibidpg.18

156.Dr.Makaremal-Dayri: “TheWoman in Imamal-Banna’sDiscourse”,(“Al-Mar’ah fi Fiqr al-Imam al-Banna”).www.anasarportsaid.net

157. Hani al-Hourani: “Political Parties in Jordan”, The New Center forJordanianStudies,DarSindibad,Amman1997,pg.20

158.See:“ThePrincipalSystemfor the IslamicActionFrontParty”, fromIAFpublications

154

159.LisaTaraki:“TheIslamicMovementinJordanandtheIssuesofWoman”,in:“IslamicMovements,RightsandPublicFreedoms”,TheCenterof theNation’sStudies(Markaz Dirassat al-Umma),Amman,2002,pg.181

160.Dr.MohammadAbdelQaderAbuFares:“Women’sCivilandPoliticalRightsinIslam”,Daral-Furkan,Amman,FirstEdition,2000,pg.259

161.Ibid,pgs.104-105

162. Dr. Rahil Mohammad al-Gharaibeh: “Rights and Political Freedomsin IslamicSharia”,Daral-Manar,TheWorld Institute for IslamicThought,Amman,FirstEdition,2000,g.150

163. Mohammad al-Ghazali: “The Prophet’s Sunna between the Men ofJurisprudence and the Men of the Hadith” (“Al-Sunna al-Nabaweya bein Ahel al-Fiqh wa Ahel al-Hadith”),Daral-Shurouq,Cairo,13thEdition,2005,pgs.62-65

164.See: “TheElectoralProgram for theJordanian IslamicMovement in1989”,frompublicationsoftheIslamicActionFront,Amman

165. The Muslim Brotherhood: “The Muslim Woman in Muslim Society”,documentpublishedbytheMuslimBrotherhood,pgs.2-5

166.“The IslamicActionFrontParty”,NewCenter forJordanianStudies,pg.20

167.TheMuslimBrotherhood:“TheMuslimWomaninMuslimSociety”,adeclarationissuedbytheMuslimBrotherhood,pgs.2-5

168.Fatimaal-Samadi:“WomeninthePoliticalBattle”(“Nissaa fi Mu’tarak al-Seyasah”),aJordanAhliBankpublication

169. “Islamic Movements’ Visions of Reform in Jordan” (“Rou’yat al-Harakat al-Islamiyah Lil Islah fil Urdun”),fromthepublicationsoftheMuslimBrotherhoodandtheIslamicActionFront,2005,pgs.48-52

170.InterviewwithArwaal-Kayyali,July15,2008

171.Ibid

155

172. Bare’ah al-Naqshabandi: “The Political Participation of Women inJordanandOtherArabcountries”(“Al-Mousharaka al-Siyasseya lil Mar’ah fi al-Urdun wa Ba’ad al-Douwal al-Arabia”),TheArabInstituteforResearchandPublication,Beirut,FirstEdition,2001,pg.125

173.AsmaKhader:“TheDemocraticWoman”,paperpresentedtoconferenceon“TheJordanianDemocraticPath:RealityandHorizons”,Amman,May31-June 2, 1994, prepared by Hani al-Hourani, edited by Hussein AbuRumman,DarSindibadforPublishing,Amman1996,pg.235

174.JordanianConstitution,Amman,NationalCouncil (Majlissal-Umma),1986,pgs.6-10

175. Laurie A. Brand: “Women and the State in Jordan: Inclusion orExclusion?”in:“Islam,GenderandSocialChange”,editedbyYvonneYazbekHaddad and John L. Esposito, al-Ahliya for Publication and Distribution,Amman,FirstEdition,2003,pg.207

176.Dr. IbtisamAtiyyat:“Participation inPublicLifeand itsEffecton theConditionofWomeninJordan”,in:“DemocraticDevelopmentinJordan”,International Institution forDemocracyandElections,andtheNetworkofArabNon-GovernmentalOrganizationsforDevelopment,pg.30

177.NadiaSaadidin:”TheFutureof theRoleof theJordanianWoman inPoliticalDevelopmentinLightofDeclaredPolicies”,al-Mustaqbalal-ArabiMagazine,November,2005,No.321,year28,pg.111

178.HusseinOmaral-Khaza’e:“TheJordanianWomanandtheChallengesagainstHerReachingtheParliament:aSociologicalFieldStudyofFemalePoliticalCandidates”,al-Uloumal-Ijtimayeh(PoliticalSciences)Magazine,bytheCouncilofScientificPublication(Majless al-Nasher al-‘Elmy),KuwaitUniversity,Volume34,No.3,2006,pg.135

179. Mohammad Abu Rumman: “The Muslim Brotherhood in the 2007JordanianParliamentaryElections:APassingPoliticalSetbackorDecliningPopularity”,Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung,Jordan,November,2007,pg.19-20

180.Ibid,pg.47-52

181.MinistryofMunicipalAffairs:“MunicipalElectionsResultsfortheyear2003”

156

182. Interview with Arwa al-Kilani, July 15, 2008; member of the CentralCommitteeofTheSocietyforthePreservationoftheQuran,July15,2008andoneoftheIslamicActionFrontcandidates

183.Ibid

184.Fatimaal-Samadi:“WomeninthePoliticalBattle”,aJordanAhliBankpublication,pgs.74-76

185.InterviewwithUmaymaal-Akhras,memberofTheCentralCommitteeoftheWomenSectorintheIslamicActionFront,July2,2008

186.InterviewwithArwaal-Kilani,memberoftheCentralCommitteeofTheSocietyforthePreservationoftheQuran,July15,2008

187. Samer Khraino: “Jordanian Student Movements from 1948-1998:Their History and Development in Jordan and Abroad”, Dar Sindibad forPublishing, Amman and the New Center for Jordanian Studies, Amman,FirstEdition,2000,pgs.127-132

188.Dr.FaisalDarrajandJamalBarout(editors):“IslamicParties,MovementsandGroups(Jama’at)”,ArabCenterforStrategicStudies,Damascus,FourthEdition,2/488

189.See:“TheFamilyCovenant(orCharter)inIslam”(“Mithaq al-Ussrah fil Islam”),TheWorldIslamicCommitteeontheWomanandChildintheWorldIslamic Council for Calling and Rescue, and al-Afaf (Chastity) CharitableSociety,Amman,2008

190. See: “The Family Conference: The Stronghold (Husson) for Valuesand Identity”, an introductory book, ِal-Afaf (Chastity) Charitable Society,Amman

191.InterviewwithArwaal-Kilani,memberoftheCentralCommitteeofTheSocietyforthePreservationoftheQuran,July15,2008

192.Dr.Abdel LatifArabiyat: “TheRoleofValues inSocialChange:TheConditions of al-Afaf (Chastity) Charitable Society in Jordan”, al-Afaf(Chastity)CharitableSociety,Amman,FirstEdition,2004,pg.43

193.Dr.AbdelLatifArabiyatintheprefaceofthebook:“Gender:TheOrigin-TheMeaning-TheImpact”,byCamiliaHelmiMohammadandMuthanna

157

AminKurdistani,al-Afaf(Chastity)CharitableSocietyinJordan,FirstEdition,Amman,2004,pg.3

194. Dr. Mohammad Abu Fares: “Recommendations and Decisions ofthe Beijing Conference in the Perspective of Islamic Sharia” (“Tawsiyat Mu’tamar Beijing wa Qararatuh fi Mizan al-Shar’ al-Islami”),Daral-FurqanforPublishingandDistribution,Amman,FirstEdition,2007,pg.8

195.InterviewwithArwaal-Kilani,HeadoftheWomen’sSectorintheIslamicActionFront,July15,2008

196. Samih Ma’aita: “Muslim Center Party”, al-Ghad newspaper, Friday,July18,2008

197.Nawalal-Fa’ouri:“JordanianElections:AnOrientalistPointofView”,www.islamonline.net

198.Dr.HayelAbdelal-Hafez:“AConversationwiththeal-Aser(theAge)Magazine”,MohammadSleiman,www.alaser.net

199.“TheLiterature (Adabiyat)ofTheMuslimCenterParty: ItsDirectionsand Reform Model” (”Adabiyat Hizb al-Wasat al-Islami, Tawajuhatuh wa Minhajuh al-Isslahi”),partypublications,2006,pgs.11-13

200.Ibid,pgs.15-16

201.“InternalOrganizationoftheMuslimCenterParty”,www.wasatparty.com

202.InterviewwithDr.YassinAlial-Maqussi,memberoftheShuraCouncilandthePartySecretary,Amman,July15,2008

203.“AvenuesofWorkandReformintheMuslimCenterParty”, in:“TheLiterature(Adabiyat)ofTheMuslimCenterParty:ItsDirectionsandReformModel”,MuslimCenterPartypublications,2006,pg.55

204.Ibid,pg.56

205.Ibid,pg.56

206.“TheMuslimCenterPartyReformModel:WorkandReformPrograms”,MuslimCenterPartyliterature,2006,pgs.90-91

158

207. Dr. Nawal al-Fa’ouri: “The Role of the Woman in Political Reform”,Muntada al-Wasatiya lil Fiqr wal Thaqafa (The Forum of Moderates forThoughtandCulture),pg.4

208.Ibid,pgs.8-9

209.Dr.Nawalal-Fa’ouri:“DemocraticTransformationandSocialDiversityfromanIslamicPointofView”,paperpresentedtotheRegionalWorkshoponSocialDiversityandDemocraticTransformation,TheRegionalHumanSecurityCenter(RHSC),Amman

210.InterviewwithDr.YassinAlial-Maqussi,July15,2008

211.Ibid

212.Seethebulletin:“ForumoftheWasatiya(Middle)Woman”(“Multaqa Fatah Wasatiya”), The Wasatiyah (Middle) Forum (Muntada al-Wasatiya),Amman,pg.3

213.InterviewwithDr.YassinAlial-Maqussi,July15,2008

214.See:“TheCharter(Mithaq)oftheArabDemocraticIslamicMovement(Dua’a)”,Amman,FifthEdition,1996

215. InterviewwiththeAssistant totheSecretaryofMuslimCenterPartyAffairs

216. “The Charter (Mithaq) of the Arab Democratic Islamic Movement(Dua’a)”,Amman,FifthEdition,1996,pgs.73-76

217. Interview with Nabila Adib Sayyid Ahmad, Head of the WomenCommittees(Lijan Al-Mar’ah)intheMuslimCenterParty,July14,2008

218.Ibid

219. InterviewwithUmmKhaled,DeputySecretary-Generalof Women’sAffairs(MuslimCenterParty),July14,2008

220.Ibid

221.InterviewwithNabilaAdibSayyidAhmad,July15,2008

159

222.InterviewwithDr.MohammadAbuBakr,GeneralSecretaryofMuslimCenterParty,July6,2008

223.Ibid

224.InterviewswithseveralmembersoftheMuslimCenterParty(menandwomen),July14,2008

225.InterviewwithNabilaAdibSayyidAhmad,July15,2008

160