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What Kind of People Does a Religious Cult Attract? Author(s): William R. Catton, Jr. Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 22, No. 5 (Oct., 1957), pp. 561-566 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2089481 . Accessed: 03/09/2014 08:35 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Sociological Review. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 87.64.224.234 on Wed, 3 Sep 2014 08:35:42 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

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What Kind of People Does a Religious Cult Attract?Author(s): William R. Catton, Jr.Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 22, No. 5 (Oct., 1957), pp. 561-566Published by: American Sociological AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2089481 .

Accessed: 03/09/2014 08:35

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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Page 2: What Kind of People Does a Religious Cult Attract?

WHAT KIND OF PEOPLE DOES A RELIGIOUS CULT ATTRACT? 561

CONCLUSION

Comparisons of the results in the present study and McGranahan's indicate (a) that Filipino youth place higher emphasis on authority and obedience than American youth, (b) that they attribute less power and prerogative on the one hand and less

submission on the other to structured rela- tions of authority and obedience than Ger- man youth, (c) that they see the individual as closely identified with the group and, as a result, make less distinction between group rights and individual rights than either Ger- man or American youth.

WHAT KIND OF PEOPLE DOES A RELIGIOUS CULT ATTRACT?

WILLIAM R. CATTON, JR.

University of North Carolina

ON the basis of existing theory of insti- tutional behavior, is it possible to predict what classes of people may be

attracted to a new religious cult? Consider the following propositions about religion:

(1) Religion is a spontaneously appearing, perennial, and universal attribute of man.... The element of chance, here and hereafter, everlastingly must be contended with. (2) From earliest known times, religion has as- sumed institutionalized forms. Apparently it . . . cannot exist without social expression and social organization. (3) Organized re- ligions tend to become over-organized, from the very fact of their organization as "going concerns". . . . They become ends in them- selves rather than means. (4) . . . it is easier to administer the affairs of an organization than it is to keep creeds flexible, codes of con- duct clear and uncompromised, and the life of the spirit immanent. Historically this has meant either the eventual disappearance of the particular religious organization, or more commonly, reform or schism, especially in the form of new sects or cults.'

From these propositions we may deduce that any sufficiently large and varied popu- lation is likely to contain a number of indi- viduals whose religious interests are intense but are not adequately served by existing religious institutions. These would include persons we should predict might be attracted to a new religious cult. But can such persons be identified in terms of objective character- istics observable prior to their actual affilia- tion with the cultist movement? The study reported here suggests an affirmative answer.

1 J. 0. Hertzler, "Religious Institutions," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 256 (March, 1948), pp. 1, 3, 12.

A RESEARCH OPPORTUNITY

An opportunity to study public reaction to a man whose small band of followers re- garded him as Christ (and who himself acknowledged that status) arose when such a group visited Seattle, Washington, in the winter of 1952. Their presence was first an- nounced by a two-column 8-inch advertise- ment in both Seattle newspapers. The ad contained a photograph of a bearded man in a long robe, resembling the traditional por- traits of Christ. Beside the picture were the words: "We Believe THIS IS CHRIST The Begotten Son of God. What MORE can we say!! ! Listen to the words of Christ." The time, place, and auspices for a public appearance were specified in smaller print at the bottom.

The writer and a friend2 attended the meeting. The audience numbered about 300. We watched and listened, but asked no ques- tions of anyone. At subsequent meetings our investigation included direct personal con- versation with the "Christ," Krishna Venta. We were able to establish sufficient rapport to facilitate fairly systematic study of this embryonic cult with tape recorder and ques- tionnaires.3

2 The author wishes to acknowledge the co- operation of Lynn B. Lucky in the execution of this study, from the original decision to attend the first of this unusual series of meetings, to the analysis of the questionnaire data. Acknowledge- ment is also due the Washington Public Opinion Laboratory, by which both the author and Lucky were then employed, for the use of its facilities. The criticism of Melvin L. DeFleur, Indiana Uni- versity, was of great help in preparing this report.

3 This rapport was close enough, in fact, to be slightly embarrassing, and may have influenced

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THE MEETINGS

The first meeting, on January 20, was quietly conducted by several "disciples" dressed in plain robes, moving about on bare feet, wearing beards and long hair, and em- bracing each member of the audience upon entrance. One of them, called "Peter," gave a quiet, lengthy introduction of the "Master" who made a dramatic entrance. In an hour- long lecture he reprimanded the crowd for having paid him so little heed 1,900 years before, and stated his present mission as the "gathering of the elect," disclaiming any present intent to "save souls." During an ensuing question session, several members of the audience sought to ridicule the speaker, but the majority of the audience seemed content to enjoy the show.

At the second meeting the following eve- ning Krishna's entry was unexpectedly inter- rupted by the minister of the liberal church in which the meeting was being held. He disclaimed all personal connection with the affair by announcing his discovery since the previous meeting that Krishna had a crimi- nal record. Krishna was, however, permitted to speak. His lecture was defiant, referring repeatedly to persecutions inflicted on him by so-called Christians. The audience, con- taining many people who had attended the first meeting, reacted very differently on this occasion. In addition to those who had come just to see a show and the few who sought to ridicule the "Master," as at the first meet- ing, there now appeared to be a highly moti- vated and articulate minority who saw him as a serious threat to their own orthodox Christian beliefs. They fought him aggres- sively, armed with Bible verses. Their questions were of the type: "If you're really the Christ, show us the scars of your cruci- fixion!" In short, they seemed exclusively concerned with reassuring themselves that Krishna was an imposter.4

some of the responses to our questionnaires. Some audience members regarded us as followers of Krishna. Weeks after the last meeting, when this group had left Seattle, the irate husband of one woman (whose attendance at several meetings had convinced her Krishna was really Christ) threat- ened us by telephone: "I'll have the law on you."

4 Elizabeth K. Nottingham, Religion and Society, New York: Doubleday, 1954, p. 5, points out that the unholy is often closely associated with the

A different meeting place was obtained for the third and subsequent meetings. The third meeting (on January 27, Sunday) dealt with prophecy.

At the fourth meeting (Wednesday eve- ning, January 30) Krishna lectured on "Hypnotism and Mental Telepathy" in rather abstract terms.

In his fifth lecture (Sunday, February 3) Krishna informed the audience that Christ and Jesus were two different people; that Christ assisted God in the creation of the universe, has been with men since their beginning, and that Christ, not Jesus, was crucified. Krishna reasserted that he himself was Christ: "I am Christ, the son of the living God. The eternal Christ. The one that was crucified 1,900 years ago, died and was buried and on the third day rose again."

In addition, the speaker devoted himself to a lament for the current state of freedom- of-the-press in the United States. Both Seattle newspapers had refused to carry further advertising about his group, due, Krishna asserted, to pressure from interests that were afraid of his power.

At the sixth and last meeting on Sunday, February 10, Krishna discussed his criminal record,5 describing himself as a martyr for humanity at the hands of a cruel and selfish society. His remarks were tape-recorded, and included the following words spoken in a quiet tone, weary from long suffering:

It is true, children, I have served time for committing that bad check. I served . .. nine months, in a road gang, three years on proba- tion. It is true, children, that I ... was con- victed for a so-called burglary .... The truth cannot be in someone like that because that person is bad, and society says he is bad, and condemns him for everything he has done. And yet it has not stopped me from my mis- sion, and my work. As much as society has said that I was guilty of those crimes, I say I was not guilty.-Why?-It's good for all of you. You know why I'm telling you this to- day? I want you to condemn me too and show

holy in religious thought. The devout persons who thought Krishna was a wicked imposter seemed especially anxious to obtain proof that he was not the genuine Christ.

5 Krishna was fond of the Book of Revelation, which attributes to Christ the following words:

" I will come like a thief, and you will not know at what hour I will come upon you." Rev. 3:3.

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WHAT KIND OF PEOPLE DOES A RELIGIOUS CULT ATTRACT? 563

your true "Christian" spirit. I want to see how much Christian you are and how much Hypo- crite you are.

Several members of the audience wept throughout Krishna's talk. At the close of this last meeting, a member of the audience once again challenged Krishna: "Are you the embodiment of Christ?" Krishna an- swered:

If I were to say "no" to you, you would be pleased, because you are not willing to accept. If I were to say "yes" that I am, you would be very highly displeased and say "No, it isn't possible!" So I have to make my choice between you and God. I fear not what man might say about me. In all of his rejections I do not fear; but I do fear God. Therefore, I cannot lie to you to please you. I must tell the truth in the sight of God. I am the Son of God.

A woman in the audience cried out ecstati- cally, "I knew it! " Shortly afterward Krishna and his disciples departed in their Buick station wagon for their home base, a utopian colony in southern California.

THE AUDIENCES

From our informal observations at the first two meetings, it seemed that while many people attended as mere spectators, others were genuinely concerned whether or not this man was really Christ.6 The degree to which persons accepted Krishna's claim seemed to depend more on their own predi- lections than on what he said. Our first questionnaire, therefore, was designed to measure degree of acceptance of his claim, and to obtain some indication of predis- positions.

The audiences appeared to range from middle to lower socio-economic status, with men and women about equally represented. Very few non-white persons were present at any of the meetings. Questionnaire responses showed that collectively the audiences in- cluded one or more adherents of each of the following faiths: Baptist, Catholic, Christian,

6 This was true also of the "secondary audience" -persons who heard of the affair second-hand through us. Many of them were chiefly concerned to know whether we thought Krishna really was Christ.

TABLE 1. SIZE OF AUDIENCE AND NUMBER OF QUES- TIONNAIRES RETURNED BY DATE OF MEETING

Size of Questionnaires Audience Returned

Sunday, Jan. 20 About 300 ... Monday, Jan. 21 No count taken ... Sunday,Jan.27 420 125 Wednesday, Jan. 30 132 70 Sunday,Feb.3 120 58 SundayFeb.10 84 37

Christian Scientist, Church of the People, Congregational, Episcopal, Greek Orthodox, Jehovah's Witnesses, Latter Day Saints, Lutheran, Mental Science, Methodist, Open Bible Standard, Pentecostal Assembly of God, Presbyterian, Quaker, Rosicrucian, Seventh Day Adventist, Spiritualist, The Church, United Brethren, and Unity. In size the audiences ranged as shown in Table 1.

Each questionnaire included the open- ended query: "What was your main interest in coming to this meeting?" XVith very few exceptions 7 it was possible to divide the respondents into two rather clear-cut cate- gories: those who said "To learn," "To seek the truth," or "To gain an understanding of God," etc. were classified as seekers; those who said "To see a show," or "I was curi- ous," etc. were designated observers.

What kind of people were these seekers and observers? Other questions showed that seekers were less likely to be church mem- bers, attended church less often than did observers, more frequently read the Bible, were more inclined to believe in the possi- bility of a second coming, devoted somewhat more of their idle thoughts to questions of where and how they would spend eternity, were lonelier, were slightly more apprehen- sive about war and depression. In short, seekers tended to be those who had strong religious interests that were not being satis- fied through normal institutional channels. These were the people, as identified by ques- tionnaire items, whom we would predict as most likely to become followers of Krishna,

7The exceptions probably included a small group of relatives and friends of two of Krishna's robed followers who happened to be from Seattle. Responses: "I came on account of a friend," or "To see Brother Gene," etc. These appear under "N.R." in the tables.

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according to the theoretical position stated at the beginning of this paper.

THE QUESTIONNAIRE FINDINGS

Did any of these people in fact become "followers" of Krishna? A total of 129 names and addresses were obtained from the questionnaires, and each individual's questionnaires were assembled into a single unit. The number of meetings attended by seekers and observers is shown in Table 2.

If the nine "no responses" are eliminated and the table is condensed into a four-fold contingency table (seekers vs. observers, and one meeting vs. more-than-one-meeting attended), this condensed table yields a Chi- square of 12.05, which for one degree of freedom is significant beyond the .001 level. This indicates that seekers were more prone to return to subsequent meetings after first

TABLE 2. PREDISPOSITION OF RESPONDENTS BY

FREQUENCY OF ATTENDANCE *

No. of meetings attended Seekers Observers N.R. Totals

1 61 37 9 107 2 10 - - 10 3 11 - - 11 4 1 - - 1

Totals 83 37 9 129

* Includes only those who gave their names.

exposure to "the Master" than were ob- servers. Returnees can be regarded, in a limited sense, as "followers."

Despite the greater proneness of seekers to return to Krishna's lectures, the propor- tion of new observers in successive audiences appears to have increased, as shown by Table 3.

Based on the same "voluntary sample" as Table 2, Table 3 indicates that successive audiences included proportionately fewer new seekers, and proportionately more new observers. Since the later meetings were held without benefit of newspaper advertising, it may be hypothesized that word-of-mouth recruiting of new audience-members was more effective in bringing in additional ob- servers than seekers. This hypothesis is sup- ported by responses in the mailed follow-up

TABLE 3. PREDISPOSITION OF RESPONDENTS BY DATE OF FIRST ATTENDANCE *

First Attendance Seekers Observers N.R. Totals

No.% No. % No.% No. % Sunday,

Jan.27 (56) 71 (17) 22 (5) 6 (78) 100 Wednesday,

Jan. 30 (14) 61 (9) 39 -- - (23) 100 Sunday,

Feb. 3 (10) 53 (7) 37 (2) 11 (19) 100 Sunday,

Feb. 10 (3) 33 (4) 44 (2) 22 (9) 100

Totals (83) (37) (9) (129)

* Restricted to those who gave their names.

questionnaire to the item: "I first found out about Krishna by (a) hearing about him from another person, (b) reading his ad in the papers" (see Table 4). By eliminating the N.R. row and column, Table 5 can be reduced to a four-fold con- tingency table that yields a Chi-square of 4.71, which is significant for one degree of freedom at the .05 level. Thus Table 4 indi- cates a significant tendency for seekers to learn of Krishna predominantly via news- paper advertising and for observers to learn principally via word-of-mouth.

For both categories, however, the median number of persons told was two, and if we compare telling versus not telling by seekers and observers we obtain Table 5. The first four cells of this table, taken as a four-fold contingency table, yield a Chi- square of .032, which is far from significant. Therefore, we cannot argue that seekers were any more, or less, talkative than observers.

It was hypothesized that once present in the audience, seekers would be more inclined to accept Krishna's claim to be Christ than would observers. The degree of acceptance

TABLE 4. SOURCES OF INFORMATION FOR SEEKERS AND OBSERVERS

Word-of- Advertise- Mouth ment N.R. Totals

Seekers 13 32 7 52 Observers 10 7 2 19 N.R. 1 3 - 4

Totals 24 42 9 75

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WHAT KIND OF PEOPLE DOES A RELIGIOUS CULT ATTRACT? 565

TABLE 5. COMPARISON OF SEEKERS WITH OBSERVERS

AS ORAL COMMUNICATORS

Told Told Nobody Somebody N.R. Totals

Seekers 17 28 7 52 Observers 6 11 2 19 N.R. 2 2 4

Totals 25 41 9 75

of this claim was measured by an item in- volving a thermometer-like diagram. The top of its column was labeled "Absolutely cer- tain," and the bottom, where it joined the thermometer bulb, was labeled "Absolutely impossible." Above the thermometer dia- gram were the words, "Degrees of likeli- hood." Respondents were asked to blacken the tube up to a height that would indicate "how likely you think it is that Krishna is Christ." While this constituted a very unso- phisticated attitude-scale it had the merit of being clearly meaningful to the respondents.

This item appeared twice on each ques- tionnaire, and respondents were instructed to indicate their degree of belief both before and after the meeting. The markings were converted later to a numerical index ranging from 0, "Absolutely impossible," to 1.0 "Absolutely certain."

The signed questionnaires enabled us to observe individual opinions before and after one or more exposures to Krishna. For the 51 seekers and 29 observers who put their names on their questionnaires and gave at least two responses on the likelihood (ther- mometer) question, definite shifts of opinion occurred, as shown in Table 6. The initial level of belief differed signifi- cantly between seekers and observers (C.R.

12.09) in the direction one would expect. More than this, the initially favorable seek-

TABLE 6. OPINION SHIrTS AMONG IDENTIFIED

RESPONDENTS

Likelihood Krishna is Christ

Mean Mean First Response Last Response

Seekers (N - 51) .44 .51 Observers (N - 29) .10 .04

ers became more favorable (C.R. - 2.25) through exposure to Krishna's lectures, while the initially skeptical observers became still more skeptical (C.R. - 2.85) in response to "the same" stimuli.

In response to the questionnaire item, "What do you think was the main thing you got out of coming [to this meeting]?" one respondent-a non-church member- wrote, "Satisfaction of Krishna being the Christ." Another said, "A lovely friendly feeling and a light heart." Still another-a church member-wrote, "Satisfaction that he is a fraud. . . ." Several respondents in- dignantly called him "anti-Christ."

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

When a man who claimed to be Christ gave a series of public lectures in Seattle, his audiences consisted largely of two kinds of persons: seekers, persons who wanted to consider him seriously as a religious leader and many of whom were not affiliated with a church, and observers who came because of curiosity. Seekers were more inclined than observers to return to subsequent meetings. Initial announcement of the meetings was by newspaper advertisement, but audience members could later be recruited only by word-of-mouth. The latter means of com- munication was more effective in bringing in observers to the lectures, while seekers were mainly brought in by the printed advertis- ing, so successive audiences contained in- creasing proportions of observers. The acceptance of his claim to be Christ was initially higher among seekers than among observers, and increased among seekers upon exposure to the lectures, whereas the lectures decreased acceptance among observers.

It can be argued theoretically that any religious organization that is "successful" institutionally must "fail" religiously for at least some of its constituents. These people will be more prone than others to accept the claims (at least temporarily, until institu- tionalization sets in) of a cultist leader. The present research has indicated that it is possible, even with relatively unsophisticated techniques, to identify these persons in the larger population, and to predict their re- sponses to religious stimuli. Often, of course,

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there are a number of different cults "on the market" at the same time. It is plausible that important differences exist between the sort of person who was attracted to Krishna Venta and those who find themselves aroused by a different sort of appeal.8 The evidence

reported in this paper would not enable us to predict which of several competing cults might be selected by a cult-prone (institu- tionally alienated but religiously intense) person. Much further research would be re- quired before such specific prediction could be attempted.

8 The possibility that some persons may have a generalized cult-proneness seems implied by the previous involvement with Dianetics of several of the members of the cult studied by Leon Fest- inger, Henry W. Riecken, and Stanley Schachter,

in When Prophecy Fails, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1956. There are seekers, ap- parently, who move from cult to cult in a never- ending quest.

THE SELF COMPONENT IN POTENTIAL DELINQUENCY AND POTENTIAL NON-DELINQUENCY *

WALTER C. RECKLESS, SIMON DINITZ AND BARBARA KAY

The Ohio State University

THIS paper represents the second phase of an integrated research project on insulation against and vulnerability for

delinquency at age 12, the threshold age for American city boys. The first phase of the project 1 attempted to indicate what makes for insulation against delinquency of sixth-grade boys in high delinquency areas. In the present report sixth-grade white boys in the highest delinquency areas in Colum- bus, Ohio, who were nominated by their teachers as headed for contact with the police and courts, are compared with boys in the same classrooms who were previously nominated by the same teachers as most likely to stay clear of contact with the police and juvenile court.

The purpose of the first phase of this investigation was to explore the components underlying potential insulation against legal and social misconduct, which insulation oc- curs even in the most adverse social settings. As a result of this research it was suggested that "insulation" against delinquency ap- pears to be a function of the acquisition

* Revised version of a paper read at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Society, August, 1957. This study was made possible by a grant from the Ohio State University Develop- ment Fund.

1 Walter C. Reckless, Simon Dinitz, and Ellen Murray, "Self Concept as an Insulator Against Delinquency," American Sociological Review, 21 (December, 1956), pp. 744-746.

and maintenance of a socially acceptable or appropriate self-concept.2 It was further sug- gested that this "insulation" is both re- flected in and a reflection of the definitions of significant others in the lives of the non- delinquents.

If appropriately good concepts of self and others, as manifested by young persons, might insulate against delinquency, adverse concepts of self and others might set the trend toward delinquency, in the sense that the young person has no internalized resist- ance to the confrontation of a bad neighbor- hood, bad home life, and bad companions. This paper attempts to shed some light on the problem by comparing the so-called in- sulated boys with the potentially delinquent boys in the same adverse situations.

In the present study all sixth-grade teachers in schools located in the areas of highest white delinquency were asked to nominate those boys in their classrooms who would, in their estimation, almost certainly experience future police and juvenile court contact.3 The teachers were also asked to justify their nominations by indicating the reasons for selecting each boy. The names of the nominated boys and their families were subsequently screened through the

2 Ibid., p. 746. 3 John S. Ely, An Ecological Study of Juvenile

Delinquency in Franklin County, Master's Thesis, The Ohio State University, 1952.

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