THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

EDITED BY

T. E. PAGE, LITT.D.E. CAPPS, PH.I)., LL.D. W. H. D. ROUSE, litt.d.

V I T R U V I U SON ARCHITECTURE

I

r i^AA rj u.

jJhEy Z^ VyCHyCi

VITRUVIUSON ARCHITECTURE

EDITED FROM THE HARLEIAN MANUSCRIPT 2767 ANDTRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH BY

FRANK GRANGER, D.Lit., A.R.I.B.A.PROFESSOK IN UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, NOTTINGHAM

IN TWO VOLUMESI

W-^ H

To Jesse

PREFACEThis edition has been based upon the oldest

MS. of Vitruvius, the Harleian 2767 of the BritishMuseum, probably of the eighth century, and fromthe Saxon scriptorium of Northumbria in which theCodex Amiatinus was written. The Latin closelyresembles that of the workshop and the street. Inmy translation I have sought to retain the vividnessand accuracy of the original, and have not sought asmoothness of rendering which would become amore polished style. The reader, it is possible,may discern the genial figure of Vitruvius throughhis utterances. In a technical treatise the risks ofthe translator are many. The help of Dr. Rousehas rendered them less formidable, but he is notresponsible for the errors which have survivedrevision.The introduction has been limited to such con-

siderations as may enable the layman to enter intothe mysteries of the craft, and the general reader tofollow the stages by which the successive accretionsto the text have been removed. The section uponlanguage indicates some of the relations of \^itruviusto Old Latin generally.My examination of fourteen MSS. has been

rendered possible by the courtesy of the Directorsof the MSS. Libraries at the British Museum, theVatican, the Escorial, the Bibliotheque Nationale

PREFACE

at Paris, the Bodleian, St. John's College, Oxford,and Eton College. A word of special thanks isdue to his Excellency the Spanish Ambassador toLondon, his Eminence the Cardinal Merry del Valand the Secretary of the British Embassy at Paris,for their assistance.

Mr. Paul Gray, M.A., of this College, has givenme valuable help in preparing the MS. for thepress.

Frank Granger.Ukiveesity College,

Nottingham,September, 1929.

CONTENTSPREFACEINTRODUCTION

:

VITRUVIUS AND THE ARCHITECTURE OF THEWEST .....

HISTORY OF THE MSS. OF VITRUVIUSTHE EARLIEST EDITIONS OF VITRUVIUSTHE SCHOLIA OF THE MSS.THE ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE MSS.THE LANGUAGE OF VITRUVIUS .

BIBLIOGRAPHY

:

THE MSS. ......EDITIONS ......

TRANSLATIONS .....THE CHIEF CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE STUDY OF

VITRUVIUS .....

BOOKS OF GENERAL REFERENCE

TEXT AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION:BOOK I. ARCHITECTURAL PRINCIPLESBOOK II. EVOLUTION OF BUILDING : USE OF

MATERIALS .. . .

BOOK III. IONIC TEMPLESBOOK IV. DORIC AND CORINTHI.\N TEMPLESBOOK V. PUBLIC BUILDINGS : THEATRES (aND

music), BATHS, HARBOURS

PAGE

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71

151

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249

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CONTENTS

ILLUSTRATIONS

:

THE CAPITOL DOUGGA.

(Frontispiece)PLATE A. WINDS AND DIRECTION OF STREETS {at end)PLATE B. PLANS OF TEMPLES

. . ,

.PLATE C. IONIC ORDER . . . . PLATE D. CORINTHIAN ORDER (see Froniispiece)PLATE E. DORIC ORDER ...(' end)PLATE F. MUSICAL SCALES

. . . j,

PLATE G. THEATRE . . . . . PLATE H. PLAN OF STABIAN BATHS, POMPEII

. ,,

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INTRODUCTION

vltruvius and the architecture of theWest

The history of architectural literature is taken byVitruvius to begin with the theatre of Dionysus atAthens.^ In earlier times the spectators wereaccommodated upon wooden benches. Accordingto one account,^ in the year 500 b.c. or thereabouts,the scaffolding collapsed, and in consequence abeginning was made towards a permanent stonestructure. The elaborate stage settings of Aeschylusreached their culmination at the performance ofthe Agamemnon and its associated plays in 458.According to Suidas,^ the collapse of the scaffolding,which occurred at a performance of one of Aeschylus'dramas, led to the exile of the poet in Sicily, whei'ehe died in 456. In that case the permanent con-struction of the theatre would begin in the Pericleanage some time between 458 and 456.The performance of the Oresteia probably coin-

cided with the first use of scene-painting. Agathar-chus,^ an artist of Samos, who was employed uponthis, introduced the method of perspective as apractical expedient, not only in scene-painting butelsewhere. His elder contemporary, Polygnotus,

^ Vitr. VII., pref. 11. ^ Suidas, s.v. Pratinas.* s.v. Aeschylus. * Vitr. VII., pref. 11.

INTRODUCTION

painted the figure without any light and shade andwithout a pictorial background. Agatharchus notonly transformed the background of the stage, butchanged the whole method of painting. He wasfollowed by Zeuxis and Parrhasius. He left a note-book of a practical character, apparently a series ofworkshop recipes, with special reference to per-spective. An illuminating anecdote recorded byPlutarch ^ connects the painter with the extra-ordinary speed with which the architectural schemesof Pericles were completed. Even the more simpleapplications of perspective would enable an artistto can-y out designs with a rapidity, and on a scale,hitherto unknown.The practical treatise of Agatharchus suggested

to Anaxagoras and Democritus a theoretic treat-ment of perspective.^ Since Anaxagoras belongedto the circle of Pericles,^ he forms one contactbetween the discoveries of Agatharchus and theirapplication to the Parthenon. How far the subtlevariations of the stonework in that building, fromthe horizontal and the vertical, are to be deducedfrom a system of pei'spective is a matter in dispute.*We probably err in limiting ourselves to geometricalprojection; the logos opticos or theory of visionincluding other considerations. At any rate, theauthorities upon whom Vitruvius chiefly drew,Pythius and Hermogenes, often appeal to aestheticprinciples, such as symmetry and congruity, whichgo beyond perspective.

If we take the Parthenon as furnishing a type ofthe Doric Order, Pythius in the fourth century atthe Mausoleum and Priene, and Hermogenes in the

1 Pericles, xiii. ^ Vitr. VII., pref. 11.* Plut. Pericles. * Lethaby, Greek Buildings, p. 80.

INTRODUCTION

third century at Magnesia, supply guidance for theIonic Order not only in the extant remains of theirbuildings but in the formal treatises upon whichVitruvius drew. Surprise has sometimes beenexpressed at the long list of authorities quoted byVitruvius in the preface to his seventh book. Thereis, however, good I'eason to accept his statementthat he selected from them what was suitable tothe plan of his work. Some of his material mayhave come by way of \"arro ; the greater part seemsto have been taken at first hand.The descriptions left by architects of their build-

ings seem rather to have been in the form of specifi-cations than like the formal treatises of Pythius andHermogenes. We have not indeed the specificationof the arsenal which Philo built in the Piraeus ; butwe have a recital of the works to be undertaken bythe contractors,^ which is a form of contract also,including something like a specification. To thiswere added the architect's drawings to scale. Thegeneral method of contracting with specification anddrawings went back to what in \^itruvius' time wasalready antiquity. When the temple of Apollo atDelphi was burnt down in 548 b.c, it was rebuilt tothe designs of a Corinthian architect, Spintharos,and with the funds of the Amphictionic League.^The contract was undertaken by the noble Athenianfamily of the Alcmaeonids. In order to gain thefavour of the Delphic oracle, " they executed thework more splendidly than the plans of the architectshowed, and in pai-ticular, whereas the building wasto be of local stone, they carried out the front eleva-tion in Parian marble." ^ The conti-act was let to

1 Dittenberger, Sylloge IG, 352. ^ p^us. X. v. 13.* Herod. V. 62.

INTRODUCTION

the Alcmaeonids for 300 talents (72,000), and theAmphictionic Council demanded from the city ofDelphi a contribution of one quarter the amount.The citizens sent missionaries throughout the Greekworld to aid in collecting the amount. They wereespecially successful in Egypt, where the nativemonarch gave a thousand talents of rock-alum (per-haps for use in making stucco), and the Greeksettlers gave 20 minae (80).^ I have dealt atsome length with the Delphic temple because itfurnishes us with some notion of the earlier stagesof Greek architectural practice. It also indicatesthe continuity of this tradition down to the point atwhich it is taken up by Vitruvius.^We next turn to town-planning, which for Vitru-

vius ^ begins mth Alexandria and the architectDinocrates. And yet Vitruvius might have foundin Italy itself an older precedent. The export tradein pottery from Athens gave employment to a wholequarter of the city, the Ceramicus. A centurybefore the sculpture of Athens became supreme inGreece, her pottery by its fine quality had gaineda market in Etruria, Italy and Sicily. In order tosecure her trade in the West, Athens determined toform an emporium in Southern Italy and employedthe architect Hippodamus of Miletus to lay out thenew city of Thurii. When the colonists arrived,they found their new home already partly built.In the time of Vitruvius, four centuries later, it wasa cheerful watering-place.To Vitruvius the main consideration in to\vn-

planning was to guard the thoroughfares against theprevailing winds. Consequently he shows a plan

1 Herod. II. 180. * Book VII., pref. 11.3 Book I. ; Book II., pref. 4.

INTRODUCTION

with the streets radiating from a centre. But hisattempt to create a precedent failed. The Romancolonies in the main followed the lay-out of theRoman camp. It has been left to modern times totake up the Greek tradition. Washington is in theline of Thurii and Alexandria.The form of Greek and Roman architecture was

largely determined by the excellent stone andmarble quarries which were at their command; justas Egyptian architecture is relevant to the nobleigneous rocks of the Nile valley. We have seenParian marble exported to Delphi. Athens wasnear the quarries of Pentelicus, Roman buildingswere faced with stone from Carrara. Alongsidewith marble and stone was the use of burnt or sun-dried brick. The latter continued in Rome till theend of the Republic. The use of burnt brick wascustomary in Babylon and in regions under Baby-lonian influence ; at Halicarnassus glazed brick alsoseems to have been used in the fourth century.

^

It was not until the Empire that burnt brick cameinto use at Rome. The most impressive features ofRoman building, the arch and the vault, are associatedwith this material.

It is at this stage that Mtruvius appears with thistreatise. We know almost as much about Vitruviusas we know about Shakespeare. Vitruvius was inter-ested in himself, and informs the reader that he wasneither good-looking nor tall. He sought consola-tion in writing. And familiarity with his treatisegains respect for the writer. Purists may regret hisdeviations from the canons of Cicei'o. A deeperfeeling will be aroused by the vernacular characterof his Latin, which is faithfully recorded by the

1 Vitr. II. viii. 11.

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oldest extant MS. H. The Latin of the mason'syard and the carpenter's bench and of Vitruvius'text-book was to be echoed all over Western Europein the early part of the Middle Ages.But Vitruvius was the channel of the tradition of

science. Greek philosophy in his pages was thecoryphaeus of mathematics and the special sciences.For Vitruvius himself seems to have spoken Greek,and to have had a direct acquaintance with Greekliterature. In this respect he was, none the less,Roman. Greek began two centuries before Christto replace Latin as the language of Roman society.It flowed from the dying lips of Caesar. A centurylater it conveyed to the already venerable churchof the capital the masterly exposition of Christianprinciples by St. Paul, a Semite and a Roman citizen.The affinity of the Western Church with Mtruviusis deeply rooted indeed if we follow the oldestreading,! " let no one think I have erred if I believein the logos." " Ne putet me erravisse si credamrafionem." At any rate this manual combines ascientific temper with a rational respect for thenuminous.^

Vitruvius held an official position in the rebuildingof Rome by Augustus.^ His treatise, however, nevermentions Octavian by his official name Augustus,and presumably was written before 27 b.c, when itwas conferred. The Roman plumbers, according toFrontinus, seem to have acted on his instructions indetermining the size of their lead pipes.* We canperhaps trace in Pliny ^ a reference to the standardsimposed by Vitruvius. More general is the use of

^ H. II. i. 8. - Xumen = " a divine gesture."' Cf. I., pref. 2. * Front. Aquaed. 25.* N.H. xxxi. 68.

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Vitruvius made by the same writer, showing thatthe manual of Architecture was already a standardwork. This tradition lasted as far as Sidonius Apol-linaris in the fifth century. The Parisian MS. 7382notes by a later hand the quotations from \ itruviusby these three writers. The scholiast on h, perhapsFra Giocondo, quotes references to Pliny in whichVitruvius seems to furnish the material.More striking still is the influence of Vitruvius

upon the architecture of the Roman colonies whichwere founded in the early Empire. His circle ofthe winds was marked at many colonies in Africa,especially at Dougga, where the neighbouringCapitol ^ is said to follow the proportions of Vitruvius,probably in the second century a.d.The eclipse of Rome by Theodoric and Justinian

in the sixth century replaced Vitruvius by the de-signs of the Byzantine artists. ^ His work, however,was probably represented in the manuscripts ofCassiodorus at Squillace and of the Benedictines atMonte Cassino. He took a new life when Romerecovered under the Papacy. Along with the LatinVulgate, Vitruvius probably was taken by Ceolfridto the scriptorium at J arrow, where Italian scribeswrote the Codex Amiatinus andthere is reason tothinkthe oldest extant MS., the Harleian, ofVitruvius. The circumstance that strictly speakingthere was no such thing as Saxon architecture, imphedthat the " Roman style," as it was called, wasimitated. This did not necessarily involve the useof the orders, as may be seen by the epitome of

^ See Frontispiece.^ There is a reference to Vitruvius, Book VIII. iii., in Tzet-

zes' commentary on Lycophron, Alexandra, 1024. He seemsto have read Victruvius.

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Faventinus dating from the fourth century. Whatwas followed was the use of building materials inthe Roman manner. The Christian architects seizedrather upon the basilica of Vitruvius than his pagantemple, a process which had ah*eady begun in Africa,where the basilicas ofTimgad still retain the columnarstyle of the temple.

Benedictine missionaries carried religion and archi-tecture of the Roman form from England to Charle-magne. That Germany owed \'itruvius to Englandappears from the fact that all the extant MSS. goback to H. At this point we take up the history ofthe MSS.

The History of the Manuscripts of VitruviusThe origin and date of the oldest MS. H ^ have

been variously assigned. Rose in his preface roundlystates that it was written in Germany in the time ofCharlemagne.^ But a reconsideration of the originof H has been rendered necessary by the discoverythat the Codex Amiatinus was written not, as Tis-chendorf supposed,^ in Italy about a.d. 541, but inEngland at Jarrow (or Wearmouth), to which Ceol-frid brought manuscripts from Italy. Theodore,Archbishop of Canterbury, also, seems to have beenthe means by which an Italian manuscript of theLatin Vulgate came to the north to furnish theoriginal of the Lindisfarne Gospels, about a.d. 690.This was written by the Bishop of Lindisfarne him-self, a Saxon under the influence of Irish scribes.Now let us turn to H. It was not completed, for

four pages were left blank, probably for some ofthe illustrations to which Vitruvius refers. In the

1 B.M. Harl. 2767. ^ gd. pref. iv.^ N.T. Amiutinum, pref. xi,

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Parisian manuscript 7227 the diagram of the windshas a page to itself at the end. H puts this diagramat the side of the text,i the only illustration ofVitruvius which H contains. On the last of the

blank pages in the body of the manuscript, however,there is the sketch of a cross in the same style asthose which precede each of the Lindisfarne Gospels.^This trace of the Celtic tradition helps to define theorigin ofH in Northumbria.When we turn to the Codex Amiatinus, we find

that the scribe has added am?i to each of the fourgospels at the end, but to the Acts of the Apostleshe has affixed at the end Deo gratias amen. In thesame way H adds to the first book of Vitruvius dogratias amen, and a similar ending marks the tenthbook. When the script of H is considered, thereappears a close resemblance of the rubrication andthe uncial letters to the style of the Amiatinus. Inthe letters D and M, however, there is an alternationbetween the capital and the uncial forms. The Asometimes lacks the cross stroke and resembles theGreek capital lambda. In fact, where H differs fromthe style of the Amiatinus, so far as the uncial

/ writing is concerned, it suggests the lapidary styleof Pope Damasus.More will be said about the Latinity of H in the

sequel. For the present it is enough for our pur-pose to note that it was written while Latin was stiltvigorous and living. When we turn to Einhardand Charlemagne, the purist is already at workremoving idioms (sometimes classical and ancient)because of their apparent contradiction of the gram-marians. The very excellence of Einhard 's Latin islargely due to its artificial character. In a word, it

1 Book I. vi. 12. 2 B.M. 111. MSB. iii. 1.xvii

h

INTRODUCTION

is doubtful whether H could have been written afterthe establishment of the Caroline school. At thesame time the remarkable care with which H waswritten encourages us to see in it a faithful transcriptof the Italian original and a witness of great value,therefore, for the Latin of the early Empire.What kind of transformation \^itruvius would prob-

ably have undergone is illustrated for us by the textof G, which Rose and Krohn consider to representan independent tradition from the original. Areference to the critical notes will prove, I think,that G is merely a recension of H carried out in thepresumed interests of Latin style, and varying fromH only in detail, except in the beginning of thefirst book, where a misunderstanding of the text hasled to a wrong punctuation and to the interpolationof an unnecessary phrase. Fra Giocondo went muchfurther than G in his divergence from the manu-script tradition. He had this excuse, however, thathe treated \ itruvius as an authority of more thanantiquarian value.We can arrange the extant manuscripts, there-

fore, as follows : first those which derive from H,and these are the greater number ; second, thosewhich derive from G, to which may be added notonly the second Gudianus quoted by Rose, butthree late manuscripts, one in Paris 7228, the Bod-leian F.5.7, and one in the \ atican Codd. UrbinafesLatini 293 ; thirdly, a very late Parisian manuscript"which has the reading architectura for architecti, wasprobably written under the direction of Giocondo,who is otherwise the main authority for this reading.^The spelling of the author's name as Victruvius is

found in a group of MSS. belonging to the first class,1 Book I. i. 1.

INTRODUCTION

and apparently written in St. Augustine's Abbey,Canterbury. At any rate the Cotton MS., if notwritten there, was a possession of the Library ,iand the Laudian MS., now at St. John's College,Oxford, was written at the Abbey in 1316. Theorigin of the mis-spelling seems to have been due tothe carelessness of the rubricator of c, who gives yetanother spelling, Victiirii, in Book IX. The samespelling is found in two Harleian MSS. : 3859 A,which has Victnivius,^ and 2760, which has Victimi ( ?),perhaps from Victurii.

Later on, evidence will be produced to show thath was the Blandinian manuscript used by Fra Gio-condo ; in other words it belonged to the greatBenedictine house of St. Peter at Ghent. It ismore than a coincidence that h is thus associatedwith two MSS. in the sister house at Canterbury.Further, the spelling Victruvius is employed by Sul-pitius in the editio princeps. He was probably influ-enced by the bad rubrication of the late Escorialmanuscript, which seems to read Victim, a manu-script which there is good reason to think Sulpitiusused. Last of all there is the addition by a laterhand of Victruvius on the page facing the illuminatedbeginning of Paris 7228.But the three oldest MSS. which have this title

are characterised by an important reading whichhas been overlooked by all tl.ose who have collatedH hitherto, Book VII. pref. 11 : de incerta re ijicertaeimagines, c has dei7t certarem, h and the LaudianMS. de incerta re incertae. When we examine H wefind the apparent reading de incerta re, but the e inre has a flourish not unlike the symbol for m and

* James, Ancient Libraries of Canterbury and Dover, p. 519.2 Cf. supra p. 11, n^.

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justifying c's dein certarem. There is a case, there-fore, for the reading incertae imagines, if we supposethat the scribe of H found m before him and readit as 771. More than this, if we follow Vitruvius' trainof thought, the incerta res will carry with it incertaeimagines. Hence Mr. Krohn quite consistentlychanges iticerta before res to certa, on the acceptedassumption that certae imagines is the accurate read-ing. But the uncertain things and the uncertainimages harmonise with the teaching of Democritus,who, like St. Augustine, found certainty in reason.For Democritus, " reality consists in space and thegeometrical forms of matter," ^ i.e. in the formal orrational factor of experience ! Hence Vitruviuscorrectly states the principles of Democritus in thepassage that we are considering. That theseprinciples coincide to some extent with St. Augus-tine's ^ would commend them to an Augustinian,especially at Canterbury, where the Abbey librarycontained the Hortensius ^ of Cicero : under thistitle we are to understand the Academica in whichCicero expounds the scepticism of Carneades aboutsense-experience.* But in Augustine's own worksthis attitude is widely enough represented. Wemight, therefore, almost regard this group of theVitruvius MSS. as Augustinian. To this group mayperhaps be added the late Escorial MS. on theground of the mis-spelling of the title lictini. whichresembles that of the Harleian 2760, Victimi. Thelatter, further, is followed by the Escorial MS. inthe designs of the initial letters. In these there isa touch of the Celtic manner which seems to have

1 Windelband, Iwan Midler, V. 1. 211.* Martin, Saint Augustin, p. 277.' James, op. cit., p. 305. * Reid, Academica, p. 31 n.

INTRODUCTION

been handed down through the centuries from thescribes of Northunibria.

The Earliest Printed Editions of Vitruvius,AND their MS. Authority

After being engaged for a considerable time intracing the history of the manuscripts of Vitruvius Imet with a striking coincidence.^ Three years agoI visited the Escorial Library in order to examinetwo manuscripts there. Of these, one was obviouslylate, probably of the fifteenth century. It was un-usually rich, however, in marginal notes ; by thecourtesy of the Director I was enabled to have aphotographic reproduction made, and with thisbefore me I found two notes, in a much later hand,of considerable interest. The first compared anabbreviation with a similar abbreviation in Blandi-niano (Book VII., pref.). The second took note ofthe well-known dislocation of a folio of the arche-type later on in the same book, and again referredto a Blandinian manuscript.Now Fra Giocondo was the first editor of Vitruvius

to remedy this dislocation in his text. His name,therefore, at once suggested itself as the writer ofthese two notes. It is possible, of course, that FraGiocondoassuming for a moment him to be thewriterhad borrowed the manuscript from thefamous Benedictine house of St. Peter at Ghent.But there is an alternative possibility. He mighthave read it on the spot. When Fra Giocondo was

^ The personal note in the following section may perhapsbe excused in view of the hypothetical character of thematerial. By the courtesy of the editor, the suggestionscontained appeared in the Times Literary Supplement, March21, 1929.

INTRODUCTION

preparing his edition of Caesar, he " sought outmany examples throughout Gaul ; in which province(because many had always been bi'ought from Italyand were less exposed to loot and war) more accuratemanuscripts of every kind are found." ^ He might,therefore, conceivably have visited the neighbouringand famous library of St. Peter. Cruquius, speakingof the Blandinian manuscripts of Horace, says thatthey were brought from Rome. The manuscriptsof Horace disappeared, it would seem, in the icono-clastic riots at Ghent and accompanying fire of 1566.Is it possible that the Blandinian Vitruvius escaped ?At any rate it is recorded that as late as 1809 manu-scripts from the monastery were seized in Holland.But there is another line of approach. This same

Escorial manuscript which furnished the two scholiaturns out to have the closest affinity to the firstprinted edition of Vitruvius, that of Sulpitius. Sul-pitius collated many manuscripts. But he used especi-ally one wi-itten for him by a friend Delius ; which Iam tempted to identify with the Escorial manuscript.Satis accurate perscripto implies only a moderatepraise in Sulpitius' account of it. The Escorial MS,is rather poorly written. The abbreviations corre-spond with those used in Sulpitius' text, and manycharacteristic renderings are found in the MS. whichare repeated in the printed edition. The MS. camefrom the library of Olivares, the famous Spanishstatesman, who was born at Rome, where his fatherwas Ambassador to Sixtus V. The Italian origin ofthe Escorial manuscript would thus be explained.The history of the manuscript would begin withSulpitius, go on to Giocondo, and then arrive atOlivares after an interval.

1 Caesar, pref., Paris, 1544.

INTRODUCTION

The edition of Sulpitius offers a further clue. Aswe have seen, he prints the name of the Latinauthor as Victruvius ; we may infer that one of hismanuscripts derived from Canterbury.

Let us now examine the Harleian Vitruvius h.Again, the margin furnishes two illuminating notes.The same (?) handwriting as that of the Escorialscholiast calls attention in two places (Book VII.,pref. and c. i.) to the abbreviation already notedabove, uti s. s. e. (for uti supra scriptum est). Thisabbreviation was wrongly transcribed in the Escorialmanuscript, and misunderstood by Sulpitius. Gio-condo, on our supposition, notes the correct text ofthe Harleian, which duly appears in full in hisprinted edition, uti supra scriptum est. It seemsprobable then that Giocondo used these two manu-scripts in constituting his text. But it is doubtfulwhether he read the Harleian at Ghent or in Italy.It is also doubtful whether Sulpitius got his readingVictruviiis from the Harleian or from another descend-ant of the Cottonian Vitruvius.

It may seem a slight foundation for so large asuperstructure of conjecture. But photography hasmade it possible to put side by side the handwritingon the mai'gins of the two manuscripts. The com-pai-ison is convincing.The inquiry as to the movements of the Vitruvian

manuscript is of the first importance for the historyof architecture. The case before us exhibits FraGiocondo at work on the text received by the archi-tects of the Renaissance. It is noteworthy whenwe see him recording for the first time the disloca-tion of a folio in the archetype. It is not less memor-able when we find him altering the first word thatfollows upon the preface to the fii'st book; there

INTRODUCTION

can be seen in the Escorial manuscript (I think inFra Giocondo's writing) the substitution of archi-lectura for architecti, to be repeated in Barbaro'stranslation and Philander's edition. This was butthe first of many ai'bitrary changes.Yet there was one quahty in Fra Giocondo's work

which compensates for his somewhat cavalier scholar-ship. He had in view the practical application ofthe rules of Vitruvius, an aim attempted by Wottonin his Elements of Architecture. This attitude toVitruvius explains the history of the text. Theadmirable work of another (the present) Provost ofEton, The Ancient Libraries of Canterbury and Dover,enables us to see St. Augustine's Abbey library atCanterbury as the centre from which manuscriptswere diffused not only by " conveyance " but bylawful copying. The Harleian Vitruvius ^ seems tobe a case in point. Whether this is the Blandiniancodex or not, the Blandinian Abbey of St. Peter atGhent held enormous possessions in England fromthe tenth century onwards, and there is no improb-ability in the suggestion that the scribes of St.Augustine's, Canterbury, furnished books for thelibrary across the Channel.The latest Harleian MS. of Vitruvius ^ has the

characteristic mis-spelling of the author's name, inthis case Victimi, which leads us to think of theAugustinian scribes. And when we find at thebeginning of the MS. the inscription iste liber estmonasterii (name erased) we have grounds for think-ing that it was part of the loot of the Blandinianmonastery of St. Peter.

1 B.M. 3S59. B.M. 2760.

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The Scholia in the MSS. of VitruviusWe must distinguish between that part of the

MS. which is due to the author and the variousadditions which are found from other sources.Vitruvius never mentions his own name. In thisrespect he anticipates the writers of the four gospels.His work probably first took shape in ten papyrusrolls kept together in a canister with a slip of parch-ment attached (titulus or title) giving the name ofthe author and the work. Hence in many caseswhere the author's name is not mentioned in thetext and the tituli have disappeared, the author'sname disappears too. In Vitruvius' case, the factthat he is mentioned by Pliny the Elder secured tosome extent the survival of his name.The divisions of the work into books, and of the

separate books into preface and the main part ofeach book, are the author's own. But he is notresponsible for the divisions into chapters, whichare due to Fra Giocondo, and the further divisionsinto paragraphs, which are due to Schneider. Thetitles of the chapters of the first book alone are givenin H, but these are neither convenient nor accurate.I have given them English renderings, however, buthave excluded them from the Latin text.Such additions to the texl are found in most

MSS., and often furnish, as in this case, valuableclues to the histoi'y of the MSS. Round the worksof authors more frequently read there have gatheredthe commentaries of scholars, as in the case of Virgil.Vitruvius, however, furnishes, so far as I know, buttwo MSS. with scholia, the later Escorial and theHarleian h. In the belief that by them valuablelight would be thrown on the history of the text,

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INTRODUCTION

the Eton MS. presents Vitruvius. But these picturesare creatures of the imagination.The text of Vitruvius would admit of very many

illustrations, more indeed than any edition couldsupply. The reader may be referred to Smith'sDictionary of Antiquities. Short of this, the illustra-tions furnished will explain some of the most char-acteristic topics.

The Language of VitruviusThe text of the present edition represents more

closely than its predecessors that of H. In doingso it disregards many of the corrections and emen-dations of Rose and Krohn. From the sequel it willappear that the text of H has been altered by theeditors in many places where it faithfully preservesthe ancient, and in some cases the standard, idiom.

For the language of H is not so far, as it mightsound at first, even from the classical Latin of 30 B.C.

;

it is still nearer the vernacular, the spoken Latin ofthe workshop and the street. Of this unliteraryLatin few traces can be expected in literature : yetthe casual inscription and the casual scrawl uponthe stucco of Pompeii give us hints towai'ds theunderstanding of \ itruvius. There is help fromelsewhere. The Old Latin versions of the Gospels,which were largely used by Jerome in forming theLatin Vulgate, go back probably to the beginningof the second century. Cardinal Wiseman drewattention ^ to the importance of the African versionsas containing the oldest Latin text of the NewTestament, the reason being that Greek was thelanguage of the Roman Church at the time ofVitruvius and probably as late as a.d. 200. I am

1 Essays, I. 40 ff.

INTRODUCTION

indebted to Wiseman's essay for some of the parallelsto the language of Vitruvius. Other parallels aredrawn from the Old Latin MS. k,^ which is almostidentical with the biblical quotations of Cyprian.The later Old Latin MSS. exhibit a recension whichgradually diverges towards a more classical form ina manner which is illustrated by the history of thetext of Vitruvius. And, generally, the Latin-speak-ing Africans furnish us with some of the earliestevidence of the influence of Vitruvius.

Mr. Krohn has improved on the text of Rose inmany places by returning to H. From the followingexamination of readings it will be seen that we maygo much further.

Punctuation often enables us to recover theoriginal. The reading of c, deiti certarem, VII.,pref. 1 1 , gives us de incerta re and, in m certae imagines,the incertae imagines which the argument demands.In another case, by retaining the punctuation of Hwe have the striking and not impossible statementsi credam rationem, which was altered by later scribesto avoid the grammatical solecism of an accusativeafter credo, I. i. 8.'^

Punctuation wrongly used gave a inistaken turnto the definition of the architect's calling with whichthe book begins after the first preface. By post-poning the stop to opera, the scribe of G seems tohave found necessary the interpolation cuius iudicioprobantur omnia. But if, with the Vatican MS. Vjwe punctuate after perjiciuntur , opera recovers themeaning " personal service " or better " work,"through which it passed into the French ceuvre,

1 Old Latin Biblical Texts, II., Oxford, 1886.* Tacitus uses an accusative aiter fungor, Ann., III. ii. 1,

IV. xxxviii.l.

INTRODUCTION

further giving rise to operarius in Latin and therebyto ouvrier in French. The ea which follows is equiva-lent, as so often in Vitruvius, to the article. Operaea = Voeuvre. It is then analysed into fabrica" handiwork," and ratiocinatio " brainwork."By inserting a comma uti cu7ieus, I. v. 5 becomes

an illustration. I should like to retain JerroqueII. viii, 12, with a comma to separate it from more.To the Ciceronian e duro Jerroque may seem harshand forced ; but is it beyond the range of Sallust ?A comma after parvas partes will imply that a partof the verb esse is supplied with distributa. Henceit is unnecessary with Mr. Krohn to add rion beforepoterit I. V. 7.

As examples of archaic spellings we find mare abl.I. iii. 11 with huoretius

; Jerundo 1. i. 5; alii gen.II. ix. 5 ; secuntur from sequor.

I have restored some good spellings from H: cir-cuitionibus 1. i. 7 ; turrim and turrem are found sideby side, I. vi. 4, reminding us that the rules forspelling were still flexible. (The great inscriptionof Augustus in Aneyra has conlegio and collega inthe same sentence, IV. 22.) Mercuri gen. sing,should not have been altered by Rose and Krohn,II. viii. 11 ; the reading of H in V. x. 5 seems to beclupe^m, the correction of o by the fii'st hand to ubeing made with a letter like ?/ (Augustus' inscrip-tion having clupei VI. 34) ; praegiiates II. ix. 1 isfound in Plautus and frequently in Pliny, N.H.

;

reciperantur should stand, II, ix. 2.H's language is tinged with old technical spellings

natural in builders' specifications, doleis V. v. 1 issupported by Varro, R.R. I. 61. Under the samehead come lengthy compounds like exsuperationibusI. iv. 8, and inambulationes I. iii. 1. The last example

INTRODUCTION

is instructive. Compounds with in are frequent andhave sometimes been altered by Krohn unneces-sarily, as here, on the ground that the mediaevalscribes often added in. The repetition of synonymsis frequent; it is dangerous to remove them asglosses, gnomon indagator umbrae I. vi. 6. Anothercharacteristic of specifications is the use of singularfor plural : in tertio et quarto volumine I. vii. 2 ; thisshould have prevented the alteration to the pluralof erit littera e et f, I. vi. 12. The not infrequentomission of the verb esse also characterises earlyAfrican Latin, as in the N.T. MS. k.The description of the basilica at Fano, V. i. 6, has

puzzled some critics. It is obviously taken fromsomething like a specification. The argument fromlanguage against its ascription to Vitruvius is uncon-vincing to an architect who, like the present wTiter,has written specifications and employed the tra-ditional idiom with its archaic and technical terms.I will allow myself but one reference. Mr. Krohn,pref. V, cites negotiantes (for negotiatores) as notVitruvian. The use of the participle as a noun ofagency is characteristic of African Latin; discentesfor discipnli in the N.T. MS. k. It also occurs inSallust, Caesar, Cicero, Livy. The reader of thefollowing pages, therefore, may find in the basilicathe precedent followed to some extent throughoutthe Middle Ages, and set by Vitruvius himself.^

^ Scott, History of English Church Architecture, p. 4 ff.

XXXI

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Manuscripts

The following MSS. have been used in consti-tuting the text and in determining its history.Rose and Krohn agree in referring all the extantMSS. to H and G as representing an unknownoriginal, and have intentionally neglected the laterMSS., which they refer to one or other of thesesources. I have carried their process one stepfurther, by showing, as I think, that G is a recensionof H. For E, G and S, I have availed myself ofthe collations of Rose and Krohn. The remainingfourteen MSS. I have collated myself, H, h and e^minutelv. They confirm the derivation of the laterMSS. from H and G.

H. London, British Museum, Harl. 2767 ^ (8thcent.).

S. Selestad. Bibl. 1153 (10th cent.).E. Wolfenbiittel, Bibl. 132 (10th cent.).G. Wolfenbiittel, Bibl. 69 (Uth cent.), with

excerpts from I-III, V-X.

The following MSS. are derived from H: they aresometimes denoted generally as rec. (recentiores).

c. London, B.M., Cotton, Cleop. (10th cent.).The rubricator gives the author's name as

^ H inserts some chapter headings in the first book, prob-ably later than the text itself. These headings have beeninserted in the translation.

xxxii

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Victruvius, which is found in the followingfour MSS.

h. London, B.M., Harl. 3859 (11th cent.).i. Oxford, St. John's Coll. 66 B (1316 a.d.).eg. Escorial, II. 5 (15th cent.).h^. London, B.M., Harl. 2760 (15th cent.).

Pi. Paris, Bibl. Nat. 7227 (11th cent.).e^. Escorial, III. 19 (11th or 12th cent.).et. Eton College, MSS. 137 (15th cent.).Vj. Rome, Vatican Codd. Urbin. Lat. III. 1360

(15th cent.).

P3. Paris, Bibl. Nat. 7382 (15th cent.).

The folloAving MSS. are derived through E and G :p^. Paris, Bibl. Nat. 7228 (14th cent.).Og- Oxford, Bodleian, F. v. 7 (15th cent.).^2- Rome, Vatican Codd. Urbin. Lat. I, 293

(15th cent.).

Editions

Sulp. : ed. princeps. by Sulpitius, Rome, c. I486,fol.

loc. : Fra Giocondo, Florence, Junta, 1522, 8vo.Phil. : Philander, Rome, 1544, 8vo.Laet. : Laet, Amsterdam, 1649, fol.Perr. : Perrault, Paris, 1673, fol.Schn. : Schneider, Leipzig, 1807-8, 8vo.Lor. : Lorentzen, Gotha (Books I-V), 1857, 8vo.Rose : Rose, Leipzig, 1867 and 1899, 8vo.Kr. : Krohn, Leipzig, 1912, 8vo.

Translations

Italian: Barbaro, Venice, 1567, 4to., illust.French: Perrault, Paris, 1673, fol., illust.

Choisy, Paris, 1909, illust.German: Rivius, Nuremburg, 1548, fol., illust.

xxxiii

BIBLIOGRAPHY

English : Gwilt, London, 1826, large 4to., illust.Morgan, Harvard, 1914, 8vo., illust.

The Chief Contributions to the Study of Vilruviiis ^

Serlio : Architettura, Libri I-IV, Rome, 1559-1562,fol.

Vignola : Regola della cinque ordini d'Architettura.Of this there are several French translations.

Palladio : Libri IV dell' Architettura, Venice, 1570,fol.

Goujon : Essay contained in Martin's translationof Vitruvius, Paris, 1547.

De Brosse : Reigle Generate, Paris, 1619, fol.Le Clerc : Architecture, Paris, 1714. Two vols.,

4to.

Inigo Jones : his notes on Vitruvius and Palladioawait publication.

Wren : Parentalia, London, 1750.The above works are by architects who applied

the rules of Vitruvius to their buildings, and areimportant for the understanding of Roman archi-tectural practice.

Wotton : Elements of Architecture, London, 1624,12mo.

Polenus : Exercitationes Fitruvianae, Patavii, 1739.Fea: Winkelmann, tr. Rome, 1783-4. Three

vols., 4to. (Sulle rovine di Roma.)Donaldson: Trans. R.I.B.A. Vol. I, 1834. (On

MSS. of Vitruvius.)The Harleian MSS. including H appear in this

list, as also the Wolfenbiittel MSS. including G.But Vitruvian studies were almost fruitless for a

^ Much that has been written on Vitruvius may safely beneglected.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

generation until the edition of Rose, 1867. Theywere overshadowed on the one hand by the renais-sance of Greek architecture beginning with Stuartand Revett's Antiquities of Athens, 1762-1816, andon the other by the renaissance of Gothic archi-tecture beginning with Horace Walpole. The Greekrevival has thrown much light on the authoritiesfollowed by Vitruvius and vindicated his accuracy.

^

His influence upon Einhard largely determined thearchitectural school of Charlemagne and thereby thedevelopment of Gothic architecture.

Sanford: Classical Authors in Libri Manuales,Trans. Avier. Phil. Assoc, 1924.

Nohl : Index Vitruvianus, Leipzig, 1876, 8vo.Analecta Vitruviana, Berlin, 1882, 4to.

Stock : De Vitruvii sermone, Berhn, 1888, 8vo.Morgan : Addresses and Essays, New York, 1909.Ussing : Betragtninger over Vitruvii de architectura,

Copenhagen, 1896. (Maintained that thework was spurious and belonged to the thirdor fourth century. Against him it was shownthat it was written before Actium, b.c. 31,by the two following.)

Dietrich : Quaestionum Vitruviannrum Specimen,Leipzig, 1906, 8vo.

Sontheimer: Vitruvius und seiiie Zeit., Tubingen,1908, 8vo.

Schmidt, W. : Bursian's Jahresberichte, CVIII. 122,1901. (The description of the Basilica atFano is treated as an interpolation by a laterhand ; he is followed by Krohn.)

1 Vitruvius' description of the Temple of Zeus Olympicsat Athens as octastyle has been proved correct in recentexcavations.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Gardner. E. : The Greek House, Journal ofHellenic Studies, XXI. 300-303, 1901.

Dyer, L. : Vitruvius' Account of the Greek Stage,op. cit., XII. 1891.

Dorpfeld : Das griech. Theater, Athens, 1896.Krohn : De Faventini Epitome, Berlin, 1896.Krohn : Frontiniis, Leipzig, 1922.

Books of General Reference

Terquem : La science Itomaine d'apres Vitruve,Paris, 1885.

Lanciani : Ruins and Excavations of Ajicieni Rome,London, 1897, 8vo.

Schanz : Romische Literatur, Munich, 1899, large8vo. ; 2nd ed., 1911.

Richter : Topograpkie der Stadt Rom, Munich.1901, large 8vo.

Lethaby : Greek Buildings, London, 1908, tall 8vo.Jones, H. S. : Companion to Roman History, Oxford,

1912, large 8vo.Platner and Ashby : Topographical Dictionary of

Ancient Rome, Oxford, 1929, large 8vo,Neuburger : Technical Arts and Sciences of the

Ancients, tr. Brose, London, 1930, large 8vo.

VITRUVIUSBOOKS I

V

INDEX OF ARCHITECTURAL TERMSNote.This index is limited to terms used or implied by Vitnivius. He

wrote in the vernacular as distinguished from the literary idiom, and with a viewto practice. Comparison with inscriptions both Greek and Latin shows thatthere was a traditional technical language used by builders, and it is fairlyrepresented by the Latin text of H. Latin terms are in italics. Where theycorrespond closely to the corresponding English terms, they are sometimes leftuntranslated.

Abacus, ttXCvOo^, thin flat slab usuallysquare at top of column underarchitrave, 187

Abalo/i, a^arov, sanctuary which isnot to be entered, 125

Acantltus, axaj/So?, Brank-Ursine, aplant of which the leaves are imitatedin Corinthian capitals, PI. D., 209

Acroteria, aKpoTjjpia, pedestals on thecentres and sides of pediments, 195

Amphiprostijlos, afi(/)i7rp6

INDEX OF ARCHITECTURAL TERMSCantherius, KarOriKio^, principal rafter,

212Capital, capitulum, xe-fiaXaior, the

bead of the column, 187Caryatides, Kopai, statues of women

used as columns, 9Cathetoe, KoSeToi, perpendicular lines,

187Cella, (rr)K05, interior of shrine, 22GColiculi, rer., perh. KavXiov, Hesych.,

stalks in a Corinthian capital, 211Clamp, (Disa ferrea, Se'^a, band of iron

for holding things together, 113Clathrata, SiKTviora, with lattice-work

or bars, 23GColossu.1, KoXorrtro';, statue more than

life-size, 121Columen, Kopv(j>aloi', a ridge-piece, 212Column, columna, klu>v, an uprightwhich includes base, shaft andcapital, 177

Concatneratio, /cajxapiocri;, vaulted ceil-ing, 305

Coping, corona, flpiyico?, the top cover-ing of a wall, 129

Corinthian Order, Corinthian genus,KopivBio^ pv$iJi6?, like the IonicOrder, PI. C, except that the capitalis carved with acanthus leaves,PI. D., 203

Cornice, corona, yeiaov, the top partof the entablature, PI. C. and PI. E.,9

Corona, see Coping and CorniceCoved, concavum, di//i6oei5e'9, with a

large concave curve, usually joiningwall and ceiling

Cymatium, Kvp-anov, a moulding, con-cave below, convex above, 195

;

egg and dart moulding of loniocapital, in. V. 7., 189

Decastylos, SeKaoruAo;, with tencolumns, 168

Dentil, denticulus, -yeio-OTrovs, a cor-nice-ornament consisting of smallsquare projections, 193

Diastijlos, fitacrruXos, with inter-columniations of three diameters,171

Digitus, SaKTvXo^,-fg of a foot, 27

Diminution of columns, contractiira,iiieia)(ri5, gradual contraction frombase to capital, 179

Entablature, epistylium. eTri^aXyj,e/xj3oXoi/, Eur. Baccli. 591, includesarchitrave, frieze and cornice, 117

Entasis, ei/7-ao-ts, slightly convex curveof shaft, 181

Epistyle, epistylium, eTncrrvKiov,architrave, 191

Eustylos, eutTTuAos, with iutercolumni-ations of 2J diameters, 171

Exedra, e^eSpa, curved recess openingupon a colomiade, 308

Exostylc, Twi/ efu) o-TTjAaii'. with ex-terior colonnade, 175

Facing, frons, 6 npoa-iiov ap/oids, verticalsurface of wall, 113

Fascia, raivia, a broad flat verticalband in the Ionic architrave, 193

Fastigium, ieros, gable, pediment, 195Femur, n-qpo^, the space between the

channels of a triglyph, 223Fillet, 'jtiadra, rau/ia, narrow flat band

between two mouldings, 185Flute, stria, pa/36o5, the upright

channels or narrow bamls whichsurround the shaft of a column, 225

Frieze, zophorux, ^ox^dpos, the middlepart of entablature, PI. C, 193

Gnomon, indagator umbrae, crKioBripri^,index or pin of a sundial, .J9

Guttae, (TTaXdy/xM, small truncatedcones under the triglyrihs, and onthe soffit of the mutules, in theDoric order, PI. E., 203

Hanging-floor, suspensurae, floor sup-ported ou small piers, usually ofbrick, 303

Header, dintonos, /cpaTeuTTjs, stone orbrick with shorter surface on faceof wall, 117

Helices, eXixes, small spirals spring-ing out of the stalks in a Corinthiancapital, 211

Hcmitryghjphus, y]p.iTpvyXv(bo^, half atriglyph, 224

Heiastylos, efao-TuAo;, with sixcolumns in front, 175

Hyjiaethral, hypaethros, vnaiBpo^, opento the sky, 167

Uyperthyrum, superliminare, vTzipBvpov, lintel of a door or gate, 235

Hypotraclielion, iiffOTpax>)Aioi', neckingof a column, 195

INDEX OF ARCHITECTURAL TERMSIncerlum opus, Roman walliug faced

with stoues of irregular shape,ni

Intercoliimniation, intercolumnium, jie-a-o(TTv\iov, space between columns,169

Iiitertigninm, /xerorr^, space betweentwo ends of beams, 216

Ionic Order, ionicum genus, iwi/tKospveix6

INDEX OF ARCHITECTURAL TERMS

diaper pattern of diamond-shapedfaces of stone or other material,111

Eidge-piece, columen, Kopv4>aiov, hori-zontal joist along ridge of roof

Eiser, crassitudo, tto-xo^, upright partof step, 183

Rubble, caementum, Xarvir-q, roughwalling, dry or cemented withmortar, 113

Sapwood, torulus, alburnum, to. TrpbsTrji' juiJTpai/, the soft outer layersof a tree-trunk, 133

ScamiUus, or vem.scabillus, vttoitoSloi',a step, 184

Scotia, rpoxiAos, hollow moulding be-tween the fillets of the tori of thebase, 185

Set-square, noma, yvuifi-iov, a right-angled triangle of wood, used insetting out drawings or buildings, 9

Settle, subsido, KadC^u), sinking downof buildings on foundations, 131

Shaft, scapiis, o-Kan-o?, the part of thecolumn between the base andcapital, 179

Sima = cyma, specially applied totop moulding of cornice, 195

SofEt, TO vwdvepOe, the under-surfaceof a cornice, ceiling or arch, 221

Springing, supercilium, highest partof vertical wall, the starting-pointof an arch, 285

Stalks, see colicuUStereobata, crTepeO|Sa-rr)s, the platform

on which a building stands, 181_

StUe, scapus, a-Kano';, the uprightpieces enclosing the panels of adoor, 237

Stretcher, longitlldo, Trapa. irXeypdv,stone or brick with longer face onsurface of wall, 115

Strut, capreolus, v7r66e(u.a, an uprightwooden post supporting ridge-piece,212

Stucco, opus tectorium, KovCaixa, afinely worked plaster, 95

Stylobata, crrvkopdrrf;, the continuousbase on which a colonnade rests

Systylos, crva-TvXo^, with intercolumni-ations of two diameters, 171

Taenia, quadra, a narrow flat band orfillet, 221

Tenon, siibscus, aairtSia-Kii, end of woodor metal, fitting into a mortice orsocket, 210

Tetraslylos, Terpdo-TvXos, with fourcolumns in front, 173

Tholus, eoAo?, a dome, 243Torus, cnrelpa, a rounded convexmoulding, 185

Tread, retractatio, eiruroXT), the hori-zontal surface of a step, 183

Triglyphus, Tpiykv^o^, vertical chan-nelled ornaments in a Doric frieze,223

Tuscan Order, tuscanicum genus,imitated from the Etruscans, 239

Tympanum, Tvp.Tra.vov, the flat tri-angular surface enclosed by apediment, 195; the panel of adoor, 237

L'pright joint, commissura, a.pp.6

VITRUVIUSON ARCHITECTURE

BOOKS I

V

VOL. I.

VITRUVIIDE ARCHITECTURA

LIBER PRIMUS

1 Cum divina tua mens et numen, imperator Caesar,imperio potiretur orbis terrarum invictaque virtutecunctis hostibus stratis triumpho victoriaque tuacives gloriarentur et gentes omnes subactae tuumspectarent nutum populusque Romanus et senatusliberatus timore amplissimis tuis cogitationibusconsiliisque gubernaretur, non audebam, tantisoccupationibus, de architectura scripta et magniscogitationibus explicata edere, metuens, ne non aptotempore interpellans subirem tui animi offensionem,

2 Cum vero adtenderem te non solum de vitacommuni omnium curam publieaeque rei eonstitu-tionem habere sed etiam de opportunitate publicorumaedificiorum, ut civitas per te non solum provinciisesset aucta, verum etiam ut maiestas imperii publi-corum aedificiorum egregias haberet auctoritates,non putavi praetermittendum, quin primo quoque

^ Augustus' admiral defeated Antony and Cleopatra atActium 31 B.C.

^ The young Octavian had shared in the proscription of42 B.C., but his triumph of 31, was followed by an amnesty.

VITRUVIUSON ARCHITECTURE

BOOK I

Preface

1. When your Highness 's divine mind and power,Caesar, gained the empire of the world,^ Rome

gloried in your triumph and victory. For all herenemies were crushed by your invincible courageand all mankind obeyed your bidding ; the Romanpeople and senate were not only freed from fear ^ butfollowed your guidance, inspired as it was by agenerous imagination. Amid such affairs I shrankfrom publishing my writings on architecture inwhich I displayed designs made to a large scale, for Ifeared lest by interrupting at an inconvenient time,1 should be found a hindrance to your thoughts.

2. But I observed that you cared iiot only aboutthe common life of all men, and the constitution ofthe state, but also about the provision ^ of suitablepublic buildings ; so that the state was not onlymade greater through you by its new provinces,but the majesty of the empire also was expressedthrough the eminent dignity of its public build-ings. Hence I conceived that the opportunity

' Augustus boasted that he found a Rome of brick, and leftone of marble.

3b2

VITRUVIUS

tempore de his rebus ea tibi ederem, ideo quodprimum parent! tuo de eo fueram notus et eiusvirtutis studiosus Cum autem concilium caelestiumin sedibus inmortalitatis eum dedicavisset etimperium parentis in tuam potestatem transtulisset,idem studium meum in eius memoria permanens inte contulit favorem.

Itaque cum M. Aurelio et P. Minidio et Cn.Cornelio ad apparationem balistarum et scorpionumreliquorumque tormentorum refectionem fui praestoet cum eis commoda accepi, quae, cum prime mihitribuisti recognitionem, per sororis commendationemservasti.Cum ergo eo beneficio essem obligatus, ut ad

exitum vitae non haberem inopiae timorem, haectibi scribere coepi, quod animadvert! multa teaedificavisse et nunc aedificare, reliquo quoquetempore et publicorum et privatorum aedificiorum,pro amplitudine rerum gestarum ut posteris memoriaetraderentur, curam habiturum. Conscripsi prae-scriptiones terminatas, ut eas adtendens et antefacta et futura qualia sint opera, per te posses notahabere. Namque his voluminibus aperui omnesdisciplinae rationes.

^ Augustus was the great nephew of Julius Caesar, and wasadopted by his will. Augustus' mother Atia belonged toAricia, near Nemi. The name occurs on tiles found at Nemi.Atia's mother Julia was the sister of Caesar (whose bust wasfound at Nemi and is now in the Castle Museum, Nottingham).

2 Artillery described in Book X.

BOOK I. Preface

should be taken at once of bringing before you myproposals about these things : the more so, becauseI had been first known to your father ^ herein, whosevirtues I revered. When, however, the Council ofHeaven gave him an abode in the mansion of theimmortals and placed in your power your father'sempire, that same zeal of mine which had remainedfaithful to his memory found favour also with you.

Therefore, along with M. Aurelius and P. Minidiusand Cn. Cornelius, I was put in charge of the con-struction and repair of baUstae ^ and scorpioiies - andother engines of war, and, along with my colleagues,received advancement. After first granting me thissurveyorship,^ you continued it by the recommend-ation of your sister.

3. Since, then, I was indebted to you for suchbenefits that to the end of life I had no fear ofpoverty,I set about the composition of this work for you. ForI perceived that you have built, and are now building,on a large scale. Furthermore, with respect to thefuture, you have such regard to public and privatebuildings, that they will correspond to the grandeurof our history, and will be a memorial to future ages.I have furnished a detailed treatise so that, byreference to it, you might inform yourself about theworks already complete or about to be enteredupon. In the following books I have expounded acomplete system of architecture.

^ It was in a similar capacity that Vitruvius controlled theplumbing at Rome. Frontin. Aquaed. 23.

VITRUVIUS

1 Arciiitecti est scientia pluribus disciplinis etvariis eruditionibus ornata, [cuius iudicio probanturomnia] ^ quae ab ceteris artibus perficiuntur. Operaea nascitur et fabrica et ratiocinatione. Fabrica estcontinuata ac trita usus meditatio, quae manibusperficitur e materia cuiuscumque generis opus estad propositum deformationis. Ratiocinatio autemest, quae res fabricatas soUertiae ac rationis pro-portione demonstrare atque explicare potest.

2 Itaque architect!, qui sine litteris contenderant,ut manibus essent exercitati, non potuerunt efficere,ut haberent pro laboribus auctoritatem ; qui autemratiocinationibus et litteris solis confisi fuerunt,umbram non rem persecuti videntur. At quiutrumque perdidicerunt, uti omnibus armis ornaticitius cum auctoritate, quod fuit propositum, suntadsecuti.

3 Cum in omnibus enim rebus, tum maximeetiam in architectura haec duo insunt, quodsignificatur et quod significat. Significatur propositares, de qua dicitur ; banc autem significat demon-stratio rationibus doctrinarum explicate. Quarevidetur utraque parte exercitatus esse debere, quise architectum profiteatur. Itaque eum etiamingeniosum oportet esse et ad disciplinam docilem.

^ cuius iudicio probantur omnia G S : om. H.

^ The misunderstanding of opera as " works " instead of" personal service " led to the erroneous punctuation whichputs the period after instead of before opera. The reading andpunctuation of the text are found curiously enough in the

6

BOOK I. c. I.

CHAPTER I

ON THE TRAINING OF ARCHITECTS

1. The science of the architect depends uponmany discipUnes and various apprenticeships whichare carried out in other arts. His personal service ^consists in craftsmanship and technology. Crafts-manship is continued and familiar practice, which iscarried out by the hands ^ in such material as isnecessary for the purpose of a design. Technologysets forth and explains things wrought in accordancewith technical skill and method.

2. So architects who without culture aim at manualskill cannot gain a prestige corresponding to theirlabours, while those who trust to theory and litera-ture obviously follow a shadow and not reality.But those who have mastered both, like men equippedin full armour, soon acquire influence and attaintheir purpose.

3. Both in general and especially in architectureare these two things found ; that which signifiesand that which is signified. That which is signifiedis the thing proposed about which we speak ; thatwhich signifies is the demonstration unfolded insystems of precepts. Wherefore a man who is tofollow the architectural profession manifestly needsto have experience of both kinds. He must haveboth a natural gift ^ and also readiness to learn.

very late Vatican MS. Codd. Urbin. 1360 except that operaehis, replaces opera ea.

2 The word "hand " scarcely occurs in the index to Plato,and is glorified by Aristotle who defines it as organon organon" the tool which makes tools."

^ Vitruvius recognises the genius of the craftsman.

7

VITRUVIUS

Neque enim ingenium sine disciplina aut disciplina isine ingenio perfectum artificeni potest efficere. Etut litteratus sit, peritus graphidos, eruditus geo-nietria, historias complures noverit, philosophosdiligenter audierit, musicam scierit, medicinae nonsit ignarus, responsa iurisconsultorum noverit,astrologiam caelique rationes cognitas habeat.

4 Quae cur ita sint, haec sunt causae. Litterasarchitectum scire oportet, uti commentariis me-moriam firmiorem efficere possit. Deinde gra-phidis scientiam habere, quo facilius exemplaribuspictis quam velit operis speciem deformai-e valeat.Geometria autem plura praesidia praestat archi-tecturae ; et primum ex euthygrammis circini traditusum, e quo maxime facilius aedificiorum in areisexpediuntur descriptiones normarumque et libra-tionum et linearum directiones. Item per opticenin aedificiis ab certis regionibus caeli lumina recteducuntur. Per arithnieticen vero suniptus aedi-ficiorum consummantur, mensurarum rationes expli-cantur, difficilesque symmetriarum quaestiones geo-metricis rationibus et methodis inveniuntur.

5 Historias autem plures novisse oportet, quod multaornamenta saepe in operibus architecti designant,de quibus argumentis rationem, cur fecerint, quae-rentibus reddere debent. Quemadmodum si quisstatuas marmoreas muliebres stolatas, quae caria-tides dicuntur, pro columnis in opere statuerit etinsuper mutulos et coronas conlocaverit, percontanti-

^ aut sine ingenio disciplina G.

^ Note the reference to water-colour drawings.

BOOK I. c. I.

(For neither talent without instruction nor instructionwithout talent can produce the perfect craftsman.)He should be a man of letters, a skilful draughtsman,/; \a mathematician, familiar with scientific inquiries, a :diligent student of philosophy, acquainted with

I

music ; not ignorant of medicine, learned in theresponses of jurisconsults, familiar with astronomy

|

and astronomical calculations. .

Paranete. r

Nete.^

Fixed Notes: Breves.Movable Notes: Crotch-

ets.

(E ^c)^.^

i^

TUNING OP TOPBOW OF VASES.

Book V. V. 2.

Hyperbolaeon.

Diezeugmenon.

Synhemmenon.

Meson.

Hypaton.

Proslambanomenos.

Mese.

Proslambanomenos.

Hypaton.

Meson.

Synhemmenon.

Diezeugmenon.

Hyperbolaeon.

The above notes havptails to the right.

HARMONICS

PLATE O.

1H IJif^n.

PLATE H.

Smops

Shops

Shops

PLAN OF THK STABIAN BATHS, POMPEIIBook v. X and xi.

MEN'S BATHS.

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6

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'

CICERO, IN CATILINAM, PRO FLACCO, PROMURENA, PRO SULLA. B. L. UUman.

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OVID, FASTI. Sir J. G. Frazer.

PLINY, NATURAL HISTORY. W. H. S. Jones.ST. JEROME'S LETTERS. F. A. Wright.SIDONIUS, LETTERS. E. V. Arnold and W. B. Anderson.

TACITUS, ANNALS. John Jackson.VALERIUS FLACCUS. A. F. Scholfield.

DESCRIPTIVE PROSPECTUS ON APPLICATION

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