Tombulu Kinship Terminologies

TOMBULU KINSHIP TERMINOLOGIES

SKRIPSI

Presented at English Education Department in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

“Sarjana Sastra”

By:

E M M O R H . N . S U J A D I NIM. 03 300 293

MANADO STATE UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF LANGUAGE AND ARTS ENGLISH EDUCATION DEPARTMENT

2007

Chapter I

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background of The Study

Quoting a most well known quotation, “homo homini socius”,

which means “human is social being”, gives us a notion that human

cannot be separated or even be far from the society. “When we study

human language, we are approaching to what some might call the

‘human essence’, the distinctive qualities of mind that are, so far as we

know, unique to man”, said by Chomsky (Fromkin, 2001:2). The need

of every person to express something through a media to do the

transferring action is a language.

Language occurs in a society. To communicate something or

to express idea people use language as the tool. It is also used to build

a relationship among members of the society. Being spoken among

members of the society is a requirement for a language. Thus, the

essential usage of a language will appear, as a tool of communication.

Indonesia, with its diversity, encloses with many different

ethnics who speak different languages as well. This is supported by the

amount of islands which is scattered the people into some regions. As

an example, the Java Island is inhabited by many ethnicities which are

different from the Borneo’s island.

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The ethnic language serves to support the national language

therefore, they should be preserved. The role of the ethnic language is

very important for the development of the Indonesian language and its

national culture, since the ethnic languages are part of the living

culture of Indonesia. As what stated by Nababan (1993:50) that the

culture of Indonesia cannot come into being without language. That is

why the existence of Indonesian culture determined by the languages

spoken by ethnic groups.

As every ethnic has its own distinctive language, it also

becomes their pride to speak it. Outside the national language, Bahasa

Indonesia, tribesmen speak in his own language in order to maintain a

close relationship with others. Samsuri says that “pemakaian bahasa

pertama (bahasa daerah) menyebabkan kemesraan yang lebih

mendalam” (Samsuri, 1987). Intimate relationship can be obtained

with the use of the local language among the members of a society

who speak the same language.

Minahasa is one among many ethnic groups in Indonesia. It

takes place at the northern part of Celebes Island. It is between 0°51’

and 1°51’40’’ North Latitude and between 124°18’40’’ and

125°21’40’’ East Longitude. Minahasa comprises about 4786 km2. On

the northern part bordered with Mindanao islands (Philippines), the

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southern part with Sulawesi Sea, the eastern part with Maluku Sea,

and the western part with Bolaang Mongondow.

People of Minahasa speak about 8 different languages

following their own sub ethnic groups. According to the separation in

Watu Pinabetengan, they are as follow (Rattu in Turang et.al.,

1997:80-121):

1. Tonsea with the Tonsea language spoken by those people who

inhabit the north-eastern part of Minahasa which is now known as

Kabupaten Minahasa Utara.

2. Tombulu with the Tombulu language spoken by those people who

inhabit the north-western part of Minahasa.

3. Tountemboan with the Tountemboan language spoken by those

people who inhabit the southern and (some) central parts of

Minahasa.

4. Toulour with the Toulour language spoken by those people who

inhabit Lake Tondano and the eastern part of Minahasa.

5. Tounsawang with the Tounsawang language spoken by those

people who inhabit the middle-southern Minahasa or Tombatu.

6. Ratahan with the Pasan language spoken by those people who

inhabit the middle-southern of Minahasa or Ratahan.

7. Ponosakan with the Ponosakan language spoken by those people

who inhabit the south-eastern of Minahasa or Belang.

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8. Bantik with the Bantik language spoken by those people who

inhabit the north-western of Manado.

Each one has its own characteristics but still has similarities.

Tombulu, as one of Minahasan languages, is spoken among

the people who settled in the northwestern part Minahasa region

(Lalamentik et.al., 1986:6). It is divided into six cultural areas which

all are spoken Tombulu language, as Pakasaan Tombulu (2007)

described:

1. Tou Muung/Tomohon group. They are: Talete, Kamasi, Kolongan,

Paslaten, Matani, and Walian.

2. Sarongsong group. They are: Tumatangtang, Lansot, Pinaras,

Pangolombian, Lahendong, Tondangow, rurukan, and

Kumelembuai.

3. Kakaskasen group. They are: Wailan, Kayawu, Kakaskasen,

Kinilow, Pineleng, Tateli, Sea, Koha, Agotey, Kali, Lota,

Warembungan, Suluan, Rumengkor, Kembes, Tombuluan,

Kamangta, Sawangan, and Koka.

4. Tombariri group. They are: Lolah, Lemoh, Ranotongkor,

Tanawangko, Senduk, Poopo, Teling Kumu, and Mokupa.

5. Tikala Ares group. They are people who settled in the area of

Tikala now, but they are presumably not speaking Tombulu

anymore.

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6. Kalabat Bawah group. They are people who settled in the area of

Kampung Wenang (Kampung Cina, now) which presumably don’t

speak Tombulu anymore, Paniki Bawah, and Wusa (still speak but

only the elder people).

Tombulu people use their language to interact among them.

They are using it as a means of communication to cope with the

members of their families and their society. As the tool of

communication, Tombulu has the position to serve as a symbol of

pride of the people who speak it; a symbol of identity; and also as a

means of communication.

It cannot be denied that a number of speakers of Tombulu

language are diminishing. This is due to the fact that people,

particularly the younger, prefer to speak Manado Malay than

Tombulu.

Another indication also shows that elderly people do not use

the language when they speak with the younger and even do not

motivate them to learn and speak the language. Such conditions

threaten the existence of the language.

As these problems arise, the writer attempts to make an

encounter towards these phenomena. He is eager to do a research in

Tombulu language, especially on its kinship terminologies. People of

Minahasa are well known of their family associations. As stated

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above, local language is a tool of communication which reflects

intimacy, he assumes that Tombulu language also occurred in the

same way. In other words, the intimacy between family members can

be seen in the form of the utterances and addressing. With this

research, he hopes that the language will be preserved.

Fischer in his work said that, “Kinship is one of these more

complex systems of culture. All human groups have a kinship

terminology, a set of terms used to refer to kin”. Furthermore

described, Kinship terminologies constitute a culture's kinship (family

relationship) vocabulary, a catalogue of the names that are assigned to

relatives, e.g., father, mother, uncle, grandson (Schwimmer, 2001).

Different societies of course use different labels to designate their kin;

“uncle” is “oncle” in French, “paman” in Bahasa Indonesia, and “om”

in Manado Malay. The society of Tombulu use “ina” /Ina’/ to address

mother and “ama” /ama’/ for father.

Many researchers have done some studies dealing with the

kinship terminologies in some foreign languages as done by Joost

Zwarts on Endo language (Kenya) in 2002 and Mark Turin on

Thangmi language (Nepal) in 2003; also a study of M. Yahya Mansyur

entitled with “Sistem Kekerabatan (kinship) Masyarakat Aceh Utara

dan Aceh Besar (1982). What comes in the mind of the writer is that,

“Why don’t we have our own research on kinship terminologies in our

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own language?” So, to answer this kind of question, he intends to

conduct this research in order to give a clear understanding about

Tombulu kinship terminologies.

1.2 Research Questions

From the explanations above the researcher formulates these

research questions:

- What are the kinship terminologies used in Tombulu language?

- How do these kinship terminologies fill the categorizations of

consanguinal and affinal relatives?

1.3 Purpose of the Proposed Study

The purpose of this study is to identify and to describe the

kinship terminologies used in Tombulu language.

1.4 Scope and Delimitation of the Study

The study is delimited to the use of Tombulu kinship

terminologies by Tombulu language speakers who lived in Tomohon

city. The writer only delimits the generation between one up to five

generations above ego and below ego, because the assumption is that

the people who are classified in the next generation (6th and the rest)

already dead or not exist anymore. It gives only small chance for them

to have a terminology.

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1.5 Significance of the Study

Besides giving a broader and advanced thought to the writer,

this study is expected theoretically, to give a contribution to the

forthcoming research for the development of language studies. This

also directly gives contribution to the amount of written materials

dealing with Tombulu language studies.

1.6 Explanation of the Symbols and the Terms Used

- Ego: Latin for ‘I’. In kinship charts, the point from which one

views.

- Descriptive terms, which include relatively small numbers of types,

preferably having unique referents (only one type of relationship).

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- Classificatory terms, which include a relatively large number of

biological kin types (many types of relationship).

- Consanguinal relative means “blood” relatives.

- Affinal relative means relatives by marriage.

- Lineal relative means kin in your direct line of descent (e.g.,

parents, grandparents, children, grandchildren); in other words, a

vertical relationships, it can be ancestors or descendants.

- Collateral relative is a biological relative who is not a lineal such as

brother, sister, father’s brother, etc.; in other words, a horizontal

relationships.

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Chapter II

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

It is undeniable for us to claim that language influences our lives as

human beings. When we communicate something to other people, language

is used to transfer the ideas. Language touches every part of human

interactions, formal or informal, big or small communities, family or

interpersonal communications.

When we speak about the language and the use of it in a scope of

society, we are dealing with sociolinguistics, a subfield of linguistics. As

declared by Cippolone et.al, (1998:5), “sociolinguistics is the study of the

interrelationships of language and the social structure, of linguistic

variation, and of attitudes toward language”.

Moreover, Holmes (2001) explained that sociolinguistics is the study

of the relationship between language and society. It is interested in

explaining why we speak differently in different social contexts, and

concerned with identifying the social functions of language and the ways it

is used to convey social meaning.

Stated by Fishman (1976:3), “sociolinguistics seeks to discover the

societal rules or norms that explain and constrain language behavior and the

behavior toward in the speech communities. It is also seeks to determine the

symbolic value of language varieties for their speaker”. This is supported

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by Suwito (1985:5) which stated that “sosiolinguistik memandang bahasa

sebagai sistem sosial dan sistem komunikasi serta merupakan bagian dari

masyarakat dan kebudayaan tertentu”.

Another assertion about sociolinguistics is that what has been stated

by Downes (2005:9) that “sociolinguistics is that branch of linguistics

which studies just those properties of language and languages which

require reference to social, including contextual, factors in their

explanation”. That means sociolinguistics also gives concentration on the

social factors where the language is spoken. That is why we should know

first who is speaking and to whom we are speaking, where the talking

happens, what is being talked, and why are we speaking.

As what have stated above that the relations of language and society

is studied in sociolinguistics, it also has connection to the culture of the

language speakers since it has become their system of communication. A

language study which given an emphasizing on the use of language in a

specific culture to describe the familial relationships is called kinship

terminologies.

2.1 KINSHIP TERMINOLOGIES

Kinship terminology refers to the words used in a specific culture to

describe a specific system of familial relationships. Kinship terminologies

include the terms of address used in different languages or communities for

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different relatives and the terms of reference used to identify the

relationship of these relatives to ego or to each other (Wikipedia, 2000).

Wardhaugh said that “kinship system is a universal feature of

languages, because kinship is so important in social organization”

(Wardhaugh, 1986:219). Moreover, he argued that some systems are much

‘richer’ than others, but all make use of such factors as sex, age, generation,

blood, and marriage in their organization. His statement is held up by

Zwarts (2002) who noted that kinship terminologies could be traced

through the line of consanguinal relatives and affinal relatives.

It is so obvious that kinship occurs in every society. What makes

them ‘richer’ one to another, is that one can serve a terminology for

different age and generation, but the other one has its own terminologies for

each age or generation. In example, English kinship referred siblings sons

as nephew and siblings daughters as niece; in Tombulu, siblings children

are only referred as pahanaken. In this case, English has more terms to

describe cousins which makes it ‘richer’ than Tombulu. But, in some cases

Tombulu might come up with more terms to show the kinship relationships.

Since kin terms are fundamentally arbitrary categories, different

cultures can potentially group their relatives into a widely varying,

indefinite number of classifications. Louis Henry Morgan in his 1871 work

Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family identified six

basic patterns of kinship terminologies:

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• Hawaiian (also referred to as the Generational system): the most

classificatory; only distinguishes between sex and generation.

• Sudanese (also referred to as the Descriptive system): the most

descriptive; no two relatives share the same term.

• Eskimo (also referred to as Lineal kinship): has both classificatory

and descriptive terms; in addition to sex and generation, also

distinguishes between lineal relatives (those related directly by a line

of descent) and collateral relatives (those related by blood, but not

directly in the line of descent). Lineal relatives have highly

descriptive terms; collateral relatives have highly classificatory

terms.

• Iroquois (also known as Bifurcate merging): has both classificatory

and descriptive terms; in addition to sex and generation, also

distinguishes between siblings of opposite sexes in the parental

generation. Siblings of the same sex class as blood relatives, but

siblings of the opposite sex count as relatives by marriage. Thus, one

calls one's mother's sister "mother", and one's father's brother

"father"; however, one refers to one's mother's brother as "father-in-

law", and to one's father's sister as "mother-in-law".

• Crow (an expansion of Bifurcate Merging): like Iroquois, but further

distinguishes between mother's side and father's side. Relatives on

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the mother's side of the family have more descriptive terms, and

relatives on the father's side have more classificatory terms.

• Omaha (also an expansion of Bifurcate Merging): like Iroquois, but

further distinguishes between mother's side and father's side.

Relatives on the mother's side of the family have more classificatory

terms, and relatives on the father's side have more descriptive terms.

(Adapted from Schwimmer, 2001)

Here are some examples of kinship diagrams which will help to

make easy the descriptions of Tombulu kinship terminologies. These

diagrams are used to represent the kinship system of a language, in this

case, Tombulu language appears following the model of lineal kinship

terminology.

Chart 01

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Lineal kinship terminology is a parental generation kin terminology with

four terms: one for M, one for F, one for FB and MB, and one for MZ and

FZ. The terminologies variations occur only to the close relatives.

Chart 02

Generational kinship terminology is terminologies with only two terms

serve for M, MZ, and FZ, and the other for F, FB, MB.

Chart 03

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Bifurcate collateral kinship terminology employing separate terms for M, F,

MB, MZ, FB, and FZ. Each member of the family (differentiated from

father and mother sides) has his/her own terminology.

Chart 04

Bifurcate merging kinship terminology provides same term for parallel

relatives (M, MZ, and F, FB) but different terms for cross relatives

(MB, FZ).

(Adapted from Schwimmer, 2001)

2.2 SOCIO-CULTURAL BACKGROUND

Tombulu as one of the ethnic language in Minahasa has become a

communication apparatus among the members of the Tombulu society. It

was a result of the culturization when they started to build their community,

which now known as Tombulu. It was started hundred years ago when

Minahasa divided into several sub-ethnics in Pinawetengan un nuwu

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ceremony. At last, some of the descendants of Toar and Lumimuut, which

called mayesu group, moved to the foot of mount Empung. they settled at

the valley which lodged by many bamboo clusters. This is the pioneer

village of a new community known as Kinilow Tua’. Through the time,

their name gradually changed. They called themselves as ‘tou um wulu’

which means people from/who lived in bamboo clusters.

They stretched their community to the surroundings and built new

villages to be inhabited. Some went northern and opened Talete, Kamasi,

Paslaten, and Kolongan. Other went west and found Kakaskasen, Wailan,

Kayawu, Woloan, and Taratara. Because of their needs of salt, they went to

the sea shore and made salt. For the sea shore was far enough from their

first settlement, they initiated new villages near the sea shores. That was

how Tombariri and Tikala Ares were settled. Other reasons of shifting

inhabitance were the natural disaster such as earthquake and flood; wars

between clans for an area; need of a new place of farming. At the result,

Sarongsong was settled and Kalabat Bawah, as well. (Retold by:

H.B. Palar, Pakasaan Tombulu, 2007)

For the reason of making salt people from Kinilow Tua’ went down

the mountain to the sea shores. They were heading east where they can find

shores of Sulawesi sea. When they went back home, they found that it was

already too dark to proceed their journey as they arrived at the foot of

mount Lokon. Then, they started to build huts as their shelters from

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darkness and rain. As the time went by, they found that many people had

making a move to settle the new place. They lived in the valley between

two steep cliffs which they called katingolan or narrow place. It was chosen

because they want to defend themselves from Bantik clan who at any time

attacked them.

The village was then moved to the place where we can see now as

Woloan, because of a great earthquake. In 1850 they opened the new area

which full of wolo trees. That is why they called themselves as Woloan

which means places where grew wolo trees. They were led by a leader

called dotu named Tingkulengdeng.

The village then divided into three villages as the requirement of the

government system. Since 1978, they become Woloan 1, Woloan 2, and

Woloan 3 village. (Retold by: J.B. Ngala, Lurah Woloan 3, 2007)

Until now, people of Woloan still speak Tombulu in communication

among them and they have the same language ability between youngers and

elders.

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Chapter III

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Research Design

Bogdan and Biklen, (1992:30) stated that “qualitative

research is descriptive. The data collected are in the form of words or

pictures rather than numbers. The written results of the research

contain quotations from the data to illustrate and substantiate the

presentation”. In conducting the research, the writer uses a qualitative

approach as the data will be described in the form of words.

3.2 Data Collection

3.2.1 Subject

The subject of this study is Tombulu language spoken by the

Tombulu ethnic. The sample were the Tombulu language

speakers who lived in Woloan Tiga village. The writer takes

some informants to collect the data. As adapted from Nida

(1960:190), the informants are chosen to fulfill these criteria:

1. They are native speaker of Tombulu;

2. They are adult;

3. They can speak and understand Bahasa Indonesia well;

4. They have no speech defect;

5. They are socially accepted.

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3.2.2 Instruments for Collecting Data

The writer uses some instruments in order to collect the data.

Tape recorder is used to record the conversations, as well as

notebook and pen. A word lists is also used to collect data.

3.2.3 Research Events

This research is conducted with the writer among the speakers

community, doing some conversation with them. It is possible to

the writer only to take field notes while doing conversations and

also taping. Besides it, writer makes a personal interview with

some samples to have a clear understanding.

3.3 Data Analysis

The collected data are analyzed through the procedures of qualitative

analysis suggested by Bogdan and Biklen (1992):

1. Activity of unitization

In this activity, the data were collected and put into units. After

that, they were given codes for easy controlling.

2. Activity of categorization

In this activity, the data were classified on the category of

consanguinal and affinal relatives.

3. Activity of explanation

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In this activity, the data were analyzed with explanation based on

the first and second steps. The explanation was based on the

theories pointed out in the review of literature.

4. Activity of interpretation

In this activity, the data were interpreted for conclusion of the

findings.

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Chapter IV

ANALYSIS

4.1 TOMBULU KINSHIP TERMINOLOGIES

Over time, certain modes of representing kinship relationships have

emerged as de facto standard, raging from the taxonomical tree-like model

with circles and triangles to a list or glossary full of abbreviations (Vinding

in Turin, 2001:6). The writer will represent the Tombulu kinship

relationships in a list of glossary which describes the terminologies and in

charts which describe relationships.

The table given below shows the common abbreviations used for

referring to kinship relationships. Abbreviations may be combined to

indicate complex relationships.

Table 01

Female Male Neutral

Mother M Father F Parents Pa

Sister Z Brother B Siblings Si

Daughter D Son S Child Ch

Wife W Husband H Spouse Sp

Step St

Elder e

Younger y

ex- x

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In example, a FyZ as father’s elder Sister and SpDH as spouse’ daughter’s

husband. An X2 means the same thing as XX. The formula F3B should be

read as father’s father’s father’s brother.

The writer has collected the data from the informants and found that the

Tombulu kinship terminologies are various. The terms are:

Table 02

No. Terminology Gloss Formula

1. ama’ father F

2. ina’ mother M

3. tu’a parents Pa

4. koki’ children Ch

5. piniara tuama son S

6. piniara wēwēnē daughter D

7. łołoateken step child StS

8. piniara tu’a eldest child eCh

9. taweng youngest child yCh

10. kaka’ tuama elder brother eB

11. kaka’ wēwēnē elder sister eZ

12. tuari tuama younger brother yB

13. tuari wēwēnē younger sister yZ

14. mahkarepes-tina’i siblings Si

15. ito’ uncle FB

16. mui aunt FZ

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17. tua’ Father/Mother older siblings FeSi/MeSi

18. pahanaken tuama nephew BS

19. pahanaken wēwēnē niece BD

20. oki’-nē-mahtuari cousin FBCh

21. puyun grandchild SCh

22. puyun kazua great grandchild S2Ch

23. puyun katelu great great grandchild S3Ch

24. tētē grandfather FF

25. nēnē grandmother FM

26. katarēimopo’ great grandfather F3

27. kumaruaimopo’ great great grandfather F4

28. kasēndē’ wife W

29. kaawu wife W

30. katēndē wife W

31. mahayo husband H

32. oki’ tuama son-in-law DH

33. oki’ wēwēnē daughter-in-law SW

34. ipag brother-in-law SiH

35. susi sister-in-law SiW

36. mahnuang parents-in-law WPa, HPa

37. penigien parents-in-law WPa, HPa

38. kasungkul children’s spouses’ parents ChSpPa

39. kawulēng spouses’ siblings’ spouse SpSiSp

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40. tina’asa ex-spouse xSp

41. mahnuangē ex-parent-in-law xW/HPa

42. paipagē ex-siblings-in-law xW/HSi

The Tombulu language differentiates kin on the basis of generation,

age, sex, and marriage relationships. To show the relationships, the writer

will separate the explanation into two parts; first, with consanguinal

relatives, and second through affinal relatives.

4.2 REPRESENTING KINSHIP

4.2.1. Consanguinal Relatives

Consanguinal relatives are relatives that are related in descent.

Murphy (2001) defines consanguinal as a relationship by blood (i.e.,

presumed biological) ties. A consanguine is a relative by birth (i.e., a

“blood” relative), as distinguished from in-laws (“affines”) and

steprelatives. Zwarts, in his 2002 work on Endo language, gives more

addition that consanguinal relatives can either be lineal (ancestors or

descendants) or collateral (related through a sibling relation).

Based on the theory given above, the writer will analyze the

Tombulu kinship terminologies in both relations.

4.2.1.1. Lineal Relatives

Tombulu uses ama’ ‘father’ and ina’ ‘mother’ or tu’a ‘parents’ to

refer the generation directly above ego and piniara ‘child’ or koki’

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‘children’ for the generation directly below ego (only distinguishes by the

sex, piniara tuama ‘son’ and piniara wēwēnē ‘daughter’). The terms tētē

‘grandfather’ and nēnē ‘grandmother’ are used for the second generation

above ego and katarēimopo’ ‘great grandfather/great grandmother’ for the

third generation and after that there is kumaruaimopo’ for ‘great great

grandfather’ and then for great great great grandfather only called by opo’.

For the second generations below ego, puyun ‘grandchildren’ is used for

both male and female. Numerical terms are used for the next generations

below, such as: puyun kazua (#2) for great grandchildren, puyun katelu (#3)

for great great grandchildren.

Chart 05

Tombulu kinship terminologies for offspring

ego

piniara tuama

puyun

piniara wēwēnē

puyun kazua

puyun katelu

children

grandchildren

great grandchildren

great great grandchildren

puyun kaepat great great great grandchildren

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Chart 06

Tombulu kinship terminologies for ancestor

ina

=

tētē nēnē

ama parents

grandparents

great grandparents

great great grandparents

=

=

=

ego

katarēimopo’

kumaruaimopo’

= great great great grandparents opo

The distinctions of sexes are very contrast. Tombulu speakers

differentiate their children by including their sexual referent in addressing.

That is why an ego will call his son as piniara tuama and his daughter with

piniara wēwēwē. Parents will call their eldest child with piniara tua’ and

the youngest one with taweng. The differentiation of sex is also occurred on

the addressing of the grandchildren. The elder people – not all – address

their grandchildren with the distinction of their sexes only to confirm that

they are speaking or referring to the right one.

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We can assume the following elementary rules for assigning terms to

basic kinship types:

F ama’

M ina’

Pa tu’a

S piniara tuama

D piniara wēwēnē

Ch koki’

FF, MF tētē

FM, MM nēnē

F3, M3 katarēimopo’

F4, M4 kumaruaimopo’

F5, M5 opo’

ChCh puyun

There is exception in addressing the generation above grandparents.

Speaker of Tombulu prefer to call them opo’ rather than using the longest

one. So, in this case there is a reduction rules for a distant generations. The

third generation and the forth ancestor (assumed that they might have dead

already) are called by the same term for their distant relations:

PaPaPaF PaPaF, PaPaPaM PaPaM opo’

This is why a great great grandfather and a great grandfather can

have the same term as called opo’ in Tombulu.

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To show another closest relationship between brothers and sisters, a

terminology was exposed to cover. Term mahkarepes tina’i is used to show

that they are coming from one intestine or from one womb.

In addition, the writer found that Tombulu language has terminology

for addressing parents’ step descendant. A step son will be called a

łołoateken by his parents and a daughter as well.

Table 03

Lineal kinship terminologies

Generations Male Female +5 opo’ +4 kumaruaimopo’ +3 katarēimopo’ +2 tētē nēnē

ama’ ina’ +1 tu’a koki’ -1 piniara tuama piniara wēwēnē

-2 puyun -3 puyun kazua -4 puyun katelu -5 puyun kaepat

4.2.1.2. Collateral Relatives

Collateral relatives are relatives that are related through a sibling

relation. We need to distinguish between parallel relatives and cross

relatives. Roughly speaking, parallel relatives are linked through a relation

involving siblings of the same sex, otherwise we are dealing with cross

relatives.

29

Chart 07

= ito’ mui ito’ mui ama’ ina’

oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari kaka’ (e) tuari (y)

kaka’ (e) tuari (y)

oki’-nē-mahtuari oki’-nē-mahtuari

pahanaken pahanaken pahanaken pahanaken

Tombulu collateral kinship terminologies

Ego distinguishes his/her siblings with an emphasizing on the age,

older or younger. An older sibling is called kaka’ and a younger one is

tuari, and also distinguish as tuama for male sibling and wēwēnē for

female. The term pahanaken is used to address siblings’ children (SiCh).

There are no distinctions between ego’s brother’s and sister’s, they all

called by the same term. In addition, they are not differentiated by their

sexes.

An ego will call his/her parents siblings with ito’ ‘uncle’ and mui

‘aunt’. We found that in Tombulu language there are no differences

between parallel and cross relatives because they all are addressed by the

same term. That is why ego calls father’s brother and mother’s brother (FB,

MB) with ito’ and father’s sister and mother’s sister (FZ, MZ) with mui. An

exception found that the term tua’ is addressed to an older sibling of either

30

father or mother. Then, ego will call father’s elder siblings (FeB, FeZ) and

mother’s elder siblings (MeZ, MeB) with the term tua’. This exception

shows that the differentiation happens not only on the gender side but also

on the age side.

There are no parallel or cross cousins also in Tombulu kinship

terminologies. Either father’s siblings’ children (FSiCh) or mother’s sibling

children (MSiCh) are called as oki’-nē-mahtuari. This term is classificatory

because it refers to many types of relationships. The same categorization

also occurred on the term pahanaken. It is not only used for ego’s siblings’

children but also for the cousins’ children from both father and mother

sides.

We can construct the basic kinship formula of the collateral relatives

as follow:

FB, MB ito’

FZ, MZ mui

FeB, FeZ, MeZ, MeB tua’

eB, eZ kaka’

yB, yZ tuari

BCh, ZCh pahanaken

FBCh, MBCh oki’-nē-mahtuari

FZCh, MZCh oki’-nē-mahtuari

FSiChCh, MSiChCh pahanaken

31

We can clearly see that each nuclear family relationship has each own

terminologies, and to more distant relatives they are grouped into general

categories. The group of distant relatives has come to a process called

collateral merging where all of the parents’ siblings’ children are having the

same term and the generation below them as well.

PaeBCh, PayBCh, PaeZCh, PayZCh oki’-nē-mahtuari

PaeBCh2, PayBCh2, PaeZCh2, PayZCh2

eBCh, yBCh, eZCh, yZCh pahanaken

We can also notice that collateral relatives terms are determine by

generation, age, and sex, as shown in the following table:

Table 04

Collateral kinship terminologies

Generations Male Female +5 opo’ +4 opo’ +3 opo’ +2 tētē nēnē

tua’ (e) +1 ito’ mui tuari (y), kaka’ (e) (tuama/wēwēnē)

tuari (y), kaka’ (e) (tuama/wēwēnē) 0

oki’-nē-mahtuari -1 pahanaken (tuama/wēwēnē) -2 puyun (tuama/wēwēnē) -3 puyun -4 puyun -5 puyun

Up to this point, we can identify consanguinal relatives terminologies which

only serve on lineal kinship (ama’, ina’, tu’a, koki, and piniara) and on

32

collateral kinship (ito’, mui, tua’, tuari, kaka’, pahanaken, and oki-nē-

mahtuari). For terms like tētē, nēnē, opo’, and puyun, are used in both lineal

and collateral.

4.2.2. Affinal relatives

A relationship between people who has married to each other and get

their own terms is called affinal relatives. In other words, an affinal relative

is relativity by marriage.

This relativity serves on both relationships, whether lineals (e.g.,

son’s wife) or collaterals (e.g., sisters husband). We will trace the Tombulu

kinship terminologies through those relationships and find more

understanding or clearance on the affinal relatives of Tombulu language.

A relationship such as marriage shares some terms for their way of

addressing to their spouses. In Tombulu, a male ego addresses his wife (W)

with kasēndē or kaawu or katēndē; and a female ego address her husband

(H) with mahayo; and in pairs, they are called as sanasēndē or sanaawu or

sanatēndē. The explanation about these various terms in referring spouses is

very cultural. These terms contain with the cultural value that describe a

gathering between a man and a woman together in one.

Tombulu language specifies the terminologies for lineal relatives

such as the term mahnuang for parents-in-law, oki’ tuama for son-in-law,

and oki wēwēnē for daughter-in-law. These terms occur on the basis that

33

every one still has a relationship through blood with our siblings. In

contrast, Tombulu speakers diverge the person’s gender by emphasizing on

the term tuama and wēwēnē. That is resulted ego has to call his/her father-

in-law (HF, WF) as mahnuang tuama and mother-in-law (HM, WM) as

mahnuang wēwēnē. The terms of different sexes are also occurred on to the

terms for son-in-law (DH) and daughter-in-law (SW). These given

terminologies appear on both sides without any distinction for male or

female ego. In many cases of communication, Tombulu speakers tend to

use another term to refer their parents-in-law to show much respect at them.

The term penigien is used for both parents without differencing their sex

orientations.

There are generalizations among the generations above and below

ego. As they are married, a male and a female ego will call their

grandparents-in-law (HFPa, HMPa, WFPa, WMPa) as tētē and nēnē

following on how their spouses address their grandparents (SpPaPa). For

the second generation below or grandchildren, ego (either male or female)

will call their grandson-in-law (ChChH) or granddaughter-in-law (ChChW)

as puyun, the same term with a consanguinal terminology for grandchildren.

Up to this point, we can see that there is a reduction for a more

distant relative. The formula can be put together as follows:

34

- a distant relatives above ego

HPaF, WPaF PaF tētē

HPaM, WPaM PaM nēnē

- a distant relatives below ego

ChChH, ChChW ChCh puyun

We find that affinal relatives on lineal relationship of Tombulu

kinship terminologies don’t serve to differentiate age of the family

members but only to the sex and generation.

Chart 08

Male and female affinal relatives in lineal relationships

=

mahnuang tuama

mahnuang wēwēnē

mahayo kasēndē kaawu katēndē

puyun puyun

oki’ wēwēnē oki’ tuama

= mahnuang

tuama mahnuang wēwēnē

=

tētē nēnē =

tētē nēnē =

= =

= =

35

Table 05

Affinal relatives in lineal relationships

Generations Male Female +3 and above opo’ +2 tētē nēnē

penigien +1 mahnuang tuama mahnuang wēwēnē

0 mahayo kasēndē, kaawu, katēndē

-1 oki’ tuama oki’ wēwēnē -2 and below puyun

Through collateral relatives, we can trace that Tombulu speakers

used different terminologies to every collateral members of the family. The

term ipag is applied to address brother-in-law (ZH) and susi to sister-in-law

(BW).

It is no evidence that Tombulu kinship terminologies serve any other

terms to be occupied on to the people of different ages (eZH, yZH, eBW,

yBW). All of them generalized into those two terms above. That makes a

male ego will call his brother-in-law as ipag whether he is a husband of

elder sister or younger. It is also occurred on a female ego at the same way,

as well.

The writer found that there are terms which used among the two

joined families to refer each other. One’s parents (either husband’s or

wife’s) addressed sibling’s parents with the term kasungkul (HPa, WPa).

This term used only restricted to the nuclear family. No other relatives will

36

use this term outside the family, except the children who are married each

other and the parents.

The other term of referring member of the in-law families is kawulēng. This

term used among siblings-in-law (BW, ZW). If an ego’s spouse (e.g. wife)

is a sister of a man’s wife, then they both are connected through these two

sisters. Both ego and the man can call each other with the term kawulēng.

The term interchangeably used for both male spouses and female spouses

and without making a differentiation to the siblings sexes.

In this marriage system, the divorced family members are referred

with some terms. A special term is given to a divorced spouse (xW/xH)

which will be called by the term tina’asa. In using this term, the speaker

and the addressed person aren’t differentiated by the sexes; it can be

husband or wife. The term mahnuangē serve for the people who once were

someone’s parents-in-law. An ego (male or female) will call his former

father-in-law (xWF, xHF) with this term and the former mother-in-law

(xWM, xHM), as well. Another term is applied to former siblings-in-law.

When ego is divorced, one will use paipagē to refer to the ex-brother-in-law

(xHB, xWB) and ex-sister-in-law (xHZ, xWZ).

In the case of divorced family member, Tombulu speakers do not

give emphasizing on the genders but only on the marriage relation itself. It

is also occurred only to very restricted members of the family (spouse,

parents, siblings).

37

38

Chart 09

Joined family relationship

Divorced marriage relationship

ma

Chart 10

kasungkul

= =

=

kawuleng

= =

hnuangē

= tina’asa

=

=

paipagē

=

Chart 11

Affinal relatives for male ego

= susi

mui

mahayo kasēndē kaawu

puyun puyun


tētē nēnē =

= =

= =

= ipag susi

= ipag susi

oki’-nē-mahtuari =


= pahanakēn

= pahanakēn

= ipag

= pahanakēn

= ipag susi

= pahanakēn

= mahnuang

tuamamahnuang wēwēnē

= ito’ mui

= ito’ mui

= ito’

= ito’ mui







39

Affinal relatives for female ego

= susi

mui

mahayo kasēndē kaawu

puyun puyun


tētē nēnē =

= =

= =

= ipag susi

= ipag susi



= pahanakēn

= pahanakēn

= ipag

= pahanakēn

= ipag susi

= pahanakēn

= mahnuang

tuamamahnuang wēwēnē

= ito’ mui

= ito’ mui

= ito’

= ito’ mui







Chart 12

40

There is no special term given to cross relatives, they are occupied

with only one term. Relatives from father’s (FSi) and mother’s (MSi) are

generalized to be addressed as ito’ and mui subsequent with how ego’s

spouse addressing. What we can clearly see here is that they also serve a

bilateral relationship which shows no distinction is made between

patrilineal and matrilineal relatives. The same occurrence also happens on

cousins and niece and nephews. The terms which are addressed to them are

oki’-nē-mahtuari and pahanaken.

Based on the explanation above, we found that Tombulu lineal terms

are extended to apply to the parallel relatives. This can be explained by a

rule called the merging rule (Foley, 1997). As we can see that the speakers

of Tombulu call their spouse’s family members as what they are called by

his/her spouse. This process is called collateral merging.

We can simply describe the rules as follows:

HFB, HMB, WFB, WMB FB ito’

HFZ, HMZ, WFZ, WMZ MZ mui

HPaSiCh, WPaSiCh PaSiCh oki’-nē-mahtuari

HPaSiChCh, WPaSiChCh SiCh pahanaken

From the explanation above tells that the distant relatives of

Tombulu kinship terminologies are grouped together to be called by the

same term on the basis of collateral degree. Whether, members of the

nuclear family acquires a different term for each other.

41

Finally, we can see that terminologies like kasēndē, kaawu, katēndē,

mahayo, oki’, ipag, susi, mahnuang, penigien, kasungkung, kawulēng,

tina’asa, mahnuangē, and paipagē are used particularly only in the

relationship of affinal relatives. The other terminologies, ito’, mui,

pahanaken, oki-nē-mahtuari, tētē, nēnē, opo’, and puyun are served the

affinal relatives as the same as they served to lineal.

42

Chapter V

CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTION

4.1 Conclusion

Tombulu kinship terminologies exemplify the principles of Eskimo

terminology. It can be explained as follows:

1. The system is bilateral

We found that relatives from father’s side and mother’s side do not

occupied with different terms, but rather share same terms. We

discover that a father’s brother share the same term with mother’s

brother which is called ito’. This is clarified us that there is no

distinction between father’s and mother’s relatives.

2. The distinctions mark differences in sex, age, and generation.

Egos call their parents differently by separating father (male) as

ama’ and mother (female) as ina’. Another emphasizing on sex, is

that the appearance of the term tuama and wēwēnē. It shows to

differentiate addressing like children or grandchildren terminologies.

Individual term is used to address people with different ages. An

elder sibling is called as kaka’, whether the younger one is called as

tuari. Furthermore, parents’ elder siblings are called by a special

term which is not possessed by the other parents’ siblings. Terms

43

like ito’ and mui is addressed to younger siblings while tua’ used for

elders.

We clearly see that for each generation has their own terminology.

The distinctions are noticeable on the term of children as piniara

tuama and piniara wēwēnē and grandparents as tētē and nēnē.

3. Each nuclear family relationship receives a distinct term.

Terminologies used inside the nuclear family serves only to the

members. Ama’, ina’, piniara tuama and piniara wēwēnē are the

terms which can not be found on the addressing of other relatives.

The same way also occurs on the terminologies of affinity. In a

nuclear family, a husband is called as mahayo, a wife as kasende (or

kaawu), and a son-in-law as oki’ tuama.

4. More distant relatives are grouped into general categories.

Relatives from both father’s and mother’s sides are addressed with

some classificatory terms. In evidence, the relationship of parents’

siblings are all called by the term ito’ for males and mui for females

from both sides; all cousins share a term for oki’-nē-mahtuari; niece

and nephews with pahanaken.

As additions, Tombulu language specifies terminologies for the

relation among the joined families in marriage system and for the divorced

marriage system. They all serve only restricted to spouses, parents, and

siblings.

44

4.2 Suggestion

This analysis is examined through the study of sociolinguistics. But,

the linguistic aspects are many and it will give more chances to other

investigations to be carried out to reveal another fact about these Tombulu

language terminologies. The more we observed a language, then it will be

preserved longer.

The writer suggests that we have to preserve our own language

especially the ethnic language because it shows the existence of the people

who use it, describe the characteristics of them, and the uniqueness of the

language itself. With a good effort from us as researchers, we can

encourage others to do the same as what we have done, a research on

language. Moreover, we have to speak and apply the language in our own

daily life so that the language will not be vanished, in fact it will be

preserved.

We may have our own way to do the preservation, but all basis to the

capability that we are able to do it. At last, let’s work shoulder to shoulder

to support every effort of preserving a language for the sake of our next

generations.

45

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Tombulu Kinship Terminologies