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CDti* ' Jtririmt Cl)nmtde;

BEING A COLLECTION OF

EXCEEDING RARE TRACTS,

WRITTEN AND PUBLISHED IN THE

TIME OF KING PHILIP'S WAR

BY PERSONS RESIDING IN THE COUNTRY.

TO WHICH ARE NOW ADDED AN

3)ntrot)uctto« and jRotes,

By SAMUEL G. DRAKE, ma- e^,

BOSTON:SAMUEL A. DRAKE, 151 WASHINGTON ST.

1867.

<y <A

^ V

f £^

TO THE HONORABLE

JOHN A. ANDREW, L.L. D.,

Prejident of the New England Hiftoric-Genealogical Society,

AND RECENTLY

GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS,

THIS VOLUME

IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED BY

THE EDITOR.

. PREFACE.

'T^HE principal Part of the

-* prefent Volume was pub-

lifhed in 1836, under the Title

-# of The Old Indian Chronicle, in a

fmall i8mo, and contained five

Tracts ; then fuppofed to be all,

or nearly all extant. Several

Years elapfed before any others

were heard of, excepting the

Fragment of one in the Har-

leian Mifcellany. Thofe entitled The Prefent State

of New-England, &c, and A Continuation of the

State of New-England, came into my PoflefTion

previous to 1833. Thefe I printed in that Year,

as juft mentioned, and put the Work on Sale, but

there was no Demand for it, and it lay fome three

Years on Hand, excepting what were gratuitoufly

diftributed. In the mean Time the Hon. Nathan

vi Preface.

Appleton brought from England two others,

namely, A New and Further Narrative, and The

War in New England vifibly ended. On hearing of

my Defire to collect and reprint whatever con-

temporary Tracts could be found on, and of the

Period of Philip's War, Mr. Appleton brought

and prefented me thefe two. I was much elated

with the new Acquifition, prefuming I was then

in Poffemon of all there were, or all I mould

ever obtain. I therefore at once fet about pre-

paring them for Publication.

At this Period, and for three or four Years

previous, a conftant Vilitor at my Place of Bufi-

nefs was Mr. Edward Tuckerman, Jr., then

though a very young Man, who had a genuine

antiquarian Tafte, which I had fomewhat en-

couraged. He entered into the Subject of Re-

publication with much Zeal, making confiderable

Refearches for Materials for Notes. Some of

thefe were made Ufe of and duly acknowledged.

Not long after thefe Labors of my young Friend,

his Father, the late Edward Tuckerman, Efq., of

Bofton, fearing his Son's Studies in preparing for

a collegiate Courfe, would be interrupted by anti-

quarian Purfuits, took Meafures to reclaim him;

but "what is bred in the Bone," &c, is verified

Preface. vii

in this Inftance, as may be feen by an InfpedKon

of the fourth Volume of the American Anti-

quarian Society's Trarifacliotis ; he having been

fome Time previous made a Member of the

Antiquarian Society. And here I may not im-

properly add to this Digreflion by remarking,

that of the many young Men I have initiated in

historical and antiquarian Studies, I am not aware

that any one of them ever complained of any

undue Influence having been exercifed on myPart to make them Antiquaries. And now, if

any one of them has done as Peter did, fuch may

have the Benefit of this Digreflion.

There may be Something in the common Say-

ing, that good Haps, like bad ones, feldom come

fingle; for within three Months after Mr. Ap-

pleton had prefented me with the two Tra&s jufl:

mentioned, my Friend, the Hon. Peter Force of

Washington, in an annual Vifit to Bofton, which

fell out at this Time, brought with him purpofely

for me, that entitled A True Account of the Moji

Conjiderable Occurrences, &c, and freely allowed

me to take a Copy of it for Publication in myintended Collection.

Such is a fuccind: Hiftory of the Collection of

rare Tradts in the firfl: Edition of the Old Indian

Chronicle.

viii Preface.

It may be interefting to fome Bibliographers,

as well as to the Bibliopolift, to know that the

firft two Tracts in the Volume were not reprinted

(for the firft Edition), as enough of them remained

on Hand in 1836, to complete the Edition of fome

250 Copies.

The whole Number of Pages in the firft Edi-

tion is 222, of which the five Tracts made but

143. The additional Pages confifted of a Chro-

nology of Indian Events, haftily thrown together

for the Occafion, and not of fufficient Value to

be reprinted in this Edition. That Work has

been enlarged to above ten Times its original

Contents, and forms the Bafis of the propofed

Annals of the Indians.

Of the additional Tracts in the prefent Edition,

there is no Occafion to remark in this Preface, as

each will be found accompanied with prefatory

Matter, and Notes, elucidating their Hiftory, as

far as the Editor's Information extends.

Reflecting the Introduction, Nothing is re-

quired to be faid in this Place. Its Purport, and

the Object of its Preparation will be beft under-

ftood in its Perufal.

In preparing the Notes to this Edition of the

Chronicle, Brevity has been ftudied ; the Editor

Preface. IX

not intending to overload his Pages by long Ex-

tracts from printed and acceffible Works. Hehas therefore only referred to thofe Works where

other Information may be eafily found.

The accompanying Map will be found efpe-

cially ufeful, as it contains the Places made

memorable by the Events of the War, and as

mowing what was meant formerly by the Nip-

muck Country, but of which Nobody at the

prefent Day has any definite Idea.

CONTENTSI. T NTRODUCTION, Pages i to 118.

II. The prefent State of New-England, with Refpecl

to the Indian War, Pages 119 to 170.

III. A Continuation of the State of New-England, being

a farther Account of the Indian War, Pages

171-205.

IV. A new and farther Narrative of the State of New-

England, &c, 207-246.

V. A true Account of the mofi confiderable Occur-

rences, &c. [to Aug. 4th, 1676], 247-285.

The War in New-England vifibly ended, King

Philip beheaded, &c, 287-293.

News from New-England, being a true and laji

Account, &c, 294-311.

VIII. A farther brief and true Narration of the late

Wars rifen in New-England, 313-319.

VI.

VII.

ORIGININDIAN WA RS;

Particularly of that known as King Phi-

lip's War, with the Firft Events, in its

Progrefs.

CHAPTER I.

Origin of Indian Wars.—Land not the Caufe.— Other Caufes.—Lands not takenfrom them without their Confent.—Plymouth vin-

dicated by Gov. Winjlow.—Plymouth's Care for the Indians.—Voyagers kidnap them.—Hunt, his Apology.— Their Number in

New England.—Smith's Encounter with feme.—Weymouth'sConducl.—Harlow's.—Exploit of Pechmo.—Efcape and Exploit

of Epenow.—His Attack upon Capt. Dermer.

3HERE is an extenfively prevailing

Opinion that the Indian War of

1675, 1676 and 1677, generally-

denominated King Philip's War, grewout ofthe Encroachments upon the Lands

of the Indians, by their white Neighbours

of New England. It will be feen, in the

Progrefs of the Narrative now undertaken, that

Land was not the Caufe of the War ; but that

A

2 Origin of Indian Wars.

there were other Caufes, about which very little

has ever been faid. Thefe Caufes it is intended

to explain, before entering upon the Details of

the War.Had every white Inhabitant who fat himfelf

down by the Side of an Indian been kind and

generous, difcovered lefs of Avarice, and not taken

Pains to make himfelf offenfive by his unmif-

takable Haughtinefs, few Cafes of Contention

would have arifen. What is tolerated, or rather

fuffered, in civilized Society, is not fo eafily borne

where there are no conventional Ranks. In

civilized Society, fo called, thofe poifeffing the

greateft Wealth are very apt to carry themfelves

in a haughty and offentive Manner towards the

poorer Portion. This is quietly fubmitted to by

the Latter. Indians could not understand this; for

among them all were equal ; ana Infults werenever borne, except by thofe phyfically unable to

refent or revenge them.

At the firft, that is, when the white People

came firft among the Indians, the Latter looked

upon the Former as Creatures of different Fleih

and Blood ; fcarcely Animals. But after a Timethey became enlightened. They faw that Menof a different colored Skin from their own lived

by eating and drinking, the fame as they them-

felves did. They faw alio that the white Menwere as fufceptible of Wounds and Injuries in

their Perfons as others of their own Color. Hence,

in all apparent phyiical Circumftances, the twoRaces were equal. Now all this being demon-

Origin of Indian Wars. 3

fixated by the acr.ua! Experience of a little Inter-

courfe, the Indian began at length to inquire into

the Caufe of his being treated as an Inferior.

And it was not until he learned that the whiteMan fet a high Value on Things upon which hefet none, or very little ; and he faw, too, that

when certain Things were in his PofferTion they

were of little Value, but that as foon as they weretransferred to the white Man's hands they becameof great Value. He therefore faid to himfelf," It is the Indian's Property in the white Man'sHands that gives the white Man Importance,makes him arrogant and covetous ; and hedefpifes the Indian as foon as his Ends are

anfwered, and when the Indian has nothing moreto part with."

Neighbors thus circumftanced muft neceffarily

fall out ; and, being phyfically equal, perfonal

Collisions will enfue. Therefore, that the

Contentions with the Indians grew out of PofTef-

fion of their Lands by the White Man withoutadequate Compenfation, is not a neceffary Con-dition in accounting for Indian Wars, and, fo far

as New England is concerned, is without Founda-tion ; for, however fmall the Compenfation given

for Land, it was, as a general Thing, all the Landwas worth at the Time ofPurchafe; nor would it

ever have been worth more in the Hands of the

Indians. They could make no Ufe of it, or of

but a very fmall Part of it. To kill a Deer on a

hundred or a thoufand Acres of Land once in a

Year was certainly a very fmall Income for fo

many Acres.

4 Origin of India?t Wars.

Any one will find, by an Examination of all

the public Records of New England, that in noInftance was Land taken from the Indians with-out their Confent, and without what was then

conlidered a fair Compenfation. Cafes, indeed,

may be found where white Men fettled uponLand not purchafed of the Indians ; but, fo far as

is known, they were always compelled to vacate

fuch Poifefiion on Complaint of the Indians. It

fhould be remembered, too, that the Indians often

invited white Settlers to come and refide amongthem, giving them freely as much Land as

they wanted. This kind of Acquirement of

Land, however, was never acknowledged by the

Country ; and, when the Indians were tired offuch Settlers,they were, on Complaint oflntrufion,

compelled to remove.

The War with Philip began in the Colony ofPlymouth ; and there were thofe who chargedthe People there with bringing on that War bytheir Injuries to the Indians. But the Governorof that Colony wrote a Letter of Vindication to

the Rev. Dr. Increafe Mather, which the Doctorprinted in his little quarto Hiftory of the War.The Letter of Governor Winflow is dated the

firft of May, 1676. In that Letter there is Evi-

dence of great Sincerity ; and there can be nodoubt of its Truth in every Particular. Indeed,

its honeft Simplicity will ever carry Conviction

with it, and is good Evidence of the entire

Integrity of its Author. Among other ThingsHe fpeaks of the " undeferved Afperfions that

Plymouth's Defence. 5

fome ignorant, or worfe than uncharitable, Per-

fons would lay upon" that Colony "reflecting

the Grounds of theie Troubles," and adds, "wehave endeavored to carry it juftly and faithfully

towards them at all Times, and friendly beyondtheir Deferts. I think I can clearly fay, that,

before thefe prefent Troubles broke out, the Eng-lijh did not pojfefs one Foot of Land in this Colony

hut what was fairly obtained by honejl Purchafe ofthe Indian Proprietors. Nay, becaufe fome of our

People are of a covetous Difpoiition, and the

Indians are, in their Straits, ealily prevailed withto part with their Lands, we firft made a Law that

none Jhould purchafe, or receive of Gift, any Landof the Indians, without the Knowledge and Allow-

ance of our Court; and Penalty of a Fine, five

Pound per Acre, for all that fhould be fo boughtor obtained." Befides this Guard for their Security

and Protection, it was provided by the fameGeneral Court of that Colony, "that MountHope, Pocaffet, and feveral other Necks of the

beft Land in the Colony, (becaufe moft fuitable

and convenient for them,) fhould never be boughtout of their Hands."Thus the Colony of Plymouth took much

better Care for the Indians than the Indians did

for jthemfelves ; and Governor Window very

juftly remarked, that, if thofe Lands had not been

referved by Law, the Indians would have fold

them long before the Time he wrote. "And,"continues Mr. Winflow, " our Neighbors at

Rehoboth and Swanzy, although they bought

6 Origin of Indian Wars.

their Lands fairly of this Philip and his Fatherand Brother, yet, becaufe of their Vicinity, that

they might not trelpafs upon the Indians, did, at

their own Coft, let up a very fubftantial Fencequite acrofs that great Neck between the Englifh

and the Indians ; and paid due Damage if at any

Time any unruly Horfe or other Beajis break in and

trefpajfed. And, for divers Years laft pall, (that

all occalion of Offence, in that RefpecT:, might be

prevented,) the Englilh agreed with Philip andhis for a certain Sum, yearly, to maintain the faid

Fence and fecure themlelves. And if at any Timethey have brought Complaints before us, they have

had Juflice impartial and fpeedily, fo that our ownPeople have frequently complained that we erred

on the other Hand in jhowing them over muchFavor."

It would be a Miftake to fuppofe that any oneA6t or Circumftance on the Side of the Englilh

or the Indians was the Caufe of the bloody Warwhich broke out in 1675. But it grew out of a

Combination of Caufes, already explained, whichcommenced almoft as foon as the Englilh Traders

and Settlers came into the Country. Even fomeof the firft Voyagers, through their Imprudence,incurred the Hatred of the Indians on various

Parts of the Coaft. As early as 16 14, a Captain

Thomas Hunt, in Imitation of the Captains of

Slavers on the Coaft of Africa, kidnapped twenty-

feven Indians in the Neighborhood of Patuxet,

(afterwards called Plymouth,) carried them to

Spain, and fold them into Slavery. Capt. Hunt

The Kidnapper s Apology. 7

was under the Orders of Capt. John Smith

;

but this A6t of Hunt was done without the

Knowledge of Smith, and was by him feverely

cenfured. He was left in the MafTachufetts Bay,

by Smith, with Orders to make up his Cargo of

Fifh, Furs, and Oil, and then to proceed to Mal-aga ; "but this vile Act," fays Smith, "kept himever after from any more Employment to thofe

Parts."

The only Apology which can be offered for

Capt. Hunt is, that, in thofe Days, Slavery wasnowhere confidered morally wrong. All Nations

believed it right, and countenanced it under

certain Circumftances. Hunt was cenfured,

therefore, mainly becaufe he had made the Tradeto this Coaft dangerous, if he had not entirely

deftroyed it, by provoking the Vengeance of the

Indians. The Indians were looked upon as a

degraded, inferior and faithlefs Race, and no moreto be regarded than the Africans. This, at leaft,

was the general Impreffion.

The twenty-feven Indians carried off by Huntwere, according to the Statement of Dr. Increafe

Mather, " fold for twenty Pounds a Man, until it

was known whence they came ; for then the

Friars in thofe Parts took away the Reft of them,that fo they might nurture them in the Popifh

Religion." The fame Author fays that twenty

of them were taken at Patuxet, and feven fromNaufet, fince Eaftham.

This was one of the moft ferious Provocations

which happened before the Pequot War ; but it

8 Origin of Indian Wars.

was by no Means the only one, and it was never

forgotten, even to the Time of the War withKing Philip.

It is not intended to notice all the Difficulties

between the Englifh and Indians which occurred

before the War of 1675, but only the moft im-portant of them ; which will be furficient to

fhow how Animofities originated, and how they

were from Time to Time increafed and perpet-

uated, until that War finally burn: forth, putting

the very Exiftence of the entire Englifh Settle-

ments in Peril, and ending with the Deftruclion

of the Indian Power.

And here it feems neceflary to fay Somethingrefpecfing the Population of the Indians of NewEngland, at the Period of Philip's War. It is

quite certain that they were much more numerousin 1675, than at any previous Period fince the

Difcovery of the Country. The Reafon for this

Statement is, that from the firft Settlements bythe white People, Wars were lefs frequent anddepopulating among them, owing to obvious

Caufes ; among which may be mentioned the

Example of the new Comers, who generally

endeavored to cultivate Peace, and aflift them in

preventing the Spread of Difeafes among them

;

they were alfo taught additional Means of living;

fo that much larger Numbers could fubfift onthe fame Space than before the Whites cameamong them. It is evident, that in their wildState, no large Number of them could fubfift

long together, becaufe Game, on which they

How Numerous in 1675. 9

principally lived, was foon exhaufted, and Hungercompelled them to fcatter. This State of Exift-

ence always forced them to live in fmall Clans or

Families ; and at the fame Time expofed themto Deftru&ion by their Enemies. With thefe

Facts in View, it has been judged that the Indians

in New England, in 1675, were not above 30,000Souls. This Eftimate may be thought too low,

as it has generally been fet much higher, and bythofe whofe Judgment is deferving of Refpecf.

The Proportion of Warriors may have been about

one to five.

Before the Indians had much Intercourfe withthe white People, they appeared to the Latter

exceedingly fimple, and could be eafily impofed

upon by the felfifh, unfcrupulous, and crafty.

Capt. Smith calls them " filly Saluages," and fays

" they were very kind, but in their Furie no leffe

Valiant ; for, vpon a Quarrel wee had with one

of them, hee, only with three others, croffed the

Harbor of Quonahaflit to certain Rocks wherebywe mull pafs, and there let fly their Arrows for

our Shot." This Affair was at Cohaflet Rocks.

As Smith proceeded down the Bay, " vpon fmall

Occalion," another Quarrel arofe. Forty or fifty

Indians attacked the Englifh, who fired uponthem, killing one, and wounding another with a

Shot through the Thigh. And yet, as Smithrelates, in an Hour after they made up and becameFriends again. Thefe are fome of the Events of

1614.

Many of the Natives were carried away from

B

io Origin of Indian Wars.

the Coaft of New England befides thofe kid-

napped by Capt. Hunt. Some of them may have

gone voluntarily, but thofe ftolen or forced awayfeized the firft Opportunity to be revenged for

fuch Outrages. Several of thefe have becomehiftorical Characters. They feigned Content-

ment in Captivity, and laid Plans of Efcape art-

fully, which, in fome Inftances, they executed

fuccefsfully. As feveral of thefe Circumstances

and Events are of deep Intereft, and mow the

Progrefs of the Relations between the Englifh

and Indians, it may be thought by the Readerthat fome of the moil Important of them mouldbe given. It is therefore propofed to go a Step

back, and to take up a few of the leading Inci-

dents here hinted at.

To the Kidnapping of feveral Indians fromabout Pemaquid, in 1605, Sir Ferdinando Gorgesimputes the Colonization of New England.

That barbarous Act was committed bv Capt.

George Weymouth ; not, however, to makeSlaves of them, but, by kindly treating them, to

induce them to give his Employers a more per-

fect Knowledge of the Country than they could

otherwife obtain. Yet this is a poor Excufe for

depriving People of their Liberty ; for at the

Bottom of all fuch Acts lies the fame Cupidity

which is the Caufe of Robbery and greater

Crimes. Gold and other rich Mines were fup-

pofed to exift in the Country, the Knowledge of

which the Englifh expected to obtain from the

Indians.

Origin of Indian Wars. nIt was on the 4th of June, 1605, that Wey-

mouth put in Execution his Plan of feizing the

Indians which he carried from the Coaft of NewEngland, already mentioned. In the Account of

his Voyage, publifhed in London, the fame Year,

is a minute Detail of the Tranfaction, whichcannot well be given excepting in the Languageof the Writer of that Voyage. It therefore fol-

lows :" About eight O'clock this Day we went

on Shore, with our Boats, to fetch aboard Waterand Wood ; our Captain leaving Word with the

Gunner in the Ship, by difcharging a Mufket, to

give Notice if they efpied any Canoe coming,which they did about ten O'clock. He there-

fore, being careful they mould be kindly treated,

requefted me [James Rofier] to go aboard,

intending with Difpatch to make what Hafte after

he pombly could. When I came to the Ship

there were two Canoes, and in either of themthree Savages, of whom two were below at the

Fire ; the others ftaid in their Canoes about the

Ship, and becaufe we could not entice themaboard, we gave them a Can of Peafe and Bread,

which they carried to the Shore to eat ; but oneof them brought back our Can prefently, andftaid aboard with the other two ; for he being

young, of a ready Capacity, and one we moftdelired to bring with us into England, had re-

ceived exceeding kind Ufage at our Hands, andwas therefore much delighted in our Company.When our Captain was come, we confulted howto catch the other three at Shore ; which we

12 Kidnapping begins.

performed thus : We manned the Lighthorfeman[Boat] with feven or eight Men ; one {landing

before carried our box of Merchandife, as wewere wont when I went to traffic with them, anda Platter of Peafe, which Meat they loved ; but,

before we were landed, one of them (being fo

fufpicioufly fearful of his own Good) withdrewhimfelf into the Wood. The other two met us

on the Shore-fide, to receive the Peafe, withwhom we went up the Cliff to their Fire, andfat down with them ; and, while we were dif-

cuffing how to catch the third Man, who wasgone, I opened the Box, and fhewed them Trifles

to exchange, thinking thereby to have banifhed

Fear from the other, and drawn him to return

;

but when we could not, we ufed little Delay, but

fuddenly laid Hands upon them ; and it was as

much as five or fix of us could do to get theminto the Lighthorfeman ; for they were ftrong,

and fo naked as our befl Hold was by their long

Hair on their Heads ; and we would have beenvery loth to have done them any Hurt, which ofNeceffity we had been conftrained to have doneif we had attempted them in a Multitude ; whichwe muft and would rather than have wantedthem, being a Matter of great Importance for

the full Accomplifhment of our Voyage."

Such was the Manner in which Capt. Wey-mouth poffefred himfelf of five of the Natives,

whofe Names were, as given by the Writer of the

Voyage, " Tahanedo, a Sagamore ; Amoret, Ski-

cowaras, Manedo, Gentlemen ; and Saffacomet,

Approved by the Adventurers. 13

a Servant." 1 "And fo it pleafed our great God,"wrote Sir Ferdinando Gorges, that Weymouth,on his Return to England, " came into the Har-bor of Plymouth, where I then commanded. I

feized upon the Indians. They were all of one

Nation, but of feveral Parts, and feveral Fami-lies. This Accident muft be acknowledged the

Means, under God, of putting on Foot andgiving Life to all our Plantations. And, having

kept them full three Years, I made them able to

fet me down what great Rivers run up into the

Land, what Men of Note were feated on them,what Power they were of, how allied, and whatEnemies they had."

The next Year, however, 1606, two of thofe

Indians were fent out with Capt. Henry Challons,

to aid in Trade and Difcovery in New England

;

but Challons was taken by the Spaniards, and the

Indians with him. Their Names were, as then

given, ArTacumet and Manida. Yet, after a

Time, one, if not both, of them returned to

England. In 1607, another of them, Sketwar-

roes, was fent with Capt. Raleigh Gilbert, to aid

him in his Settlement of a Colony at the Mouthof the Kennebeck.

In 161 1, Capt. Edward Harlow made a Voy-age to the Coaft. At Monhigon Ifland hefeized three Indians, whofe Names were Pechmo,Monopet, and Pekenimne ; but Pechmo leaped

overboard and efcaped. He was a bold and

1 Thefe Names are very varioufly 70-71, Ed. 1851. See a]fo Wey-fpelt. See Book of the Indians, P. mouth's Voyage, in Maine Hi/t. Colls.

14- Indians R>

daring Fellow, and determined to be revenged.

Collecting a few Men, he feized upon the Ship's

Boat, cut it from her Stern, and got off with it,

in Spite of all the Ship's Company could do.

Nor could they retake it, it was fo well guarded

upon the Shore by the Indians, with their Bowsand Arrows, who bad alfo bedded it in the Sand.

Seeing that Nothing more could be done in the

Eaftern Parts, Capt. Harlow proceeded South-

ward. At Capoge he fucceeded in Kidnappingtwo others, Coneconam and Epenow ; and at

Nohono, Sakawefton. With thefe five Indians

he returned to England.

Some of thefe Indians had deceived Sir Fer-

dinando Gorges by making him believe they

knew where Gold was to be found in Abundance;

and he obtained a Promife from Epenow to dis-

cover it to him. Accordingly, Sir Ferdinando

fent over Capt. Hobfon, in 1614, very confident

he would make a good Voyage, and obtain very

important Information about the Riches of the

Country ; but he was doomed to be fadly difap-

pointed. Capt. Hobfon had with him three

Indians, Epenow, Affacumet, and Wenape. Onarriving at Cape Cod, Epenow's Friends andAcquaintances vifited the Ship, and with themhe planned an Efcape. They were kindly enter-

tained by the Captain, and when they left pro-

mifed to return in the Morning, and to bring

Articles for Traffic. "But Epenow," fays Sir

Ferdinando, " privately, as it appeared, had con-

tracted with his Friends how he might make his

Bravery a?idDelivery ofa Captive . 1

5

Efcape without performing what he had underta-

ken, being, in Truth, no more than he had told mehe was to do, though with Lofs of Life. Forotherwife, if it were found that he had difco-

vered the Secrets of his Country, he was fure to

have his Brains knocked out as foon as he cameafhore. For that Caufe, I gave the Captain ftricf

Charge to endeavor by all Means to prevent his

efcaping from them. And, for the more Surety,

I gave Order to have three Gentlemen of myown Kindred to be ever at Hand with him;clothing him with long Garments, fitly to be laid

hold on, if Occaiion mould require. Notwith-franding all this, his Friends being all come at

the Time appointed, with twenty Canoes, andlying at a certain Diftance, with their Bowsready, the Captain calls to them to come aboard;

but they not moving, he fpeaks to Epenow to

come unto him where he was, in the Forecaftle

of the Ship ; he, being then in the Wafte of theShip, between the two Gentlemen that had himin Guard, ftarts fuddenly from them, and, comingto the Captain, calls to his Friends, in Engliih,

to come aboard; in the Interim, flips himfelfoverboard ; and, although he were taken hold ofby one of the Company, yet, being a ftrong andheavy Man, could not be flayed ; and was nofooner in the Water, but the Indians fent fuch a

Shower of Arrows, and came withal defperately

fo near the Ship, that they carried him away in

Defpight of all the Mufquetteers aboard, whowere for the Number, as good as our Nation did

1 6 Captain Dertrier's Experience.

afford. And thus were my Hopes in that Par-

ticular [Voyage] made void and frustrate."

It is clearly feen from the Narrative of this

Succeffion of Injuries, that the white Peoplecould, from the firft, expecl: Nothing but Trea-chery in return for the Fraud and Injuftice they

themfelves had continually pradHfed upon the

Natives of New England.

Five Years after the Voyage of Capt. Hobfon,namely, in 1619, Capt. Thomas Dermer, another

of Sir Ferdinando Gorges' Men, came to Capoge,the Place where Epenow made his Efcape, andthere met with him. The fhrewd Indian could

fpeak fome Engliih, and he narrated to the Cap-tain his adventurous Efcape from Capt. Hobfon,at which Account he made himfelf very merry.

He learned from Capt. Dermer that he was in

the Service of Gorges, and made very particular

Inquiry about his old Friend, and his Affairs.

Meantime, he fufpefted Dermer was fent to feize

him, and to take him to England. He there-

fore confpired with other Indians to take the

Captain Prifoner ; and they actually fell uponhim. " But he, being a braue, flout Gentleman,"drew his Sword, and freed himfelf from them

;

though not without fourteen Wounds, fome of

which were of fo ferious a Nature that he wasobliged to go to Virginia to have them attended

to. He lived to make another Voyage to Ame-rica, and died upon the Coaft, of Fever.

Ships take?i and deftroyed. 1

7

CHAPTER II.

Fate of a French Ship's Crew.—Another.—Indians vifited by a

Pejiilence.—Attack the Pilgrims.—Strange Proceedings of the

Poivwoivs.— Samofet.—Defcription of him.— Squanto.— His

Hijiory.—Majfafoit.— Treaty with him.— Caunbitant.—Eng-lijh at Weffagufcus.— Their Ruin.—Plotted againjl by the

Indians.—Plymouth declares War againjl the Latter.—Indians

ruined in their Turn.—Frequent Dijlurbances.—Indians bad

Lawyers.—Sergt. Walker.—Inroad of the ^Tarratines.—They

murder Bagnal.—War between the Narraganfets and Pequots.—Murder of Reynold Jenkins.

FROM what has been ftated it will appear

evident that Nothing but Trouble could be

expected to follow between the Europeans and

Indians on this Coaft, whenever and wherever

they came together. The Voyagers had incurred

their Vengeance, and therefore, when they could

entrap any of them, they took favage Satisfaction

in treating them only as Savages knew how to

treat them.

About the Year 16 16, a French Ship waswrecked on fome Part of Cape Cod. Its Crewfaved themfelves and their Goods ; but as foon as

the Indians difcovered them they made themCaptives, and ufed them in their cruel Manner,

giving them only fuch Victuals as they gave their

Dogs, robbed them of Everything, and, in the

End, killed them all but one ; that one married

a Native, and had Pofterity. About the fame

Time there came another French Ship into the

C

1

8

The PeftHence ofT617.

Maffachufetts Bay. This the Indians treacher-

oufly captured, and put the whole Crew to Death;

and, after plundering it, they fet it on Fire, andit was confumed.

Up to this Time the Indians were very nu-merous along the whole Coaft of New England;and efpecially fo around Maffachufetts Bay, the

Waters of Rhode Ifland and Connecticut. In

1 6 17, or about that Time, there came upon thema deadly Peftilence, which prevailed to fuch an

Extent that many Places were nearly depopulated;

efpecially the Tracl of Country between the Maf-fachufetts and Narraganfet Bays. But for this,

doubtlefs, the Englifh could not have obtained a

Foothold in the Country at the Time they did.

The Peftilence was more fatal, probably, in the

Region of Plymouth than in any other Part ofthe Country ; and this caufed thole who came to

that Place to fettle to attribute the Deftruclion of

the Indians to an overruling Providence, that they

might not be molefted by them. Certain it is

the Pilgrims met with but few of the Natives for

fome Time after their Arrival ; but when they

made their Appearance it was in a hoftile Man-ner ; and it was only owing to their Weaknefsthat the Englifh were not driven at once fromthat icebound and inhofpitable Shore, upon which,by untoward Circumftances, they had been caft.

As there had been no Intercourfe hitherto be-

tween the Europeans and Indians but what hadended in Hoftilities, none other could be expected

now by the Latter ; and, accordingly, every

Coming of the Pilgrims. 19

Motion of the Pilgrims was watched. Not-withstanding the Peftilence had carried off Mul-titudes of them, there were now feveral Tribes

dwelling at and about what is fince Warren,Briftol, Eaftham, Weymouth, and Braintree.

There were, likewife, many feated upon the

Rivers, far into the Land ; but of them Little

was known for a long Period. Some Time in

March, 1 62 1, the Powwows of all the Tribes

alfembled " in a difmal Swamp," and there, " for

three Days together, held their myfterious Con-jurations" to find out the Intentions of the

Englifh, that their Tribes might know how to

meet them. The Englifh, however, were muchat a Lofs to know what that powwowing Affair

meant, though they did not hefitate to pronounceit Something diabolical, and that it had fpecial

Reference to them in their coming into the

Country. Meanwhile their Fears were confider-

ably abated by the Appearance of an Indian

among them. This was Samofet. He fpoke to

them in their own Language, and, as he ap-

proached their Village, uttered, in a firm Voice," Welcome, Englifhmen! welcome, Englishmen !

"

His Vifit happened about a Month after the great

Meeting of the Powwows, namely, on the 16th

of March ; and he was the firft Indian withwhom the Englifh were able to fpeak fince their

Landing in the previous December. He wasnaked, " only a Leather about his Waift, with a

Fringe about a Span long." The Weather wasvery cold, and, fays a Writer then there prefent,

20 Samofet and Squant

o

"we caft a Horfeman's Coat about him. Hehad been with the Englifh at Monhiggon, andknew by Name the moft of the Captains or

Matters of Veffels who had for many Years

frequented that and adjacent Parts." The Pil-

grims queftioned him "of many Things," andhe readily communicated whatever he knew

;

" faid he was not of thefe Parts, but of Moratig-gon, and a Sagamore. He had a Bow and twoArrows ; was a tall, ftraight Man ; the Hair ofhis Head black, long behind, only fhort before,

and none on his Face at all." On his afking for

Beer they gave him "ftrong Water, fome Bifcuit,

Butter and Cheefe, and Pudding, and a Piece ofMallard; all which he liked well." He told

them that the Place where they were fettled

was called Patuxet, and that about four Yearsbefore all the Inhabitants died of an extraordinary

Plague, and that there was neither Man, Woman,nor Child remaining ; and fays the Writer, " In-

deed we have found none."

Through the kind Agency of Samofet, the

Pilgrims, the next Day, became acquainted withanother Indian, named Squanto, faid to have beenone of thole carried away by Capt. Hunt. Thusby that Misfortune, he efcaped the Peftilence

which fwept off every other Inhabitant of Pa-tuxet, now Plymouth. He had lived fome Timein England, and was with Mr. John Slanie, a

Merchant in Cornhill, London. He, alfo, could

fpeak fome Englifh. Squanto, and likewife Samo-fet, came from MafTafoit, (who, according to

Befriend the Pilgrims. 2

1

Samofet, had in his Tribe about lixty Men ; and

of the Naufets he faid there were one hundred.)

They had been fent by him to learn whether the

Englifh were Friends or Enemies. And finding

them Friends, Maflafoit himfelf, with many of

his Men, vifited them on the 22d of March, only

fix Days after the firft Appearance of Samofet,

and entered into a formal Treaty, confifting of

feven Articles. Mafiafoit and his Tribe wereFriends to the Englifh as long as that Chief

lived. But a Tribe or Clan of the Pokanokets,

living at Mattapoifet, under a Chief named Caun-bitant, were difpleafed, and caufed them frequent

Alarms. At length an armed Force was fent

againfl them, and they were terrified into Sub-

miflion. This was in the Month of Augufl,

1 62 1 ; and on the 13th of September following,

Caunbitant and eight other Sachems came to

Plymouth and figned a Treaty with the Eng-lifh.

In 1622, another Settlement of the Englifh wasbegun at Weflagufcus, fince called Weymouth.Thefe Settlers were, in general, profligate and

unruly, and, by their bad Management, foon

reduced themfelves fo low that even the Indians

looked upon them with Contempt. This was

not all. They cheated and abufed the Indians,

until the Latter were determined to exterminate

them ; and, it is faid, actually formed a Plot for

that Purpofe. This coming to the Knowledgeof the Plymouth People, very much alarmed

them ; becaufe they knew the Weflagufcus Colony

22 Standijh's Severity.

would fall an eafy Prey to the Indians, and, fearing

that might elate them, and fo excite their Info-

lence, that they would not fpare any of the

Englifh. They therefore, in Self-defence, as they

argued, declared War againft the Maffachufetts

Indians. This firft and formal Declaration ofWar in New England was made by the Govern-ment of Plymouth, on the 23d of March, 1623 ;

and two Days after, Capt. Standifh, with fomeeight Men, marched againft them. After ma-noeuvring fome Time, by which he intended to

get a large Number together, and then to attack

them, he fucceeded in getting four into a Houfeor Wigwam. Two of thefe were noted WarChiefs ; by Name, Wittuwamet and Pekfuot.

Standifh ordered his Men to faften the Door of

the Room in which they were ; and then they

fell upon the four Indians, and, after a defperate

Struggle, put them all to Death. This was onthe 27th of March. Standifh foon after returned

to Plymouth, carrying with him the Head of

Wittuwamet, which he let upon the Fort. Seven

Indians were killed during the Expedition.

This rigorous Proceeding of the People of

Plymouth ftruck fuch Terror into the Reft of

the Indians, in all Directions, that they fled fromtheir Habitations, hid themfelves in Swamps andunhealthy Places, and negledled their planting,

until many of them perifhed from Difeafes thus

contracted, and the Want of the NecefTaries of

Life. Nor did they recover from the Effects of

this Blow for a Period of near fifty Years ; at

Peace enfues. 23

the End of which Period began the War with

the Wampanoags, ufually called King Philip's

War.In the mean Time the Country had been

gradually filling up with white Settlers ; andnumerous little Settlements called Towns dotted

the Landfcape in every Direction. The Indians

became accuftomed to their ftrange Neighbors,

and many of them were convinced that their ownCondition was made better by this People. Thofewho difliked them, and cared not to afTociate

with them, were afraid to make their Jealoufy

and Hatred prominent ; for they were aware of

their Superiority in the Ufe of ofFenfive Weapons.However, feveral Years before the War withPhilip began, the Indians had, in various Ways,fupplied themfelves with the Guns of the Englifh

and French, and were apt in the Ufe of them.In many Tribes they had almoft altogether fu-

perfeded Bows and Arrows, and the War Club.

Laws were early made, and long continued, to

prevent European Arms being fold to the Indians

;

but it was quite impoffible to enforce them ef-

fectually.

The Natives who were porTefTed of any Pru-dence well knew that it was not to their Intereft.

to engage in a War with their white Neighbors,becaufe they clearly faw the Odds was vaftly

againft. them.

Although from 1623 to 1675 there was nogeneral War with the Indians in New England,

24 Origin of Indian Wars.

yet there were often and frequent Difturbances,1

fome of the Principal of which it is neceffary to

recount, as they had much Influence upon the

Rife and Progrefs of that War. There were alfo

frequent Quarrels and Murders among the Indians

themfelves, with which the white People hadNothing to do ; though, after fuch Occurrences,

they fometimes efpoufed the Caufe of the Party

they confidered injured, and ufed their Endeavors

to bring the Offender to Punifhment. So whenany Wrong was done to an Indian by any of the

Settlers, Juftice was fpeedily extended to the

injured Party. Of courfe Cafes would often arife

wherein, from conflicting Evidence, the Ends of

Juftice were fruftrated. This was ofteneft the

Cafe when the Engliih interfered with the Indians'

private Quarrels, or Quarrels among themfelves.

They were bad Lawyers ; and it was difficult for

them to underftand the Juftice of fuch Interfe-

rence. Hence the Party fuffering by it often

determined on taking the firft Opportunity to be

revenged ; or, as it ufed to be faid, " to right

themfelves." In this way Feuds and Jealoufies

were perpetuated.

In 1 63 1, Sergt. Richard Walker of Lynn, as hewas upon Watch, about Midnight, was fhot at byan Indian, as was fuppofed, and the Arrow paffed

2 No AHufion to the Pequot War at fome Time, to publifh uniform

is intended, for I have prepared a with this. A very brief Abftracl of

detailed Account of it, which remains it may be feen in the Hijtory and

in Manufcript, and which I intend, Antiquities of Bofton.

Tarrati7ie Depredations. 25

through his Clothes. He gave an Alarm, and a

fmall Cannon, called a Culverin, was difcharged,

and nothing further was heard of an Enemy.On the 8th of Auguft, the fame Year, about

one hundred Tarratines attacked the Indians

living at Agawam, fince Ipfwich, killed {even

Men, and carried away feveral Captives. Theyalfo rifled a Cabin eftablifhed there by Mr. Mat-thew Cradock's Men, who were employed in

taking Sturgeon, carrying off their Nets andProvilions. The Tarratines were eaftern Indians,

living to the Eaftward of the Pafcataqua.

On the 3d of October, one Walter Bagnal wasmurdered and robbed by an Indian. He had a

trading Stand near the Mouth of Saco River; and

it is faid he had provoked the Indians by over-

reaching them in Trade. Early in the Winterfollowing, 1 63 1 -2, the Tarratines, perhaps the

fame who had attacked Agawam, met with a

Boat belonging to Mr. Henry Way of Dorchefter,

in which were five Men, one of whom was Mr.Way's Son. All thefe they killed ; and, to hide

the Evidence of their Barbarity, they funk the

Boat with Stones. Some of the Perpetrators

were afterwards taken and hanged.

The next Spring the Tarratines came again to

furprife Agawam ; but through the prudent Man-agement of" Sergt. John Perkins, they did not

dare to land. This Time there were twenty

Canoes full of them.

3

3 See Cobbet's " Narrative of Eng. Hijl. and Gen. Regifter, vii,

New England's Deliverances," in N. 209-219.

D

2 6 Cafer

ofJenki?ts and Hopkins

.

At the fame Time there was a War betweenthe Narraganfets and Pequots ; and Canonicus,

the Narraganfet Sachem, came among the Maf-fachufetts Indians to engage them to afTift himagainft his Enemies. Accordingly two of the

Chiefs, Chikataubut of Neponfet, and Wono-haqueham of Winnifemmet, each with about

fixty Men, engaged in an Expedition. The Re-fult is not known.

In Auguft, this Year, two of Chikataubut's

Men were fet in the Bilboes at Bofton, " for

alTaulting fome Englifh People at Dorchefter, in

their own Houfes, and their Chiefs made to beat

them;" but in what Manner is not ftated.

Some Time in the following Month, one Rey-nold Jenkins of Dorchefter, going among the

Indians under Paifaconaway, to trade, is killed,

while afleep in a Wigwam, by one of them.The Chief purfued and captured the Murderer,and according to an Agreement with the Eng-lifh, delivers him up for Punifhment. Theydoubtlefs executed him ; but of that no Recordhas been met with.

At the General Court at Bofton, in September,

it was ordered that Richard Hopkins fhould befeverely whipt, and branded with a hot Iron onone of his Cheeks, for felling Guns, Powder,and Shot to the Indians. At the fame Time the

Queftion was confidered, whether Perfons offend-

ing in this Way ought not to be put to death.

But the Subject was referred to the next Court,

which met on the third of October. It does not

Many die of Small Pox. 27

appear to have been then agitated ; though Nicholas

Froft, for ftealing from the Indians at Damerill's

Cove, and other lefs pardonable Offences, had a

like Punifhment inflicted on him. Inftead of his

Head, a Hand was to be branded; to be banifhed

out of the Colony ; to be kept in Bolts till his

Fine of five Pounds was paid, and Damages to

Henry Way and John Holman of forty Pounds.

If ever he returned into the Colony he was to be

put to Death.

In January, 1633, Poquanum, called by the

Whites Black Will, formerly Sachem of Nahant,living at Richmond's Ifland, at the Eaftward, is

feized by fome Engliihmen in purfuit of Pirates,

and hanged. It is faid he was one of the Mur-derers of Walter Bagnal.

During the Autumn of this Year the Small

Pox deftroyed great Numbers of the Indians.

About Pafcataqua River nearly all perifh. So

about Bofton ; the Chiefs Chikataubut, Monto-wampate, Wonohaqueham, with moft of their

People, die of it. About Plymouth, too, manyare carried off by a malignant Diflemper ; withwhich about twenty of the Pilgrims die alfo. In

January following, 1634, it was reported that the

Small Pox had fwept over the Narraganfet Coun-try, deftroying in its Courfe feven hundred of

that Nation, and that it was extending amongthole Weftward of them.

On the 4th of September, 1638, Arthur Peach,

Thomas Jackfon, and Richard Slinnings, (pro-

bably an Irifhman) were executed at Plymouth

2 8 Cafe of three White Murderers.

for the Murder of a Narraganfet Indian. Peachwas faid to have been " a young Defperado, whohad been a Soldier in the Pequot War, and donenotable Service, being bold and forward in anydefperate Attempt." He was Principal, and the

other two Acceffories. After he came out of the

Service againft the Pequots, inftead of going to

work, he fet out to go to the Dutch Settlement

at Hudfon's River, and enticed three others to

run away from their Matters and accompanyhim. As they proceeded Southward, through the

Woods, they met with an Indian who had a

Quantity of Wampum. They invited him to fit

down and fmoke with them, which he did.

Peach propofed to his Comrades to kill and robhim. They declined having any Hand in the

killing, but left it to Peach to do as he wasinclined. He therefore, watching his Opportu-nity, ran the Indian through the Body with his

Rapier, leaving him for dead. But, though mor-tally wounded, the Sufferer fucceeded in reaching

fome of his Countrymen, retaining Strengthenough to inform them who the Ailaffins were,and then expired. Soon after, the NarraganfetSachems purfued and captured all the Party ofWhites but one, and carried them to RhodeIfland, where they were put into Prifon. Mean-while the Narraganfets threatened to make Waron the Englifh, thinking they had authorized the

Murder. This they were eafily induced to be-

lieve, becaufe the Pequots had told them that,

after the Englifh had deftroyed their Nation,

Majfafoit at Plymouth. 29

they would deftroy them likewife. But whenthey faw the three white Men executed they wereamazed, and expreffed themfelves entirely fatisfied.

That three mould be put to Death for one Indian

they could not well underftand, knowing the

Deed was done by one Man only. This fomecalled " magnifying of Juftice," and the Indians

may have thought it was paying for other Mur-ders of their Countrymen in Advance. However,this Caufe of War at that Time was thus removed.On the 25th of March, 1639, Maffafoit, now

known as Woofamequin, a Name, perhaps, taken

by him on the Death of his Brother, Quadequina,

appeared at Plymouth, and defired to renew the

Treaty which he made on his nrft Vint to Ply-

mouth, in 1 62 1. His Son, then called Mooanam,came with him, and with him executed a newTreaty, expreffed in very ftrong Terms of Friend-

ship and Reciprocity. Woofamequin was influ-

enced to appear at this Time, very probably, froma Fear of the Narraganfets, who were jealous ofhim, becaufe he had from the nrft been in highFavor with the Englifh. "Yet it is very re-

markable," wrote a Contemporary,4 "that this

Woofamequen, how much foever he affected the

Englifh, was never in the leaft Degree any Wayswell affected to the Religion of the Englifh ; butwould, in his laft Treaty with his Neighbors at

Plymouth, when they were with him about

purchafing fome Land at Swanzy, have had them

4 The Rev. William Hubbard, in his Narrative of the Troubles, P. 8.

3<d Death of Majfafoit.

engage never to attempt to draw away any of

his People from their old Pagan Superstition anddevilifh Idolatry to the Christian Religion, anddid much infift upon it, till he faw the Englifh

were refolved never to make any Treaty withhim more on that Account ; which when hedifcerned he did not further urge it." The old

Chief or Sachem lived until about 1660,5 at

which Time he muft have been near eighty

Years of Age; for in 1621 the Pilgrims fay hewas then a Man " in his beft Years."

The Period from 1638 to the Difturbances

which are ufually confidered as the immediateCaufes of Philip's War is full of deep Intereft.

There was during that Time a continued andunbroken Chain of Events, which led to the

exterminating War between the Narraganfets andMohegans. Thofe Events are clofely interwover.

with various impelling and conflicting Interests

of the Englifh in the two Colonies of Maffa-

chufetts and Connecticut, and have never yet beendetailed with the Juftice and Impartiality their

Importance demands. As many of the Difficul-

ties between thofe two great Tribes grew out of

the Pequot War, to the Hiftory of that Warthey will be properly deferred.

5 Daggett's Hifl. Attkborough, 1 662; Roger Williams, Letter in

133; I. Mather's Relation, 70-72; Knowles, 406. See, alfo, Book ofMorton, JV. E. Mem., Sub. Anno, the Indians, P. 201, and elfewhere.

Origin of Indian W^ars. 31

CHAPTER III.

Mooanam, Wamfutta, Alexander.— Charged with plotting againjl

the Englijl).— Ordered to appear at Plymouth, and refufes.—Is forcibly conveyed thither.— Confining Accounts as to the

Manner of his Treatment in Captivity.—His Death.— Greatly

Beivailed.— Philip fucceeds him.— His Accefion Celebrated,

which caufes Alarm to Plymouth.—He is fent for.—Makes a

Treaty.—Family of Alexander.

FOR fome Time before his Death "good old

Malfafoit" appears to have been quite in-

active ; and his elder Son, Alexander, feems to

have taken upon himfelf the Affairs of the Tribe,

as fome Sales of Lands were made by him before

the Death of his Father. His Name up to

about this Time was Wamfutta. At what Datehe threw off the Name of Mooanam, and took

that of Wamfutta, is not known ; but it is very-

probable that on the Death of his Father the

Change was made. Soon after that Event, 6 he,

with his younger Brother, appeared at Plymouth,and requefted the Governor to give both of themEnglifh Names. The Governor complied, call-

ing one Alexander, and the other Philip. It hadnow become a Cuftom for the Indians to take

It is dated by fome Writers that There is much Confufion refpecling

Maflafoit came with his two Sons, this Circumftance. Hubbard, Nar-and requefted ihat they might re- mtive, 8, fpeaks of Maffafoit's going

ceive Englifh Names; but Dr. I. with Alexander and Philip, his Sons,

Mather, Relation, 70, fays the Event to Mr. Brown's, who lived near

was after the Death af MafTafoit. Mount Hope.

3 2 Alexander JufpeEled of Evil.

Englifh Names ; which, when thus acquired,

caufed them much Satisfaction.

Very foon after, or within a Year certain, Gov.Prence 7 of Plymouth received Information fromBofton informing him that a Plot was being laid

by Alexander, which had for its Object a hoftile

Movement againft the Englifh of that Jurifdic-

tion. The Governor fent immediately to Capt.

Thomas Willet, 8 who refided near Mount Hope,and requeued him to confer with Alexander, to

learn, if poffible, what his Grievances were, andto requeft him to appear at the next Court at

Plymouth, to give his Reafons for proceeding in

the Manner alleged.

It is not certain that Alexander actually pro-

mifed to appear, as requefted ; but, from whatpalled between him and Capt. Willet, the Eng-lish expected him. Be this as it may, he camenot to the Court at Plymouth; but, in the Timeof that Court, it is afferted, he went over to the

Narraganfets, the very Tribe he was charged

with bringing into his Scheme of Offence againft

the People of Plymouth. This heightened their

Sufpicions, and they refolved promptly to check,

any hoftile Defign.

Thereupon the Governor and Council of Ply-

mouth ordered Major Jofiah, or, as then written,

7 Thus the Governor always wrote and the firft Englifh Mayor of Newhis Name. York. He was Anceftor of the

late Col. Marinus Willet of the

* He was Son of Thomas Willet, Revolution. See N. E. Hijl. and

who came to Plymouth in 1630; Gen. Reg., ii, 376.

Origin of Philip's War. 33

Jofias, Window to take an armed Force, proceedto Mount Hope, and compel the Indian Chiefto come to Plymouth. This was indeed a high-handed Meafure on the Part of that Government,and would never have been attempted, but froma Confidence in its own Strength, and in the

Weaknefs of the other Party. The Wampa-noags were an independent Power, fuch as it was,

and had fo been treated with from the Firft.

And what renders this Proceeding the more Re-prehenfible is, that there does not appear to havebeen any real Grounds for a Sufpicion that their

Chief, at this Time, was contriving any Mifchiefhimfelf, or was conniving with the Narraganfets

in any finifter Defign, at leaft againft the Peopleof Plymouth. However, Major Window, taking

with him Captain William Bradford, (both Sons

of Governors of Plymouth of their refpeclive

Names,) and about ten mounted Men, well

armed, proceeded for Sowams, or, as often writ-

ten, Sowamfet, now Warren, in Rhode Ifland.

To this Point in the Narrative there is noDifagreement in the Accounts of the contempo-rary Writers; but refpecling the Capture, Treat-

ment, Sicknefs, and fubfequent Death of Alex-ander, thofe Writers differ very materially ; and,

as they feem to be very nearly on an equal Foot-ing for Truth and Veracity, there is no Alterna-

tive for the more modern Hiftorian but to let

each of them be heard in Evidence in fo impor-tant a Caufe.

34 Origin of Philip's War.

"The Perfon," writes Mr. Hubbard, "to whomthat Service was committed, was a prudent andrefolute Gentleman, the prefent [1676] Governorof that Colony, who was neither afraid of Dan-ger, nor yet willing to delay in a Matter of that

Moment, he forthwith, taking eight or ten flout

Men, well armed, intended to have gone to the

faid Alexander's Dwelling, diftant at leaft forty

Miles' from the Governor's Houfe; but, by a

good Providence, he found him whom he went to

feek at an Hunting-houfe, within iix Miles of the

Englifh Towns, 10 where the faid Alexander, with

about eighty" Men, were newly come in fromhunting, and had left their Guns without Doors,

which Major Winflow, with his fmall Company,wifely feized and conveyed away, and then wentinto the Wigwam, and demanded Alexander to

go along with him before the Governor,-— at

which MefTage he was much appalled ; but,

being told by the undaunted Meifenger, that if

he ftirred, or refufed to go, he was a dead Man,he was, by one of his chief Counfellors, 11 in

whofe Service he molt confided, perfuaded to goalong to the Governor's Houfe. But fuch wasthe Pride and Height of his Spirit, that the very

9 It mult be remembered that had a very defirable Refort.

diflances through the Wildernefs at " A very great Miftake; perhaps

that Time were eftimated by not typographical. It fhould be eight,

very direft Indian Paths. I have no doubt.10 Believed to be at Munponfet ! - Dr. I. Mather fays it was by

Pond, in Halifax, about equidiftant the Advice of a Brother of Johnfrom Plymouth and Bridgewater, Saffamon. There was a Rowlandwhere it was known the Indians SaiTamon, Brother of John.

Alexander s Death. 35

Surprifal of him fo raifed his Choler and Indig-

nation that it put him into a Fever, which, not-

withstanding all pomble Means that could be

ufed, feemed Mortal. Whereupon, entreating

thofe that held him Prifoner that he might have

Liberty to return Home, promifing to return

again if he recovered, and to fend his Son as

HoStage till he could do fo. On that Consideration

he was fairly difmilfed ; but died before he got half

way Home. Here let it be obferved, that al-

though fome have taken up falfe Reports, as if

the Englifh had compelled him to go farther or

fafter than he was able, and fo fell into a Fever;

or, as if he were not well ufed by the PhySician' 3

that looked to him, while he was with the Eng-lish ; all which are notoriously Falfe. Nor is it

to be imagined that a Perfon of fo noble a Dif-

pofition as that Gentleman at that Time employedto bring him, Should himfelf, or Suffer any oneelfe, to be uncivil to a Perfon allied to them byhis own, as well as his Father's, League, as the

faid Philip alfo was. Nor was Anything of that

Nature ever objecled to the English of Plymouthby the faid Alexander's Brother, by Name Philip,

commonly, for his ambitious and haughty Spirit,

nicknamed King Philip."

Dr. Increafe Mather Speaks in quite as confident

13 The firft Phyfician at Ply- Years before his Death he was ap-

mouth was Samuel Fuller; but he pointed Surgeon General of the

died in 1 63 3. There was at Ply- Military Forces of Plymouth Col-

mouth in 1640 a Dr. Matthew Ful- ony.

—

'Thatcher. He was the At-

ler, who removed to Barnftable in tendant upon Alexander, as will

1652, and died in 1678. Five elfewhere be feen.

36 Origin of Philip's War.

Terms about what he narrates of the Affair as

Mr Hubbard. His Account is next in Importance,

and a little more Circumftantial, which he gave

to the Public, as follows: "The immediate Pre-

deceffor of Philip was not fo faithful and friendly

to the Englifh as his Father had been ; for fome

of Bofton having been occafionally [on fome

occafion] at Narraganfet, wrote to Mr. Prince,

who was then Governor [1662] of Plymouth,

that Alexander was contriving Mifchief againfl

the Englifh, and that he had folicited the Narra-

ganfets to engage with him in his defigned

Rebellion. Hereupon Capt. Willet, who lived

near to Mount Hope, the Place where Alexander

did refide, was appointed to fpeak with him, and

to defire him to attend the next Court in Ply-

mouth, for their Satisfaction and his own Vindi-

cation. He feemed to take the Meffage in good

Part, profeffing that the Narraganfets, who, he

faid, were his Enemies, had put an Abufe uponhim; and he readily promifed to attend at the

next Court. But when the Day of his Appear-

ance was come, inftead of that, he, at that very

Time, went over to the Narraganfets, his pre-

tended Enemies ; which, compared with other

Circumftances, caufed the Gentlemen at Plymouthto fufpecf there was more of Truth in the Infor-

mation given than at firft they were aware of. 14

14 On the other Hand it might almoft an every-day Occurrence;

eaflly be inferred that the Chief and he did not care to have his ownneglected to go to Plymouth, under Plans of hunting, or other Employ-

the Belief that he was to go there ments, broken up to gratify People

upon an idle Errand ; to counteract who had no Right to make fuch

a Rumor, the Like of which was Demand upon him.

Origin of Philip's War. 37

Wherefore the Governor and Magistrates there

ordered Major Window (who is fince, and at this

Day, [1676,] the Governor of that Colony) to

take a Party of Men and fetch down Alexander.

The Major confidering that femper nocuit differre

paratis, [when prepared to act Delay is dangerous,]

he took but ten armed Men with him fromMarfhfield, intending to have taken more at the

Towns that lay nearer Mount Hope. But Divine

Providence fo ordered, as that when they wereabout the Midway between Plymouth and Bridge-

water, obferving an Hunting-houfe, they rode upto it, and there did they find Alexander and manyof his Men, all well armed, but their Guns {land-

ing together without the Houfe. The Major,

with his fmall Party, pofTeffed themfelves of the

Indians' Arms, and befet the Houfe. Then did

he go in amongft them, acquainting the Sachemwith the Reafon of his coming in fuch a Way

;

defiring Alexander, with his Interpreter, to walkout with him, who did fo, a little Diftance fromthe Houfe, and then underftood what Commiflionthe Major had received concerning him. Theproud Sachem fell into a raging Paflion at this

Surprife, faying that the Governor had no Reafonto credit Rumors, or to fend for him in fuch a

Way, nor would he go to Plymouth but when hefaw Caufe. It was replied to him, that his Breachof Word touching Appearance at Plymouth Court,

and inftead thereof going, at the fame Time, to

his pretended Enemies, augmented Jealoufies

concerning him. In Fine, the Major told him

38 Origin of Philip's War.

that his Order was to bring him to Plymouth,and that, by the Help of God, he would do it, or

elfe he would die pn the Place. Alfo declaring

to him, that if he would fubmit, he might expect

refpeclive [refpedlful] Ufage; but if he once moredenied to go, he (hould never flir from the Groundwhereon he flood; and, with a Piftol at the

Sachem's Breaft, required that his next Wordsmould be a politive and clear Anfwer to whatwas demanded. Hereupon his Interpreter, a dif-

creet Indian, Brother to John Saufaman, being

fenfible of Alexander's paffionate Difpofition,

entreated that he might fpeak a few Words to the

Sachem before he gave his Anfwer.

"The prudent Difcourfe of this Indian prevailed

fo far as that Alexander yielded to go, only

requeuing that he might go like a Sachem, with

his Men attending him, which, although there

was fome Hazard in it, they being many, and the

Englifh but a Few, was granted to him. TheWeather being hot, the Major offered him an

Horfe to ride on, but his Squaw and divers Indian

Women being in Company, he refufed, faying he

could go on Foot as well as they ; entreating, only,

that there might be a complying with their Pace,

which was done; and, refting feveral Times bythe Way, Alexander and his Indians were refreshed

by the Englifh; no other Difcourfe happeningwhile they were upon their March, but what waspleafant and amicable. The Major fent a Manbefore, to entreat that as many of the Magistrates

of that Colony as could, would meet at Duxbury.

Origin of Philip's War. 39

Wherefore, having there had fome Treaty with

Alexander, not willing to commit him to Prifon,

they entreated Major Window to receive him to

his Houfe, until the Governor, who then lived at

Eaftham, could come up. Accordingly he and

his Train were courteoufly entertained by the

Major. And albeit not fo much as an angry

Word pafled between them whilft at Marfhfield.

Yet proud Alexander, vexing and fretting in his

Spirit, that fuch a Check was given him, he fud-

denly fell lick of a Fever. He was then nurfed

as a choice Friend. Mr. Fuller, the Phyfician,

coming providentially thither at that Time, the

Sachem and his Men earneftly defired that hewould adminifter to him, which he was unwilling

to do; but by their Importunity was prevailed

with to do the Befr. he could to help him, and

therefore gave him a Potion of working Phyfic,

which the Indians thought did him good ; but

his Diftemper afterwards prevailing, they entreated

to difmifs him, in order to a return Home; whichupon [his] Engagement of Appearance at the next

Court, was granted to him. Soon after his being

returned Home he died. And this is the Truthand Subftance of what concerns Tranfactions with

Alexander, concerning which fo many fabulous

Stories have been fpread Abroad."

The remarkable Particularity of this Narrative

gives it the firft Confideration, and is a very

rtrong Evidence of its Truth. It fully corrobo-

rates Mr. Hubbard's Account, fo far as that Au-thor goes ; and Mr. Mather, like him, was well

4-0 Origin of Philip's War.

aware that various other Reports had gone abroad,

and it is very clear that both of thofe Gentlemenhad inquired into the Matter and were fully

convinced of the Truth of what they had given.

It is pretty evident, however, that Mr. Matherintended to make the moft of his Story; waswilling his Readers mould think the Number of

Indians with Alexander was very large, while hetook good care to keep within the bounds ofTruth, by making no Statement as to their real

Number. This historical Licenfe cannot be

defended, and is too ealily feen through to have

any very bad Effect ; as it only tended to exag-

gerate the Danger the few Englifh were in, and

to make their Conduct appear the more Hero-ical. The Indians were furprifed, with their

Guns ftan.ding outfide of their Wigwam ; but

Nobody has faid how many " Guns " they had.

Now it feems pretty clear that the Company of

Indians captured were upon a fifhing Defign,

upon the cool and beautifully fbaded Banks of

the little Lake before mentioned, and had not the

remoteft Fears of being taken for Enemies.

Had they been upon any mifchievous Defign,

or had there been any Plot undertaken, wouldthey have allowed themfelves in broad Dayto be furprifed as is related ? They doubt-

lefs faw the Englifh approach, and had no

Sufpicion that they were coming upon them as

Enemies.

Some Time after this Tranfaclion, when its

Juftice and Propriety bad been difcuffed in various

Conflicting Accounts. 4.1

Quarters, the Rev. John Cotton 15 of Plymouthwrote to Dr. Mather of Bofton concerning it,

" left you mould," he obferves, " through Mif-information, print fome Miftakes." What hewrote, he fays, was from Major Bradford's ownMouth, the Major being one of the Party whofeized Alexander. Mr. Cotton remarks, briefly,

that Alexander was found at Munponfet River,

not many Miles from Plymouth, "with about 8

Men, and fundry Squaws. He was there about

getting Canoes. He and his Men were at Break-

faft under their Shelter, their Guns being without.

They faw the Englifh coming, but continued

eating; on Mr. Window's telling their Bulinefs,

Alexander, freely and readily, without the leaft

hefitancy, confented to go;giving his Reafon

why he came not to the Court before, namely,

becaufe he waited for Capt. Willet's Return fromthe Dutch [at Manhattan,] being defirous to

fpeak with him firft. They brought him to Mr.[William] Collier's, that Day, and Gov. Prince

living remote, at Eaftham, thofe few Magiftrates,

who were at Hand, iffued the Matter peaceably,

and immediately difmifled Alexander to return

Home, which he did, part of the Way ; but in

two or three Days after he returned and went to

Major Window's Houfe, intending thence to

travel into the Bay [Bofton] and fo Home; but,

at the Major's Houfe he was taken very rick, and

was, by Water, conveyed to Mr. Bradford's, and

1J Son of Rev. John Cotton of Bofton. He diedinCharlcfton,S. C, 1699.

F

42 Conflitling Accounts.

thence carried upon the Shoulders of his Men to

Tetehquet River [in Middleborough,] and thence

in Canoes, Home; and, about two or three Daysafter, died."

This Statement, though fent to Dr. Mather,

had no Influence, fo far as known, to caufe himto publim any Modification of what he hadalready penned. The Reader will judge for

himfelf, whether Mr. Cotton's Statement is to

be taken for the whole Truth. 16

Upon the Death of Alexander, there was a

remarkable Solemnity among the Indians, and it

was bewailed with great Sincerity by his Tribe.

>° The Rev. Samuel Niles, Min-ifter of Braintree in Maffachufetts,

from 171 1 to his Death in 1762,

left a Hiftory of Indian Wars in

New England in Manufcript, which

was publifhed in 1837 in the 16th

Vol. of the Colls. MJ. Hift. Soc.

This Author's Account of the Death

of Alexander differs very much from

all others. It is brief, and in thefe

Words:—"This Alexander, after

his Father's Death, became very

furly and ill-tempered toward the

Englifh People; for which Reafon

the Court at Plymouth, which was

then a diftincl Colony from the

Maffachufetts, fufpecting him to

have fome treacherous Purpofe in

View, brought him to Plymouth and

put him under Confinement; at which

the Fellow was enraged to that De-

gree that he refufed to eat, and foon

ftarved himfelf to Death in this

miferable Manner."Where Mr. Niles obtained his

Information he does not tell us, but

he feems to have paid no Attention to

what had been publifhed upon this

Subject before he wrote, and yet he

fays, in his Introduction, that " the

Reader will find an exaft Narrative

of the Indian Wars, as far as his

Intelligence had reached, and uponthe belt Grounds he could obtain,

from approved Authors and other-

wife." It is very probable that a

Story fimilar to what Mr. Niles has

publifhed, was in Circulation in the

Old Colony, from the Time ofAlexander's Death to Mr. Niles's

Day. That it had only a Shadowof a Foundation, there is little, if anyOueftion. Its Details varied ac-

cording to the Memory or Imagi-

nation of the Party relating it. TheIndians, at lealt fome of them, be-

lieved Alexander was poifoned.

See Eafton's Narrative, 16 ; or

poft.

Elevation of Philip. 43

Multitudes of Indians from all Parts, Chiefs and

others, flocked to Mount Hope, and there, ac-

cording to the ancient Cuftoms of that People,

mourned his Death for many Days, by the Prac-

tice of their ftrange Rites and Ceremonies. Asfoon as that was ended, a Seafon of rejoicing and

feafting fucceeded, in Honor of the Acceflion of

Philip to the Chieftainfhip.

This numerous Affembling of Indians at MountHope, in View of what had happened in Connec-

tion with the Death ofAlexander, alarmed the Eng-lifh at Plymouth. They were fearful that Philip

had fome evil Defign upon them. He was therefore

required to come to Court, and to explain the

Caufe of this feemingly ftrange Conduct. TheCourt having met on the fixth of Auguft, Philip

foon after appeared, and was ready to renew the

Treaties already in Exiftence, or make a new One.

Accordingly a new Treaty was drawn up and

figned by Philip, Francis Sachem of Naufet, and

John Saufaman witneffed it. 17

Of the Family of Alexander very little is known.That he had a Wife and Son has been mentioned

in the Extracts already given. His Wife, whofeName was Namumpum, furvived him. She wasafterwards called Weetamoo, and was Queen or

Squaw-Sachem of Pocalfet, and for a Period wasthe Wife of a fomewhat noted Indian namedPetananuet, which the Englifh transformed into

Peter Nunuit. Weetamoo efpoufed Philip's Caufe

17 See Morton, Memorial, (firft Ed.) 161; or 2d Ed., 200-1.

44 Origin of the Indians.

and perifhed in the War, in which fhe was confpi

cuous, and will be hereafter particularly noticed.

CHAPTER IV.

A Glance atfome Opinions re[peeling the Origin of the Indians.—Gen. Gookin's Views.—What he learnedfrom the Indians them-

felves.—Dr. Cotton Mather's Notions upon this Subject.—Fur-

ther Remarks thereon.—Principal Tribes occupying Neiv England.—A DigreJJion concerning the Narraganfets.—-The IFampanoags.— Their Defcription of the Pejlilence of 161 7.— The Maffachu-

fetts.—Pawtucketts.

ALMOST all of the early Writers who touched

upon the Hiftory of the Aborigines of Ame-rica indulged in Conjectures concerning their Ori-

gin. It is not intended to revive the QuefUon in this

Narrative, having formerly, in another Work, 18

given Specimens of the Opinions of various

Authors upon it. However, it may be interefting

to general Readers to know to what Conclusion

Major General Daniel Gookin came in Regard to

it ; he having the beft Means of learning whatthe Indians themfelves thought about it ; therefore,

before entering upon the Bulinefs of this Chapter,

a few Statements and Obfervations will be given

from the Writings of that diftinguifhed Man, 19

18 Book of the Indians, Book I, except in the Colleclions of the

Chapters i and ii. Maffachuj'etts Hiftorical Society. In111 Maj. Gen. Daniel Gookin left that Work it appeared in 1792; but

feveral valuable Works in MS. its Value is much impaired by its

That here referred to is his Hiftorical Appearance in a modern Drefs,

Collefiions of the Indians in New Whether the Original is preferved,

England. It has never been printed is unknown to the Editor.

Fables among them. 45

to whom every Hiftorian muft be indebted for the

bed Account of the Numbers and Condition of

the Indians in New England previous to, and dur-

ing the War with King Philip. He fays, " I

have difcourfed and questioned about this Matterwith fome of the moft Judicious of the Indians,

but their Anfwers are divers and fabulous. Someof the Inland Indians fay, that they came fromfuch as inhabit the Sea Coafts. 20 Others fay, that

there were two young Squaws, or Women, being

at firft either fwimming or wading in the Water,

the Froth or Foam of the Water touched their

Bodies, from whence they became with Child

;

and one of them brought forth a Male and the

other a Female Child ; and then the two Womendied and left the Earth. So their Son and Daugh-ter were their firft Progenitors. Other Fables

and Figments are among them, touching this

Thing, which are not worthy to be inferted."

Of Courfe no intelligent Perfon would put the

leaft Reliance on Indian Stories of this Nature.

Like all ignorant People, the Indians delighted in

the Recital of marvellous Stories, of which there

was never wanting among them a Hoft of Invent-

ors. They took much Satisfaction in making upand relating improbable Stories, efpecially whenthey found Perfons weak enough to be deceived

by them.

But Gen. Gookin's Conclufion was, that they,

20 This Tradition is common went originally from this Region,

among the Indians in the Weft. I that is from the New England Coaft,

heard Biack Hawk fay that his Tribe about Bofton.

46 Opinions of the Learned.

the Indians, "were Adam's Pofterity." Hence,

fome wandering Tribe of Afiatics or Europeans,

by fome Means found its Way into America ; but

when, it was as difficult to determine, as how.

Gen. Gookin believed that all Mankind weredefcended from one Pair, and this was the general

Belief in his Time. He feems to have been of

Opinion too, that the Branch of the human Racewhich had found its Way into this Continent, had

got beyond the Reach of Chriftianity, or the

Gofpel ; and hence the Inference, that, although

Men could not wander fo far without divine

Affiftance, that Affiftance immediately forlbok

them on their Arrival here, and they were left to

perifh. But a Reafon for this Concluiion wasnever fatisfadlorily given. Dr. Cotton Mather,

however, finds no Difficulty in fupplying whatmay be fuppofed to have been, to himfelf, very

fatisfactory Explanations of thefe Difficulties ; one

or two of which, for their Angularly characteriftic

Qualities, are given.

Dr. Mather fays, " The Natives of the Coun-trey now poiferTed by the New Englanders, had

been forlorn and wretched Heathen ever fince

their firft herding here ; and tho we know not

when or how thofe Indians firft became Inhabit-

ants of this mighty Continent, yet we may guefs

that probably, the Divel decoy'd thofe miferable

Salvages hither, in Hopes that the Gofpel of the

Lord Jefus would never come here to deftroy or

difturb his Abfolate-Empire over them. But our

Eliot was in fuch ill Terms with the Divel, as to

Strange Ideas of Authors. 47

alarm him with founding the Siluer-Trumpets of

Heaven in his Territories, and make fome noble

and zealous Attempts towards outing him of his

ancient Poifeffions here." 2I

The fame Author, in another Work, remarks,

that, "by the Year 1 636, it was Time for the Devilto take the Alarum, and make fome Attempt in

Oppolition to the Pojfefion which the Lord Jefus

Chrift. was going to have of thefe utmojl Parts ofthe Earth.- 7

' Thefe Parts were then covered withNations of barbarous Indians and Infidels, in

which the Prince of the Power of the Air did

Work as a Spirit ; nor could it be expected that

Nations of Wretches, whofe whole Religion wasthe moft explicit Sort of Devil-JVorfhip, mouldnot be acted by the Devil to engage in fome early

and bloody Action for the Extinction of a Planta-

21 The Life of'the Renowned John not in their coming hither, pro-

Eliot, P. 74, Ed. Bofton, 169!. pound any great Matter to them-22 This and fimilar Expreffions felves refpcfling this World," &c.

were in conftant Ufe among the Here they believed was the Place

Fathers of New England. See New where Chrift was to take up his

Eng. Hijf. and Antiq. Jour.,\\, 22. Abode while on Earth, at his "fecond

Not only the Fathers who came Appearing." And as the Saints

firft to New England ufed to fpeak would be Few in Companion to the

of it as " The Ends of the Earth," Reft of the human Race, His King-

but their Children and even their dom would require but a fmall Cor-Grand-children viewed it as fuch. ner of the American Continent. It

And whatever their Hopes may is evident too that the pious Found-have been of its Importance in a ers did not wifh or defire a great

Chriftian Point of View, it is pretty Nation compofed of thofe who wereevident that they had no Notion or not Believers

; and when fuch cameConception that they were founding among them they took Meafures to

a great Nation, fuch as we now fee. fend them awav again. This CourfeDr. Increafe Mather fays, in his they continued in until they wereElection Sermon of 1677, P. 76, overwhelmed by Numbers. Progrefs

Ed. 1685 — "Our Fathers did in Religion was not thought of.

48 Strange Notio?is of Authors.

tion fo Contrary to his Interefts, as that of NewEngland was." 13

Refpecling the Religion of the New England

Indians,Writers are not agreed. Unlets Superfti-

tion and Religion were viewed by them as fynony-

mous Terms, their Explanations or Defcriptions

of what was fuppofed to be the Indians' Religion

are not very confiftent. Some of them aver that

the Indians had no Religion, and yet go on to

defcribe what it is or what it is not.

Mr. Hubbard has the following Obfervations

upon that Subject: " As for their Religion, they

never were obferved by any of the firft Comersor others, to have any other but what wasdiabolical, and fo uncouth, as if it were framed

and devifed by the Devil himfelf, and is tranfacted

by them, they ufed to call Powwows by fomekind of familiarity with the Devil, and to whomthey ufed to refort for Counfel in all. Kind of

Evils, both corporal and civil." 2+ Roger Williams,

on the other Hand, has given a different Opinion :

" He that queftions whether God made the World,

the Indians will teach him." 2 5

But to return to the Defign of the prefent

Chapter. It is afferted that when the Englifh

firft fettled in New England, it was occupied byabout twenty different Nations or Tribes of

Indians. 26 Thefe Nations or Tribes were gene-

rally independent of each other, but united fome-times for mutual Protection, and the Purpofe of

•« Magnalia Cbrifli Americana, « Hiftoty of New England, 35.

Book VII, P. 41. See alio Pur-"'J Key into the Indian Language,

chas bis Pilgrimage, 717.'-'" Mather's Life of Eliot, P. 74.

Survey ofNew England Tribes. 4.9

making War. In every Tribe or Clan there was a

Chief or head Man or head Woman, to whom the

Reft paid a Sort of Deference; but thefe Chiefs had

very little Power, other than that beftowed uponthem by Nature. That is to fay, Chiefs or Leaders

became fo ufually, by being endowed with fuperior

Intellects, or great phyfical Importance.

The principal Tribes fcattered over New Eng-land at the Period of its Settlement, were, accord-

ing to General Gookin, the Pequots, Narraganfets,

Pawkunnawkuts, Maifachufetts and Pawtuckets.

Each of thefe was fubdivided into many Clans.

There were alfo the Mohegans and Nipmucks.Some of thefe Tribes are reported to have been

very numerous. The Pequots were the mollPowerful at the Time of the Arrival of the white

People ; numbering about four thoufand Warriors.

Their Dominion extended from beyond Quinni-

piack fouthwefterly, to the Narraganfet Countrynortheafterly. They exercifed fome Jurifdiciion

over the Indians on a Part of Long Illand, and

alfo as far Inland on the Main as the Country of

the Nipmucks.Next in Order of Importance were the Narra-

ganfets. " They were a great People heretofore,

and the Territory of their Sachem extended about

thirty or forty Miles from Seaconk River and

Narraganfitt Bay, including Rhode Ifland and

other Iflands in that Bay, being their eaft and

north Bounds or Border, and fo running wefterly

and foutherly unto a Place called Wekapage, four

G

5<d Survey of the Indian 'Tribes.

or five Miles to the Eaftward of Pawcatuk River

which was reckoned for their fouth and weft Bor-

der, and the eafternmoft Limits of the Pequots.'

This Tribe aMb exercifed fome Sort of Jurifdiclion.

over a Part of Long Ifland, and likewife over a

Part of the Nipmuck Country, Block Ifland,

Cawefitt, and other Places. The Pawkunnaukuts

or Pokanokets (Wampanoags) ftood much in Fear

of the Narraganfets, and were threatened by them

with War, when they found the Wampanoagswere treating with the white People who came to

fettle at Plymouth. Canonicus was then Sachem

of the Narraganfetts. He was a Chief of extra-

ordinary Capacity, and doubtlefs faw that Mifchief

might accrue to his People by this Lodgment of

Strangers upon the Indian Territory. Therefore

he determined to fee what Kind of People they

were, whether they were warlike, and if they

would fight fhould they be attacked. To afcertain

with Certainty what the Character of the Intruders

was, in thefe Particulars, in the Month of Febru-

ary, 1622, he fent a Challenge to them. This

Challenge was brought by an Indian namedTokamahamon, and coniifted of a Number of

new Arrows, which were wrapped in a Rattle-

fnake's Skin. Thefe the Meflenger left at Ply-

mouth without any Explanation, but Tifquantum

explained them to mean a Challenge for War.

The Englifh took the Snake's Skin and, filling it

with Powder and Ball, fent it back to the Chief,

with a Meftage, to the Purport that they had never

done any Wrong to the Narraganfets, and defired

Manner of Challenge to War. 5

1

to live in Peace with them ; but, if they weredetermined on War, to begin as foon as they had

a Mind to ; nor would they find the Englifh

unprepared. This Menage was delivered with an

Air of Defiance, and they rejected the returned

Snake's Skin, probably from a fuperfiitious Fear of

its Contents ; nor would they allow it to remain

among them ; every one calling it from his

Neighborhood, until at length it was returned to

Plymouth with all its Contents. 27

The prompt Action of the Englifh feems to

have awed the belligerent Narraganfets into a

refpectful Silence, as they ifiued no Proclamations

of War againfl the Englifh for a long Period.

Canonicus was then aged, but he lived until the

fourth of June, 1647, fuppofed then to have been

about eighty-five Years old. His Deceafe wasobferved by all the Natives as a great and fad

Event.

Mention has already been made of the Wam-panoags. Of them General Gookin fays, " their

Chief Sachem held Dominion over divers other

petty Sagamores ; as the Sagamores upon the

Ifland of Nantuckett, and Nope, or Martha's

Vineyard, of Nawfett, of Monnamoyk, of Saw-kattuckett, Nobfquafitt, Matakees, and feveral

others, and fome of the Nipmucks. Their

Country, for the moft Part, falls within the

Jurifdidtion of New Plymouth Colony. This

27 Window's Good News, (in alfo, A Continuation of the State ofYoung's Colleftion,) P. 281. See, New England, 18.

52 Numbers of the Indians.

People were a potent Nation in former Times,and could raife, as the moft credible and ancient

Indians affirm, about three thoufand Men."The Eftimate of Indians of their former

Numbers and Importance is to be taken withAllowance ; and according to the accumulatedKnowledge of them now available for a compa-rative View, it is reafonably Doubtful whether anyof the great Tribes of New England were as nu-

merous as was formerly believed. General Gookinfpeaks of the Peftilence already noticed, by which" thefe People were forely fmitten by the Handof God, but what this Dileafe was, that io gene-

rally and mortally fwept away, not only thefe,

but other Indians, their Neighbors, I cannot

well learn. I have difcourfed with fome old In-

dians, that were then Youths, who fay, that the

Bodies all over were exceeding Yellow, defcrib-

ing it by a yellow Garment they fhowed me,

both before they died, and afterwards."

The fame Author fays of the Maflachufetts

—

they were the next great People Northward of

the Wampanoags, and " inhabited principally

about the Maifachufetts Bay. Thefe were a nu-

merous and great People. Their Chief Sachemheld Dominion over many other petty Govern-

ors ; as thofe of Weechagaikas, Neponfitt, Pun-kapaog, Nonantum, Nalhaway, fome of the

Nipmuck People, as far as Pokomtakake, as the

old Men of Maifachufetts affirmed. This People

could, in former Times, arm for War, about three

thoufand Men, as the old Indians declare. They

Refults of Invejligation. 53

were in Hoftility very often with the Narragan-

fets, but held Amity, for the moft Part, with the

Pawkunnawkutts and with the Pawtucketts."

The Pawtuckett, Gen. Gookin continues, " is

the fifth and laft great Sachemftiip of Indians.

Their Country lieth North and Northeaft fromthe Maifachufetts, whofe Dominion reacheth fo

far as the Engliih Jurifdiction, or Colony of the

Maifachufetts, now doth extend, and had under

them feveral other fmaller Sagamores, as the Pen-

nacooks, Agawomes, Naamkeeks, Pafcataawayes,

Accomintas, and others." The Pawtuckets wereanciently about equal in Numbers to the Maifa-

chufetts, namely about three thoufand Men, andwere generally in Amity with them. But the

Peftilence, before defcribed, " almoft totally de-

ftroyed them, fo that, at this Day," fays our

Author, " they are not above two hundred andfifty Men, befides Women and Children."

Hence it is feen that Nothing very definite

refpecling the Boundaries of Tribes could be ar-

rived at. One Tracf of Country lapped on to

another ; the Narraganfets, Wampanoags andMaifachufetts muft have nearly taken all the

Nipmuck Country, and the Pawtucketts carried

their Claims into the Country of the Tarratines

in the Eaft, and the Nipmucks on the Weft.

From all which it is evident, that there was noExaclnefs to the Bounds or Limits of Indian

Tribes, as has been elfewhere remarked.

54 Fate of Races.

CHAPTER V.

The Fate of Races.—Internal Troubles of the Indians.—Philip's

Circumjlances at the Time ofAlexander's Death.—Did not intend

a general War with the Englijh.—Prudence not duly exercifed

to prevent the War 0/1675.—Philip's Authority limited.—Said

to have wept at the News of Hojlilities.—Indians had feeble

Means to counteract evil Reports of them.—Falfe Reports be-

came permanent.—Philip affumes a Bearing correjponding to that

of the Englijh.—His Sales of Territory.—BriefAccount ofthem.

His Counfellors.—Prefented zvith a Horfe.—His Expedition to

Nantucket.— Other Sales of Land.

AS the Settlements of the Europeans advanced,

the Indians receded and fhrunk away ; but

they did not go without a Struggle, though it wereindeed againft Fate itfelf. And why they could

not withftand the Current which they faw fweepingthem along, they could not tell ; nor could they

comprehend that this Current was foon to plungethem down a Cataracl, from the Vortex of whichthere was no Efcape ! The Instability of humanRaces was not within the Scope of their Philofo-

phy.

Befides the Difturbance given to the Indians

of New England by the Englifh Settlers, oneTribe continually harralfed another, and Difeafes,

unknown in the Country before the Europeanscame, were added to the deftruclive Ufe of Fire-

arms and Spirituous Liquors to haften their De-ftruclion.

The Manner of the Death of Alexander un-

Philip and the Authorities. 55

questionably had confiderable Effect upon Philip,

who was ready to believe Anything unfavorable

to the Plymouth People. He had feen that they

exercifed Authority over his Father and Brother;

an Authority which was inconfiftent with the

natural Freedom of the Indians. Nor could heunderstand the Grounds of fuch an affumed Au-thority ; inafmuch as his People were Independ-

ent, and had not been fubdued by the Englifh.

He was at this Time a young Man, fcarcely

twenty-two Years of Age perhaps, and when hewas in the Prefence of the venerable Pilgrim

Fathers he could not fummon Courage enough to

deny any of their Demands ; but when he wasin his native Forefts he remembered his Promifes

as Matters at too great a Diftance to be of anyfpecial Account, as it refpected his Actions.

Although the Maifachufetts, Narraganfets,

Mohegans and other Tribes were engaged in fre-

quent Wars with Indians bordering upon them,there is no Account that Philip was ever actu-

ally engaged in any War until that called by his

Name. And it appears pretty evident that henever contemplated a general War with the

Englifh. What are called his Aggreffions uponthem were only intended by him as retaliatory for

Wrongs which he believed he had received fromthem. But by this Courfe Affairs foon got be-

yond his Control. Had Prudence been exercifed

by the head Men on both Sides, War might havebeen avoided ; at leaft in 1675. Had the whiteSettlers been affured that the Indians were more

56 Philip and the Authorities.

than a Match for them in War, they would have

had much greater Forbearance towards them. It

was far otherwife. They defpifed the Indians,

looked upon them as Inferiors in almoft every

Refpecl, and were haughty and overbearing onnumerous Occafions. Revenge is the Confe-

quence of fuch Relations of Man to Man.It is alfo pretty evident that many of the Chiefs of

the fmall Clans of the Wampanoags defired a Warwith the Plymouth People. Thefe, although

they were under or within the Sachemdom of

Philip, were not controlled by him, in any fuch

Senfe as a European King controls his diflant

Subjecls. But when War did come, Philip was

accounted at the Head of it, and he could not

efcape its Refponfibilities, or avoid its Difafters.

It was told,2S at a Time when the Truth could

fcarcely be miftaken, that Philip was Averfe to

the War in which his young Men had plunged

him by their blind Rage for Revenge and Plun-

der. " All the Hiftories," fays Mr. Callender,

"from Mr. Hubbard and Dr. Mather, makePhilip to be the Spring and Mover of the War

;

but there is a conftant Tradition among the Pof-

terity of the People, who lived next to him, and

were familiarly converfant with him, as alfo with

the Indians who furvived the War, that both

28 By the Rev. Mr. Callender, with our Prince; and had he lived

in his Centennial Di/courfe on the to apply himfelf as Mr. Prince did,

Civiland Religious Affairs of Rhode he might have been his Equal in

IJland, P. 73. This excellent Au- Knowledge of New England Hif-

thor holds a Place in the fame Rank tory. He wrote in 1738.

Prejudicial Reports. 57

Philip, and his chief old Men, were utterly averfe

to the War, and they (liow the Spot (Kikemuit

Spring, in a Farm belonging to Stephen Paine,

Efq. in Briftol) where Philip received the Newsof the firft Englishmen that were killed, with

Grief and Sorrow, and wept at the News ; andthat a Day or Two before the firft Outrages, he

had protected aa Englishman the Indians hadcaptivated, refcued him from them, and privately

fent him Home fafe." 2?

It muft be remembered that it was not a Dayof Newfpapers then. A Story often gained

much of its Wildnefs and Improbability in its

Paflage through a wild and lavage Country. TheIndians had very fcanty Means to counteract any

Reports concerning them, however abfurd they

may have been. There was a very general Pre-

judice againft them, and hence a Readinefs on

the Part of the Englilh in general, to credit

Stories and Reports againft them. Bofton wasthe great Centre where all Reports found their

Way. Here they were talked over, and proba-

bly loft Nothing as they palled from Mouth to

Mouth. Letter Writers took up thefe Reports,

- ,J Hiftorical Difcourfe, 73. At young Warriors, he advifed him to

the breaking out of the War of remove at once to Rhode Ifland.

1675, two of Hugh Cole's Sons Mr. Cole did fo, and faw his Houfe

were made Prifoners by the Indians in Flames before he had left it an

and taken to Philip's Head-quarters Hour. Col. B. Cole, of the fourth

at Mount Hope. Philip ordered Generation from Hugh, gave me a

them fet at Liberty, becaufe their fimilar Account in 1824. See

Father had always been his Friend. Church's Hijiory, P. 339. See

He alfo fent Word to Mr. Cole, alfo Feflenden's Hijiory of Warren,

that as ^he could not control his 39.

H

58 Philip's dejirefor Show.

and hence they acquired a Permanence detri-

mental alike to Truth and to the Indians. Spe-

cimens of fuch Letters will be given in the

Progrefs of this Narrative.

It is anerted that Philip intended to begin a

War with the Englifh from the Time he camein to be Chief, and was only waiting for a goodOpportunity. This Affertion does not appear to

be well fupported. It is however very clear, that

by the Year 1674, he became convinced that a

War could not be avoided, and that towards the

Clofe of that Year he began to enlift as many in

his Caufe as he could. Up to this Period there

appears Nothing in his Aclions which cannot be

accounted for without the Imputation of Trea-

chery or a covert Defign of Mifchief. Until

then he went from Tribe to Tribe in a friendly

Way, fold Land to the Englifh, and appeared

proud of the Confequence they imputed to him;drened himfelf up in a rich and gaudy Manner,called the King of England his Brother, and

affumed Something of the Haughtinefs of the

Englifh themfelves.3°

He was fo fond of the Goods of the Englifh that

he fold off his Territory rapidly, which was as

rapidly occupied and improved by them. His

50 John Joflelyn faw Philip at Bof- Englr.nd,i^6. Joflelyn fays, " their

ton about 1669, and thus defcribes Aeads are their Money; of thefe

him :" His Coat and Buikins were there are two Sorts, Blue and White;

thick fet with Beads [Wampum- the firft is their Gold, the lalt their

peage] in pleafant wild Works and Silver. Thefe they Work out of

a broad Belt of the fame. His certain Shells, fo cunningly, that

Accoutrements were valued at twenty neither Jew nor Devil can Counter-

Pounds."—Two Voyages to New feit them."

His Territones. 59

Lands were of fmall Value to him, but under the

Improvements of the Englifh he faw they wereimmediately increafed in Value. It is probable,

therefore, that this may have been a Caufe ofIrritation ; and, when too late, he felt a Diflatif-

faclion with himfelf for his Imprudence, andperhaps fancied that he had been overreached bythofe with whom he traded.

The People of Dedham had been negotiating

for about five Years for the Tracl of Land nowWrentham, but were not able to obtain it until

1662. In that Year they fucceeded in purchafing

it of Philip. The Tradt was then called Wollo-monopoag, was fix Miles fquare, and coft twenty-four Pounds and ten Shillings.

In 1664 he fold Mattapoifett to the Hon. Wil-liam Brenton of Newport. In the Deed he is

ftyled " Pumetacom alias Philip, Chief Sachem ofMount Hope, Cowfumplit and of all Territories

thereunto belonging." He then had a Wife,whofe Name appears with his upon the Deed.Her Name was Wootonekanufke. In this Tranf-adtion John Saflamon was Interpreter and a Wit-nefs, and his Brother Roland Saflamon was alfo a

Witnefs. Of the Former there will be fpecial

Occafion to fpeak hereafter.

Philip had conftantly about him feveral Menwho became very noted in the Courfe of the War,and all perifhed in it. They were Chiefs of Clansor* fmall Tribes of Wampanoags, and are called'

Counfellors to King Philip. Some of the modnoted of them were Watufpaquin, often called by

60 Philip fells much Land.

the Englifh the Black Sachem; his Son, William;

Uncompoin ; Umnathum or Munafhum, moregenerally known by the Name of Nimrod ; Anna-won; Peebe, 31 and feveral others. The mofr. of

their Names appear frequently to Sales of Land

;

fometimes as Principals, but more frequently as

Witneffes.

In 1665 Philip gave a Sort of Quitclaim to

Acufhena and Coaxet. The fame had been fold

by his Father. For this he received ten Pounds

;

but this Sum included Philip's Services in "mark-ing out the Bounds" of the old Purchafe. Thefame Year the Court of Plymouth made him a

Prefent of a Horfe.

In May of this Year Philip made an Excurlion

to Nantucket, partly, as Tradition reports, to pun-ifh an Indian who had fpoken difrefpeclfully of

Maffafoit, and partly to alfert his Authority over

the Indians of that Ifland. The Name of the

offending Indian was Affafamoogh, called by the

Englifh John Gibbs. He was a Preacher to the

Indians on the Ifland. Philip intended to furprife

and kill him, but Gibbs' Friends had Notice of

Philip's Defign, and the Object of his Wrath hadbarely Time to efcape by leaping a Precipice.

Philip . however was not to be thwarted in this

Manner, and demanded the Delivery of his Vic-

tim into his Hands. Meantime Search was con-

tinued for him without EffecT:. At length a

Negotiation was entered into for his Ranfom.

31 Phebe's Neck in Rhode Ifland Chief, who had his Refidence there.

was doubtlefs fo named from that See Hubbard, i, 73.

Sales ofLand continued. 6

1

Philip's Demands were exorbitant, but wereeventually complied with, and amounted to nearly

all the Money upon the Ifland. Aifafamoog wasthus faved from Deftrudtion, and was living there

about ten Years afterwards, and had thirty Mem-bers belonging to his Church.

In 1666, by a written Inftrument Philip gave

to Watuckpoo and Sampfon power to fell certain

Lands, but where they were fituated does not

appear. In 1667 Philip fold to Conftant South-

worth and others, "all the Meadow Lands fromDartmouth to Matapoifett," for the Sum of fifteen

Pounds. The fame Year he fold to ThomasWillet and others " all that Tracl: of Land lying

between the River Wanafcattaquett and Cawato-quilfett, being two Miles long and one broad."

For this he received ten Pounds fterling. Pawfa-quens, Counfellor to Philip, and Tom, alias Saw-fuett, an Interpreter, witneifed the Sale.

In 1668, "Philip Pometacom and Tatamumaque,alias Cafhewafhed, Sachems," for "a valuable Con-fideration" fold to feveral Englifh a Tracf of fomefquare Miles, adjacent to Pokanoket. Amongthe Witneffes were Sampointeen, alias Tom, andNananuntnew, Son of Thomas Piants. The fameYear Philip and Uncompawen having laid Claimto a Part of New-Meadows-Neck,^ 2 alleging that

it was not intended to be conveyed in a former

Deed by Philip's Father and Brother, Oufamequinand Wamfutta. To remove this Caufe ofComplaint

32 In Barrington, R. I.

62 Sale of Land continued.

it was re-purchafed by thofe who had before

purchafed it;

yet they protefted that it was,

according to the Record, comprehended in the

former Purchafe. This Quitclaim, however, coft

but eleven Pounds. The Purchafers were Capt.

Thomas Willet, Mr. James Brown and JohnAllen, " in Behalf of themfelves and the Reft."

To this Conveyance the Names of Philip and his

Wife feem to be reprefented as " Philip Nanu-fkooke." Nimrod and Tom Sanfuweft wereWitnefles. In 1669 Philip fold to Hugh Cole

and others, 500 Acres of Land in Swanfea, onthe Weft Side of the River now known as Cole's

River, fo called from this Proprietor."

Thefe Sales are but a few Specimens of manymade by Philip and his chief Men, and are in-

troduced to fhow the Progrefs the Englifh madein acquiring the Indian Territory. It was fo in

every Direction, and continued until the Natives

had very little left. Seeing this when too Late,

it was, as before remarked, a Caufe of Irritation

and DiiTatisfadtion, and had Something to do in

preparing the Way for the Troubles whichfollowed.

33 Feflenden, Htfi. Warren, 39.

Government among Indians. 63

CHAPTER VI.

Government among Indians.—Philip and the Narraganfets.—Mur-der ofan Engli/hman.—Its Confequences.—King Philip implicated.

Arguments for and again/I him.— Continued Complaints againft

Philip.—Plymouth appeals to Maffachufetts to interfere.—Philip

confents to attend a Conference at Taunton.— The Meeting.— Tranfaclions at the Conference.

THE Nature of Government among the In-

dians mull not be confidered like Govern-ment among the white People. The Authorityof Indian Chiefs was fo unlike any Governmentamong civilized Communities, as to amount to

almoft no Government at all. For mutual Safety

they would Sometimes appear in Force, and fo if

a Few of them planned any important Expedi-tion, Volunteers joined it, as it promifed Plunder,

or a Chance of Revenge for former Injuries, either

to themfelves or their Friends or Kindred. Adiftinguifhed Leader could always obtain Follow-ers ; and thefe would ftand by him as long as hewas fuccefsful, and he had no Authority to keepthem longer.

It is faid that King Philip endeavored early to

engage the Narraganfets againft the Englifh, butthis does not very clearly appear, until War hadactually broken out. But it is certain that the

Narraganfets had been Enemies to the Settlers ofMaffachufetts ever fince the War between theFormer and the Mohegans. The Part they tookin that War, which ended in the Capture and

64 Charges againji the Narraganfets.

Death of Miantonimo, was a fufficient Caufe for

the Narraganfets to hate the Englifh, and efpe-

cially thofe fettled in and about Bofton. Thatthey ever after hated them is to be feen through

all the Records of the United Colonies, as Trou-bles were continually occurring. Hence, whenthe Wampanoags took Offence at the Englifh, the

Latter had the beft Reafon to apprehend a Unionwith the Former, although they knew they were

Enemies to each other; that both the Narragan-

fets and Wampanoags laid Claim to the fame

Portion of the Nipmuck Country, only a fhort

Time before the War began with Philip, and

that Jealoufies and Difficulties had always exifted

between them.

It is wrong, therefore, to infer that the Narra-

ganfets joined Philip in the War merely becaufe

he delired them to do fo, or from any Affection

they had for the Wampanoags. Either could

have been, at almoft any Time, influenced to

make War on the other, if they could have en-

lifted Allies who could enfure them Succefs. It

was as much as Roger Williams could do, with

all his Philofophy and Philanthropy, to prevent

an open War between them at different Times.

Thefe introductory Obfervations and Details

being underftood by the Reader, will enable himto proceed underftandingly with the Events of

the War. It is pretty certain that, as early as the

Year 1671, there was Caufe of Appreheniion on

the Part of the Englifh Settlers, that the Wam-panoags intended Mifchief. This Alarm proba-

Murder of Z. Smith. 65

bly grew out of a Murder which was perpetrated

by fome Indians in " Dedham Woods," in the

Month of April of that Year. With this Affair

Philip's Name was immediately connected, though

it does not appear that he knew Anything about it

previous to its Occurrence. The Circumftances

attending the Murder were thefe. ZacharySmith, a young Man, in travelling through

Dedham, flopped for a Night at the Houfe of

Caleb Church, a Millwright, then refiding there.

He left, the next Morning, and, when he hadbeen gone about half an Hour, three Indians

came along, and went the fame Way whichSmith had gone. As they paffed Church's Houfethey behaved infolently, throwing Stones andufing infulting Language. They were known to

the Englifh, having been employed as Laborers

among them in Dorchefter, and had faid they

belonged to King Philip. Thefe Indians, on over-

taking Smith, killed him for fome little Effects

which he had about him, and his Body wasfound "near the Sawmill" in Dedham foon after.

Search was then made for the three Indians ; it be-

ing fufpecled that they were the Murderers. Theywere in a few Days found and taken into Cuftody.

At their Trial but one of them was found Guilty,

and he was executed on the Gallows on BoftonCom-mon. After the Execution his Head was cut offandfet upon the Gallows,where it was remaining at leaft

five Years afterwards. This Indian was the Sonof Matoonas, Sachem of the Clan of Nipmucksliving at Pakachoog. Of him there will be

I

66 King Philip implicated.

Occafion to fay more hereafter. It was remarkedby the beft Hiftorian of that Age, that this Son

of Matoonas, "being vexed in his Mind that the

Delign againft the Englifh, intended to begin [in]

1 67 1, did not take Place, out of mear Malice

and Spight againft them, flew an Englishmantravelling along the Road." 34

It therefore appears that it was a very current

Belief among the Englifh, that a Riling of the

Indians was planned, and intended to be carried

into Execution in 1671. The fame Author con-

tinues: "The faid Matoonas being a Nipnet

Indian, which Nipnets were under the Commandof the Sachem of Mount Hope, the Author of

all the prefent [1676] Mifchiefs." 34 It therefore

appears, alfo, that Philip was held accountable

for whatever was done againft any of the Englifh,

by any of the Indians, fuppofed to be under his

Control or Influence.

The Surlinefs of Philip, complained of early

in the Year 1671, may, in fome Meafure, have

been owing to his believing himfelf wrongly

accufed ; and to have ftrengthened his Belief,

alfo, that the Englifh were about to make Warupon him under a falfe Pretence of Injuries re-

ceived from the Indians, about which he knewNothing. However this may be, the People of

Plymouth thought themfelves in imminent Dan-ger as early as the Month of March, and reported

to the Governor of Maflachufetts that " Philip

n4 Hubbard, Narrative, P. 7.

Argumentsfor and againji him, 67

was marching up and down " with many of his

Men, armed as for War, and carrying themfelves

infultingly to the Englifh, whenever they metany of them.

From all that can now be difcovered, the fol-

lowing fevere Remarks of Mr. Hubbard do not

appear to be entirely juftifiable. After his Ac-count of the Captivity and Death of Alexander,

before extracted, this Hiftorian proceeds :" Nor

was Anything of that Nature [Unkindnefs to the

Indians] ever objected to the Englifh of Plymouth,

by the faid Alexander's Brother, by Name Philip,

commonly, for his ambitious and haughty Spirit,

nicknamed King Philip, when he came in the

Year 1662, in his own Perfon, with Saufamanhis Secretary and chief Counfellor, to renew the

former League that had been between his Pre-

deceffors and the Englifh of Plymouth ; but

there was as much Correfpondence betwixt themfor the next feven Years, as ever had been in any

former Times. What can be imagined, there-

fore, befides the inftigation of Satan, that either

envied at the Profperity of the Church of Godhere feated ; or elfe fearing left the Power of the

Lord Jefus, that had overthrown his Kingdom in

other Parts of the World, fhould do the like

here ; and fo the Stone taken out of the Moun-tain, without Hands, fhould become a great

Mountain itfelf, and fill the whole Earth, noCaufe of Provocation being given by the Eng-lifh ; for once before this, in the Year 1671, the

Devil, who was a Murderer from the Beginning:,

68 Treaty of Taunton.

had fo filled the Heart of this falvage Mifcreant

with Envy and Malice againft the Englilh, that

he was ready to break out into open War againft

the Inhabitants of Plymouth, pretending fomepetite Injuries done to him in [his] planting

Land.""As a further Proof that Philip defigned a War,

it was alleged that he was providing himfelf with

Arms of various Kinds, repairing his Guns, fharp-

ening Knives and grinding Hatchets. All

thefe Indications were reported at Bofton by

Meffengers from Plymouth, as early as the firft

of April, 1 67 1 ; with a Requeft that the Go-vernment of Maffachufetts would ufe its Endea-

vors to caufe Philip to difmifs his ftrange Indians

and be peaceable. Acfing upon this Requeft,

the Governor and Council of the Colony engaged

Philip to meet fome Gentlemen, which they

would depute for the Purpofe at Taunton ; and

there to confer with others from Plymouth, to

the End that all Difficulties might be Settled.

This Propofal was acceded to, and the Time for

the Conference was the 10th of April. Taunton

Village, then called the Training Field, and fince

Taunton Green, was the Place appointed. TheGovernment of Maffachufetts deputed William

Davis, William Hudfon and Thomas Brattle on

35 Narrative of the Troubles, io, that if the Englifh did fend Meflen-

II.—"He then armed himfelf and gers to Treat with him, if above

afted like a Rebel that intended a Four came in Company together,

fpeedy Rifing, yea, he ordered (as they fhould be fhot down."—Ma-fome Indians have fince confefled) ther's Relation, 72-3.

Treaty of Taunton. 69

their Part, and the Governor of Plymouth, Mr.Prence, Jofias Winllow and Conftant Southworth,

with feveral other Gentlemen, appeared on the

Part of Plymouth. The Englim having met,

according to Arrangement, were furprifed to

learn that Philip and his Attendants were at

Three-mile-river,^ 6 about four Miles from them,

and were waiting for the Governor of Plymouthto come to them. This they learned from Mef-fengers fent to them by Philip. The Engliih

declined the Propofal, and returned Anfwer that

the Green was the Place of Meeting originally

agreed upon, and delired him to appear there.

This Anfwer was delivered to Philip by JamesBrown and Mr. Williams, who found his Men in

conliderable Force, attired, armed and painted as

if apprehending a Battle. This was to be expected

;

for the People of Plymouth had given out fo manyThreats that Philip had very good Reafon for this

Appearance in warlike Array ; and when he fawthe other Party armed and marfhalled he was very

reafonably confirmed in his Sufpicions, that they

intended to attack him. However, not even the

venerable Peace-maker, Mr. Williams, could over-

come the Fears of the Indians, fo far as to induce

them to proceed to the Green on any other Terms,than by having Hoftages left in their Hands.This Arrangement was accordingly entered into,

and Mr. Williams and James Brown remainedwith fome of the Indians, while the Reft proceeded

35 Baylies, Mem. of New Plymouth, IJ, Part iii, P. 18.

jo Treaty of Taunton.

towards the Green with Philip at their Head.

When they came to a well known Point called

Crollman's Hill, 37 in view of the Englifh, and

beholding their Encampment, and their Menparading in military Order, they hefitated to

advance. Yet after ftationing Sentinels on the

Hill they proceeded down to Croffman's Mill, 38

near by, and again halted. From this Place he

defpatched another MelTage to the Green, with an

Invitation for the Governor to meet him at the

Mill. To this the Englifh would not liften, and

the Plymouth Men became clamorous to be

allowed to attack Philip. This rafh Propofal was

fet afide by the Malfachufetts Delegation, and in

the End Philip agreed to go to the Green, on the

Condition, that the Meeting mould be in the

Meetinghoufe, and that the Indians mould occupy

one Side of it and the Englifh the other.

Here was a Scene for a Painter. Both Parties

were in their war Coftumes ; the Indians, with

their Faces and Bodies painted after their favage

Manner, with their long Bows, and Quivers of

Arrows at their Backs, with here and there a Gunin the Hands of thofe beft fkilled in the Ufe of

them ; the Englifh in the Cromwellian Habit,

douched Hats with their broad Brims, Bandoleers,

Cuiraffes, long Swords and unwieldy Mulkets.

Such was the extraordinary Scenery amidft

which was to be undertaken a Settlement of Diffi-

37 So named, probably, from an 3S Where the Griftmill now is.

early Settler thereabouts, named John Baylies, II., Part iii, P. 18.

CroiTman, or Crofman.

Refult of the Treaty. 71

culties between the Englifh and Indians. It is

evident that Philip now faw he had been out-

generaled in the Preliminaries, and that this wasowing to the Influence his Friends, the Englifh of

the Bay, had in directing his Operations, that hewas now completely in the Power of his Enemies,

and that he could only extricate himfelf by affent-

ing to their Demands, however unreafonable they

might be. The Complaint that the Englifh hadinjured him in his planting Lands, they fay, wasa mere Pretence and Fabrication, and acknow-ledged by him to be fuch ; and when required to

give Reafons for his warlike Preparations, he faid

they were made for Defence againfl: the Narragan-

fets, from whom an Attack was apprehended.

But the Englifh anfwered that this was utterly

falfe, becaufe they had Proof that he was on better

Terms with the Narraganfets than ever before;

and that this fo confounded him that " he con-

felTed the whole Plot," and acknowledged " that

it was the Naughtinefs of his own Heart that put

him upon that Rebellion, and Nothing of any

Provocation from the Englifh." This is the

Language of a "Submiflion" drawn up by the

Englifh and iigned by Philip, Tavofer, Capt. Wif-poke, Woonkaponehunt [Unkompoin] and Nim-rod [Umnathum.] It is dated April 10th, 1671,

and witneifed by the three Commiflioners or

Delegates from Bofton, before mentioned.

The moft grievous Part of the Submiifion nowmade by Philip was his Promife to deliver up all

the Englifh Arms in his Poffeflion to the Govern-

72 Refult of the Treaty.

ment of Plymouth, "to be kept for their Security

fo long as they mall fee Reafon." Accordingly

all of his Men furrendered their Guns before

leaving the Place of meeting, and then Philip wasdifmiifed and allowed to return Home. 3 '

The Refult of this Conference increafed the

Hatred of Philip for the Englifh, which he in

fome Meafure ftifled for the Prefent, and fome of

his Captains were fo angry at him for this Sub-mifTion, that they could fcarcely forbear feeking

immediate Vengeance. It is faid that one of

them, "of far better Courage than himfelf, whenhe law his cowardly Temper and Difpoiition, flung

down his Arms, faying he would never own himagain, or fight under him," and immediately joined

the Englifh, and fought on their Side throughout

the War that followed. 40

A decided Advantage was gained by the Engliuh

in this Negotiation, but it was of that Kind whichgave no Security for its Permanency. It was an

Advantage which goaded and provoked the Indians

to revenge, while to their inconfiderate Opponentsit tended to make them infolent, and to think lefs

of the Natives than before.

Confequently there was no Ceifation of Com-plaints on both Sides. The Englifh faid the

Indians did not give up all their Arms at Taunton,

as they agreed to do, but conveyed fome of themaway flily. Therefore, under the Pretence that

39 "The Englifh being tender of Future.''— Mather's Relation, 73.

fhedding Blood, let hiin go upon 4U Hubbard, 'Narrative, 14. ThePromife of better Behavior for the Name of that Chief does not appear.

Seizure of Indians' Arms. 73

all the Wampanoags were to deliver up their

Arms, Forces were fent to different Tribes, or

Clans of thofe Indians, as the Nemafkets and

Seconets, to take their Arms by force. In this Way-many Guns were feized and brought to Plymouth.This does not feem to be juftifiable from the

Articles of Submiffion entered into at Taunton.

By thofe Articles Philip bound himfelf in thefe

Words :—" I do freely engage to refign up unto

the Government of New Plymouth, all my Eng-liih Arms." Now the Seconets, Affawomfets,

Nemalkets and others, were probably not thought

of by Philip when he figned the Articles; and.

Nothing appears to authorize a Belief that any

Arms were to be delivered up, except thofe Phi-

lip's Followers had brought with them to Taunton.Indeed, from what we know of the Authority of

Chiefs over their People, Philip had no Powerwhatever to compel any of his Men to give upthe Arms which they had purchafed and honeftly

paid for. Hence it is eafy to fee that the Breach

between the Englifh and the Indians, was, by the

Proceedings at Taunton, materially widened ; andthat every Step afterwards, in Purfuance of thofe

Proceedings, tended to make it irreparable.

K

74 Awajhonks.

CHAPTER VII.

Confcquence of the Seizure of the Arms of the Wampanoags.— TheSeconets.— Awajhonks.— Her Submiffion.— Accufations againjl

Philip.—Interference of MaffachuJets.—A Council of War at

Plymouth.—Refolve to attack Philip.—He refufes to appear at

Plymouth.— Goes to Bojlon.—Further Account of Awajhonks.—Commijfioners meet at Plymouth.—Philip again figns Articles ofSubmiffion.— The Acl compuljory.—The Indian a wily Foe.—The Whites more wily.—Philip's Courfe after the Plymouth Sub-

miffion.—A Letter from him.—The Englijh defere to benefit the .

Indians.

AS was to be expecled, the Seizure of the Gunsof all the Indians in Plymouth Colony, cre-

ated a great Ferment among them. They hadbecome quite dependent on thofe Arms to procure

the Means of living, and hence it is not ftrange

that they mould confider the Seizure of them an

Acl of great Injustice ; efpecially, as they probably

could not underftand upon what Grounds it wasdone. Among thofe who made their Refentment

the moft confpicuous, were the Seconets, who had

at their Head a Female Chief of great Energy ofCharacter, named Awafhonks. The precife Acls

which palled between Plymouth and the Seconets,

previous to June, 1671, do not appear upon Re-cord, and are only to be inferred from the Termsof a Submiffion which Awafhonks made on the

24th of that Month, at Plymouth. She had been

ordered to appear there much earlier, and the

Submiffion Paper fays,—

" In admitting, that the

Plymouth's Treatment ofAwafoonks. 75

Court are in fome Meafure fatisfied with yourvoluntary41 coming in now at laft, and Submimonof herfelf unto us

;yet this we expect that fhe

give fome meet Satisfaction for the Charge andTrouble (lie has put upon us by her too long

ftanding out againft the many Tenders of Peacewe have made to her and her People." TheDocument further fpeaks of " the Reducement "

of fuch of her People as have been the " Incend-

iaries " of the Mifchief.

Some of the Circumftances were thefe. TheGovernment of Plymouth, having fent an armedForce under Major Joiiah Window to feize the

Arms of the Seconets, had failed in the Object;

which Failure was no Doubt occafioned by the

Indians being able to fecrete or hide away their

Guns. However, the Court promife, that, as

many of thofe People as mould give themfelves

and Arms up in ten Days from the 24th of June,mould receive no Hurt or Damage from the Court.

The Submiffion, or Agreement, was figned byAwafuncks, Totatomet and Somagaonet. SamuelBaker and John Almey were Witneffes. Be this

as it may, the Work of difarming the Indians in

Plymouth Colony went on.

The Indians not having brought in their

Guns, agreeably to the Treaty at Taunton, as

that Treaty was confirmed by Plymouth, the

41 It will be feen that what is (hows' that the Pilgrims, or rather,

really meant is the Reverfe of this, the Sons of the Pilgrims, did, fome-

A voluntary Compulfion is rather an times, fay one Thing and mean an-

awkward Kind of Compliance. It other.

76 Plymouth divides the Indian Guns.

Court of that Colony, having met in June,palled an Order, "that all the Guns that did

belong to Philip, now in our Hands, are juftly

forfeited ;" whereupon they made another Order,

by which thole Guns were to be diftributed to

thole who took them, and to the Englilh in the

feveral Towns, "proportionately." Here thenwas an End to Philip's Hopes that the Armswould ever be reftored to him, as was provided

by the Taunton Treaty.

At the fame Court a Record was made whichcharges Philip with having broken Faith withthem in every Thing he had promifed at Taunton

;

and that he had frnce that Time endeavored to

render the Government of Plymouth odious to the

Malfachufetts Colony by falfe Reports, Complaintsand Suggeflions. Plymouth, alfo, aifumed a com-plete Authority over the Wampanoags, which is

thus exprelfed in their Records :—Belides their

Refufal to comply with the Terms of the Treatyat Taunton, " and his refufing or avoiding a

Treaty with us concerning thofe and other Mat-ters that are juftly offenfive to us, notwithftanding

his late Engagement, as well as Former, to fubmitto the King's Authority, and the Authority ofthis Colony."

Now the Government of Malfachufetts thoughtPlymouth had aifumed a Little too much, andexprelfed itfelf to that Effect, in Anfwer to a Re-queft from Plymouth, that that Governmentwould cooperate with them in compelling Philip

Confequent Troubles. 77

to perform what was required of him. 42 Ply-

mouth had become exceedingly indignant, be-

caufe Philip would not obey certain Summonfesto appear at their Court and give Satisfaction for

his Breach of Faith. At length a Council ofWar was convened at Plymouth on the 23d ofAuguft, (167 1,) at which was taken into Confide-

ration, " Philip's entertaining of many ftrange

Indians, which might portend Danger towards

us. In fpecial by his entertaining of divers Saco-

nett Indians, profeifed Enemies to this Colony,and this againft good Counfel given him by his

Friends." It was therefore " unanimoufly agreed

by this Council of War, that we caufe the faid

Sachem to make his perfonal Appearance to

make his Purgation, in Reference to the Pre-

miles ;" and mould he Refufe, to caufe his " Re-ducement by Force."

So eafy a Conqueft had been achieved over

Alexander, Philip's PredeceiTor, the PlymouthPeople probably argued that One over Philip

would not be more difficult. However, they

wifhed to provide againft any Oppolition whichthe Indians could make, and therefore it wasrefolved in the Council of War, that, although the

Controverfy " feemed to lie more immediatelybetween " Philip and them, it concerned all the

Englifh Plantations; and hence it was determined" to ftate the Cafe " to Maflachufetts and RhodeIfland Colonies ;

" and if, by their weighty Ad-

4a Plymouth Colony Records, in MS., 23 Aug. 1671.

78 Difficulties Continue.

vice to the Contrary, we are not diverted, to

fignify unto them, that if they look upon them-felves concerned to engage in the Cafe with us

againft a common Enemy, it mail be well ac-

cepted as a neighborly Kindnefs, which we fhall

hold ourfelves obliged to repay, when Providence

may fo difpofe that we have Opportunity."^

Accordingly a Letter, containing the Doingsof the Council of War, was defpatched to Go-vernor Bellingham and his Council, in the Bay,

by Mr. John Freeman, one of the PlymouthMagistrates ; another to Governor Benedict Ar-nold and the Council of Rhode Ifland, by Mr.Thomas Hinckley and Mr. Conftant Southworth,

two other Magiftrates ; and another " to the faid

Philip the faid Sachem, to require his perfonal

Appearance at Plymouth, on the 13th Day of

September next ;" which was the Time appointed

for the propofed Treaty or Conference. This

was fent by Mr. James Walker, one of the

Council, and he was ordered to requeft the

Company of Mr. Richard Williams44 and Mr.James Brown.

In Cafe Philip did not make his Appearance

as ordered, an armed Force was to march againft

him at the Expiration of a Week from the 13th

of September, namely, on the 20th.45 Men for

43 Plymouth Colony Records, v, Williams, the Founder of Provi-

76. dence.

«* This Mr. Richard Williams 45 By the Articles of Confedera-

ls fuppofed by fome to have been tion of the United Col .nies, no

a Brother of the renowned Roger Colony belonging to faid Confede-

Majfachufetts I?7terferes. 79

the Expedition were in Readinefs, and ordered to

hold themfelves thus, " until the intended Expe-

dition is ilfued." And, it was further ordered,

that all the Towns in the Colony, fhould, mean-time, take every Precaution in providing againft

an Attack of the Indians, and to carry their

Arms to the Meetings on Sundays, or Lord's

Days, as they were called.

Philip, on receiving the Council's Letter, im-

mediately proceeded to Bofton, to confer with

the Government of the Maifachufetts Colony.

There was Nothing wrong in this ; on the other

Hand, an Agreement exifted between him andMaifachufetts, that, in Cafe of any Difficulty with

any of the Engliihor Indians and him, he fhould

not commit any hoftile Acts againft them, but

fhould lay the Matter before the Authorities,

who agreed on their Part to fee Juftice done.

But the Plymouth People viewed this Movementof Philip as another Outrage, and a fpecial Con-tempt of their Authority.

Notwithstanding the Letter which the Council

of War fent to Bofton, (which doubtlefs reached

there as foon as Philip did,) the Governor and Coun-cil of that Colony returned an Anfwer which wasvery unfatisfactory to Plymouth, and probably pre-

vented the Expedition againft Philip which wasappointed to march on the 20th of September, as

juft ftated. In that Letter it was remarked, that

Maifachufetts die not conceive Philip was fo

ration could make War without the Courts of the United Colonies.

—

Confent of the feveral General Hazard ii, 519.

80 Rhode Ijland offers Ajfiftance.

much in the Wrong as Plymouth thought himto be ; and recommended a Compliance with his

Requefts. They further obferved, " that they

doubted whether the Covenants and Engage-ments that Philip and his PredeceiTbrs had madewith them, would plainly import that he hadfubjecled himfelf, People and Country to them,

any further than as in a neighborly and friendly

Correfpondency."

This decided Language of MafTachufetts caufed

the Authorities at Plymouth to attribute the

Caufe of it to the Abufe Philip had practiced

upon the former Government; "by carrying

Lies and falfe Stories to them,"46 as they averred.

Philip knew very well that if he attended a

Council of War at Plymouth, he would be com-pelled to lign whatever Articles might be re-

quired of him, as he had done at Taunton the

previous April. It is very reafonable that hefhould wifh to avoid other fimilar compulfive

Afts.

From Rhode Illand, Plymouth received a

more encouraging Letter. By that Letter it

appears that that Colony had no Doubt of the

hoftile Intentions of the Indians, and they ex-

prefs a Readinefs to ftand by and affift Plymouth,

in Cafe there fhould be occafion for their Ser-

vices. 57

Meanwhile a complete Reconciliation took

place between Awafhonks and Governor Prince,

iR Plymouth Colony Records. loft, as Mr. Bartlett, the able Edi-!7 The Letter fent to Rhode tor of the Rhode Ifland Records,

Illand by Plymouth is probably feems not to have met with it.

Awajhonks' Letter. 81

as appears by a Letter from her to the Governor,

dated on the nth of Auguft, (1671.) Of courfe

flie did not write the Letter ; and how much of

it fhe dictated or affented to, is left to Conjecture.

Her Scribe was doubtlefs Mr. Samuel Baker, be-

fore named, and the Letter was in Anfwer to onefrom the Governor of the 7th of Auguft preced-

ing. In her Letter fhe fays, " As you are pleafed

to fignify, that if I continue faithful to my En-gagement made with yourfelves at Plymouth, I

may expecf all juft Favors from your Honor."That fhe was refolved, while fhe lived, with all

Fidelity to ftand to her Engagement, and in a

peaceable Submiflion to his Commands. Shelaid fhe was fenfible that by her SubmifTion fhe

had greatly offended fome of the Indians, andmuft look to Plymouth to protect her againft

them ; that fhe had refolved to fend in all herGuns, "being fix in Number," according to herAgreement, but Two of them were fo large that

the Meffengers were not able to carry them;that fhe offered them to Mr. Baker, but he told

her he had no Authority to receive them, andrecommended her to give them to Mr. JohnAlmey, who belonged to the Jurifdicfion ofPlymouth. Before fhe could do this, it unfor-tunately happened, that an Indian named Broad-faced-will, ftole One of them in the Night, andran away with it to King Philip, at MountHope.On a further Review of the Correfpondence

between the Seconet Queen and Governor Prince,

L

8 2 Council of War.

the very flender Authority of the Former over

her " Subjects " is ftrikingly apparent. Up to the

nth of Auguft, the Names only of forty-two of

her Men could be obtained, who would agree to

the Articles fhe had entered into with Plymouth.Among them was her Hufband, named Tolony,48

but her two Sons, Mamanewa and Tatuckamna,refufed to acknowledge any Authority of Ply-

mouth over them, as did alfo her Brother, but his

Name does not appear.49 This Submiffion of her

People, Governor Prince conlidered rather an

imperfect one, but laid he did not confider it her

Fault ; but was forry fhe had no more Influence

or Control over them. He alfo obferved, that if

the Seconets would fet at Defiance his Majefty's

Authority, they might repent it when too late, or

Language to that Effect.

Thus flood Affairs when another Council of

War was to be held at Plymouth. This wasappointed for the 24th of September, and at whichPhilip, agreeably to an Underftanding which hehad with Maifachufetts, was to be prefent. Hewas encouraged to appear, as the CommifTionersof the United Colonies were to be prefent.

Accordingly, on the Day appointed, appeared

Gov. John Winthrop of Connecticut, Major Ge-neral John Leverett, Mr Thomas Danforth andCapt. William Davis of Maifachufetts ;

" withdivers others."

^In a Deed of 1674, Awa- ,|a She had a Brother named To-flionk's Hufband's Name appears as kamona, fubfequently killed by the

Waweyewet. See Baylie's New Narraganfets.—Church, Hijl. KingPlymouth, IV, 63. Philip's War, III, Edition 1827.

Council of War. 83

Thofe Commimoners, having refolved them-felves into a Sort of High Commiffioned Court,

proceeded to a Hearing of the Matters at Iffue.

From what can be learned by the Accounts, both

in Manufcript and Print, Philip was actually onTrial in this Court, and the Articles which hefubfcribed are much of the Nature of a Sentence.

Indeed, it is ftated in one Author,? that "all

Philip's Allegations were heard, to the Conviction

of himfelf, and great Satisfaction of all that Audi-ence." The fame Writer adds,—" The Conclulion

was, Philip acknowledged his Offence, and wasappointed to give a Sum of Money to defray the

Charges which his infolent Clamors had put that

Colony unto."

The Seflion of the Commiflioners feems to

have occupied five Days, namely, from the 24th

to the 29th of September. On the laft namedDay Articles were prefented, which Philip andfeveral of his chief Men, or Counfellors, figned. 51

so Dr. I. Mather, Relation of the in, forafmuch as I cannot do it at

Troubles, 73. Prefent.

51 The following is a Copy : Art. 3. I do promife to fend

Art. 1. We Philip and my unto the Governor, or whom he

Council and my Subjects, do acknow- mail appoint, Five Wolves Heads,

ledge ourfelves Subjects to his MA- if I can get them : or as many as I

JESTT the king of England, and can procure, until they come to Five

the Government of New-Plimouth, Wolves yearly,

and to their Laws. Art. 4. If any Difference fall

Art. 2. I am willing, and do between the Englifh and myfelf,

promife to pay unto the Govern- and People, then I do promife to

ment of Plimouth, one hundred repair to the Governor of Plimouth,

Pounds in fuch Things as I have;

to reftify the Difference amongft

but I would intreat the Favour that us.

I might have three Years to pay it Art. 5. I do promife not to

84- 'Treaty with Philip.

By this Treaty, or "Articles," Plymouth wrungfrom the Wampanoag Chief the Acknowledgmentof Submiflion, for which they had ftrenuouily

contended ; and, by which they reduced him, in

Appearance, at leaft, to the Condition of the

Seconet Queen. How this Matter of Submiffion

was gotten over by the Commiffioners, does not

appear, nor is it ftated on what Grounds the

Maflachufetts Members gave up their formerPolition, namely, that the Indians had formerly

made no Submiffion, but had only made Treaties

of Reciprocity, for mutual Benefit and Protection.

However, there can be no QuefHon that Philip

considered himfelf overreached, and fubmitted

again to Articles which he detefted, but whichhe could not avoid executing without an imme-diate War, for which he had made no Preparation,

or was in no Condition to profecute.

The Indian, efpecially King Philip, has always

been characterized as a wily Foe, but the Wiles of

make War with any, but with the Year above written; [29 Sept.

Governor's Approbation of Pli- 1671.] In the Prefence of the

mouth. Court and divers of the Magijlrates

Art. 6. I promife, not to difpofe and other Gentlemen of the MaJJa-of any of the Lands that I have at chufetts and ConneBicut.

prefent, but by the Approbation of The Mark P of Philip Sackem.

the Governor of Plimouth. The Mark K of Wohkowpahenitt.For the true Performance of the The Mark < of Wuttakoofeeim.

Premifes of the faid Sackim, Philip The Mark X of Sonkanuhoo.

of Paukamakett, do hereby bind The Mark V of Woonafhum, alias

myfelf, and fuch of my Council as Nimrod.are prefent, ourfelves, our Heirs, our The Mark Y of Woofpafuck, alias

SuccefTors, faithfully, and to promife, Captain,

in witnefs whereof we have hereunto \Plym. Col. Reel., v, 79.]fubfcribed our Hands the Day and

Treaty with Philip. 85

the white Man were as fuperior to his, as moderndiplomatic Tactics are fuperior to thofe of an

Age of priftine Simplicity. In the prefent Situ-

ation of Affairs, Philip was convinced that Refift-

ance would avail Nothing, but on the Contrary-

it would pretty furely prove his Deftruction.

Therefore he was obliged to ftirle his Refentment,

as the only Courfe left him. He probably hadno fixed Determination to refift the Aggreffions

of his white Neighbors at any future definite

Day, while it is probable that he hoped a Timewould come in which he could be revenged for

the Wrongs he had been compelled to fubmit to.

The Nature of thefe Wrongs have already beenexplained. That they were, to fome Extent,

imaginary, is probably true, while, at the fameTime, there was much done on the Part of the

Englim which cannot be defended, except byfuch Kind of Argument as that employed at all

Times fince, when the red Man flood in the Wayof the avaricious, rapacious and unprincipled

white Man.It has been afferted, that from the Time of the

Plymouth Submiffion in the Autumn of 1671, to

the breaking out of the War of 1675, Philip wasufing all the Art of which he was Matter to

engage all the Indians of New England to unite

in deflroying the white Inhabitants. This can-

not be proved by documentary Evidence, anymore than the Reverfe of the Propofition. Butit is no doubt fairly to be inferred, that Philip

86 Letter of King Philip.

and his .chief Men made it a fpecial Buiinefs to

relate to their Neighbors of other Tribes all the

Circumftances of their Difficulties with the Eng-lifh ; and that in thofe Relations the Englifh

were made to appear wholly in the Light of

Aggreffors. Hence it became the fixed Opinion

of all the Indians, throughout New England,

that their Countrymen in general, and the Wam-panoags efpecially, had not only been wrongedever fince the Englifh came into the Country,

but that thofe Wrongs were increafing. Neither

can there be fcarcely any Doubt that the Indians

generally hoped a Time would come when they

fhould be Mafters. Much, however, was to be

done, before a War could be undertaken with

any Profped: of Succefs on their Part. TheWampanoags, who were to begin it were almoft

without Firearms, and it would require muchTime to obtain a Supply.

A Calm ufually precedes a Tempeft. Peace

and apparent Quietnefs fucceeded the PlymouthSubmiffion, and it was about three Years before

Anything occurred to produce Apprehenfions on

the Part of the Englifh, that the Indians ferioufly

meditated Mifchief. In the mean Time manynew Towns fprang up and were peopled ; Roads

were laid out and made in every Direction into

the Indian Country by the Englifh Settlers, and

new Purchafes of the Indians were made. In-

deed, the Natives generally were, to all Appear-

ances, well difpofed, and Philip among the Reft.

Letter of King Philip. 87

He, (by means of a Scribe, of courfe,) wrote

Letters to his white Neighbors,* 1 to which

he was able to fet his Signature, which was a

large P, fold them his Lands53 and bought their

Goods.

sa There is a curious Letter from

Philip preferved among the Records

of Dorcheiter, a Copy of which was

furnifhed me many Years ago, by

Mr. W. B. Trafk. It is as fol-

lows :

" Philip Sachem of Mount Hope ToCapt. Hopeftill Foiler of Dorchei-

ter—Sendeth Greeting:

" Sir you may pleafe to remem-

ber that when I laft faw you att

Wading Riuer, you promifed mefix pounds in goods ; now my re-

quest is that you would fend by this

Indian five yeards of white or light

colored ferge, to make me a coat,

and a good Holland Shirt ready

made; and a pair of good Indian

Breeches, all of which I have pre-

fent need of. Therefore I pray fir,

fail not to fend them by my Indian

and with them the feveral prices of

them; and filk and buttons and fe-

ven yeards of Gallowne for trim-

ming. Not elfe att prefent to trou-

ble you with onley the fubfcripion

of King Philip,

" His Majefty P : P" Mount Hope

"the 15th of May, 1672."

This Letter has fince been printed

in Mr. Clapp's Hijtory of Dorcbef-

•r,s On the 28th of September,

1672, Philip and his head Men

" Nuncompahoonet, Umnathum (or

Nimrod), Cheemaughton and An-nawam," for £143, " fell a Traft

of Land to William Brenton, James

Walker,Wm. Harvey,WalterDeane,

Richd Williams and John Rich-

mond." This Traft included Taun-

ton, of which the Purchafers were

already in Poffeffion.

On the lft of Oftober of the

fame Year another Sale begins thus :

" I Phillip, alias Matacome, cheife

Sachem of Pakanokit: haue engaged

and morgaged four miles fquare of

land fouthvvardly ofTaunton bounds

to Mr. Conftant Southworth,Trea-

furer; and having already given a

deed of three miles in breadth and

four in length of the fayd land vnto

fum of Taunton," know, &c, " that

I Philip," &c, fell unto the faid

Southworth, " the other mile in

breadth and tour miles in length,

adjoining that" already fold to Taun-

ton Men. The Confideration was

£47. It was witneffed by ThomasLeonard, Hugh Cole, Nimrod, Ak-kompoin and Annawon. The Ac-knowledgement is dated t he fame

Day, and was before Conftant

Southworth and John Alden, and

Nath. Morton's Name appears as

Recorder. Southworth affigned the

Deed to Wm. Brenton, Wm. Har-

vey, James Walker, Rich'd Wil-

liams, Walter Deane, Leif. George

Macey and John Richmond, Com-

88 John Sajfamon.

The Englifh, as a general Thing, wifhed the

Indians well, and were of much Service to them;

and their immenie Labors to Chriftianize themprove their Sincerity to Benefit them. Theyendeavored alfo to prevent them from an inor-

dinate Ufe of Intoxicating Liquors. In 1673,Plymouth made a Law that no Perfon mouldtake Anything in Pawn of an Indian for Liquor;

and various other prohibitory Laws bearing uponthe Subjecl of felling Intoxicating Liquors to

them were palfed by the different General Courts

from Time to Time.

CHAPTER VIII.

An Indian murdered by other Indians.— Woofanfamon.—Some Ac-

count of him.— Circumfances attending the Murder.—Appre-

henfion of the Perpetrators.—Apprebenfon, Trial and Execution

of the alleged Murderers.— Tefl to difcover a Murderer.—Rumors of an intended War.— IVaban.— Gookin.— Church.—Indian Account of the Caufes of the War.

DURING the Years 1673 and 1674, the In-

tercourfe between the Indians and Englifh

feems to have been a Little lefs frequent and

cordial than in the Year preceding;

yet the

Former were not regarded as harboring Hoftile

Intentions againft the Latter until the Winter of

1674, or early in the Spring of 1675. But a

Murder being perpetrated on the 29th of Janu-

mittee and Inhabitants of the Town Nath. Morton and Benjamin Church

of Taunton. To the Affignment were Witnefles.

—

Original Deed.

"John SaJJamon. 89

ary, 1674-5, the Investigation of its Caufes con-

vinced the Government of Plymouth, that there

was a deep-laid Plot on the Part of Philip to

commence Hoftilities. The Murder was of oneIndian by others ; and it was charged to have

been perpetrated in Revenge ; the murderedMan having revealed the hoftile Intention of

Philip.

The Name of the Party murdered was Woo-fanfamon, or as he wrote it himfelf, WufTaufmon.As his Murder was the immediate Caufe of the

War, and as he was confpicuous among the

Chriftian Indians, fome Account of him is ne-

ceffary in this Connection. He was born in Dor-chefter, or perhaps Punkapog, (or Punkapaog,)*4

fince Stoughton, but the Time of his Birth is

unknown. His Father and Mother were con-

verts to Chriftianity, and died in the Faith,

probably before 1675. This Son had the Chrif-

tian Name of John, and the Englifh uniformly

called him John Safla??ion, or Saufaman. He hada Brother Rowland, and a Sifter Betty. Johnwas educated by the Englifh ; could read andwrite very well, and affifted John Eliot in tranf-

lating the Bible into Indian. For a Time hewas employed as a Schoolmafter at Natick, and,

being a Convert to Chriftianity, was employedalfo as a Miffionary among his Countrymen. Atwhat Period thefe Labors commenced, no Re-

54 Sofpelled by Grindal Rawfon; Language. The other is the more

and he well underftood the Indian common Way.

M

go Some Account of him.

cord has been met with to indicate. However,he was, in many Refpects, aflimilated to the

Habits of the Englifh, having been brought upby and among them from his Youth ; wastheir Interpreter on many Occafions ; and hadbeen with them in their War with the Pequots

in 1637. But he was reftlefs, as all Indians are

apt to be when they are out of their natural

Sphere, and fome Time previous to the Death of

Alexander he took up his Refidence in Middle-borough, and fettled on Lands belonging to the

noted Chief called Watufpaquin. Here it is

faid he continued his MifTionary Labors, and at

the fame Time acled as Interpreter and Scribe to

Alexander, and after the Death of that Chief, to

Philip his Succeflbr, as Scribe, Counfellor, &c.At one Period Saflamon appears to have aban-

doned his Mimonary Life, and to have lived

among the unchriftianized Indians,55 but hereturned from his Apoflacy, was rebaptized, ad-

mitted into an Indian Church, and was again an" Inflxuclor among them every Lord's Day."' 6

The Nemafkets, over whom Watufpaquin wasChief, favoring Chriftianity, were willing to have

a Mimonary among them, of their own Blood

;

and as an Inducement for Saflamon to continue

there, "Old Watufpaquin" gave him twenty-feven

•">•'> " He did for fome Time apof- lation, 74.

tatize from his Chriftian Profeffion, 5liI am aware that this Statement

and lived like an Heathen, being differs a little from the "Relation"Philip's Secretary (for he could of Dr. I. Mather, but it is in Ac-write a very legible Hand ) and one cordance with other Fafts, whichof his Counfellors."—-Mather's Re- are not noticed by him.

Sajfamon warns the EngliJJj. 9

1

Acres of Land in Affawomfet Neck, "for a HoufeLot. He alfo gave fifty-eight and an half Acres

to an Indian named Felix, who had married the

Daughter of Salfamon. Her Indian Name wasAffowetough. Her baptifmal or Englifh Namewas Betty, as before mentioned, and the Neckwhere fhe lived was called, after her, Betty's Neck,or Squawbetty, which it bears to this Day. ThefeLots were deeded, and bear Date, March the 1 ith,

1673. 57 Not long before his Death, Saffamon

gave his Land by a Kind of Will to his Son-in-

law, Felix. He may have done this in Anticipa-

tion of the Trouble between the Englifh andIndians which immediately followed.* 8

Being in Philip's Confidence, Saffamon becamePrivy to all his Defigns. He learned that for a

confiderable Period Philip had been bufy in

maturing a Plan, which was to be carried into

Execution at fome future Day ; and that Plan

was to cut off and deftroy all the Englifh Settle-

ments throughout New England. He therefore

57 That to Saffamon has merely was at that Time a Preacher and

"Anno 1673." The other is dated Schoolmafter among them. There

as above in the Text. were but eight Indian Families at

58 There were Indians upon that Betty's Neck in 1794. At Titicut

Land until within a few Years. In John Symons was a noted Preacher

1698, there were at Affawomfet and for many Years previous to and after

Quittacus, "above fourfcore Per- 1747. Nehemiah Abel, Thomasfons." Thefe had twelve Houfes, Sekins, and Thomas Felix (proba-

and the famous John Hiacoomes bly Son of him who married Betty

preached to them. There was a Saffamon) preceded Symons. In-

Ilill larger Settlement at Kehtehticut dians of the Name of Symons were

(now Titicut) in which there were living there fome thirty-five Years

forty-two Adults. Charles Ahaz fince, and perhaps at this Time.

92 John Saffamon, murdered.

made up his Mind to reveal the Plot to the

Englifh. Agreeably to this Refolution Saffamon

proceeded to Plymouth and communicated his

Difcovery to the Governor of that Colony.

So well had Things gone on from the late

Submimon up to this Time, between the Englifh

and Indians, that at firft, Saifamon's Revelation

was difbelieved. 59

However, he was able, by Circumstances, to

make it " too apparent, that Philip was really

hatching Mifchief," and by Advice of his Coun-cil, the Governor decided to fend for him to

appear at Plymouth and anfwer the Charge.

This not being immediately attended to, it was

found in a few Days that Saffamon was miffing

;

and, on Search being made, his Body was difcov-

ered in a Pond in Middleborough, where it had

been put, through the Ice. That he had been

murdered was evident, from certain Wounds and

Bruifes upon the Body. And befides, his Hat and

Gun were found upon the Ice ; being left there,

as was conjectured, that it might be thought he

had drowned himfelf.

Notwithstanding Saffamon had enjoined the

flricTeft Secrefy upon his Englifh Friends at Ply-

mouth, as to what he had revealed, and affured

them that if it came to Philip's Knowledge hefhould be murdered, yet by fome Means not

known he was very foon fufpedted, and his Mur-

5!l " His Information (becaufe it fpeak Truth) was not at firft muchhad an Indian Original, and one regarded. " — Mather's Relation,

can hardly believe them when they 74.

His Murderers difcovered. 93

der happened as before flated. In one View of

this Murder the Englifh had Nothing to do with

it. It was altogether an Affair among the In-

dians. Saffamon had turned Traitor, and hadjuflly forfeited his Life. As to the Manner of

his Execution, that was a Matter of no Con-fequence, according to the rude Cuftoms of

the Indians. But the Englifh, becaufe they hadthe Power to do fo, extended their Laws over

them, and, as will be feen, rigoroufly enforced

them.

As foon as the Death of Saffamon was knownat Plymouth, Efforts were made to difcover the

Perpetrators. When Anything was to be ef-

fected againfl the Indians, the firft Thing to bedone was to engage fome of themfelves to Aidin carrying it into Execution. At this Time an

Indian named Patuckfon appeared at Plymouth,and informed againfl another named Poggapan-offoo, by the Englifh called Tobias, one of Phi-

lip's Counfellors, alfo againfl a Son of Tobias,

named Wampapaquan, and Mattafliinnamy.

Thefe three were thereupon apprehended andbrought to Plymouth for Trial. The Indictment

is in thefe Words :—" For that being accufed

that they did with joynt Confent vpon the 29th

of January, Anno 1674, att a Place called Aifo-

wamfett Pond, wilfully and of fet Purpofe, andof Malice fore thought and by Force and Armes,murder John Saffamon, an other Indian, by lay-

ing violent Hands on him, and flriking him, or

94- Trial of Murderers.

twitting his Necke vntill hee was dead;

6° and to

hyde and conceale this theire faid Murder, att

the Tyme and Place aforefaid, did caft his dead

Body through a Hole of the Iyce into the faid

Pond."To this Indictment the accufed pleaded not

Guilty, and the Trial proceeded before thefe

Jurors :—William Sabine, William Crocker, Ed-ward Sturgis, William Brookes, Nathaniel Winf-

low, John Wadfworth, Andrew Ringe, Robert

Vixon, John Done, Jonathan Bangs, Jonathan

Shaw and Benjamin Higgins. To thefe "itt was

judged very expedient by the Court, that, toge-

ther with this Englifh Jury aboue named, fome

of the moft In differen teft, Graueft and Sage

Indians mould be admitted to be with the faid

Jury, and to healp to confult and aduice with,

of, and concerning the Premifes," and accord-

ingly thefe Indians were added to the Jury :

—

" One called by an Englifh Name, Hope, and

Mafkippague, Wannoo, George Wampye and

Acanootus ; thefe fully concurred with the Jury

in their Verdict," which was in thefe Words :

—

"Wee of the Jury one and all, both Englifh and

Indians doe joyntly and with one Confent agree

upon a Verdict." They were immediately re-

manded to Prifon, and in the Words of the Sen-

tence, to be " thence [taken] to the Place of

co " They found that he had dians Sometimes ufe when they

been murthered, for his Neck was praftice Murders; alfo, his Headbroken by twifting of his Head was extremely fwollen."—Mather,

round; which is the Way the In- Relation, 74, or 235-6 of Reprint.

ConviSiion and Execution. 95

Execution, and there to be hanged by the Headvntill their Bodies are dead."

Tobias and Mattaihunannamo were executed

on the 8th of June, 1675. But Wampapaquan,for Reafons not mentioned, was " repriued vntil

a Month be expired." He was, however, fhot

within a Month;probably as foon as Hostilities

were commenced. One of the accufed, it is

faid, conferled the Murder, but the other twodenied all Knowledge of it to their laft Breath. 61

At this Time there was a fuperftitious Belief,

that if one Perfon had killed another, the Bodyof the one killed, would immediately begin to

bleed if approached by the Perpetrator of the

Murder. In the Cafe of the murdered Saflamon

this Teft was tried, and, fays Dr. Increafe Ma-ther, " when Tobias, the fufpecfed Murderer,came near the dead Body, it fell a Bleeding onfrefh, as if it had been newly Slain ; albeit, it

was buried a confiderable Time before that." 62

How much the Jury were influenced in their

Verdict by the wretched Conceit here fo gravely

R1 "They ftoufly denied the feis that the other Indians did really

Fadt, only at Laft, Tobias's Son murder John Sanfamon, and that

conferled that his Father and the he was himfelf, though no Aftor in

other Indian killed Sanfamon, but it, yet a Looker on."

—

Magnolia,

that himfelf had no Hand in it, B. vii, 46. There is a fimilar

only flood by and faw them do it." Statement in Eafton's Narrative,

—Mather's Brief Hiflory, P. z. P. 5.

"And though they were all fuccef- ''- Mather's Relatiou, 75. I have

fively turned off the Ladder at the found Nothing in the manufcript

Gallows, utterly denying the Faft, Records having any Reference to

yet the Laft of them happening to this pitiful Delufion. See, alfo, the

break or flip the Rope, did, before Notes to the above Paffage, in Re-his going off the Ladder again, con- print of Relation, 236.

g6 Murder of Tokamona.

recorded for the Government and Direction of

Pofterity, cannot be certainly known, but whenthe great and learned Men of a Generation are

blinded and carried away by the groffeft Super-

ftition, it is not to be fuppofed that the unlearned

and inexperienced are endowed with better Un-derstandings. And if, as alferted, one of the

accufed Indians teftified that he law the other

two commit the Murder, thinking thereby to

fave his own Life, there remains a Chance that

the Hiftorian of other Times may reverie the

Judgment in the Cafe of the Death of Saffamon.

Notwithstanding thefe tragic Events, fo confi-

dent were the People of Plymouth that there

was no Evil to be apprehended, that, in the

previous Autumn, they annulled the Order whichhad been for fome Time {landing, forbidding

Powder and Shot to be fold to the Indians.

About the fame Time an Indian was murdered

by the Narraganfets, named Tokamona ; but the

Murder of one Indian by another did not difturb

the Englifh much unlefs the Murder was in fome

Way connected with their Affairs. And although

Tokamona was a Brother of their Friend and

Ally, Awafhonks, yet we hear of no Inquiry

into the Matter 6^ by them.

While the Fate of the two Indians was pend-

ing, Rumors began to be circulated of Plots and

Confpiracies by Philip, all going to fhow that

he intended War againft his white Neighbors.

13 It is poffible that the Tokarna- may be the fame as the one named

hamon mentioned in a previous Page above. See ante Page 50.

Wabans Warnings. 97

Some Time in April (1675,) Waban, the Indian

Preacher of Natick, told General Gookin, that

the Wampanoags intended Mifchief, and wereonly waiting for the Trees to leave out, that they

might the eafier conceal themfelves after they hadbegun. And only two Days before the Execu-tion of the fuppofed Murderers of SafTamon, the

Sogkonates held a War Dance, at the Inftigation

of fome of the Narraganfets, employed for the

Purpofe, as was fuppofed, by Philip. The next

Day, the Squaw Sachem, Weetamo, with fome of

her chief Men, met Captain Church on RhodeIlland, and told him Philip intended a War with

the Englifh, and that fome of themfelves wouldjoin him, and that he had already given themleave to kill the Engliihmen's Cattle.

Such were the Events which led to King Phi-

lip's War. But it rauft be borne in Mind, that,

in all Probability, had an Account been written

by an Indian Hiftorian, we ihould have a Picture

very differently fhaded. Something approaching

an Indian Account has of late come to Light. 64

Of SafTamon, this Writer fays, he was reported a

M I refer to the Narrative of Truth 'of Things ; but that it is

John Eaflon of Rhode Ifland, edited fraught with worfe Things than

by Dr. F. B. Hough, and beauli- meer Miftakes." It is evidently the

fully publifhed, from the original Work of a very illiterate Hand;MS., by Mr.

J.Munfell of Albany, and though extending only to the

It is of this Narrative, I have no Narraganfet Swamp Fight, is not

gueftion, that Dr. I. Mather re- without Value, which Value is muchmarks fo eontemptuoufly, in his enhanced by the Introduftion and

Brief Hiftory : namely, that it was Notes of the learned Editor. The" written by a Ouaker in Road Narrative commences with the

Ifland, who pretends to know the Death of SafTamon.

N

98 Indian Character of Sajfamon.

bad Man ; that in writing a Will for Philip hemade inftead a Bill of Sale to himfelf of a large

Tracl of Land. The Narrative continues:

—

" Now one Indian informed that three Indians

had murdered him [Saifamon], and mowed a

Coat that he laid they gave him to conceal them.

The Indians report that the Informer had played

away his Coat, 65 and thefe Men lent him for the

Coate, and after demanded pay [for it ;] and he not

to pay, 66 fo accufed them, 67 and knowing that it

would pleafe the Englilh fo to think him a bet-

ter Chriftian, and the Report came that the

three Indians had confeffed and accufed Philip

fo to employ them, and that the Englilh wouldhang Philip ; fo the Indians were afraid, andreported that the Englilh had flattered them (or byThreats) to bely Philip that they might kill himto have his Land, and that if Philip had done it,

it was their Law fo to execute whom their Kings

judged deferved it, yet he had no Caufe to hide

it."

So, continues the fame Narrative, Philip kept

his Men in Arms ; and when the Governor of

Plymouth ordered him to difband them, and in-

formed him his Jealoufy was Falfe, Philip re-

turned Anfwer that he would do no Harm, andthanked the Governor for his Information. Andit was reported " that the Heathen might deftroy

the Englilh for their Wickednefs, as God had

65 Indians were great Gamblers, for the Coat.

—Roger Williams. w Of the Murder of" Saflamon.66 That is, to get rid .of paying

Philip hears the R. I. Men. 99

permitted the Heathen to deftroy the Ifraelites

of Old. So the Englifh were afraid and Philip

was afraid, and both increafed in Arms."For four Years' Time, continues Eafton,

" Reports and Jealoufies of War had been very

frequent," but it was not expected to break out

until about a Week before it did. He then

proceeds :" To endeavor to Prevent it, we fent

a Man to Philip, that if he would come to the

Ferry we would come over to fpeak with him."The Man went over, a Diftance of about four

Miles ;" they not aware of it behaved them-

felves as furious," but were fuddenly appealed

when they understood who he was and what hecame for. After Philip had advifed with his

Counfellors, he came unarmed, himfelf, but his

Men, forty in Number, were armed. Then,fays Eafton, " five of us went over, three of

whom were Magiftrates. We fat very friendly

together ; told him our Bufinefs was that they

might not receive or do Wrong. They faid

that was well ; that they had done no Wrong.The Englifh wronged them. We faid we knewthe Englifh faid the Indians wronged them, andhe Indians faid the Englifh wronged them, but

our Defire was that the Quarrel might be decided

the beft Way, and not as Dogs decide their

Quarrels. The Indians owned that Fightingwas the worft Way. Then they inquired howRight might take Place ? We faid by Arbitra-

tion. They faid that all the Englifh agreedagainft them, and fo bv Arbitration they had had

i oo Philip's Conference with R. I. Men.

much Wrong ; many Miles square of Land fo

taken from them, for Englifh would have Eng-lifh Arbitrators. Once they were perfuaded to

give up their Arms/9 that thereby Jealoufy mightbe removed. The Englifh having their Armswould not return them as they had promifed,

until they confented to pay a hundred Pounds.

Now they had not fo much Money ; that they

had as good be killed as leave all their Liveli-

hood."

The Rhode Ifland Men then propofed to Philip

that an impartial Arbitration might be had, byfubmitting the Cafe to an " Indian King " of

their own choofing, and the Englifh might choofe,

on their Part, the Governor of New York. Thenneither Party could complain of Partiality. Theyfeemed to like the Idea, and faid "we fpoke hon-eftly. So we were perfuaded that if that Wayhad been tendered, they would have accepted

it."

The Indians continued to urge their Grievances,

and the Rhode Ifland Men told them it was not

convenient for them to hear Complaints, but to

find a Way to prevent War. The Indians faid

when any of them fuffered juftly, they could

always fatisfy their Friends, but argued that whatIndians did among themfelves, outlide of Town-fhips, the Englifh had no Concern with. Theyalfo " had a great Fear to have any of their

Indians to be called or forced to be Chriftians."

09 Referring to the Treaty of Taunton, as it was called, of 1671.

Indians detail tbei?" Grievances. 101

Such, they faid, were in Everything more mif-

chievous than other Indians. The Englifh, they

faid, took them out of the Jurifdiclion of their

Indian Kings. "We knew it to be true," fays

Eafton, and that the Chriftian Indians wrongedtheir Kings by lying about them. But Philip

faid it was not honeft in them (the Rhode Ifland

Men) not to hear the juft Complaints of the In-

dians. So they confented to hear them. Theywent on to fay they had been the nrft to do goodto the Englifh, and the Englifh had been the

nrft in doing wrong ; that when the firft Englifh

came, Philip's Father was a great Man, and the

Englifh as a little Child ; he prevented other

Indians from wronging them, gave them Cornand fhowed them how to plant it, and let themhave a hundred times more Land than now the

King [Philip] had for his own People. Thenthey referred to the Death of the other King,

his Brother [Alexander] whom the Englifh caufed

miferably to die ; being forced to Court and poi-

foned.

They faid if twenty of their honeft Indians

proved that an Englifhman had wronged them" it was Nothing." While if one of their worft

[Chriftian] Indians teftified againft any of their

King's Men, it was fufBcient. Their Kings haddone wrong to fell fo much Land. That the

Englifh made the Indians drunk and then cheated

them. Now their Kings were forewarned not to

part with their Lands, for Nothing was of fo

much Value. They would not own the King

io2 Charges againjl the Englijh.

and Queen of the English, but would difinherit

them, and make a King themfelves, who wouldgive or fell them back their Lands. Now they

had no Hopes to keep any Land. That the

Engliih Cattle and Horfes had fo increafed, that

when they removed thirty Miles, they could not

keep their Corn from being fpoiled, becaufe they

never being ufed to make Fences. And whenthe Engliih bought any Land of them, they

claimed the Cattle that were on it. That the

Engliih would fell the Indians Liquor and get

them drunk, and then they often did Mifchief to

their Cattle, and their King could not pre-

vent it.

Such it appears were fome of the Grievances

of the Indians as fet forth by themfelves. Thatthey were not fo great as they imagined, may be

true, while on the other Hand the Engliih wereable to fet forth theirs without Fear of Contra-

diction. On the Whole, this Conference betweenthe Rhode Illand Men and Philip was a very

important one, and in the Hands of an able

Writer, who knew all the Circumftances, wouldhave formed one of the moll interefting Chapters

of King Philip's War. But John Eafton was a

wretched Narrator, and has left us in utter Igno-

rance of much regarding the Conference whichwe defire to know. Time, 70 Place, Names of

the Parties, all withheld, or ignorantly omitted.

And this is the Cafe with all he' has left us.

70 In another Part of Eallon's began " in a Week's Time after the

Account it is ftated that the War Conference." P. 16.

'Threatening AfpeSi. 103

CHAPTER IX.

Threatening Afpecl.—Indians in Arms.—Houfe robbed.—Fears at

Sivanfey.—Soldiers fent there.—Bourne's Garrifon.—BenjaminChurch.—Hq/lilities.—Proceedings at Bo/ion.—Various Accounts

of the Beginning of Hofiilities.—Hubbard's.— The old Indian

Chronicle.—fohn Ea/ion's.—Further Notice of the Narragan-fets.—An EmbaJJy propofed to them by MaJJachufetts.

NOTWITHSTANDING the hoflile Attitude

now aflumed by the Indians, up to the 17th

of June, 1675, Efforts were continually made bythe People of Plymouth to keep an Intercourfe

open with them ; and on this very Day, Mr.Paine (probably Nathaniel) of Rehoboth, andfeveral others, went unarmed to Mount Hope to

feek for Horfes which belonged to them, Philip

having invited them to do fo. But while uponthis Bulinefs they were intercepted by the Indians,

who, prefenting their Guns as if to moot at them,compelled them to retire. The next Day, or the

Day following, (June 1 8th or 19th,) Job Win-flow's Houfe at Swanfey was broken open andrifled by Philip's Men.

Several Angular Incidents occurred at the

breaking out of the War. Thefe have never

been fully collected. One, concerning Mr. JohnTracy of Norwich, may be mentioned. Mr.Tracy had married Mary Winflow of Marfhfield,

fome five Years previous. On returning from a

Vifit to the latter Place, he was furrounded by a

104 Commencement of Hojlilities.

Party of armed Indians who conducted him to

Philip. He told the Chief that he was only a

Traveller, and on no Delign affeiting the Indians;

whereupon, after a pretty clofe Scrutiny, he wasallowed to return Home. Not many Days later,

Mr. Jofeph Tory and Mr. Hubbard fent a Boatto Wefterly, and brought their Friends to New-port. 7 '

On Sunday, the 20th of June, the Indians burnt

two Houfes at Swanfey which the People haddeferted through Fear. 72 One of the Houfesprobably belonged to Hugh Cole. Two of Cole's

Sons had been taken by Philip's Men and carried

to Mount Hope. Philip immediately ordered

their Releafe, becaufe their Father had always

been his Friend. 73 Thus alarmed, the People ofSwanfey difpatched a Melfenger to Plymouth for

Aififtance. The faid Meifenger reached Plymouththat Night, and the next Morning proceeded withan Order from the Governor, to Bridgewater, for

that Town to raife and equip twenty Men. Thefewere ordered to march for the Defence of Swan-fey, which they did the fame Night, though but

feventeen were all "which could be got ready,

and were the firfb that were upon their March in

all the Country. 74 Thefe feventeen were fent byCapt. William Bradford to Matapoifet, a Place

71 See Backus, i, 418-9. fion of the Affair will be feen in

'2 Winflow's and Hinckley's Nar- Church's Indian Wars, Pp. 339,rative of the Beginning and Progrefs 340, Edition 1827. See the Par-

of the Prejent Troubles, tsV. ticulars in a previous Chapter.'3 See Feflenden, in the Hift.

"4 Hubbard, 69, or of the Re-

Warren, R. I. A different Ver- print, 186.

Soldiers fent to Swanjey. 105

twelve Miles75 from Swanfey, to ftrengthen the

Garrifon at one Bourne's Houfe, into which feventy

Men, Women and Children had taken Refuge.

Of this Party only fixteen were Men. "Afterthey had marched five Miles of their Way, having

Mr. [James] Brown's Son for their Pilot, they

met with fome Swanfey People, newly turned out

of their Houfes (by which they were to pafs) whohaving not as yet refilled unto Blood, yet madedoleful Lamentations, wringing of their Hands,and bewailing their Lofles, very much alfo per-

fuading Bridgewater Men to turn back, becaufe

of the Danger ; but they having fo clear a Call

had alfo more Courage than cowardly to defert

the Caufe of God and his People, left they fhould

thereby betray the Lives of fo many of their

Friends into the Enemy's Hands. And, fo, bythe good Hand of God towards them, came fafe

to Metapoifet that Night." 76

Meantime Gov. Window proclaimed a Fart, 77

to be kept on the Thurfday following (June 24th,)

and fet about railing what Men he could in andabout Plymouth. Captain 78 Church being at

~r> This Diftance is according to 7? The Proclamation may be feen

Hubbard. How it was computed in Mr. Blifs's Hift. Rehoboth, P.

is not known—perhaps around cer- 79, being there for the firft Timetain Eftuaries. According to Mr. printed. See alfo Baylies' N. P/y-

Blifs {Rehobotb, 79.) the real Dif- mouth, Part v, Pages 47-8.tance is no more than fix Miles. 7S Called Captain for his Gallantry

Matapoifet Neck is fince called and focial Standing, but he was not

Gardner's Neck. commiffioned as fuch until fome7li Hubbard, Narrative, 69. Time after this.

o

106 Other Forces concentrate.

Plymouth, at the Requeft of the Governor, con-

ferred to accompany the Forces as a Volunteer

;

and he has left the following Account of the

Affair

:

79—Immediately on the News of the Burn-

ings at Swanfey, by the Meifenger, or Exprefs

jure mentioned, " The Governor gave Orders to

the Captains of the Towns, to march the greateft

Part of their Companies and to rendezvous at

Taunton, on Monday Night (June 21ft,) where

Major Bradford was to receive them, and difpofe

them under Captain (now made Major) Cudworth.

The Governor deiired Mr. Church to ufe his

Intereft in their Behalf, with the Gentlemen of

Rhode Ifland."8o

This fecond Force marched on the 22d, being

Monday. " Major Bradford defired Mr. Church,

with a commanded Party, confifting of Englifh

and fome Friend Indians-, to march in Front at

fome Diftance from the main Body. Their Or-

ders were to keep fo far before as not to be in Sight

of the Army. 81 And fo they did, for by the

Way they killed a Deer, flayed, roafted, and eat

the moll: of him before the Army came up with

them. But the Plymouth Forces foon arrived at

Swanfey, and were chiefly pofted at Major Brown's

and Mr. Miles's Garrifons," where they were

79 Although Thomas, Son of Mr. give us any Idea of the Numbers of

Church, is the Author of the Hif- this Army. Dr. I. Mather, alio,

tory ufually cited as " Church's In- denominates the Force an Army.

dian Wars" the Narrative was Brief Hift., P. 3. Afterwards,

doubtlefs dictated by the Father. when iooo Men were to be railed

fc0 Church's Indian Wars, P. 30. by the United Colonies, Plymouth's81 None of the printed Accounts J^uota was 158.

Firfi Bloodped. 107

afterwards joined by the Forces from Maffachu-

fetts.

At the fame Time the Meffenger was fent to

Plymouth, as before mentioned, another was dif-

patched to Bofton, earneftly to folicit Affiftance.

The Government of Malfachufetts at once re-

fponded, and while its Forces were being con-

centrated at Bofton, the Council determined to

make another Attempt to maintain Peace, andaccordingly, on the 23d of June, fent two Gen-tlemen to Mount Hope to intercede with Philip.

At the fame Time, as the Indians had intended,

Hoftilities were commenced by the Englifh, andin this Manner. One of the Inhabitants of

Swanfey was fo provoked by an Indian's perfifting

in killing his Cattle, that he fired upon, andwounded him ; and thus was the firft Blood fhed,

and thus was brought on the difaftrous War, uponthe Details of which we are now entering. Al-though the Indian was wounded, his Wound wasnot mortal, yet it ferved to remove the Scruple

which the Indians were under, as to the Refult ofthe Conteft ; for they believed that the Party

which fhed the firft Blood would be fubdued. 81

While the Meffengers, defpatched from Boftonon the 23d, were upon their Way, the Indians

fell furioufly upon the Englifh at Matapoifet,

which, according to a ftricl Comparifon of Ac-

s - This Circumftance is mentioned but whether the Indians got the Idea

by feveral early Writers. It feems from their Priefts, or otherwife, heto have been well known to h^nelt could not fay. Narrative, 24. Pof-

John Eafton, who fays it was fo

;

fibly from the Englifh themfelves.

108 Contemporary Accounts.

counts, was, as Dr. Increafe Mather has it, on" Midfummer's-day, June 24th, which was ap-

pointed and attended as a Day offolemn Humili-

ation throughout the Colony of Plymouth, by

fafting and praying, to intreat the Lord to give

Succefs to the prefent Expedition reflecting the

Enemy. At the Conclulion of that Day, as foon

as ever the People in Swanfey were come from

the Place where they had been praying together,

the Indians difcharged a Volley of Shot, wherebythey killed one Man, and wounded others. TwoMen were lent to call a Surgeon for the Relief of

the Wounded, but the Indians killed them by the

Way ;83 and in another Part of the Town fix Men

were killed ; fo that there were nine Englishmen

murthered this Day." 84 The fame pious Author

no lefs coolly than fenfibly obferves, that as the

Sword was drawn on a Day of Humiliation, " the

Lord thereby declared from Heaven, that he

expected Something elfe from his People befides

fafting and Prayer." 8 5

The Meifengers which had been lent to Philip,

from Maflachufetts, arrived at Swanfey towards

the Evening of the Day of the Malfacre juft

detailed, and meeting with dead Bodies in the

Road, concluded it would not be fafe for them to

83The fame mentioned by Church, mendation to his Soldiers in regard

no doubt, (P. 31.) They were to keeping their Powder in good

killed near Mr. Miles's Garrifon. Condition. And although Crom-Ibid. well doubtlefs believed as much in

84 Brief Hi/iory, P. 3. praying as any Man, yet he did not

85 Poffibly Dr. Mather had heard recommend it at the Expenfe of dry

of Cromwell's celebrated Recom- Powder.

Gonjiernation at Swanfey. 109

proceed further, and thereupon retraced their

Steps to Bottom On their Arrival the Alarm was

fpread, and Drums immediately "beat up for

Volunteers, and in three Hours' Time were muf-

tered up one hundred and ten Men."To be a little more particular with the Begin-

ning of this War, it will be neceffary to review

feveral other cotemporary Accounts ; and firft,

Mr. Hubbard's. His Narration, though fomewhatconfufed in refpecf to Dates, contains FacT:s not

recorded by others. He relates that a Part of the

Company which went for the Relief of the feventy

People in Bourne's Garrifon, returned as a Guardto Mr. Brown ; that " in their Return they camefuddenly upon a Party of Indians, about thirty in

all ; that they were within fhot of the Englifh,

who, having no Commiffion to fight till they

were aifaulted, and not being impeached in their

PalTage, returned fafe to their Garrifon at Mata-poifet ; the Indians drawing off and firing three

Guns (though not with Intent to do the Englifh

any Hurt, as was conceived,) gave a Shout and fo

left them. When this Party of the Englifh drewnear their Garrifon, they met with a Company of

Carts going to fetch Corn from an Houfe deferted

near by, about a Quarter of a Mile off from Mr.Bourne's Houfe. The Soldiers gave them Notice

of the Indians which they had difcovered ; andwithal advifed them by no Means to venture any

more, becaufe of the Danger ; but they were re-

folved, notwithftanding thefe earneft Perfuafions

of the Soldiers, to have another Turn, which they

no Other Details.

foon found to be to the Peril of their own Lives,

fix of them being prefently after either killed

right out, or mortally wounded, as foon as they

came to the Barn where was the Corn. Thefe

fix are faid to be the firfl that were (lain in this

Quarrel. The Soldiers at the Garrifon, hearing

the Guns, made what Hafte they could to the

Place, but being moft of them in that Interim

gone to look for their Horfes, they could not

come Time enough to the Relief of their Friends;

yet, upon their Approach, they who had done the

Mifchief prefently fled away. One Jones, hard

purfued by two Indians, was by 'their comingdelivered from the Extent of the Enemy's Cruelty,

but, having received his mortal Wound, had only

that Favor thereby, to die in the Arms of his

Friends, though by the Wounds received by his

Enemies." 86

Soon after the Slaughter of the nine Men, juft

related, the People at Bourne's Garrifon, by the

Help of the Soldiers ftationed there, were, with

their Effects, tranfported to Rhode Iiland. S7

The next cotemporary Account is as follows :

—

" In the mean Time King Philip muflered up

s6 In fome Notes appended to his 24, 1675,) flain fix Men at Bourne's

Narrative, which he calls "A Table,'' Garrifon, in Metapoifet, (another

&c., Mr. Hubbard makes a Correc- Neck not tar from the Former,)

Hon of, and Additions to what is and three wounded as they came

extracted in the Text above. He from the Public Meeting, two killed

fays, at thisTime (1675) "Swanfey that went for the Surgeon, and

confided of 40 dwelling Houfes, Negro of Mr. Miles's wounded, fo

molt of them very fair Buildings, as he died foon after."

and ftands juft at the Entrance of 37 Hubbard, Narrative, 70.

Mount Hope, where were (June

Philip's Forces. inabout 500 of his Men, and arms them complete

;

and had got about 8 or 900 of his neighboring

Indians, and likewife arms them complete;

(that

is, with Guns, Powder and Bullets.) The laft

Spring, feveral Indians were feen in fmall Parties

about Rehoboth and Swanfey, which not a little

affrighted the Inhabitants ; who demanding the

Reafon of them, wherefore it was fo ? Anfwerwas made, that they were only on their ownDefence, for they underftood that the Englifh

intended to cut them off. About the 20th of

June laft, {even or eight of King Philip's Mencame to Swanfey on the Lord's Day, and wouldgrind a Hatchet at an Inhabitant's Houfe there

;

the Mafter told them it was the Sabbath Day,and their God would be very angry if he fhould

let them do it. They returned this Anfwer

:

They knew not who his God was, and that they

would do it, for all him or his God either. Fromthence they went to another Houfe, and took

away fome Victuals, but hurt no Man. Immedi-ately they met a Man travelling on the Road,

kept him in Cuftody a fhort Time, then difmiffed

him quietly;

giving him this Caution, that hefhould not work on his God's Day, and that hefhould tell no Lies." 88

"The firft that was killed was June 23, a Manat Swanfey ; he and his Family had left his Houfe,

amongft the Reft of the Inhabitants, and adventur-

ing with his Wife and Son (about 20 Years old)

s " Prefent State, 4.

ii2 Treatment ofthe Slain.

to go to his Houfe to fetch Corn, and fuch like

Things; he having juft before fent his Wife andSon away, as he was going out of the Houfe was

fet on and fhot by Indians. His Wife, being not

far off, heard the Guns go off, went back. Theytook her, firft defiled her, then lkinned her Head,as alfo the Son, and difmift. them both, who im-mediately died. They alfo the next Day killed

fix or feven Men at Swanfey, and two more at

one of the Garrifons. And as two men that

went out of one of the Garrifons to draw a Bucketof Water, were fhot and carried away, and after-

wards found with their Fingers and Feet cut off,

and the Skin of their Heads flayed off."8 ?

The next Account of thefe Cruelties is by one

more willing than able to do Juftice to it. Hewas, from his Locality, and focial and political

Standing, in the Way of being better informed

than all or any of thole who have left Narratives

or Relations of the Circumftances. This was

John Eafton of Rhode Ifland, already introduced

to the Reader. And as he may be confidered the

Apologift. of the Indians, his Relation cannot fail

always to excite a deep Intereft, efpecially as it

was evidently dictated by Simplicity and Honeffy.

He was Governor of Rhode Ifland at one Pe-

riod.

The laft Chapter was clofed with Eafton's

Account of a Conference between certain Gentle-

men of Rhode Ifland (one of whom he was) and

•*' Prefent State, 5.

Coercion refolved upon. 113

Philip and his chief Men. By that Conference

the Rhode Ifland Men hoped to avert Hoftilities.

That Account is here relumed :—On the Part of

the Englilh of Rhode Ifland at the Conference, it

was argued that " all Complaints might be righted

without War." The Indians faid they had not

heard of an Arbitration, fuch as had been fug-

gefted, namely, that an Indian King and the

Governor of New York fhould be the Umpires.It appears probable that if this Courfe had beenproperly propofed to them by the People of Ply-mouth, that the War might have been prevented;

but no Steps towards it appear to have been taken,

and the Subject began and ended in this Confe-rence. The Rhode Illand Men endeavored to

imprefs upon the Indians, the Facf that the Eng-lish were too ftrong for them, and that they hadbetter give up the Idea of Redrefs by War. TheIndians faid, " then the Englilh mould do as the

Indians did when the Indians were too ftrong for

them."

Here the Conference ended; and fo, fays Eafton," we departed without any Difcourteoufnefs, andfudingly had a Letter from Plimouth Governorthat they intended in Arms to conform [fubdue]

Philip," but the Letter gave no Intimation ofwhat was required of the Indians, or what Philip

had refufed to do, that he was now to be madewar upon. Then, Eafton abruptly continues,—" Plymouth Soldiers were come to have their

Head-quarters within ten Miles of Philip ; then

P

1 14. Firfl Atts of Hoftility.

moft of the Englifh thereabout left their Houfes,

and we had Letter from Plymouth Governor to

defire our Help with fome Boats if they had Oc-cafion for them, and for us to look to ourfelves.

And from the General [Cudworth] at the Quar-ters we had Letter of the Day they intended to

come upon [attack] the Indians, and defired fomeof our Boats to attend. So we took it to be ofNecefTity for our Iflanders one Half one Day andNight to attend, and the other Half the next, fo

by Turns for our own Safety. In this Time fomeIndians fell a pilfering fome Houfes that the

Englifh had left ; and an old Man and a Lad go-ing to one of thefe Houfes did fee three Indians

run out thereof. The old Man bid the youngMan fhoot ; fo he did, and the Indian fell down,but got away again. It is reported that fome In-

dians came to the Garrifon, afked why they (hot

the Indian. They afked whether he was dead.

The Indians faid, Yea. An Englifh Lad faid it

was no matter. The Men endeavored to informthem it was but an idle Lads Word, but the In-

dians in Hafle went away and did not hearken to

them. The next Day, [June 24th] the Lad that

fhot the Indian, and his Father, and rive Englifh

Men were killed. So the War begun withPhilip."

Thus it will be feen, that although thefe Ac-counts do not exaclly agree, each furnifhes Fadts

not contained in the others; all are important to

make up a full Record of the Beginning of the

War.

Second Day of Hojiilities. i 1

5

On the Morning of the fame Day of the On-flaught at Swanfey, a Man was fired upon at Re-hoboth, and had the Hilt of his Sword fhot

off.?

The Day following, namely, on the 25th of

June, Layton Archer and his Son were flain at

Fall River. 9 ' Two Days after, John Tifdale, fen.

was killed at Taunton.

It is laid, but on no very good Authority, being

at bert Tradition, that Philip was averfe to begin-

ning the War, but that he could not reftrain his

young Men. Had this been fo, John Eafton

would have mentioned it with Emphalis ; while

he only fays—" For concerning Philip we have

good Intelligence that he advifed fome Englifh to

be gone from their out Places or they were in

Danger to be killed." 92 He further adds, that

whether this was to prevent War, or, in Obedi-ence to his Priefh, that the Englifh might becomethe Aggreffors, he could not determine.

Upon the Return of the Meffengers to Bofton,

who had been fent with Inftruclions to Philip, as

already mentioned, the Council was convened,

»°Hutchinfon, Hift. Maff., I., Fall River, June 24th, but as that

261, on the Authority of Gov. Narrative is clearly wrong in feveral

Window. other Points, I am inclined to think

91 This is according to Mr. Hub- there is an Error in this Statement,

bard's Information, obtained after and that Mr. Hubbard is correft.

he had written his original Account, That both are correft is hardly pro-

and therefore believed to be correft. bable.

I am aware that in Window and !,2 This undoubtedly has Refe-

Hinckley's Narrative it is dated that rence to Philip's Advice to HughThomas Layton was killed at the Cole, before noted.

1 1 6 Fears of the Narraganfets.

and an Embafiy fet on Foot to treat with the

Narraganfets, whom all the Colonies feared, fromtheir warlike Character, and fuppofed great Num-bers. As to the Latter, it was " affirmed " byMr. Thomas Stanton, and his Son, RobertStanton, " who, having a long Time lived

amongft them, and beft acquainted with their

Language and Manners of any in New England,

that to their Knowledge, the Narraganfet Sa-

chems had 2000 fighting Men under them, and

900 Arms." 93 It was therefore of the utmoft

Importance to prevent them from joining the

Wampanoags. But the Council were not re-

markable for their Forbearance and conciliatory

Tone towards a People fo far from being defpica-

ble in Numbers at this Period, and who had in

the Time of the Pequot War been of fuch efien-

tial Service to the Englifh. Indeed they feem to

have forgotten or overlooked thefe Circumftances,

and commenced their Manifefto in the very

offenfive Language of Recrimination and Infult.

However, it was thought beft by fome of the

Council, or perhaps at the Suggeftion of Capt.

Hutchinfon, to erafe the moft offenfive Wordsfrom their Paper before it was defpatched. Yetthe Tone of it was, notwithftanding the Erafures,

far from what fuch a Paper fhould have been.

That the Reader may judge for himfelf, a fynop-

fis of its Contents here follows :—"June 2 1 ft, 1675. The Council of MafTachu-

fetts to Moofuck, Ninigret and Squaw Sachem of

Demand upon. 117

Narrouganfet 9+ Or otherwife the Governmentof Maffachufetts mail take themfelves concerned

to ufe all fuch Means as may be neceffary for the

Security of our Allies and fupporting fuch Info-

lencies and treacherous Confpiracy againft themwho have given no Occalion for the fame.—ThatPhilip Sachem of Mount Hope did Yefterday

make Affault upon fome Englifh Houfes, and was

marching on upon the Town of Swanfey, difco-

vering his malicious Defigns againft the Englifh,

to give Difturbance to us. It is alfo informed

that you are confederated with him, and that

befides, feueral of your Men are already gone to

Philip, others are by him fpeedily expected to

come in to his Affiftance : thefe are therefore to

let you know that we look upon thefe Things, if

true to be a high Breach of this our Covenants

made with the Englifh Colonies. And you are

hereby required forthwith to break off all Corre-

fpondence with Philip, to give fpeedy public Com-mands to call home all your Men that are with him,

and lay a Reftraint upon all your Subjects fromgoing to Mount Hope, and that you fpeedily give

us the beft Intelligence you can of this wickedDefign."95

This Embaffy progreffed very flowly, as Hoftili-

'' ' Then followed the obnoxious of them having reached Bofton the

Lines, which, being erafed, leaves Evening of the Day the Paper was

the Reft incomplete. drawn up, Capt. Hutchinfon did

95 Majfachufetts Archives. It is not proceed for feveral Days—not

not certain that this Paper, that is, a until he could be protected by the

Copy of it,' was fent; for Hoftilities Army, which did not march from

having commenced, and the News Bofton until June 26th.

n8 Propofed EmbaJJy to.

ties were commenced before the Ambaffador bear-

ing the above Defpatch fet out from Bolton.

Indeed he appears not to have arrived at Swanfeyuntil the Night of the 4th of July. He wasinstructed to vifit Roger Williams at Providence,

and to confer with him as to the beft Mode of

proceeding. The Council wrote to Mr. Williams

upon the Subject, but the Contents of that Letter

are unknown.Here it is propofed to clofe the Introduction

to the Hiflory of King Philip's War, with a pretty

confident Belief that it is by far the moft completeof any yet publifhed. Nothing within the Edi-

tor's Reach, either in Manufcript or Print, whichpromifed a Ray of Light on the Work, has been

neglected, or allowed to pafs without a thoroughExamination. That fuch a Work was highly

important to precede -the old Tracts, was the Con-viction of the Editor, and the Editor will be

gratified if his Readers mail fuftain him in his

Conclufions.

END.

THE

present g>tate

OF

N E W-EN GLANDWITH RESPECT TO THE

INDIAN WAR.Wherein is an Account of the true Reafon

thereof, (as far as can be

judged by Men.)

TOGETHER

With moft of the Remarkable Paffages that have

happened from the 20th of June, till the 10th

of November, 1675.

Faithfully compofed by a Merchant of Bofton and communicated

to his friend in London.

Licenfed Decemb. 13, 1675. Roger L'EJlrangt.

LONDON:Printed for Dorman Newman, at the King's Arms in the Poultry, and

at the Ship and Anchor at the Bridgfoot on Southwark Side, 1675.

[3] THE

WITH RESPECT TO THE

INDIAN WAR 96

'HERE being many and various

Reports concerning the Caufes of

the prefent War amongft us, it

may not be amifs in the Firft Place,

to give you a true Account of the

;afons thereof; which probably mayadd Something to the Satisfaction of our ChrifHan

Friends in Old England, Which is thus :

About five or fix Years fince, there was brought

up (amongft others) an Indian in the Colledg at

Cattibridg, named Sofotftan,97 who after fome Time

»6 This Title feems to have

been appropriated, very nearly,

by Thomas Parkhurft, when, two

Years later, namely, in 1677, he

publiihed Hubbard's Indian Warsunder it.

Q

97 His Name was generally writ-

ten Saffamon, and is an Abbrevia-

tion of Woofajjamon, or, as he wrote

it himfelf, WuJJauJ'man. See ante,

P. 89. See, alfo, Hijlory and An-tiquities of Bojlon, 397.

122 Prefent State of New-England. [3 ]

he had fpent in Preaching the Gofpel to Unkus,^

2l Sagamore Chriftian in his Territories, was by

the Authority of New-Plitnouth fent to Preach in

like Manner to King Philip, and his Indians : But

King Philip (Heathen-like) inftead of receiving

the Gofpel, would immediately have killed this

Sofomon, but by the Perfwaiion of fome about

him did not do it, but fent him by the Hands of

three of his Men to Prifon ;" who as he was

going to Prifon, Exhorted and Taught them in

the Chriftian Religion ; they not liking his Dif-

courfe, immediately Murthered him after a moft

Barbarous Manner ; They returning to KingPhilip, acquainted him what they had done.

About two or three Months after, this Murther

being Discovered to the Authority of New-Pli-

moutb, Jqfiah Winflow being then Governour of

that Colony, care was taken to find out the

Murtherers ; who upon Search were found and

apprehended, and after a fair Trial were all

Hanged. 100

This fo Exafperated King Philip, that from

that Day after, he ftudied to be Revenged on the

5)3 This is probably the only co- the Chief, Watufpaquin— the fame

temporary Authority for the State- called elfewhere Tijpequin— and

ment, and it is not unlikely to be his Son. See Book of the Indians,

true. 172,193-8. Alfo Mather's Rela-99 We have nowhere elfe any tion, 227, 229, et feq.

Account that Philip had a Prifon, '"" This Writer has, no Quef-

or that Saffamon was a Preacher to tion, given a current Rumor of the

him. He preached among a Clan Day, however much unlike it is to

of Wampatuck's People at Namaf what is now received as Hillory.

ket, and refided upon Aflawompfet See Authorities above referred to,

Neck, on Lands given him by and ante, 94-96.

[3 ] Prefent State of New-England. 1 2 3

Englijh, judging that the Englijh Authority have

Nothing to do to Hang any of his Indians for

killing another.

In order thereunto, his firft Errand is to a

Squaw Sachem (i. e. a Woman Prince, or Queen)who is the Widow of a Brother to King Philip, 101

deceafed, he promifing her great Rewards if mewould joyn with him in this Confpiracy, (for meis as Potent a Prince as any round about her, andhath as much Corn, Land, and Men, at her

Command) me willingly confented, and was muchmore forward in the Defign, and had greater

Succefs than King Philip himfelf The Place

where this King Philip doth dwell, is on a Parcel

of Land, called in Englijh, Mount Hope, 102 about

twelve Miles long, and judged to be the beft Landin New England: And it was about thirty five

Miles off of this Place, to the Northward, that

the firft Efigli/lj that ever came there, Landed

;

and by Degrees built Houfes, and called the Nameof the Place New-Plimouth, (becaufe Plimouth in

Old England was the laft Place they were at

there.) 103 The Englijh took not a Foot of Land

101 This " Woman Prince" was liam Crowne, made Application to

Weetamo, Weetamoo, Wietamore, Charles II for the Territory in-

as her Name was written by early eluding it, as a Reward for certain

Writers. See ante, P. 45, 57 and 59. Services of his Father. John was102 The Pokanoket of the Indians, an Author of fome Note in his

It has, as is ufual with Indian Names, Time. He was a Writer of Plays,

many Variations. See Baylies's N. but they are of not much AccountPlymouth Index. It is in Briftol, fince the Days of their Appearance.

R. I. A Defcription of it may be See N. Eng. Hift. and Gen. Reg.,

feen in the Notes to Tamoyden. v, 307; vi, 46.

See, alio, Church's Hiftory of King 1IJ:J Plymouth, as is well known,Philip's War. John, Son of Wil- was thus named by Capt. John

124- Prefent State ofNew-England. [4]

from the Indians, but Bought all, and although

they bought for an inconfiderable Value;

yet

they did Buy it. And it may be judged that nowKing Philip repents himfelf, feeing what Product

the Englijh [4] have made ofa Wildernefs, through

their Labour, and the Bleffing of God thereon

;

All the Land of the Colony of New Plimouth,

was at firft Bought of this King Philip's Grand-

father, Majfafoit,10* by Name, except fome few

Parcels he hath Sold to fome of the Inhabitants

of Swanzy, not far from Mount Hope. There-

upon about five Years fince, took an Occafion to

Quarrel with the Town, partly becaufe he was

vexed he had Sold his Land, and partly becaufe

his Brother died five or fix Years before, and

he thought the Englijh had Poyfoned him, and

thereupon he troubled them, but killed none

;

but the Governour by timely Preparation hindred

them of doing any hurt. 105

Thus after King Philip had fecured his Intereft

in Squaw Sachem, (whom he perfwaded that the

Englijh had Poyfoned her Huiband and thereupon

Smith, in 1614, fix Years before 10 > The Manner of Alexander's

the Englifh Pilgrims landed there. Death has been reviewed in the

They doubtlefs had Copies of Smith's previous Work. There does not

Charts of the Coaft; and this may appear to be any r£tl Foundation

account for the Name being per- for a Belief that he was either ftarved

petuated by them. or poifoned to Death. His Sit-

101 Philip was Son of MafTafoit. uation as a Prifoner, the great Heat

John JofTelyn was the firft, now re- of the Weather, and the Change of

membered, who printed this Error, his Diet, beyond Doubt, caufed his

See his Voyages. Philip's Sales of Sicknefs; that this took a fatal Turn

Land are more minutely referred to is Nothing ltrange in the Hillory of

in the firft Part of the prefent Col- medical Science. See ante, Intro-

leftion. duilion, Pages 31-36.

[4 ] Prefen t State ofNew-England. " '125

fhe was the more willing to joyn with him) 106 he

privately fent Meflengers to moft of the Indian

Sagamores and Sachems round about him, telling

them that the Englijh had a Defign to cut off all

the Indians round about them, and that if they

did not Joyn together, they mould lofe their

Lives and Lands ; whereupon feveral Sachems be-

came his Confederates. And having now five

Years Time, 107 had Opportunity enough to furnifh

themfelves with Ammunition and Arms, whichthey did plentifully at Canada, amongfl: the

French; and it is judged that fome Englijh have

alfo Sold them fome Arms through Ignorance of

their Defign.

In the mean Time King Philip Muftered upabout Five Hundred of his Men, and Armsthem compleat ; and had gotten about Eight

or Nine Hundred of his Neighbouring Indians,

and likewife Arms them compleat

;

Io8( i. e.

100 No other Writer makes any confpicuous. Soon after the WarIntimation of this Sort; neverthe- commenced they run fhort of Am-lefs, that fuch a Suggeftion was munition, and doubtlefs kept Run-

made it is not unreafonable to ima- ners on the Path between New-gine. England and the Inhabitants on

107 It was but four Years fince the Hudfon to procure a Supply of

the Surrender of their Arms at that indifpenfable Article; that they

Taunton. See ante, P. 39. obtained fome in this Way is pro-11,8 From what is now to be bable; not fo much, however, as

learned, it does not appear that was imagined; fo that, after all,

there could have been any very their Supply was precarious and

compleate arming of the Indians; fcanty. It was found, that even

on the contrary, they muft have their great Chiefs, killed on their

been very poorly armed as refpefts Retreat to the Nipmuck Country,

Fire-arms; and in all their Onfets on Auguft lft, one "had no moreand Engagements, Bows and Ar Powder but that in his Gun ;"

rows, and the Tomahawk were another, " Nimrod" had but three

126 Prefent State ofNew-England. [4]

Guns, Powder, and Bullets,) but how many he

hath engaged to be of his Party, is unknownto any among us. The laft Spring feveral In-

dians were feen in fmall Parties, about Rehoboth

and Swanfey, which not a little affrighted the

Inhabitants. Who demanding the Reafon of

them, wherefore it was fo ? Anfwer was made,

That they were only on their own Defence, for

they underftood that the Englifh intended to Cutthem off. About the 20th of June laft, Seven or

Eight of King Philip's Men came to Swanfey on

the Lords Day, and would grind a Hatchet at an

Inhabitants Houfe there ; the Mafter told them,

it was the Sabbath Day, and their God would be

very angry if he mould let them do it. Theyreturned this Anfwer, They knew not who his

God was, and that they would do it for all him,

or his God either : From thence they went to

another Houfe, and took away fome Victuals, but

hurt no Man. Immediately they met a Mantravelling on the Road, kept him in Cuftody a

fhort Time, then difmift him quietly;giving him

this Caution, that he mould not work on his

God's Day, and that he mould tell no Lies. 10 ?

Thefe Things happening, with many others of

the like Nature, gave the Rehoboth and Swanfey

or four Charges of Powder."

—

the more ironical one about working

Capt. Thomas, in Appendix to the on the Lord's Day and telling Lies ;

Brief Hijlory, 229; alio foft, Page for fuch - Examples were doubtlefs

15, original Paging. very common among the Englifh;109 There is Nothing furprifing and the Indians were irirewd enough

in the Reply of the Indians refpecling to perceive that preaching and prac-

grinding a Hatchet on a Sunday, or tiring were quite different Matters.

[5 ] Prefent State ofNew-England. 127

Men great Caufe of Jealoufies ; which occafioned

them to fend to Plimoutb, and to the Bay (i. e.

Bojlon) for fome Amftance, in Cafe they mouldneed it. But before any came to them, they ofboth Towns were gathered together into three

Houfes, Men, Women, and Children, and there

had all Provifions in Common, fo that they whohad Nothing wanted not. Immediately after,

Notice came hereof to the Governour of the

Majfachitfetts Colony, [Bojlon being Metropolis,

and the Honourable John Leveret Governourthereof.) Drums beat up for Volunteers, and in

three Hours Time were Muftered up about an

Hundred and ten Men, Captain Samuel Mofelybeing their Commander. This Captain Mofelyhath been an old Privateer at "Jamaica, an excel-

lent Souldier, and an undaunted Spirit, one whofeMemory will be Honourable [5] in New-Eng-land, for his many eminent Services he hath donethe Publick. 110 There were alfo among thefe

Men, about Ten or Twelve Privateers, that hadbeen there fometime before : They carried withthem feveral Dogs, that proved ferviceable to

them, in finding out the Enemy in their Swamps ;

one whereof, would for feveral Days together, go

110 This, doubtlcfs, is Hutchin- into Bofton two Veflels, whichfon's Authority for the Paffage in were ordered to be prized by the

his Hijhry of MaJJ'acbufetts,\, 287. Governor and Council. The Ap-Mofcly had been playing the Buc- prizement being dated April 9th,

caneer in the Weil Indies, no Doubt; 1675, and is in thefe Words:for not long before this, he brought

" The Shallop Edward and Thomas, £57 . I 3 . 00The Shallop that Roads went out in, 1 5 . 00 . 00."

128 Prefent State ofNew-England. [5 ]

out and bring to them fix, eight, or ten youngPigs of King Philip's Herds. There went out

alfo amongft thefe Men, one Cornellis a Dutch-man, who had lately been Condemned to die

for Piracy, but afterwards received a Pardon ; hewilling to fhew his Gratitude therefore, went out

and did feveral good Services abroad againft the

Enemy. 111 Plimouth alfo fent out feveral Menat the fame Time, both Horfe and Foot : Alfo

moft Towns in all the United Colonies there-

about fent out fome more, fome lefs, as they werein Number. By this Time the Indians have

killed feveral of our Men, but the firft that waskilled was June 23,

I1Z a Man at Swanfey, that heand his Family had left his Houfe amongft the

Reft of the Inhabitants ; and adventuring withhis Wife and Son, (about twenty Years old) to goto his Houfe to fetch them Corn, and fuch like

Things : He having juft before fent his Wife andSon away, as he was going out of the Houfe, wasfet on and (hot by Indians ;"3 his Wife being not

far off, heard the Guns go off, went back : Theytook her, firft defiled her," 4 then fkinned her

1 1 ' His full Name is Cornelius fage in Baylies's Hift. N. Plymouth,

Conjert. All that I could obtain iii, 33, that the Name of this Manconcerning him is given in the Book was Jones ; but as this Author gives

of the Indians. See Pages 208-9, no Authority, a further Elucidation

215, 322. of the Text mull be fought elfe-

113 It is generally conceded that where,

the firft killed was on the 24th of ''

' 1 have no Hefitation but that

June. The Subject of the Com- this was a fall'e Report. At that

mencement of Hoftilities is at- Time any Stories to the Indians' Dif-

tempted to be elucidated in the credit however improbable, were

firft Treatife in this Volume. caught up and circulated, and gene-1,3 It would feem, from a Paf- rally believed. Mr. Hubbard, who

[5] Prefent State of'New-England. 129

Head, as alfo the Son, and difmift them both,

who immediately died. They alfo the next Daykilled fix or feven Men at Swanfey, and two moreat one of the Garrifons ; and as two Men that

went out of one of the Garrifons to draw a

Bucket of Water, were (hot and carried away,

and afterwards found with their Fingers and Feet

cut off, and the Skin of their Heads flayed off.

About fourteen Days after that, they fent for

more Help ; whereupon the Authority of Bojlon,

made Captain Thomas Savage the Major General

in that Expedition, who with fixty Horfe, and as

many Foot, went out of Bojlon ; having preft

Horfes for the Footmen, and fix Carts to carry Pro-

vifions with them : Whereof Mr. John Morfe 11$

was Commiffary General abroad, and Mr. Na-tha?iiel Williams 1^ Commiffary at Home. TheyTravelled Day and Night till they came to their

Garrifons, and within three Days after, marchedHorfe and Foot (leaving Guards in the Garrifons)

towards Mount Hope, where King Philip and his

Wife was; they came on him at unawares, fo

that Philip was forced to rife from Dinner, andhe and all with him fled out of that Land, called

Mount Hope, up further into the Countrey ; they

believed the Indians quite as bad as thaniel Williams of Bofton, Glover,

they were, gave no Credit to Alle- If fo, he was now, 1675, aged 33.gations of this Nature. He was Father of the well known

115 Mr. Morfe was a prominent Bofton Teacher of the fame Name.Inhabitant of Bofton. Rev. Abner His Mother was Mary, Widow ofMorfe has fome Account of him in Jonathan Shrimpton, and Daughter

his Genealogy of the Morfes. See, of Peter Oliver. See Hiftory andalfo, Savage's DiBionary, iii, 239. Antiquities of Bofton, 604, and elfe-

1 '" He was, I fuppofe, Son ofNa- where.

R

130 Prefent State of'New-England. [6]

purfued them as far as they could go for Swamps,

and killed fifteen or iixteen in that Expedition,

and returned, and took what he had that was

worth taking, and fpoiled the Reft, taking all his

Cattel and Hogs that they could find, and alfo

took PofTefTion of Mount Hope, which had then

a thoufand Acres under Corn, which is fince cut

down by the Englijh, and difpofed of according

to their Difcretion.

Cornellis was in this Exploit, and purfued Philip

fo hard, that he got his Cap off his Head, and

now weareth it." 7

About three Days after, the General (finding

Cornellis to be a Stout Man, and willing to ven-

ture his Life in the Caufe of the Englift) fent

him with twelve Men under his Command to

Scout about, with Orders to return in three

Hours on Pain of Death ; in his Way he metlixty Indians that were hailing their Cannoues

a-fhore, he fet on them, killing thirteen, and took

eight alive, purfues the Reft as far as he could go

for the Swamps ; then he returned and Burnt all

thofe Cannoues, about forty in Number : By this

Time Cornellis and his twelve [6] Men (all being

preferved) returned to the Camp, but they were

eight Hours abfent : Whereupon a Council of

117 For this Item, and the Next clofed in the South teaches that little

following, the Writer of this Trail: Reliance (hould be placed on fuch.

is the only Authority yet difcovered. This Author, whoever he was,

What Hutchinfon relates is from doubtlefs aimed to be truthful, but

this Source. They are. probably, he was hurrying up his Difpatches

firft Rumors from the Army; and for England, and had little Time to

the Experience of the War juft make Corrections.

[6] Prefent State ofNew-England. 131

War was called, who paft the Sentence of Death

on him, for exceeding the Order given him.

Immediately was alfo Pardoned, and received

thanks for his good Service done in that Expedi-

tion ; and was in a fhort Time fent out on the

like Delign, and brought Home with him twelve

Indians alive, and two Indians Heads (i. e. the

Skin with the Hair on it.)

About the 25^6 of 'July, the General returned

with twelve Men to guard his Perfon." 8

Captain Mofely being there, and plying about,

found Eighty Indians, who furrendered them-felves, and were fecured in a Houfe, provided for

them near Plimouth : Thereupon came to Bojion,

to know the Pleafure of the Authority about

them, and in a Days Time returned with this

Order ; he mould kill none that he took alive,

but fecure them in Order to a Tranfportation : .

Wherefore afterwards there were Shipt on board

Captain Sprague 11? an Hundred feventy eight

118 The Commander-in-Chief, by Philip when he and the MenGeneral Cudworth, feeing that No- with him made their Efcape out of

thing more could be done in the the great Swamp, Auguft ift. See

Vicinity of Mount Hope, and per- [. Mather, Brief Hifi., 64; Hub-haps not being invited to participate bard, Nar., i, 88.

in the Narraganfet Expedition, re- Whether that " Captain Sprague"

turned to Scituate, his Place of belonged to England, and was here

Refidence. He feems not to have on a trading Voyage, or whether he

been popular with the other Offi- were Capt. Richard Sprague of

cers; but not, it is thought, from New England, or another Sprague,

the Caufe affigned by Mr. Baylies, there appears no Certainty. Therein New Plymouth, iv, 1 5 ; but be- was a Capt. Richard Sprague of

caufe his Subordinates did not defire Charleft6wn, Son of the Emigrant,

his Succefs. Ralph ; but Mr. Richard Soule, Jr.,119 Thefe Indians were, it may in his Sprague Genealogy, though he

be, the Women and Children left gives him the Title of Captain,

132 Prefent State ofNew-England. [6]

Indians, on the 28th of September, bound for

Ca/es. l2°

In this Time, the Indians continued daily to

commit many Acfs of Hoftility on the Englijh

;

they Burnt Twenty three Houfes at Swanfey, andkilled many People there, and took much Cattle,

as alfo Burnt the Hay and Corn in great Quanti-

ties. They Burnt near thirty Houfes in Dart-mouth, 1 - 1 (a Place in New-Plimouth Colony) killing

many People after a moft Barbarous Manner; 122

as fkinning them all over alive, fome only their

Heads, cutting off their Hands and Feet ; but

any Woman they take alive, they Defile, after-

wards putting her to Death by fome of thefe or

the like Ways. They have Burnt moft of the

Houfes in Rehoboth, Tawiton, and Swanfey; a

Party of Indians came to Mendham, which is

Thirty-two Miles from Bojion, and there killed

derived it from the Land Service. Fire, and barbaroufly murdered

From another Source, however, it both Men and Women ; stripping

appears that this fame Richard the Slain, whether Men or Women,commanded an armed Veffel on the and leaving them in the Open Field,

Coaft, fitted out by the Colonifts, for as naked as in the Day wherein they

Protection againft Dutch Cruifers, were born. Such alfo is their In-

in 1674. humanity, as that they flay off the

.120 a Name not found in modern Skin from their Faces and Heads

Gazetteers. It is the ancient Gades, of thofe they get into their Hands,

and fince, Cadiz. and go away with the hairy Scalps121 The exaft Date of the Maf- of their Enemies."—BriefHift., 6 1.

facre at Dartmouth has not been Hubbard gives the Date "June,afcertained. It was, doubtlefs, in 1676," which is evidently a Year

the early Part of July (1675). See or more out of the Way. See his

ante, Page 64. Narrative, ii, 41, where a Angular122 This very nearly agrees with Incident will be found related of

Dr. I. Mather's Account, who fays: the Humanity of the Indians. See" Dartmouth did they burn with ante, P. 64 of the prefent Volume.

[6] Prefent State ofNew-England. 133

five or fix Perfons, who being purfued, two were

killed, the Reft rled.I2 3

Some Part of our Forces afterwards fet on

about Five hundred Indians, not far from PocaJ/it,

purfuing them into a large Swamp, not far from

thence ; how many they killed is not known, in

regard the Indians adventured back and took their

dead Men away with them : (as they commonlydo if they can poffibly.) But in this Fight were

killed King Philip's Brother, his Privy Counci-lor, (being one formerly Educated at Candridg) 124

and one of his chief Captains ; the Heads of

which three were afterwards brought to Bofton.

There were killed in this Purfuit fix Englijhmen,

and nine or ten wounded125

123 The Surprife of Mendon was

on July 14th (1675), according to

both Mather and Hubbard. All

the cotemporary Accounts agree

that five or fix Perfons were killed.

But fome that were fuppofed killed

probably made their Efcape and got

to Rhode Ifland. For fix Years

after, viz., in 1681, " Samuell

Reade, late Conftable of Mendon,''

in Anfwer to a Call for Taxes, pe-

titioned for a Remiffion, ftating that

the fame Month he received the

" Rate," namely, July, 1675, "theIndians fell in upon " them, " to

their Ruine; fome Men were flaine,

others fled to Rhoad Ifland, and

their Rate cannot be had." TheDeficiency was £3, \zj, and the

Government remitted it. JohnRockett, one of the Settlers, fled

with moil of his Family to Med-field. One of his Sons was killed.

He was foon forced to fly from

Medfield to Milton; having loft all

his Goods and Provifions, and yet

had a Family to maintain, confifting

of a Wife and fix Children.— Ori-

ginal Petitions, MSS.'- 1 As no other Writer of that

Day, to the Knowledge of the Ed-

itor, has mentioned thefe Fails,

they may have been partly fur-

mifes ;efpecially as refpecls the

Brother of Philip. It feems, how-

ever, that Philip had a Brother,

named Sonconewhew, who was

living in 1668. See a Note in

Hubbard's Narrative, i, 73. There

were feveral Indians at School at

Cambridge, from Time to Time,

but there was only one that ever

graduated at the College. His

Name was Cbeesbabteaumuk. Hedied in 1666, aged 20.

125 The Writer has confufedly

134 Prefent State ofNew-England. [7]

This PocaJJit Swamp, is judged about feven or

eight Miles long, and fo full of Bufhes and Trees,

that a Parcel of Indians may be within the Lengthof a Pike of a Man, and he cannot difcover them

;

and befides, this as well as all other Swamps, is fo

foft Ground, that an Englijhman can neither gonor ftand thereon, and yet thefe bloody Savages

will run along over it, holding their Guns crofs

their Arms (and if Occafion be) difcharge in that

Pofture. 126

On the Lords Day, the of July, an Indian

came to Dorchejier, (within half a Mile of MotherGeorges Houfe) to the Houfe of Mr. Minor 1 * 1

, in

Sermon Time, and there were then at Home the

Maid Servant and two young Children, me keep-

ing the Door fhut for Safety ; the Indian whenhe faw he could not come in at the Door, wentabout to come in at the Window, me perceiving

his Refolution, took two Brafs Kettles, under

which fhe put the two Children, me ran upStairs and charged a Mufket and fired at the

Indian, (he having fired at [7] her, once or twice

detailed as one Affair what hap- Men, when in that hideous Place,

pened at different Times, and in if they did but fee a Bufh ftir,

feveral Places. See Hubbard, i, would fire prefently; whereby 'tis

74-5 ; I. Mather, 62-5. verily feared they did fometimes126 Thofe Swamps have greatly unhappily fhoot Englilhmen inftead

changed fince that Time. Dr. I. of Indians."

—

Brief Hijiory, 6z.

Mather fays :" The Swamp was This Swamp-fight, according to

fo boggy and thick of Bufhes, as Hubbard, was on July 1 8th.

—

that it was judged to proceed fur- Narrative, i, 84-5.

ther therein would be but to throw ''-" " Mother Georges Houfe"away Men's Lives. It could not and that of Mr. Minor [Minot],

there be difcerned who were Eng- are fully explained in the N. E.lifh, and who the Indians. Our Hijl, and Gen. Reg., xvi, 267.

[7 ] Prefent State ofNew-England. 135

and mift her, but {truck the Top of one Kettle,

under which a child was) and mot him into his

Shoulder ; then he let his Gun fall, and was juft

coming in at the Window, fhe made hafte and

got a Fire-fhovel full of live Coles and applied

them to his Face, which forced him to flie andefcape : But one was found dead within five Miles

of that Place afterwards, and was judged to be

this by his fcalded Face. 128

Thefe Tranfaclions may be computed to end

with July. Before any further Progrefs be madein this Relation, it may not be amifs to give youfome Account of what concerns our NeighbourIndians at Peace with us.

There are two Potent Sagamores, that are in

Amity with us : The one is Ninnicroft, 1^ his Ter-ritories border on ConneBicot Colony ; the other is

Unkus, the only Christian Sagamore among them. ,3°

12S This Circumftance of the he- of him is in Exiftence, from which

roic Girl of Dorchefter is not, I there is a Copy in the Hijlory and

believe, mentioned in any of the Antiquities of Bofton, 215. HeAccounts of the Time. That does was Brother to Quaiapen, the Oldnot at all authorize later Writers to Queen of Narraganfet, fometimes

pronounce it untrue; for it is well called Magnus. See Hubbard, 76,

known that at fuch a Time many 153, and Book of the Indians, 131.

Angular Events go unrecorded. In the early Part of the War he

Sometimes they are but vaguely was fuppofed to favor the Caufe of

hinted at, as the Affair at Woburn his hoftile Countrymen; and Prif-

is by Mr. Hubbard; alfo the Mur- oners, taken after the Swamp-fight,

der of Zachary Smith, and many declared that he furnifhed forty

others might be inftanced. Men to them, befides other Relief.

129 Ninigret is the ufual Way of See Col. Records of Ct., ii, 401.

writing his Name. He was Sa- 13(' Ufually called Uncas. Hischem of the Nianticks, and always Character is given in the Notes to

continued friendly to the Englilh; Hubbard, and the Editor fees noand few of the Indians of that Pe- Reafon to modify Anything there

riod are better known. A Painting faid concerning him. His Sons

136 Prefent State ofNew-England. [7]

This Unkus, and all his Subjects profeffing

Christianity, are called Praying Indians. In the

firft Week in Anguji, the Authority of Bo/ion fent

an Exprefs to him, to require him to come in and

Surrender himfelf, Men, and Arms, to the Eng-

HJh ; Whereupon, he fent along with the Meflen-

ger his three Sons, and about Sixty of his Men,with his Arms, to be thus difpofed of, viz. His

two younger! Sons, (about thirty Years old) to

remain as Hoftages (as now they do at Ca?nbridg)

and his Eldeft Son to go Captain of the Men as

Affiftants to the Englijh againft the Heathens,

which accordingly they did. And the Englijh

not thinking themfelves yet fecure enough, be-

caufe they cannot know a Heathen from a

Chriftian by his Vifage, nor Apparel: The Au-thority of Bojion, at a Council held there the 30//6

of Auguji, Publifhed this following Order.

were Owaneco, or Oneko, and At- mentioned— two only by Name;taivamhood. This laft was ufually the other two, it is faid, died young,

known by his Englifh Name, Joshua. Mils Canlkins, in her Hiflory of

There is a Pedigree of Uncas ex- Norwich, feems only to recognife

tant in MS., a Copy of which is the two whofe Names I have given,

in the Editor's Poffeffion; but it is But Peters, a Writer of very dubi-

not an eafy Matter to make it intel- ous Authority, fays Owaneco had

lioible. It was drawn up in 1679, a natural Brother, named Abimileck.

apparently for Ufe in Land Claims. Whether he has miftaken Abimi-

Owaneco was the elder Son, and leek, Son of Attawamhood, for a

lived till the Year 1 7 10: in which Son of Uncas is uncertain.

Year his Death is recorded. There Uncas was living in 1680, ac-

is much Confufion, and confequentlv cording to Hubbard, a very old

liability to Error, in attempting to Man. He is fuppofed to have died

defignate Relationfhips among In- in, or not long after, 1683. Hedians. The chief Objeft of this joined the Army while in Purfuit

Note is to give the Names of the of the Fugitives who efcaped from

three Sons of Uncas. By the Pedi- the great Swamp Fight. This

gree before referred to, four Sons are Writer calls him "Old Unkus,"

[8 ] Prefent State of New-England. 137

Zt a Council #elD tn Bofton,

AUGUST 30, 1675. 131

/J|f*f&3E (JTouncil iutrging it of absolute TSTeces:=

V\ site for tijc £ccuritt> of flje ISnglisl), anbtlje Inbians tljat arc in ftmitw toitlj us, tljat

tijeg be Kcstraincb tljcir usual (tfominrrrc untlj tlje

ISnglisl), anti punting in tlje fflffiJoobs, outing tlje

ftime of ?$ostilitn uritij tfjosc tljat arc our 3£ne=mics,©0 <©rbcr, tijat all tijosc inoians that arc

besirous to Epprobc tljcmsclbcs jfaitljful to the

lEnglisi), be (Jtonfincb to tijeir scbcral plantationsunber=bjrittcn, until tlje Otouncil sljall tafce further

©rbcr ; anb tljat tijep so orocr tlje setting of their

<&2rtigbjams, tljat tljcjj man stano (JTompact [8] in

some one part of tljcir plantations respeetibclg,

tofjerc it mag be best for tijeir oum probision anbSJcfence. Slnb tljat none of tbcm bo presume to

&rabel abobe oneliflile from the Center of suelj tijeir

Btoclling, unless in ©ompang toitlj some Eng-lifh, or in tijeir g?crbiec near tijeir Btoellings ; anbexcepting for gathering anb fctcijing in tljcir atomtoitlj one Engiifhman, on peril of being taken asour Enemies, or tljcir abettors : anb in <£asc tljat

and fays he and his Men rendered m This Order of the Council

good Service. See poji, Page 1

5

was probably circulated in Print on

of Original. As to the old Chief, a fmall Broadfide; but no Copy of

fee Col. Records of Ct., ii, 441. the Original is known to the Editor.

138 Prefent State of New-England [8]

ann of tbem sball br tafcrn witijout tbr ILimits

abobrsaib, crrrpt as abobrsaib, anb bo lose tbrir

ILibrs, or be otbrrnnsr bamniftrb, b» Englifh or In-

dians; Cijr tfounril bo ijrrrbn ZDrrlarr, tijat tijr?

sball arrount tbrmsrlbrs bjijolln Imnorrnt,anb tbrir

13loob or otber IBamagr (bn tijem sustainrb) will

br upon tbrir own grabs', Sllso it sball not belawful for ann Indians t1jat arr in Hmitij Witlj us,

to rntrrtain ann strangr Indians, or rrmbr ann of

our (Pnrmirs ^plunbrr, but sball from ©imf to

©imr makr Bisrobrrn tbrrrof to somr Englifh, tbat

sball br appointee for tbat <}?nb to sojourn amongtbrm, on $Jmalti> of bring rrputeb our (Pnemies,anb of bring liable to br prorrrbeb against assuri).

also, tobrrras it is tbr iftannrr of tijr l^ratljrn

tbat arr nob) in li^ostilitn witb us, rontrarn to tije

Prartirr of all (fibil Xations, to <*?.rrrutr tbrir

blooby £nsolrnrirs iro £traltb, anb Srulfcing in

small ^Jartirs, brrlaring all opm Drrision of

tbrir (Tontrobrrsir, ritijrr bn ©rratn or bn tije

£Worb.©br <£ounril bo tljrrrforr Orbrr, 2Ti)at aftrr tbr

13ubliration of tbr ^robision aforrsaib, it sball brlawful for ann 13rrson, wijrtbrr Englifh or Indian,

tbat sball bub ann Indians ©rabrlling or Srulkingin amj of our ©owns or Sfcloobs, rontrarn to fbeILimits abobr=namrb, to rommanb tbrm unbrr tljrir

CSuarb anb (Examination, or to Kill anb brstrontbrm as tbrn brst man or ran. STIjc (Counrflbrrrbn brrlaring, ©bat it Will br most arrrptablr to

tbrm tbat nonr br ISillrb or a&tounbrb tbat arrstilling to surrrnbrr tbrmsrlbrs into (JTustobn.

2Tijr glares of tbr Indians l\rsibmrrs arr, Natick,Punquapaog, Nafhoba, Wamefit, anb HafTanemefit

:

Rnti if tlfrrr br ann tljat brlong to ann otljrr

[9] Prefent State of New-England 139

plantations, tijcg are to Mcoatr to some one of

tijese." 2

Ii5|) t\)t Council.

Edward Rawfon. j2>ecr.

[oJWhichCompany ofPray'mgbidians 1 "marchedout of Town, (having faluted the Governour with

three Volleys) and were appointed to march in

the Front, which they did, and met with feveral

Skirmifhes, in which they Killed fome, and

about Forty five more Surrendered themfelves

;

which were fhipt off amongft thofe Captain

Sprague carried away.

Concerning the Narraganfets, Ninnicroft is

their Sagamore ; his Grand-father, and Father,

always kept Truce with the Englijh, but he nowgives furficient Caufe to think otherwife of

him."4

132 The above named Places may jufl been mentioned. It is not cor-

be now identified as follows : Pun- reft that he was now a Narraganfet,

quapaog or Punkapog was then in- although he and his Tribe were ori-

cluded in Dorchefter, and fince in ginally of that Nation. At the Pe-

Stoughton. Najboba, or Nafbezuay, riod of this War, Ninigret was an

in Lancafter, fince Littleton. Wa- old Man, as he is known to have

mejit, Chemsford, fince Tewkfbury, been a Perfon of mature Years as

and Lowell; Haffa?iamefit', fince early as 1637. He took no aftive

Grafton. Part in the War, and confequently

133 That is the Mohegans under was fufpefted of favoring the Enemy.

Oneko, before mentioned. Some Thofe Sufpicions were groundless,

Praying Indians were joined with and his Inaftivity arofe from his

them, and thus they were all denomi- Age;while his Men faved the Day

nated as fuch, which a&ually was for the Englifh on more than one

very far from the Fa£t. Occafion. See Book of the Indians,

1M The Standing of Ninigret has and Hubbard.

14-O Prefent State of New-England. [9]

The Squaw Sachem, 1^ having ran very far in

her Engagements with King Philip, and fearing

left (lie fhould be taken, fhe committed her Per-

fon to the Poifeffion of this Ninnicroft, judging

herfelf fafe by Virtue of his Protection ; wherefhe hath continued ever fmce "July laft. Where-upon a certain Number of Men were fent bythe Authority of ConneBicot Colony [John Wen-throp Governour) to the Narraganfets, to require

them to deliver the Queen, and withal to Ratifie

that long Peace they had maintained with the

Englijh: Whereupon the Narraganfets concluded

a Peace with them, and fent a Hundred Men to

ConneBicot for the Affiftance of the Englijh. TheEnglijh made this Agreement with them, Thatfor every Indians Head-Skin they brought, they

fhould have a Coat, (/. e. two Yards of TruckingCloth, worth five Shillings per Yard here) andfor every one they bring alive two Coats ; for

King Philips Head, Twenty Coats, and if taken

alive, Forty Coats : Thefe went out, and returned

in Fourteen Days Time, bringing with themabout Eighteen Heads in all.

: 3 6

135 Weetamoo. This is the only Old Queen, who, in the Farce of a

Intimation I have found that (he ever Treaty of July 1 5th, is called Quaia-

fojourned with Ninigret, yet it is pen. See Hubbard, 76, 144, 253.very probable. By fo doing (he 13j This important Expedition or

may have hoped to efcape the Ca- the Connecticut Men is not identi-

lamities of the War, knowing that fied with any recorded elfewhere.

Ninigret did not incline to be drawn There were a few Men fent into the

into it. However, it is poffible that Narraganfet Country by Connefti-

the Writer has confounded Weeta- cut, who were prefent at the Treaty

moo with a Narraganfet Squaw Sa- of July 15 th, mentioned in the laft

chem known to the Englifh as the Note. Nothing however is heard

[9] Prefent State of New-England. 14.1

Several other Sachems of the Countries, called

in Indian, Nipmoog, came 137 to an Englifi Towncalled Brookjield (but in Indian, Quawbawg, during

the Time our Garrifon was there) and told themthey were Praying Indians; (ie. Chriftians) andthat they would be quiet, and do no Harm to the

Englifi; but withal, told them, that for their ownSafety they could not deliver up their Arms : Butthe Inhabitants of Brookjield thought they wouldbe Faithful, in regard they were Praying Indians,

took their Words and difmift them.

The Authority of Bojion, with the Advice of

the Governour of Connecticut, as alfo of Plymouth

Colonies, then fitting in Council for feveral Daystogether at Bofton, For their better Satisfaction, 138

of any great Spoil made, or of any

Captives taken. The Force con-

futed of 60 Englifli and 60 Pequots.

The latter appear to have had for

Leaders, Robin and Momobo. Asthey marched into the Narraganfet

Country, they halted near Ninigret's

Fort, and had a Talk with him. Theold Chief appeared in a Coat given

him by King Charles. That, he

faid.had engaged his Heart to the Eng-

lifh. He would give no Hoftages,

but agreed to give up any of Philip's

People that might come to him.137 The Country of the Nipmoogs,

or Nipmucks, is of very uncertain

Extent. See Book of the Indians.

Its Bounds were probably never ex-

actly underftood by Anybody. It

was a general Name for an undefined

Traft of Inland Country betweenthe Merrimack and Connecticut Ri-

vers. When Commiffioners at-

tempted to eftablifh the Bounds be-

tween Maflachufetts and R. Ifland,

in 174!, they were bewildered as

to what was meant by "the Country

of the Nipmucks," and decided that

it could not be afcertained. MS.Indian Geography.

138 This was a Meeting ^of the

Commiffioners ofthe United Colonies,

which commenced on Oft. 2d,

1675. The Commiffioners were,

Thomas Danforth, William Stough-

ton, Jofiah Winflow, ThomasHinckley. Among other Afts at

this Meeting, they ordered, that the

" Plunder and Spoyle lawfully taken,

whether Goods or Perfons, fhall be

to theire owne proper Ufe and be-

hoofe; and that heerafter the In-

dians be allowed four Coates for

each Man, or Boy above fix Yeers

142 Prefent State of New-England. [10]

fent a Party of thirty Horfe under the Commandof Captain Hutchifo?i and Captain Wheeler ; whenthey were come to Quawbawg, they fent a Party

of Horfe to the Nipmoog Sachems to treat with

them. (For you muft underftand that Captain

Hutchifon had a very confiderable Farm therabouts,

and had Occafion to employ feveral of thofe Sa-

chems there, in Tilling and Plowing his Ground, and

thereby he was known by Face to many of them,)

the Sachems fent this Word they would fpeak

with none but Captain Hutchifon himfelf ; Where-upon Captain Hutchifon and Captain Wheeler,

fent them Word they would come to themthemfelves : Accordingly the Indians appointed

the Meeting at fuch a Tree, and at fuch a Time.

The Time being come Captain Hutchifon, Captain

Wheeler, and his Company, (with fome of the In-

habitants of Brookfield, who thought them to be

very Honeft, therefore took no Arms with them)

went to the Places, but the Nipmoog Indians were

not there. Whereupon the Guide that conducted

them through the Woods, 1^ brought them to a

Swamp not far off the appointed Place ; out of

which thefe [10] Indians ran all at once and

killed Sixteen Men, and Wounded Several others,

of which Wounds three Weeks after, Captain

Hutchifon died, when his Wife and Son were

old that they bring in of our Enemie; Indians, of whom an Account will

and for Women, and Girles above be found in Gen. Gookin's Hiftorv,

fix Yeers old, two Coates a peece." foon intended to be iffued in this

139 The Guides were Chriftian Series of Chronicles.

[io] Prefent State of'New-England. 143

within twelve Miles of him in their Journey to

fee him ; whofe Death is the more lamented, in

that his Mother and feveral others of his Relations,

died by the Hands of the Indians, now near forty

Years lince.' 40

The reft that efcaped, made what Hafte they

could to the Town of Brookfield, they made Choiceof the Strongeft Houfe there, refolved to make a

Garrifon of it ; in Order thereunto, as foon as they

could, got all the People (about eighty in Num-ber) into this Houfe. The Indians purfued themclofe, and in four Hours Time had Burnt twentyand odd Houfes in Brookfield, and abode there about

three or four Days, mooting Day and Night, with

moft dreadful Screechings and Yellings, whichSignified their Triumph. They in this Time en-

deavoured to fet the Garrifon on Fire divers Times,

but by the Providence of God were prevented

;

once by a Shower of Rain, another Time by their

Diligence within. One from within ftept out to

drink fome Water and was killed, and one more

1 ln The above Statement refpeft- Eliflia Hutchinfon: "Toajorneytoing the Mother of Capt. Hutchinfon Naraganfet, one Weeke, £2. Ex-

is correft. See Hijl. and Antiqui- penfes for himfelf and a Man,ties ofBofton. 227, 406 ; alfo I. Ma- £\,\of July, to a Jorney to Nara-

ther, Brief Hi}, 66. The Son ganfet, 2 Weekes, £4. To Ex-

who was on his Way with his Mo- penfes for himfelfe and Man,ther to vifit his Father, was no £2,10/ Auguft, To a Jorney to

doubt Elifha, afterward a well Quabauge wher he received his

known Merchant of Bofton, and Death's Wound, being three WeekesGrandfather of Thomas Hutchinfon before he dyed, £6. To his Ex-

the Hiftorian of Maflachufetts. In penfes and Charges ther and at

l678,thefollowingItems of Account Marlborow, £4,lof."— Original

were'given i againft the Country by Paper, MS.

144- Prefent State of New-England. [10]

killed within. 141 The Brutes had contrived an

Engine with many Wheels' 42 to fire the Garrifon

ten or twelve Rod off, and had loaded it with Com-buftibles therefore, (and News was brought to

Bojion that they were all Burnt, but it was not fo)

and had affuredly done it, had not Major Wtl-

lard 1^ come to their Relief with a flying Armyof Sixty Horfe, at nine or ten a Clock at Night

;

They forced their Way through the Body of the

Indians, and fired Apace on them and in twoHours Time wholly Routed the Indians thence,

killing feveral. Their Deliverance was wroughtby a mighty Hand for them, when they had nooutward Reafon to expecl: any.

141 "A Son of Serjeant Prichard

adventuring out of the Houfe wherein

we were, to his Father's Houfe not

far from it," was taken and his

Head out off and kicked about "like

a Foot Ball in our Sight." Wheel-

er's Narrative, in zd Vol., Col. N.

Hift. Soe, 1 2. The Man who went

out to get Water, mentioned in the

Text, Mr. Wheeler, (ib. 13.) fays,

was " one Thomas Wilfon of that

Town, being fent to fetch Water

for our Help, was fhot by the Ene-

my in the upper Jaw and in the

Neck, the Anguifh of which Woundwas fuch at the firft that he cried

out with a great Noife, by Reafon

whereof the Indians hearing him

rejoiced and triumphed at it; but

his Wound was healed in a fhort

Time, praifed be God." Another

was wounded at the Garret Windowin the Garrifon.

112 This Engine of many Wheels

was compofed of feveral Pairs of

common Cart Wheels, which they

had taken from the deferted Farm-

yards of the Englifli, and this De-vice for burning Garrifons was feve-

ral Times reforted to in the Courfe

of the War. Indeed fuch Engines

were as formidable as they were

terrible.

UJ Major Simon Willard. Hedid not furvive the War. He died

at Charlellown, April 24th, 1676,

aged 71. He was Son of Richard

Willard of Horfmonden, Kent, Eng-

land, and born there, as it feems by

the Record of his Baptifm there of

April 7, 1605. In 1634 he came

to New England, where, by his

Talents, Integrity and Energy he

became one of the Pillars of the

Country. As he was the Father of

feventeen Children, his Pofterity

may be fuppofed to occupy|no in-

confiderable a Place at the prefent

[10] Prefent State ofNew-England. 145

During the Time thefe People kept themfelves

in that Houfe, two Women were fafely delivered

of two Sons apiece, who in a Months Timebrought them all themfelves on Foot to BoJto?i,

where they were plentifully relieved out of the

Church Stock there. 144

There are alio another Sort of Indians (beft

known to the Commonalty of Bojion) by the

name of Mr. Elliots 1^ Indians, or Captain Gug-gins 1 *6 Indians. This Mr. Elliot, you mud un-derftand, is the Man that hath by his own great

Labour and Study, invented the Way of Printing

the Indian Language, and hath alfo perfectly

tranflated the whole Bible, with the Singing

Pfalms in Meeter ; the Aifemblies Catechifm

;

the Practice of Piety, into the Indian Language

;

as alfo Written Several Books, very profitable for

underftanding the Grounds of Chriftian Reli-

gion ; For which Pains and Labour, he deferves

Time. The Rev. Samuel Willard, Roxbury, on the Morning of the

Minifter of the Old South Church 21ft of May, 1690. Orig. Letter

in Bolton, and Prefident of Harvard ot Judge Sewall, in Baylies's NewCollege was his Son. See Willard Plymouth, ii, Part iv, P. 89.

Memoir, by the late Jofeph Wil- 1IG Whether the Author, through

lard, Efq. Ignorance, wrote the Name of this

144 A very interefling Item in the diftinguifhed Officer as above is not

Hiftory of the War, and would be known. It is hardly poffible but

doubly fo had the Writer told the that he mould have known the real

Names of the Parties. As to the Orthography. The " Captain "

Truth of the Statement there can always wrote his Name Gookin. Henot be much Doubt. was fucceffively, Captain, Major,

1 43 The renowned " Apoftle to and Major General. A Fac-fimile

the Indians," who always fpelt his of his Autograph may be feen in

Name £//«/. Seel. Mather, Brief the Hiftory and Antiquities of'Bofton,

Hi/lory, xxxvi. Mr. Eliot died in 281. See alfo the Brief Hi/L, 229.

T

146 Prefent State ofNew-England, [n]

Honour from all fuch who are well-wiihers to-

Things of the like Nature, whofe Name will

never Die in New-England. 147

A Specimen of his Translation of the Bible into

the Indian Language, is as followeth.

[11] Ifaiah, Chap. 23, Ver. 1, 2, 3.

O O Weanun Tyre. O Onook

kenaau Tarjbijbe kuht oonogquog,

newutcbe mahchimoo, newaj matta

wetuwomunoog, wanne petutteaun :

wutch Cbittimme obheit nag wehte-

duwahuoneau.

2 Chequntippek wadobkeogijb

mun'obhan'ebtu, ken, Zidone ana-

quijbaenuog neg quojbkod teacbeg

keitob, kenumwame cbumubkonuk-

quog.

3 Kab najhpe mij);e nippeajb,

wujkannem Sihor, fepue kepenumoonk

ne wutteajbegenoom, kab nob tvuteb-

timoinne abhut kod tauwompafimuk.

The burden of Tyre. Howl ye

Ships of Tarjh'ijh ; for it laid wafte,

Jo that there is no entering into it

:

from the Land oj Cbittim is it re-

vealed to tbem.

2 Be /till, ye Inhabitants of the

I/Ie ; thou whom the Merchants ofZidon that paj's over the Sea, have

replenished.

3 And by great Waters the Seed

of Sihor, the Harveft of the River,

is her Revenue, and she is a Mart

of Nations.

This Captain Guggins is a Captain and Juftice

of Peace at Gambridg : He receives Thirty Poundper annum from the Englijh, to lit as Judg amongthe Indians, to Judg any Difference (not Capital)

among themfelves, or between them and the

Englijh.

Of thefe Ifidians, thus diftinguilhed, it may not

be amifs to give a brief Account, in its proper

Place.

147 For an Account of the In- ghan's American Bibles, 6-12. Me-

dian Bible, fee Thomas's Hijlory of cords of Commijjionerr of the U.

Printing, i, 213, 255. O'Calla- Colls., ii, 410., &c.

[n] Prefent State ofNew-England. 147

Now it falls in Courfe, to think on what is

done in the Field on both Sides.

On Thurfday, the $th of Angufi, being Lecture

Day at Bojlon, was ordered by the Old Church 148

(of which the Governour is a Member) to be

obferved as a Fail: by that Church, which accord-

ingly was done : And at the Contribution wasthen collected Sixty Nine Pound, which was for

the diilreifed Families Relief. And on that very

Day was Captain Huichinfon 's Company fo de-

feated :149 Which Thing was taken efpecial No-

tice of, by all thofe who deiire to fee the Hand of

God in fuch fad Providences, which did occaiion

another Fail: to be kept by Mr. Mathers Church,at the North Meetinghoufe the Wednefday fol-

lowing.^

On Wednejday, the 12th of Auguji, was ap-

pointed a Fail for Mr. Mathers Church, whichwas duly obferved ; that Day being a Court Day for

the Council, no Magiilrate was there, yet not-

withstanding there were gathered at the Contri-

bution iixty eight Pound.

l« By the " Old Church," is prife of the Englifh is hardly to be

doubilefs meant the Firjl or oldeft inferred from' his Statement. It

Church in the Town. Mr. James was on Auguft 2d, at WickabaugAllen was the Minifter, and John Pond, a Place ever fince madeLeverett was the Governor of the memorable by that terrible Difafter.

Colony. It flood in what is now It is in the Town of Brookfield.

Wafhington Street, nearly oppofite For other interefting Items, fee

the Head of State Street, on the Whitney's Uift. Worcejier Co. andNorth Side. Joy's Building now Barber's Iiift. Colls.

occupies the Site. l50 Dr. Increafe Mather, with his14 '» Although the Writer has given Son Cotton as Colleague, were the

the right Day of the Week to his Minifters of the Second or NorthDates, the correft Date to the Sur- Church, from 1669 to 1723.

14-8 Prefent State ofNew-England. [12]

Mr. Mather in his Sermon, took Occafion too

in fpeaking of the Benefit of Communion with

God, to tell us that there are in this Colonyfeventy nine gathered Churches, and that to this

Day the Indians had not done any Dammage to

any Thing that belonged to any of the Places

where thefe Churches were. 15 '

Auguji coming on, we have now from all Parts

railed more Men, fo that there are now in the

Field in feveral Places, fix hundred Horfe andFoot :

! 5 2 Moft of the Army were not far from the

Swamp wherein King Philip with all his People

were, they refolved to compafs it, which they did

once : And in their fecond Encounter, forced

King Philip with all his Retinue out of [12] the

Swamp, and purfued them ; in their Purfuit they

killed his Lieutenant General, 1" with about twenty(that they faw) of his Men, and the Englijh hadnot the Lofs of one Man, but two wounded.We having all this while a Party of Unkus's

Indians in the Field on our Side. 154

151 The precife Date of this re- one of thofe who murdered the

prefentation by Dr. Mather is not Clarke Family at Eel River. See

given, but the firft that was burnt Brief HijL, 65, 229. He figned

in this War is faid to be that at the Treaty of Taunton in 1 67 1.

Springfield, on October 5th (1675.) See ante, Page 84.

See Brief Hi/L, 96-7. 154 This Story of the Swamp132 This raifmg of Forces was Affair, is not very favorable to the

in accordance with the Order of Writer's Intelligence, or his Meansthe Commiffioners. See Note 43, for obtaining Information. It was

ante. a complete Failure of the Englifh153 Suppofed to mean a noted Army to capture Philip when he

Chief whofe name was Woonasbum, was within their Grafp. The very

but to whom the Englifh had given crude Detail in the Text was pro-

the Name of Nimrod. He was bably the firft vague Rumor from

[ 1 2 ] Prefent State ofNew-England. 149

About the 1 $th of Augujl, Captain Mofely with

fixty Men, met with a Company, judged about

three hundred Indians, in a plain Place wherefew Trees were, and on both Sides Preparations

were making for a Battle ; all being ready onboth Sides to fight, Captain Mofely plucked off

his Periwig, and put it into his Breeches, becaufe

it mould not hinder him in fighting. As foon

as the Indians faw that, they fell a Howling and

Yelling moft hideoully, and faid, Umh, Umh meno Straw merre fight Engifnon, Etigijmon got two

Hed, Engifmon got two Hed ; if me cut off un Hed,

he got noder, a put on beder as dis ;'5s with fuch

like Words in broken Englijh, and away they all

fled and could not be overtaken, nor feen any

more afterwards. About a Week after this, Capt.

Mofely took two Indians, the Father and his Son,

and willing to examine them both apart, pro-

ceeded thus : Took the old Man and bound himto a Tree, after he was fo bound, he fent awaythe Son by a File of Men out of Sight ; the old

Man there confeffed he was a Praying Indian,

and that he was only hunting for Deer therea-

bouts, but faid that his Son was one of thofe Menthat wounded Capt. Hutchinfon : So then, after

they had pumped him as much as they could,

they fired a Gun with no Bullet in it over his

the Scene of A&ion. The Efcape l55 This Affair is not mentioned

of Philip was on Auguft ift, which by any other Writer of the Time,was Sunday. The Fafts are col- to the Editor's Knowledge. Howlefted in the Book of the Indians and much Romance there is in it, it is

other Accounts of the War. difficult to fay.

150 Prefent State of'New-England. [12]

Head, untied him, and fent him another Waywith a File out Sight ; then brought they his

Son, bound in like Manner, they telling himthat they had fhot his Father, and would fhoot

him alfo, if he would not confefs what he was,

and what he knew : He fairly told them, that he

was a Praying Indian, but his Father made himgo with him to the Nipmoog Indians, and that

there they Ihot three or four Times a Piece;

whereupon they then brought the old Man and

tied him to his Son, and Examined them toge-

ther, at Length they confefr. they were both

among the Nipmoogs, and that the Son did woundCaptain Hutchifon ; after their Examination, they

were both (hot to Death. J 5 6

In this fame Week, King Philips Men had

taken a Young Lad alive about fourteen Years

old, and bound him to a Tree two Nights and

two Days, intending to be Merry with him the

next Day, and that they would Roaft him alive

to make Sport with him ; but God over Night,

touched the Heart of one Indian fo that he came

and loofed him, and bid him run Grande, [i. e.

run Apace) and by that Means he efcaped. 157

15,3 This we conclude to be the Hutchinfon and Wheeler at Wick-

Affair againft which Mr. Gookin abaug Pond. See Book of the In-

inveighs in feeling Terms. He dians, 265.

fays the two Indians (Andrew and 157 No Clue has yet been dif-

his Son-in-law) had been on a hunt- covered by which the Names of

ing Voyage towards the Lakes, and the Parties can be known. It is

on returning Home fell among not unlikely that this is the fame

the Enemy at Quabaog, and he was Circumftance as that mentioned by

unwilling to believe they had any the Rev. John RuiTell of Hadley,

Thing to do in the Ambufh of in a Letter to Dr. I. Mather, and

[13] Prefent State of New-England. 151

Towards the latter End of Augujl, Captain

Mofely took eight Indians alive, and fent themPrifoners to Bojion, who were put in Prifon there;

thefe were of the Number of Mr. Elliot's Indians ;

(as alfo many of thole Indians that were Ihipt off

by Captain Sprague, for the Straits and Cales)

thefe Men were at feveral Times tried for their

Lives, and condemned to Die : Mean Time Mr.Elliot and Captain Guggins, pleaded fo very hard

for the Indians, that the whole Council knewnot what to do about them. They hearkened to

Mr. Elliot for his Gravity, Age, and Wifdom,and alfo for that he hath been the chief Inftru-

ment that the Lord hath made ufe of, in Propa-

gating the Gofpel among the Heathen ; And wastheir Teacher, till the Time that fome Indians

were brought up in the Univerfity to fupply his

Place. But for Captain Guggins, why fuch a

wife Council as [13] they, Ihould be fo over-

borne by him cannot be judged otherwife than

becaufe of his daily troubling them with his

Impertinences and multitudinous Speeches, in fo

much that it was told him on the Bench, by a

very worthy Perfon 1 ^ 8 (Capt. Oliver) there pre-

printed in his Brief Hiftory. He Conduit feems quite inconfiftent;

fays the Captive was releafed by a for, according to this Writer, he

Natick Indian.

—

Page 80. encouraged the Mob, and then13s Capt. Oliver feems to have caned them for following his Ex-

been a Sympathizer with the Rab- ample. He was a Captain in this

ble, among whom an Indian then War, and led a Company into the

flood no better Chance for Juftice Narraganfet Country in the Winterthan many of the colored Popula- following, and was prefent at the

tion at the prefent Day in many Storming and Capture of the cele-

Parts of the South. Capt. Oliver's brated Fort, Dec. 19th. He was

152 Prefent State of New-England. [ 1 3 J

fent, that he ought rather to be confined amonghis Indians, than to fit on the Bench ; his taking

the Indians Part fo much hath made him a By-word both among Men and Boys. But £0 it was,

that by one and two at a Time moft of thefe eight

Indians (and four more fent afterwards on the

fame Account) were let loofe by Night, which fo

Exafperated the Commonalty, that about the loth

of September, at nine O'clock at Night, there

gathered together about forty Men (fome of Note)

and came to the Houfe of Captain James Oliver;

two or three of them went into the Entry to de-

fire to fpeak with him, which was to defire himto be their Leader, and they ihould joyn together

and go break open the Prifon, and take one In-

dian out thence and Hang him : Captain Oliver

hearing their Requeft, took his Cane and cud-

gelled them ftoutly, and fo for that Time difmill

the Company ; which had he but in the leaft

countenanced, it might have been accompaniedwith ill Events in the End. Immediately Cap-tain Oliver went and acquainted Mr. Ting1 *? his

a Son of Mr. Thomas Oliver of where elfe to be found. Its Sub-

Bofton, who emigrated from Briftol, ftance is given in the Book of the

England, in 1632, and fettled in Indians.

Bolton. The Captain was born ,39 Edward Tyng. He was Fa-

about 1620, and died without IfTue ther of the very di fti ngui (lied Com-in 1681.

—

Hift. and Antiqs. Bojton, modore Tyng, who died in Prifon,

293. So far as can be judged, in France, having been taken Pri-

there was no Apology for his infult- finer by a French Cruifer, while on

ing Language to the excellent Goo- a Voyage to Nova Scotia ; having

kin. He wrote a long Letter while been appointed Governor of Anna-upon the Narraganfet Expedition, polis. Some of the Family figured

which contains many Items no in the Witchcraft Delufion of 1693.

[13] Prefent State ofNew-England. 153

Neighbor, (a Juftice of Peace) and they both went

next Morning and acquainted the Governour,

who thank'd Captain Oliver for what he had done

laft Night, but this refted not here ; For the

Commonalty were fo enraged againft Mr. Elliot,

and Captain Guggins efpecially, that Captain

Guggins faid on the Bench, that he was afraid to

go along the Streets; the Anfwer was made, you

may thank yourfelf ; however an Order was iflued

out for the Execution of that one (notorious above

the reft) Indian, and accordingly he was led by a

Rope about his Neck to the Gallows ; when he

came there, the Executioners (for there weremany) flung one End over the Poft, and fo hoifted

him up like a Dog, three or four Times, he being

yet half alive and half dead ; then came an In-

dian, a Friend of his, and with his Knife made a

Hole in his Breaft to his Heart, and fucked out

his Heart-Blood : Being afked his Reafon there-

fore, his Anfwer, Umh, Umh mi, Me ftronger as I

was before, me be be fo (Irong as me and he too,

he be ver ftrong Man fore he die. l6°

Thus with the Dog-like Death (good enough)

of one poor Heathen, was the Peoples Rage laid

10 " Executions of Indians was be- 1675, he fays, " yefterday, one

coming frequent about this Time, Little John was hanged here," but

and their Names are not often men- he says Nothing about any extraor-

tioned. The one on whom so dinary Condudl on the Occafion.

much Barbarity was permitted, may This Little John was accufed as the

be the same mentioned by Mr. John Murderer ofone Stoughton at Taun-Cotton of Plymouth, 4n a Letter ton. See Baylies's New Plymouth,

dated at Bofton, September 23d, ii, Pt. 5, P. 50.

V

154- Prefent State ofNew-England. [14J

in fome Meafure, but in a fhort Time it began to

work (not without Caufe enough). About the

beginning of September, Captain Hinkfman wasfent out Commander of one hundred Men, andwere to meet together at Roxbury Meeting-Houfe-Yard, when they were there, ready to March,they all unanimoufly refolved not to go with him,but if Captain Oliver would go, they would gogladly ; whereupon the Council fent for himHome, and fent Captain Lake in his Room. 161

On Wednesday Augnjl 25, was obferved a Fail

at Charles-Town whereto feveral of Bqfion went,

there was gathered that Day Seventy eight

Pound. 162

King Philip now beginning to want Money(having a Coat made all of fVampampeag, (i. e.

Indian Money) cuts his Coat to Pieces, and diftri-

butes it Plentifully among the Nipmoog Sachemsand others, as well as to the Eajlward as South-

ward, and all round about. This gives Occaiion

to fufpecl [14] that the Narraganfets may alfo be

Bribed, who are out on our Side, in that they

uil The Hoftility to Capt. Hench- gone on any Expedition, but went

man was becaufe he would not al- not long after to the Kennebeck,

low an indifcriminate Butchery of where, upon Arowfick Mand he had

whatever Indians fell into the Hands large Poffeffions, and was there fur-

of Men under his Command, prifed and flain by the Indians.

Capt. Oliver was not fent probably, See Hijl. arid Antiquities of Bofton,

as he was thought to be too much 410, 422. Alfo, Hubbard, Nar-in Favor of what the common Sol- rative, ii, 161-2.

diers defired. Capt. Thomas Lake, l'

1

- The Collection was probably

although he took Command on the taken for the Benefit of the Sufferers

Occafion, does not feem to have by the War.

[14] Prefent State ofNew-England. 155

follow not Orders to purfue King Philip effedtu-

ally.

Captain Lathrop, and Captain Beers, being at

Hadly, and there hearing of an Indian Caftle not

far thence, they marched with an Hundred and

eighty Souldiers thither, who required the Indians

to furrender their Arms ; the Indians told Captain

Beers, that they would the next Morning. ,6 s Butthe Captains with their Men foon made them-felves Matters thereof, forcing them into a Swamp,having killed nine or ten, they retreated. 164

By this Time the Town of Deerfield begins to be

in Danger; Whereupon Captain Beers with eighty

Men went to bring away the People, the Inha-

bitants thereof. The Indians having Burnt twentyfive Houfes ; in their Way, they were met with

by a Parcel of Indians of about a Hundred andSixty, which the Engli/h got the better of, killing

near Forty Indians, having loft but four or five

Englijhtnen :l6s But immediately there did appear

" ,:! See Hubbard, Narrative, i, Father petitioned the General Court

108-9. for fome Relief; faying his Son loft

104 "The Englifh were (o pro- the Ufe of his Arm, having been

voiced, that were under Capt. La- (hot in the Elbow Joint, fo breaking

throp and Capt. Beers, that they it to Pieces that the Bones camepurfued after them very early the out ;

" remained under the Chirur-

next Morning, and overtook them geon's Hands about half a Year,"

about ten Miles above Hatfield." and was ftill unable to do anything

Hubbard, i, 109. to fupport himfelf. For his Lofs of161 This was the famous Sugar Time and Chirurgeon's Bill the

Loaf Hill Fight. It was on Auguft Government allowed him £5,10/ ;

26th, 1675. One Join? Parke of for his " Victuals during his Wound,"Cambridge, Son of Thomas Parke £3,10/ Twenty-five Years after

was in the Fight at Sugar-Loaf-Hill, this " John Parke of New Town"On the 15th of March, 1677, his petitioned himfelf for Aid, faying

1 56 Prefent State ofNew-England. [14.]

the greateft Body that hath at one Time been feen

by the EnglifJj, and fell upon Captain Beers, im-

mediately killing him and fixty five of his Men,and fifteen efcaped ; thefe fifteen ran to Captain

Mofely, who then was about nine or ten Miles off,

he came with his fixty Men and gave the whole

Body of the Indians Battel (judged about one

thoufand two hundred), for three Hours; where-

upon after having killed feveral of the Indians, he

was forced to Retreat, and continued Fighting

for all the Time that he and his Men were Re-

treating nine Miles ; Captain Mofely loft out of

his Company nine, and thirteen wounded.' 66

The next Day they came up again, the Indians

were gone, they had ftript the dead Men of all

their Clothes and Arms, and Horfes ; amongft

which dead, was one who had Life in him, and

was found by a Friend Indian, he took him up

and faid, JJmh, umb poo Ingifmon, mee fave yow

Life, mee take yow to Captain Mofee ; he carries

him fifteen Miles the Day after to Captain Mofely,

and now this Man is well again and in good

Health. 167

the " Joynt of his Elboe" was loft but makes no Mention of his being

by that Wound, and that he had no in the War.

other Calling but Husbandry. The ',; The Writer has jumbled to-

Court ordered that 50/! per Annum gether here, in this Paragraph, near

be paid him. Orig. Petitions. half a Dozen important Events oc-

Mr. Hubbard afcertained that curring in as many Days. A tolera-

nineteen Men were killed with bly clear Statement of the Occur-

Capt. Beers. Narrative, ii, 44. rences will be found in Dr. I. Ma-Jackfon, in his Hift. of Newton, ther's Brief Hiftory, 73-81, and in

383, gives the Date of the Birth ofa Hubbard's Narrative, 108, &c.

John Park, (no Doubt this one,) ,67 The Name of this Man, fo

[14.] Prejhit State of New-England. 157

Immediately Orders were taken at Bojion for

the fending out new Relief, as many as to makeup Captain Mofelys Company an Hundred com-pleat, were forthwith fent away : They are fitting

out an Hundred more from Connecticut, under

the Command of Major Treat, and Captain Whit-lngib% j^g Minifter of Hartford.

September 10, Eight Indians came to Bojion fromNinnicroft, in an Embaffy, having a Certificate

from Captain Smith 1 *") an Englijhman, that hath a

large Eftate thereabouts ; They difpatched their

Bufinefs, and had another Pafs, tied at the End of

a Stick, that Englishmen may fee it afar off.

They were going out of Town a back Way, twoMen met them and feized on him that had the

Pafs ; thefe two Men were Brothers, and this In-

dian had been among King Philip's I?idians, andthefe two Men Swore in Court that that was the

Man that killed their Brother, they knew him

;

whereupon two Days after his Trial and Confef-

fion, he was Hanged like the other. 170

wonderfully preferved, was Robert long refided in the Narraganfet

Dutch, well known to Mr. Hub- Country, attended the Treaty ofbard, who was his Townfman. But July 15th, and was very ferviceable

that Author fays Nothing about the to both Parties on many Occafions.

Agency of an Indian in Dutch's Pre- See liecs. Conunis. United Colonies,

fervation. The Writer of our Text ii, 419, and Mr. Smith's Petition,

gives a moft unlikely Account, in z'^., 412. Alio pojl, Note 183.

fome Refpefts. Compare him with ' '"It is remarkable, that Dr. In-

Hubbard i, I 16-17. creafe Mather, writing at the Time103 Major Robert Treat, and in Bofton, takes no Notice of this

Captain John Whiting. Captain and many fimilar Tranfaclions. HeWhiting was probably afting in the probably confidered, they did not

Capacity of Chaplain as well as come within the Limits of an hifto-

Captain of a Company. rical Work. Hubbard is likewife109 Richard Smith. He had nearly as delinquent in this refpeft.

158 Prefent State ofNew-England. [15]

September 23. About ten at Night we had an

Allarm given us, and before eleven we had one

Thoufand two Hundred Men in Arms, and dif-

mift by twelve that Night : The Occafion was,

one of the Watch was Drunk about thirty Miles

off at Mendham, and he fired a Gun, fo it came to

Bojlon; the next Morning he paid ten Shillings,

and fate Hours in the [15] Stocks for his being

Drunk, and afterwards had twenty Lafhes for

giving a falfe Allarm. 171

On the 28^/6 Day of Auguji, happened here at

eleven a Clock at Night, a moft violent Storm of

Wind and Rain, the Like was never known be-

fore ; it blew up many Ships together that they

Bulged one another, fome up towards Cambridge,

fome to Muddy-River, doing much Hurt to very

many ; alfo it broke down many Wharffs, and

blew down fome Houfes thereupon. The Indians

afterwards reported that they had caufed it by

their Pawwaw, ( i. e. worshipping the Devil ).

They farther fay, that as many Englijhmen mail

die, as the Trees have by this Wind been blown

down in the Woods : But thefe Heathenifh Sto-

ries are confonant to their Barbarous Crueltie, and

ought to be valued accordingly, by all who ownany Thing fuperiour to it or them. 172

17 ' Omitted by the Bofton Hifto- lifh Neighbors were equally fo.

rian mentioned in the laft Note, for The Indians could never have been

the fame Reafon, no Doubt, as the under greater Delufions than thofe

Faft in the laft Paragraph. Neighbors were almoft twenty Years172 It is not ftrange that the In- later. If the Reader need Argu-

dians were thus fuperftitious, at a ment he may find it to his melan-

Time when the moft of their Eng- choly Satisfaction in the Wonders

[15] Prefent State of New-England. 159

Several Men, fome whereof are Quakers, will

not go out on Command, and for their Difobedi-

ence thereunto, are forced to run the Gantelop. 17 ^

About the i$th of September, the Authority of

Bofton fent a Party to Ninnicroft, to require him to

come to Bojlon, to treat concerning the delivery

of the Squaw Sachem: 1™ He fent word he wouldcome, provided he might be fafely returned back

;

Captain Smith living near him, offered himfelf,

Wife and Children, and Eftate, as Hofages there-

for.

Ninnicroft feeing this, refolved to fend his eld-

eft Son 175 thither (he himfelf being very aged.)

of the Invifible World, &c, lately

elegantly produced by Mr. W. E.

Woodward.173 Running the Gauntlet is a

Sort of Punifhment inflidted on

Prifoners, and was peculiar to the

Indians. It is defcribed with fome

Variation by many of thofe Cap-tives who have returned and given

Narratives of their Sufferings. Whena War Party returned to their Townor Camp, bringing Prifoners, the

Squaws and young Indians, Boys

and Girls, formed themfelves into

two Rows, a few Feet apart, facing

each other. Each Perfon in the

two Rows is commonly provided

with a Scourge, generally a Witheor Switch from three to five Feet

in Length, according to the Size or

Strength of the Party wielding it.

The Prifoner is then made to run

between the Ranks thus armed,

generally naked, and every Indian

vies with his Neighbor in inflifting

Blows upon his Body. Sometimes

the Viftim dies under the Infliftion;

as heavy Sticks or Clubs, Stones

and other Miifiles are often ufed.

Thus the poor Prifoner is, on fuch

Occafions, ftruck to the Ground,

and the beating continued until

Death relieves him, or he can

regain his Feet and continue his

Flight. See Col. James Smith's

Narrative, P. 7.

174 This was Weetamoo, who it

was reported had fled to Ninigret,

and was harbored by him. See

Note 161, ante, and poft, P. 212.175 There is confiderable Uncer-

tainty as to what was the Name of

this "Eldeft Son" of the Niantic

Sachem. See Book of the Indians,

146. If this Writer's Information

is reliable, as given in his next

Traft, the Name of Ninigret's

oldeit Son was Canonjhot. See

poft, Note 199; whereas it was

Quinnapin.

1 60 Prefent State ofNew-England. [15]

So away they came, bringing Captain Smith with

them ; when they came to Roxbury, they fent

Word to Bojion they were come, and defired to

know if they might have Admittance into Bojion

:

Word was fent them, that they fhould be very

welcome. In Order thereto, Captain James Oli-

ver, and Captain Clarke, 176 were ordered with fix

Files of Mufquets to meet on the Neck, to con-

duct them into Town. The Indians meeting thefe

Captains, thought that they were all to die im-

mediately ; fome were for running away, and

fome not, but Captain Smith being with them,

endeavoured to pacifie them as well as he could.

When they met, they opened to the Right and

Left, and gave them three Volleys, and fo Guardedthem to the Governours Houfe. The next Morn-ing this Sagamore with all his Retinue, went to

Captain Oliver's Houfe, 177 to give him hearty

Thanks for Yefterday's Kindnefs, in his conduct-

ing them fafe to Town.The Council fat every Day during their Abode

in Bojion, until they came to an Agreement. TheNarraganfets l ~< % by Degrees, came to this Agree-

'"« Thomas Clarke. See Hiftory Odober (1675), Capt. O. and Lt.

and Antiquities of Bojion, 422, and Thos. Brattle were ordered by the

341, where is a Fac-fimile of his General Court to prevent the ex-

Autograph. On the I 3th of O£to- porting of Provifions, "confidering

ber (1675), the General Court the great Danger of a Famine.''

—

ordered, " that Maj. Clarke forth- General Court Records.

with ftrengthen Mendon Garrifon, l7 ~ The Writer makes no Dii'inc-

by adding ten more vnto them, and tion between the Nianticks, Nini-

that forthwith." gret's Tribe, and the Narraganfets.177 Perhaps at Fort Hill. Oliver Their Pofition and Relation are

Street there was named for the elfewhere defined in thefe Notes.

Family of Oliver. On the 13th of See, alfo, Hubbard, \, 93, ii, 46.

[i 6] Prefent State ofNew-England. 1 6

1

ment, That they were to deliver the Squaw Sachem

within fo many Days at Bq/ion ; and the Leagueof Peace was then by them Confirmed, whichwas much to the general Satisfaction ; but yet

many had hard Thoughts of them, fearing they

will at laft prove Treacherous : They were dif-

mift out of the Town in Safety, according to

their Delire.

The Governour and Council feeing, and feri-

oufly considering the Mifery that many had already

undergone, and that the Country was like to be

in, Iffued out this following Order for a folemn

Faft all over the Colony ; which was performed

with a very great Show of outward Penitence,

and (no Queftion) with much inward Affection

by very many : The Governour himfelf beginning

the Duty of the Day, with a moft heavenly

Prayer.

[16] 2tt a Council $el& in Boston,

Sept. 17, 1675.

cyi& please* tfje ?^©3L¥ CK©B (ail tofjose

"3 1 aUorfcs are ftrutfj anO ijte MEags Judgment)^r for out jE>ins toijcrrtg ije ijati) omt oroOofceir,

in special og tije unticrbaluation of our pleasant

&i)inp; swat untijanfcfulncs* for, ano manifolU

abuses of our toontrerful |Jeacc, antr tijc 13lessings

of it in tijis gooti ILanir, toijici) tlje JLorti ijati) giben

W

1 62 Prefent State of New-England. [ 1 6]

tig ; ill 4?ntcrtainmrnt of tlje fHinistrn of ti)e pre=

nous Gospel of }3caec :17 ? Heating our first=3Lotic,

Scaling falsely in tlje (Covenant of rlje ILovo our(Sot : 2T1k apostacn of many from tlje JEruti) unto

heresies, ant pernicious <J?rrours; l8° (Great

jformalitw, inortinatr affection, anti sinful (Eon=formitn to tijis present coil bain SfHorlt: ant(tcsitc man? torrit ant scantalous jr>ins trcak=ing forti) among us, for mljirt toe ijabe (Cause to

te grratlij tumtlct tcforc tlje ?Lort) our great 89nsscnsitlcncss of tlje displeasure of tlje JLort in

suffering tijrse atominations to te perpetrate^, 181

together toitl) our (Carnal Security, ant ffitnquirt=

ness untier tlje Jutgmcnts of (Got upon us ; ouratiting berg mueij unreformetr, nottoitljstanting all

ffiSiarmng&\ ant (Chastisements, toljcrcti) tlje ILortijati) teen, ant is still tctating uritij us ; toe tabinggreatly ineenseo 1jim to stir up many atbersaricsagainst us, not only atroat, tut also at our ownBoors, (rausing tlje l&eatijen in tljis ft&Jiltcrnrss

to te as JJljorns in our jritrs, toljo Ijaiie formerhjteen, anti migljt still te, a fflSJall unto us therein

;

anti otters also to teeome a jreourge unto us) tije

iLortr ijimself also more immctiatcly afflicting usty diseases, mtereof so mamj (Cljiltrcn in someof our Sotons Ijabe tict tljis Rummer, 182 f&is not

179 There had been fo much ported and publifhed about the bad

Negleft in Plymouth Colony in Morals of the People here, at the

providing for the Support of Mini- Period under Confideration, had

iters as to call forth Cenfure from too much Foundation, in Faft.

Maflachufetts. See Baylies's New >*- 1 do not find that the Hifto-

Plfmoutb, i, Pt. 2, P. 26-27. "ans or~ tne Times take Notice ofi90A Thruit at the Epifcopalians, this great Mortality among Child-

Baptifts and Quakers. • ren, while they have much to fay

i?i This is a Sort of Acknow- about Accidents by Thunder and

ledgment that may lead fome Read- Lightning, &c. See an Allufion in

ers to believe that the Stories re- Col. Records, Conn., ii, 431.

[17] Prefent State ofNew-England. 163

going fortij toitij our Slrmirs [17] as in formercrimes, but gibing up mann of our ISrrtijrrn to tbc

Ufloutij of tije ocbouring j^toorti, nra, sijetoing |)im=

self Engrn toiti) tije prayers of bis people, tETijrcat;:

ning us also mifij Scarcity of |Jrobision ano otber

Calamities, especially if tljis present ffl&tar toitlj

tije barbarous i^catben sijouin continue : £lntr tijat

tije Eortr of l^osts ijimsclf mitborato not tije OTont=

mission ije ijatij giben to tije jrtootfr, anti otijer

Judgments to prcbail against us.

&ije (Sobernour antr Council of tijis Jurisdictiontijerefore (being unoer tije ILease of these #bils,airt also of tlje tiistrcsscb jstatc of tije rest of tlje

Colonies Confederate mill) our selbcs, antr of tije

Ci)urci)cs of Cijrist in otijer ^arts of tlje Christianfifilorltr, in tijis Bay of ©rouble, liebuftcs, antr

iilaspljcmy; ano fearing tlje sao Issue, unlesstlje ILortr ijelp us toitij our bjljole ?$eart, anti notfcigncoly, to turn unto ijimsclf) Bo Appoint, ano©roer tijr sebentij Bay of ti)c next fiflontij, to be aBay of ^ubliclv humiliation, ojitij $asting anograyer, tijrougijout tijis fcoijole Colony; tijat toe

man set oursclbcs sincerely to seek tlje Eoro renTr=

ing our hearts, antr not our (garments before

?$im, antr pursue tlje same toitlj a tborougi) Me=formation of mijatcber ijatl) been, or is an Imageof Jcalousic before tlje ILortr, to offentr tlje <2?ycs

of l)is dor?) ; if so be tije ILorti may turn fromijis fierce anger, tijat Ojc perisi) not. fflSie tro

tijerefore require all tije Inhabitants of tijis Juris=Miction to forbear jr>rrbilc JLabour upon tbat Bay,ano tijat tljcy apply tijcmselbcs rcspectibcly to ob=serbc tije same, as is Eppointetr,

33y tije Council,

Edward Rawfon, £>ecr.

164 Prefent State of New-England. [18]

[18] On the iji of OcJober, News came to

Bojhn, that the Indians had Burnt the Farm-houfe of Major Pinchon, Scituate near Springfield,

and killed much Cattle, and Burnt much Corn,

which occalioned his Son to abide Still in Bojhn(he being before provided to go for London, withCaptain John JValley 1 *^ in the John's Adventure,

Mr. Pinchons own Ship). It is judged that MajorPinchons Dammage may amount to eleven or

twelve hundred Pound Sterling. This Day alfo

came the News to Mr. Purehas that his Houfeand Goods were Burnt, his Wife and Children

killed ; the Latter proved falfe : He was alfo

bound in Capt. Walley for London, but remainedat Bojlon for Sometime, in order to the fettling

his Family there. His Lofs likewife amountedto above a thoufand Pound Sterling. 1 **

On the izth of October, a Body of Indians

came to Springfield, who immediately fired the

Town, and confumed thirty-two Houfes, and al-

moft as many Barns, with their Corn and Hay. l8 5

The Indians that did this Mifchief, were a

Company of thofe Sort called Praying Indians,

about forty in Number, that always dwelt near to

1 s3 Afterwards the diftinguiftied by Major Pynchon (fo he wrote

Colonel of the Land Forces in Sir his Name), may be feen in the Ap-William Phip's abortive Expedition pendix to Dr. Mather's Brief Hif-

againft Canada (in 1690). He died tory. One of them is dated the

in Bofton, January nth, 1712, next Day after the Town was

aged 68. See Hiftory and Antiqui- burnt.

ties of Bofton, 491. 185 The Reader will find Copies184 Several important Letters, of original Letters, detailing this

highly neceflary for the Under- great Difafter, by Reference as in

{landing of thefe Events, written the laft Note,

[ 1 8 ] Prefent State ofNew-England. 165

Springfield, and at that Time were confined to

their Town and about a Mile about it ; but for

their ufual Civility Sake, were permitted daily to

have Converfe with the Town about what Bufi-

nefs they had, and at Mid-night they did their

Exploit. The Neighbouring Towns hearing it,

and that it was done by them, Rofe without anyCommander or Leader, and flew all of them they

could find, which was about thirty. 186

Likewife Tidings came this Day from the Eafi-ward, that they have killed twenty Men within

this ten Days ; wherefore here is this 20th of

Oclober, marched forty Men out of Bojlon, for

their Relief.

The Narraganfets, we fear more and moreevery Day, will be perfidious to us, the Timebeing paft that they fhould have delivered SquawSachem at Bofion.

1 * 1 Our Fears are the moreincreafed, as well in that we underfland feveral of

them appear up and down in Arms ; howeverhere is a Levie now coming out for a thoufand

186 This Affair, it is fuppofed, is Chriftianize them; and Mr. Hub-that which took place juft before the bard charitably remarks : " SomeBattle in which Capt. Beers was think the Englifh failed in Point of

killed; but the Fafts are fo different Prudence, not managing that Bufi-

in this Account from all others, as nefs fo warrily as they might."

fcarcely to be recognized as the That is, had the Englifh managedfame Tranfacfion. See the Rev. the Matter as well as they might,

John Ruffell's Letter in the Brief thefeNipnets or Nipmuckshad been

Hiflory, 73-76. Our Author is prevented from joining the hoftile

rather fwift in claffing theie Indians Party. See Narrative, i, 109.

as Praying Indians ; for it appears lb7 This has Reference to the

that all the Claim they had to be Promife extorted from Ninnigret;

thus denominated, confiited in fome a Promife he could not perform if he

feeble Attempts of the Englifh to had had the Will. See Note 13;.

166 Prefent State ofNew-England. [18]

Englijhmen to wait on them, which we hope may-

reduce them to good Order, as well as recover

Squaw Sachem out of their Hands ; which if fhe

be but taken by the Englijh, her Lands will morethan pay all the Charge we have been at in this

unhappy War. 188

October 28, This Day by Advice from Hatfield,

we have this particular Account of what happened

there.

On Wednefday the igth of October, a Party of

Indians about feven Miles off Hatfield in the

Woods, made feveral great Fires, to make the

Englijh think they were there, but as foon as ever

they had fet Fire to the Wood, they came di-

rectly towards Hatfield, and about two Miles from

Hatfield they lay in Bufhes by the Way Side

undifcoverable, thinking to cut off the Engli/lj in

their Way to the Fires : About Noon, they of

Hatfield fent ten Horfemen well armed, to fcout

out and fee what is the Matter in the Woods

;

and in their Way the Indians at once fhot downnine of them, and the other returned to Hatfield

to carry the News :l8

9 Capt. Samuel Mofely (being

then not far from thence, with fixty Men,) wasimmediately fent for, who prefently come. Byfour a Clock, there were come into the Townabove feven hundred Indians armed, and imme-

1S8 This Writer mud have had lifh flain, whofe Names are copied

a very ftrange Notion of the Riches in a Note to Hubbard, Page no.of Indians. They knew little of Mr. Ruffell fays they belonged to

Accumulation until Europeans fet " nine feveral Towns," which, as

them the Example. he obferves, is truly remarkable.180 There were nine of the Eng- See the Brief Hijiory, 77.

[19] Prefent State ofNew-England. 167

diately fet Fire in three Places to the Town, but

by Care were foon quenched ; Capt. Mofely pre-

fently engaged five hundred of thefe Indians,

whilft two hundred and more other Indians were

[19] at the other End of the Town endeavouring

to Fire it. There was alfo another Captain, '9°

with about fixty Men not far off, who hearing

the Guns, came immediately thither and fet onthe other Party of two hundred and odd ; but

the two Englifh Captains foon joyned together,

and they had a Fight with thofe feven hundredand odd Indians, for near two Hours Time, till

they could fee no longer, in this Fight we loft

only three Men, and we judg we may have killed

above an hundred Indians, we forced the Reft

in great diforder to run away. We forced themover a large River. 191 who in their Swimmingover, loft all their Arms and Ammunition, andfeveral were Drowned, as was feen the next Day.This Fight doth much difcourage them, andencourage our Englijh : there were ten Menwounded of ours in the Fight, but none Mortally

we hope. 192

Care now is taken to fatisfie the (reafonable)

defires of the Commonalty, concerning Mr. El-

100 Captain Mofely is probably one of Major Appleton's Sergeants,

the Captain meant. See Hubbard, He was (hot down by the Side of

124. the Major, a Bullet at the fame101 Hadley and Hatfield are nearly Time pafTed through the Hair of

oppofite on the Connecticut River, the Major's Head; " by that Whif-

which is the River meant, perhaps, per," fays Hubbard, " telling him102 One was mortally wounded, that Death was very near, but did

His Name was Freegrace Norton, him no other Harm."

1 68 Prefent State ofNew-England. [19]

Hot's Indians, and Capt. Guggin's Indians. Theythat wear the Name of Praying Indians, but

rather (as Mr. Hezekiah Ufhur termed Preying

Indians) they have made Preys of much Englijh

Blood, but now they are all reduced to their

feveral Confinements ; which is much to a general

Satisfaction in that RefpecV"

Datedfrom Bofton Novemb. 10, 1675.

193 Mr. Ufher was ofCambridge; accufed of Witchcraft, took fuch

and, judging from this Obfervation fummary Meafures with his Ac-of his, it is tolerably certain he cufers, that thofe Meafures tended

was no Friend of thofe called Pray- materially to put an End to fuch

ing Indians. He is fuppofed to be Accufations. See More Wonders,

the Gentleman referred to by Mr. 154, or iii, 159, 196 of Wood-Robert Calef, who, having been ward's Reprint.

[19] Prefent State ofNew-England. 169

POSTSCRIPT.

Sir,

IHAVE here enclofed you as large an Accountas I can at Prefent of the State of this Wil-

dernefs, in Refpecf to the Heathens : I muft con-fefs, I was the willinger to take a little the morePains in the collecting thereof, for the Sakes ofthofe with you, who wifh us well. Which if it

may anfwer its intended End therein, the Labourin Writing will be well beftowed. You mayexpecT; more from me as there is Occafion, mean-while I am,

Sir,

Tour Friend and Servant.

Pfal. 80, 7, 8, 9, 10, 1 1, 12, 13, 14.

FINIS.

A

CONTINUATIONOF THE STATE

N E W-E NGL A N D;

BEING A FARTHER ACCOUNT OF THE

INDIAN WARRAND OF THE

Engagement betwixt the Joynt Forces of

the United Englijh Collonies and the

Indians, on the 19th of December 1675.

With the true Number of the Slain and Wounded,and the Tranfadtions of the Englijh Army lince

the faid Fight. With all other PafTages that

have there Hapned from the 10th of November,

1675. to the 8th of February 167 1.

Together with an Account of the Intended Rebellion of the

Negroes in the Barbadoes.

Licenfed March 27. 1676. Henry Oldenburg.

LONDON:Printed by T. M. for Dorman Newman, at the Kings Armes in the

Poultry, 1676.

[3] B O S T O N,

FEBRUARY THE 9TH, 1675.

Sir,

MY Laft to you was of the 10th of No-vember paft, 1?4 (which in regard we have

had much Weflerly Winds fince) I hopeere this Time you have received ; according to

the befl Information I had or could procure, I

made bold to acquaint you with Sundry Paffages,

that before the Date thereof, came to pafs amongftus ; I alfo fent you two of our Orders in Print

by Order of the Council here ; The one for the

Confinement of our Neetop (i. e. Friend) In-

dians, J 95 the other for a general Faft throughoutthis Collony

;

196 By the one you may fee the great

Care our Authority hath, as well to make a Dis-

tinction vifible, betwixt our Friends the Chriftian

Indians, and our Enemies the Heathens, as alfo, to

fecure the one from Injuries, and to lay the other

open, and make them liable to the Hand of Juf-

tice : By the other you may fee what Fear of the

«* Thus it is Clear that this and 19G The Proclamation for a Faft

the laft Piece are by the fame Hand, has been given in the previous Traft.195 Their Confinement on Iflands See ante, P. 61-163.

in the Harbor.

174 Continuation of the [4.]

immediate Hand of God upon us our Majiftrates

have ; and only Sir, we have great Caufe to blefs

the Lord for that we have fuch Magiftrates andCouncellors that we are fo well affined do aime

at the Glory of God, and the Peace and Welfare

of his People in this Wildernefs, that howeverthe mighty Hand of God is lifted up upon us,

and he hath given Commimon to the Sword .to

deftroy, yet we are well fatisfied there is Nothingwanting that lyeth within the reach of their

Wifdom or Strength : Wherefore in the midft.

of our Troubles we comfort ourfelves in this,

that we are fatisfied they do what in them lyeth:

I hope in fome fhort Time I may hear of your

receipt thereof.

Sir, In my Lafl I alfo gave you (at Firft) an

Account of the Reafons of the Rife and Origin of

thefe unhappy Wars, in which, my Information

was not fo Perfect, but that there was fomewhatamifs ; although, at that Time, the Account there

of was generally receiv'd, and the Alteration is

not much, only in fome few particular Circum-ftances : Wherefore, that you might be the more

[4] Certain thereof, I fhall give you an Accountwherein I miffed, Thus : About fix Years fince

one Sofoman (an Indian Schollar and Minifter)

having fpent fome Years in the Study of Divinity,

being by that Time judged capable of Preaching

the Gofpel, was by the Authority of Plymouth 1 '* 1

197We cannot find that Plymouth It feems rather fingular that the

had any Thing to do about John Circumftances of a Character fo

Saffhmon until after he was killed, well known as he mull have been

[4.] Prefent State ofNew-England. 175

fent to Preach to King Philip ; he with fomefeeming-kind of Devotion, heard him for a while

at feveral Times; and however his Zeal was in

outward Appearance, yet all that Time, and a

good while before, he with feveral of his ownMen, had a Confpiracy to cut off the Engli/h

thereabouts, and fcrupled not to make the Bufi-

nefs known to Sofoman, as fuppofing he might

be of great ufe to him, in carrying on that bloody

Defign ; Whereupon this Sofoman foon after makesthis Thing known to the Governor of New Ply-

mouth Collony, Jojiah Winflow Efq, King Philip

fufpecfing he either would divulge, or had already

made known this Secret to the Englijh, took

Councel to kill this Sofoman, wherefore in Order

thereunto, one Day, as he fat fifhing by a River-

fide, 198 two or three Indians came and barbaroufly

Murthered him in the Place ; Whereupon as

foon as the Governor and Councel of Plymouth

heard thereof, fent and took the faid Murtherers

;

as alfo a fmall Party went to King Philip and

brought him 19 ? and moft of his chief Men to

(hould be fo varioufly reprefented him and purpofed to fend for or to

by Writers. him to appeer att theire next Court198 This is quite a different Ver- that they might inquire into thofe

fion of the Hiftory of Saffdmon Reports, came downe of his own

from all the others. The Detec- accord to Plymouth a little before

lion, Trial and Execution of the theire Court, in the beginning of

Murderers were firft publifhed in March laft. [1675] Att which

the Book of the Indians, from ori- Time the Counfell of that Collonie

ginal Records.,,

vpon a large Debate with him, had109 " Sometime after Saffamon's great Reafon to belieue that the

Death Philip haueing heard that the Information againft him might be

Gouernor of Plymouth had re- in Subitance true," &c.

—

Hazard's

ceiued fome Information againft Hift.

Collecl., II, 532, 533.

176 Continuation of the [4.]

Plymouth, and there Examined them, and had

feveral Meetings in Confultation about the Bufi-

nefs ; but King Philip behaved himfelf very

uncivilly200 (like a Heathen) however due Proof

could not be produced againft him, and he nor

his Men not having yet fhed any Englijh Blood,

after his entring into a League of Peace with

the Englijh, was difmift ; only the Murtherers

after a legal Condemnation were Hanged. 201

Here lies the Occafion of our prefent Difference,

which I have made bold to acquaint you of. Sir,

towards the clofe of my Laft to you, I gave you

an Account of what was done at Hatfield the

iqth of October laft; in which Fight the Hea-thens were fo put to it, that they were forced to

go to their laft Refuge, that is, the Narraganfets,

who I wrote you Word we feared every Daymore and more would Prove perfidious to us

;

wherefore the Authority of the United Collonies

having Intelligence that King Philip with his

whole Retinue, as well Women and Children, &c.

did Harbour themfelves under the Protection of

500 We may be allowed to fup- they could have no fuch claim of

pofe that Philip's great Incivility Superiority over a Native and Inde-

confifted in his demanding what pendent Prince."

—

British Empire

Right the Plymouth Court had to in America, I, 92.

call him or his Subjects to an Ac- '-'" Three were Tried and Exe-

count for an Affair of his own cuted. Two of them were hanged

exclufively. on the 8 June, 1675, and one was

Mr. Wynne, in fpeaking of Phi- mot a Week or two after.

—

Manu-lip's Submiffion at Taunton in 1671, fcripts above referred to. See alfo

animadverts thus: "If the Colony Note 100, ante. Refer likewife as

demanded this, it was unjuft, as in Note 198.

[4] Prefent State of'New-England. 177

Ninicroft,zo7

- who is the King of the Narragan-

fets, as alio hearing that that fame Sachem, that

came to BoJio?i about the End of September laft,2° 3

(being Ninicroffs Eldeft Son) is fince Marryedto the Squaw Sachem ;

2°4 which Marriage doth

fignifie a near Alliance;

2°$ and alfo feeing that

what that Sachem did agree unto with our Au-thority, when in Bojion, is not at all regarded bythem, (for that Sachem fent Word when he cameHome into his own Country, that Ninicroft wouldnot agree to what he had done.) 206

Thefe Things fo falling out near the fameTime, put our Authority then in Councel uponfome Neceffity of finding out a fpeedy Way to

Remedy the fame, But notwithstanding their

2tl2 From what has gone before,

it is evident that the Writer was in

Error in this Statement. Ninigret

was Chief of the Nanticks. Na-nuntennoo, alias Canonchet, was the

" great Chief" of the Narraganfets.203 The Chief who came to Bof-

ton and made the Treaty on the

18th of Oftober, 1675, was Ca-

nonchet. See Book of the Indians,

231, where the Subftance of the

Treaty, and all its Signers are

given.

204 The Sachem who married

the Squaw Sachem is known to

have been Quinnapin. See Mrs.

Rowlandfon's Narrative. Quinna-

pin was probably not at Bofton

when the Treaty of the 18th of

Oftober was made, becaufe Canon-chet figned " Sachem, in Behalf of

Y

himfelf, Conanacus, the Old Queen,

Pomham, and Quaunapoen." It is

quite certain that if Quinnapin had

been prefent, he would have madehis Mark as the Reft did.

205 The Relationship between

Philip and the Squaw Sachem has

already been explained. See ante,

P. 123. The Author has madedivers Miftakes in his Statements,

by Reafon of his confounding one

Sachem with another. Any one,

even at this Day, is very liable to

commit fimilar Errors.

200 This Statement agrees with

what has been detailed in Note

136, ante, fo far as concerns Hoft-

ages perhaps. He agreed, accord-

ing to Capt. Winthrop's Report,

to give up any of Philip's People

which might come to him.

178 Continuation of the [5]

Perfidioufnefs hitherto, yet about three Weeksafter, five Sachems™ 7 came together from Nini-

croft to Bojion, and engaged that our Enemies,

entertained by them, mould be delivered up

Inftantly; but Nothing being done of what they

promifed, the Commiffioners of the United Col-

lonies, fitting in Councel here, (the feveral Con-

fiderations here expreft, with Others moving

them thereto) in the firft Place published this

following Remonftrance (here inferted verbatim)

and ordered a Body of Souldiers, [5] Horfe and

Foot to march hence ; in order thereunto, on the

10th of this Inftant December, fix Companies of

Foot and Horfe marched hence unto Seaconck :

The Number of the Soulders were thus ; Of •

Majfachnfetts and Plimouth Collonies 700 Foot

and 200 Horfe, and Conneclicot Collony having

300 Foot and 100 Horfe2oS ready to meet themat New London,— whereof Governour Jojiab

Win/low is gone out General : From Majfachu-

fetts Collony is gone out in Command, Major

Appleton of Ipjwich, Captain James 0//W%Captain

Samuel Mofely, and Captain Nath. Davenport of

Bojion, Captain John/on of Roxbury, Captain

Gardner of Salem, and Captain Thomas Prentice,

Captain of the Horfe. Thefe were Command-

20 ' The Reader might reafonably - 08 There were, accompanying

conclude that another Treaty is here the Connecticut Force, 150 Mohe-referred to than that juft mentioned; gan and other Indians. There

but the Editor does not find any feems a general Pronenefs among

other recorded at the Time corre- the Chroniclers of the Time to

fponding. omit the mention of the Services of

the Indians.

[5 ] Prefent State of New-England. 179

ers of thofe feven Companies that marchedhence.

The 1 6th Inftant we had Advice from them,that the Enemy had burnt Mr. Jeremiah Ball's

Houfe20' at Narraganfett, and killed 18 Men,

Women, and Children that were in it/ 10 and that

they had taken 55 Indians, and killed ten moreand burnt 150 Wigwams with the Lofs of four

of our Men, and as many Wounded. This Ex-ploit was performed by Captain Prentice, a Cap-tain of the Horfe. The Weather now being

extream Cold, having both Froft and Snow in

moft Places two Foot, in many Places three Footdeep, we have as yet had Nothing like to a Field

Battel with the Indians, fave that Fight we hadat Hatfield of which I gave you an Account in

my Laft, until thefe Soulders went out Laft

;

fince which Time, by feveral Ports coming Daily

thence, as alfo by private Letters, I have this

Account of this Fight in particular. On Satur-

day the 19th Inftant, the General muftered upthe whole Army in November, as before, having

with them three Minifters, viz. Mr. Dudley, 211

Mr. Buckley and Mr. Samuel Noivell, at Capt. Smith's

Jon The Name of the unfortu- probably, oldeft Child of Governornate Man it appears was Jireh, or Thomas Dudley. He married a

Jeriah Bull. See Notes to the Daughter of Gov. John Winthrop,

Brief Hijlory, 105. and was fettled at Exeter, N. H.aio The Number murdered is At this Time, he was about 65

probably correftly ftated by Hub- Years old. He died 10th Feb.,

bard, namely, ten Men and five 1683. See N. E. H. G. Reg.,

Women and Children; fo that, out x, 134-5. Mr. Buckley's Nameof 17 Perfons, only two efcaped. was Gerjhom. See Note in Hub-

s' 1 The Rev. Samuel Dudley, bard, Narrative, 204.

180 Continuation of the [5]

Houfe, (the fame Capt. Smith I told you in myLaft that came to Bojlon with Ninnicroft's Eldeft

Son a Sachem) 212 whofe Dwelling is about four

Miles off the Narraganfetts Dwellings, and is

now the ftrongeft Garrifon in thofe Parts) andhaving given Orders for a March, according to

Difcretion, marched towards the Narraganfets

Country (or Town) where finding no Indians,

they were at a Stand, not knowing which Wayto go in Purfuit of the Indians ; but howeverduring their Stay, their Capt. Prentice, with his

Company difcovered fome Place under Ground,

wherein was Indian Corn laid up in Store bythem ; this encouraged them to look further

;

Whereupon in their Search they found feveral

good Quantities of that Grain in like Manner,which afterwards was conveyed to the Garrifon.

In the Afternoon of that Saturday, fome of the

Souldiers accidently efpied an hidian alone, whomthey took and carried to the General, who uponhis Refufal to anfwer to thofe Queftions demanded,was ordered to be Hanged forthwith

;

2I3 Where-

upon the Indian to fave his Life, told them wherethe whole Body of the Indians were together, as

well King Philip, and all other Confederate Saga-

mores and Sachems with their whole Retinue, as

alfo the whole Body of the Narraganfets, being

212 See Note 175, ante. threatened with hanging is not men-213 The Englifh give the Name of tioned by others. Some new and

this Indian as Peter. His Indian important Fafts may be feen con-

Name has not been difcovered. cerning him and his Daughter in

His Refufal to give Information till Appendix to the Brief Hijiory.

[6] Prefent State of New-England. 1 8

1

joyned all in a Body in November, about 4500 In-

dian Men, belides Wives and Children : Where-upon, keeping this Indian for their Guide, they

having Provilions with them, marched all Nightthe Indians being then 16 Miles diftant fromthem, and that Night there fell a very hard Snowtwo or three Foot deep, and withal an extreamhard Froft, fo that fome of our Men were frozen

in their Hands and Feet, and thereby difabled for

Service : [6] The next Day, about Noon, theycome to a large Swamp, which by Reafons of the

Froft all the Night before, they were capable ofgoing over (which elfe they could not have done)

they forthwith in one Body entered the faid

Swamp, and in the Midft thereof was a Piece offirm Land, of about three or four Acres of Ground,whereon the Indians had built a Kind of Fort,

being Palifado'd round, and within that a ClayWall, as alfo felled down Abundance of Trees to

lay quite round the faid Fort, but they had not

quite finifhed the faid Work : The General placed

Capt. Mofely in the Front, to enter the Fort, andthe Reft of the Companies were placed according

to Difcretion : In their March they met withthree Indians fent out as Scouts, whom they fhot

dead at Sight thereof: as foon as ever the Indians

faw our Army coming, they fhot as faft as ever

they could, and fo our Men did the like. Before

our Men could come up to take PorTeffion of the

Fort, the Indians had fhot three Bullets throughCapt. Davenport, whereupon he bled extreamly,

1 82 Continuation of the [6]

and immediately called for his Lieutenant, Mr.Edward Ting, and committed the Charge of the

Company to him, and defired him to take care of

his Gun, and deliver it according to Order, and

immediately died in the Place ; his Companywere extreamly grieved at his Death, in Regard

he was fo courteous to them ; for he being Com-mander of that Company, belonging to Cambridge

and Watertown &c. was a Stranger to moft of

them ; and at the fame Time that he came to

take PofTeffion of his Company, he made a very

civil Speech to them, and alfo gave them free Li-

berty to choofe their Serjeants themfelves, whichpleafed them very well, and accordingly did fo

;

and it is very probable the Indians might think

that Capt. Davenport was the General, becaufe hehad a very good Buff Suit on at that Time, andtherefore might moot at him. In a fhort Timeour Forces entred the Fort, Captain Mofely being

in the Front, the Indians knowing him very well,

many directed their fhot to him, as he afterwards

told the General that he believed he faw 50 aimat him : As foon as he and they had entred the

Fort, he efpied a Heap of above 50 Indians lay

dead in a Corner, which the Indians had gathered

together ; as foon as ever our Men had entred the

Fort, the Indians fled, our Men killed many of

them, as alfo of their Wives and Children,

amongft which an Indian Black-Smith (the only

Man amongft. them that fitted their Guns and

Arrow-heads;) and amongft many other Houfes

[7 ] Prefent State of New-England. 183

burnt his, as alfo demolifhed his Forge, and car-

ried away his Tools;

214 they fought with the

Indians, and purfued them fo long as was advanta-

geous to them ; then the General gave Order to

Sound a Retreat, which was done according to

Order. The Retreat was no fooner beaten, andthe Souldiers were in a Marching Pofture, before

they were got all out of the Fort, a thoufand21 *

frefh Indians fet on our Men, but in an Hour'sTime the Indians were forced to Retreat and Flie.

Our Men as near as they can judge, may have

killed about 600 Indian Men, belides Women andChildren. Many more Indians were killed whichwe could have no Account of, by Reafon that

they would carry away as many dead Indians

as they could. Our Men before they had beenfet on by the frefh Indians, had fet fire to moft of

the Wigwams in and about the Fort (which werenear 1000. in all,) how many [7] were burnt

down they could not tell pofitively, only thus

;

That they Marched above three Miles from the

Fort by the Light of the Fires. 2 ' 6 Here is an

31 < This was probably the Indian fails to make the Enemy appear

called by the Englifh Stone-wall far more numerous than they pro-

Jobn. See Book of the Indians, bably were.

261-2. He was among the killed 21R Doubtlefs this was the Re-

in a Surprife by the Forces under port ; and although the Light of

Major Talcot, July 2d, 1676. the Fire may have been feen threea,s Confidering that this Writer Miles, that it afforded fufficient

muft have written from hearfay, Light to march by for that Diftance,

and at the very Time of the Occur- feems like a rather large Story ; ef-

rences, it is not flrange that he pecially as the Fire was in a denfe

deals fo freely in round Numbers;

Wildernefs, and a great Snow-ftorm

but it is noteworthy that he never was all the Time prevailing.

184 Continuatio?t of the [7]

Account of the Number of Eng/iJii-M.en flain by

the Indians in this Engagement.

A Lift of the Number of the Englifh Slain andWounded in the Battel with the Indians, on the

ioth. [19th] of December, 1675.

Captains Slain.

Capt. Davenport

Capt. fohnfon

Capt. Gardner

Capt. Marjhal

Capt. Gallop, who CommandedUncas's Indians.

Of the Majuchufets.

Slain. Wounded.

In the Company of

Major Appleton 2 22

Capt. Mofely's 9 10

Capt. Oliver's 5 10

Capt. Jolmfon's 3 II

Capt. Gardner's 7 II

Capt. Davenport's 4 15

3° 79

Wounded, whereof fome are

fince dead.

Of Connecticot.

Major Treat's Com'y 20

Capt. Sealey's 20

Capt. Marjhafs 14

Capt. Waite's 17

7 1

Of Plymouth.

Capt. Bradford 12Q

Capt. Coram'11' j

Troopers 02

Loft in the Woods 05

Wounded.

Captain Bradford, fhot in the

Eye.

Captain Sealy, Mortally as is

Feared.

Captain Mafon.

Captain White.

Lieutenants Wounded.

Lieut. Savage,

Lieut. Ting,

Lieut. Swan,Lieut. Upham.

Wounded and Slain in

all - - - - 207

We wanting good Accommodation for our

Wounded Men, our General ordered them to be

*John Gorham. See Note in Hubbard, Narrative, i, 156.

[8] Prefent State ofNew-England. 185

removed to Road-IJland, where they have goodQuarters provided, and care taken for their Re-covery. 217 Ninigret, the old Sachem of the Nar-raganfets, hath lately, with a fmall Party of In-

dians feperated himfelf from the Reft of his People,

difowning their Actions, and all that joyn with

King Philip, and profefies himfelf a true Friend

to the Englijh Intereft. 218

[8] It may not be amifs to acquaint you that the

Night before the Fight was, and all that Day,

and the Night after, there fell fuch an extraordi-

nary Snow that the like hath not been known for

many Years ; and in Regard that we had no Poft

come from our Army for four or five Days, manyFears arofe amongft us that our Men were loft

either by the Enemy, or the Snow, which mademany an Heart ake amongft us. But fo it was,

that which we feared would fpoil us, did very

much difable the Enemy ; for we having burnt

down almoft all their Wigwams, as alfo all their

Corn that we could find, they thereby have lefs

217 Very little is faid by other ingto (how the Situation of the

Writers about the Hofpital and wounded who were conveyed to

Hofpitality of Rhode Ifland on the R. Ifland. Benj. Craine and JohnRetreat of the wounded to that Lovell, with many others were at

Ifland after the fevere Battle of De- the Houfe of Mr. Robert Carr.

cember 19th. Capt. Bradford and Lovell afted as Nurfe. Corporal

Mr. Church found Quarters there Jofeph Ford, William Hawkins,

till their Wounds were fo far healed John Bool [Bull ? ] of Capt. John-that they could again enter the Ser- fon's Company, &c. &c.

vice. Capt. Bradford remained at'~ 18 Ninigret's Men buried the

Newport over a Month. There Dead after the Narraganfet Fight,

are many original Papers extant go- See Note, pojl, 234.

z

i86 Continuatio?? of the [8]

Shelter and lefs Subfiftance left them, which Mi-fery of theirs is much aggravated by that great

Snow.The Fight being over, our Men Retreated to

Mr. Smith's Houfe, where the Noble General

gave Order that the Wounded and Sick mouldnrft of all be cared for, which was done accord-

ingly ; and that they might have the better Ac-comodation in the Houfe the General himfelf lay

in a Barn belonging to the faid Houfe. Care is

now taken to raife a thoufand Men more to attend

the General, which will fuddenly march ; Whatthe Iifue will be the Lord knows. King Philip

fuppofing that Hatfield, a Town on ConeElicot Ri-

ver, was very thin of Men ; he drew together

feven or 800 of his Indians, among which they

had feveral Horfes, and fuddenly entred the Townon the 19th of OBober, 1675, which after they

had fet on Fire in three Places, they divided them-

felves into two Bodies, and began to acl: feveral

Cruelties on the Inhabitants : The Engtijh by

their Diligence foon quenched the Fires ; and

making up a Body of 200 Men, molt of whichwere newly come into the Town, they fell on the

hidians with a great Deal of Fury, and after twoHours Fight, compelled the hidians to leave the

Town with more Haft than they entred ; the

Englijh having flain about 100 Indians,- 1'* with

very little Lofs to themfelves, purfued the Reft to

9111 The Numberof the killed In- Quite full Particulars are given in

dians is doubtlefs greatly exaggerated, the Brief Hijiory, 101-3, and 'n

There were perhaps about a Dozer.. Hubbard.

[9] Prefent State of New-England.. 187

the River-fide, where many were drowned that

could not fwim to the farther Side. After this

Fight, Philip and his Indians tied to the Narra-

ganfets, which caufed the Counfel of the Majfa-

chufets to publifh in Print this Remonftrance be-

fore fpoken of.220

[9] To our Brethren and Friends, the Inhabitants

of the Colony of the Majfachufetts.

Although you cannot be Ignorant how ftudious

this Government hath been to preferve Peace in

this Colony, and hath taken up and Compromifeddiverfe Quarrels that have Rifen between our

Selves, our Neighbours, and the Indians ;221 And

thereby at feveral Times prevented thofe Calami-

ties wherewith we are now Preffed. Yet to fatisfie

you that the fame Mind, and the fame Endeavours

are continued in the prefent Government, we have

thought it necelfary to let you underftand the

Rife and Progrefs of our prefent Troubles, with

our Endeavours to have prevented the fame.

In June laft, we were Certified by our Friends

and Confederates of Plimouth, that Philip the Sa-

chem of Mount Hope was in Arms, and' had

folicited all the Indians to joyn with him againft

--'°I do not find that this ex- Brief Hiftory, 217-22; Plymouth

tremely valuable Paper is anywhere Colony Records, Vol. x, P. 362-3.

elfe preferved. It appears to have --' It is Matter of Record that

been drawn up for the fame Rea- Maffachufelts tried hard to avert the

fon that the Plymouth Authorities War, and more than once inlinu-

drew up a fimilar one, in Juftifica- ated that there was fome Fault on

tion of their taking up Arms. That the Part of Plymouth, as well as

by Plymouth is printed in Mather's on that of the Indians.

1 88 Continuation of the [10]

the Englifh ; and withal they defired our Amft-ance to Supprefs him ; Which we by the Articles

of Confederation could not deny, and therefore

applied ourfelves to Raife fome Force for their

Affiftance : but were ftill defirous to prevent a

War with the Indians ; and therefore upon a

former Experience of a good Effecf wroughtupon the faid Philip, we refolved to ufe the fameMeans, viz. fending Melfengers from hence to

Philip to Treat with him, hoping of the like

IrTue, which upon the like Cafe about four Years

fince 222 we by Gods good Hand obtained. Butour MerTengers arriving at Swanzy, in their Waytowards Philip, found divers Englijh Murtheredon the Road, and were informed by the Englijh

there, of divers HofHlities of the Indians, whichrendered our Defign [10] and their Negotiation

hopelefs : Upon which they returned, and in-

formed us as abovefaid, whereupon our Forces

began their March in Aid of our Friends at

Plymouth; and having driven Philip from his

Country, we being informed that the Narragan-fets harboured his Women, and aided him with

Men, we ordered our Souldiers to march to Nar-raganfet, in order to keep them quiet, and prevent

their fuccouring or harbouring the Enemy :"3

Where, after fome Delay, they were drawn to

confent to our Demands, promifing neither to

222 Having Reference to the Con- the Englilh marched into their

ference at Taunton in 167 I. Country " refolved that they fhould2a3 Referring, probably, to the go to make Peace with a Sword in

Treaty of 15 July, preceding, when their Hands." See Hub. Nar., i, 75.

[io] Prefent State of'New-England. 189

Entertain nor affift our Enemies, which they fince

confirmed in a Treaty with the Commiffioners of

the Colonies :"4 Further engaging that they

would deliver all thofe of Philip's Party, that

upon his Rout near Scatoneck, 7- 2* or fince, were

fled to them ; but have failed in every Particular.

You may alfo take notice, That before any of

our Souldiers marched to Mount Hope, we werevery careful to underfland the State of the Nipnet

Indians, to prevent Philip's Defign, and fecure

thofe Indians, and therefore difpatched two Mef-fengers well known to them, to certifie them of

Philip's Motion and of our Defign to keep Amityand FriendfiHip with them, according to the

Covenants made with them long fince, no WaysViolated on our Part. And by the faid Meflen-

gers received fair Returns from the moft of them,being in 10. or 12. Plantations. Some of thefe

pretended Fear of us : For their further Satisfac-

tion (when our Forces were fent out againfl

Philip) we to fatisfie and fecure them, fent themby Ephraim Curtice,'2

-'16 a Declaration under the

Publick Seal," 7 that we had no Defign or Intent

to difturb them, or any other Indians that wouldremain in their Plantations peaceably : which

221 The Treaty with Nanunten- ing Hubbard's Narrative, i, 105.

noo at Bofton, to which Reference 227 If that Paper is preferved it

is made in Note 203. has not been difcovered by the Ed-225 Probably Seekonk (as now itor. Its Intereft makes it much

written); referring to the " Rout" defired. Perhaps when our Colo-

at Seekonk Plain, on Auguft ift. nial Records are republifhed and836 Some further Light may be edited as they mould be, it may be

thrown on this Affair by confult- found.

190 Continuation of the [11]

Meflage and Meffenger was evilly treated bymany of them there Aflembled, and the Meflen-

ger much endangered by the Younger Men andnot with any Satisfaction by their Sachems, as

the Event fhewed, though at that Prefent moremoderately received.

[11] Soon after this Difpatch, and before Philips

flying from Pocajfet, and March up towards the

Nipnet Country ; Some of the faid Nipnet-Indians

Aifaulted and flew divers of our People at Men-dam ;

228 whereupon Captain Hutchinfon with a

fmall Guard, was fent up to the faid Nipnet-

Indians, (if poflible to keep them quiet) who ar-

riving at ^uabaog^ whereabouts was a Rendez-vous of the Indians, and having fent to them,

they promifed to meet him in a certain Place,

whither he at the Time repairing, found not the

Indians, and being incouraged by the Englijh of

^uabaog, that the Indians were peaceable, &c. headvanced forward towards the Place of the Indians

Randezvous, to Treat with them : But in the

Way, was by Ambufcado treacherouily way-laid,

by which himfelf, and feveral others were woundedand flain, the Englijh of Quabaog immediately

Aifaulted, and the Town, except one Houfe,

totally deflxoyed ; at which Time, as we under-

ftand, Philip alio with his broken Party came up

•J28 A Nipnet Chief named Ma- ~- 9 Often written Quaboag, but

toonas led in the Attack on Mendon. Quabaog is believed to be the cor-

See Hubbard's Narrative, 86, 97- reel Orthography. It was at this

8, and Notes. See, alio Note 123, Time called Brookfield, having been

ante, and Book of the Indians. incorporated as early as 1673.

[12] Prefent State ofNew-England. 191

to the faid Indians, and upon the firft, or imme-diately before the arrival of the Forces, we fent

up for the Relief of thofe of ^uabaog, Philip andhis whole Crew retreated (as we then feared, andafterwards were informed) towards Conecficot-

River, from whence Recruiting himfelf withAmmunition from Albany, and with Men, partly

from the treacherous Indians about Hadly and

Springfield, to have profecuted his firft Defign to

Ruine and deftroy the Englijh. And notwith-

standing all the Opposition of our Forces, hath

done much Mifchief and fpoil ; and iince the

Repulfe he received at Hatfield, withdrew into

the Nipnet-Country, and fince that (as we under-

stand) towards the Narraganfets, who we doconclude, have favoured, abetted, and affifted himtherein ; and by entertaining and harbouring our

Enemies, have dealt falfely and perfidioufly withus ; whereby we find our felves neceifarily Ingaged,

with the Confent, Advice and Affiftance ofthe Reft

of the Colonies in a War with them, [12] as well

as with Philip, unlefs they prevent the fame by a

timely Complyance and Performance, and Secu-

rity for the Future : for the managing and carry-

ing on whereof, we hope for, and expecf (as wehave hitherto had) the Affiftance of all his Ma-jefties Subjects of this Colony in their refpeclive

Capacities, in the juft Defence of the Glory of

God, the Honour, Defence and Safety of our

King, Country, and our Selves, from the Subtlety,

192 Continuation of the [13]

Rage, and Treacherous Attempt of our Barbarous

Enemies.

Dated in Bqfton, the 7th of December, AnnoChrifti, 1675. Annoque Domini Caroli Se-

cundi Regis Angl. Scot. Fran, et Hiber. De-fenforis Fidei, &c. 27th.

By the Council

Edward Raw/on, Secret.

[13] BOSTONIN NEW ENGLAND,

FEBRUARY THE 8th, 167*.

Sir

MY laft Letter to you beared Date the 21ft

of December, i6j^,^° wherein I gave you

a true Account of the State of our Affairs in

New England, particularly of the Engagementof our Forces with the Indians on the 19th of

December, 1675. And the Number of the Slain

and Wounded. I mail now continue my Intelli-

230 As will have been feen, no gether without due regard to Chro-

Letter of that Date appears. The nology. That the Writer refers to

Writer has Reference perhaps to the the previous Part of the prefent

Date of the Dijpatcb of his pre- TracT: is certain, as is evident from

vious Letter for England. The the Reference to the Defcription of

Perfon intruded with printing the the great Swamp Fight of Dec.em-

Letters feems to have put them to- ber 19th.

[13] Prefent State ofNew-England. 193

gence according to your Requeft, and my Pro-

mife, and give you a true Account of all Trans-

actions here (worth your Information) lince the

forefaid 19th of December.

Our wounded Men (thanks be to God) are modof them pretty well recovered, and only Captain

Sealy^ 1is dead that I can hear of. By fome In-

dian-Prifoners, lately taken, we are certainly

informed that they had 355 Men killed out-

right, befides feveral burnt in their Wigwams,with Women and Children and 180 wounded, 132

many of which are fince dead, particularly Sachem

Quanepins^i Brother, who was a Man of great

Command among the Indians. That Night the

Indians left the Place where the fight was, andretreated five Miles farther into the Country.

Ninecroft an old Sachem in that Country, whohath hitherto continued Neuter, and neither

affifted the Indians nor us, fent fome of his Menthe next Day, and Buried the dead Indians, and

231 Capt. Robert Sealy or Seily, 112. Dr. I. Mather fays: "Wewas of Stratford in Connecticut, have heard of two and feventy In-

He died fome Days after the Fight, dian Captains {lain, all of them,

I. Mather, Brief Hi/lory, 109. and brought down to Hell in one232 Some other Writers beat this Day."

—

Prevalency of Prayer, 265.

in eftimating the killed of the In- The Indians told Quanapohit, that

dians. Dr. C. Mather, copying they loft but 40 fighting Men; that in

Hubbard, fays :" No lefs than 700 the Wigwams were burnt to Death,

fighting Indians were deftroyed, as 300 old Men,Women and Children.

it was afterwards confefled, in this a33 The Name of this Brother of

defperate Aftion; befides 300 which the famous £>uinnapin is not deter-

afterwards died of their Wounds; mined—faid to have been Brother-in-

and old Men, Women and Child- law to Philip. See Book of Indians,

nn fans Number."

—

Brief Hiftory, 239, 241.

Aa

Continuation of the[94. Continuation of the [14]

as many of the Englijh as were left behind

dead. 2^On the 23. and 24. of December, the Indians

fent fome Commiffioners to our General to Treat

of Peace, which they had no Mind to conclude;

but we foon perceived it was only to prevent our

falling upon them, and to gain themfelves moreTime to remove their Army and Provifions

twenty Miles farther into the Country, to fomeRocks where we could not get at them without

great Danger. Although our General knewthis, he was defirous to keep the Treaty on Foot

by Reafon the Forces of the Collony of [14]Conneclicot had left our Army, a35 and wentHome to Recruit, and thofe Supplies fromBojion, that are daily expected, not being yet

as* While Capt. Bradford lay

at Rhode Ifland, where he retired

after the Swamp Fight, to be cured

of his Wounds, he learned by Mef-

fengers from the Army, that Nini-

gret had fent feveral of his Men to

Gen. Winilow, informing him that

his Men had buried the dead Eng-

liflimen left at the Fort, and that

the Number was about 24; and that

he defired a Charge of Powder for

each. This Information was in a

Letter to Mr. Cotton of Plymouth,

and dated January 20th, a Monthand one Day after the Battle.

235 There was Complaint on the

Part of Maflachufetts, refpefting the

abrupt leaving for Home of the

Connecticut Forces. A tart Letter

was written to Major Appleton

about it, by Order of the Govern-

ment. See MaJJ~. Col. Rea., v,

52; alfo Col. Recs. Ct., ii, 390-3,

396, 40 1 . The Connecticut Forces

had fufFered more than thofe of

either of the other Colonies. Ofher 300 Men, 80 were killed andwounded, about 40 eventually wereof the Dead. Of her five Cap-tains, four were killed or mortally

wounded, viz: Seely, Marfhall,

Gallop and Mafon. Major Treat

was the Commander in Chief of the

Connecticut Men, and he judged it

beft to return Home, after they hadfufFered lb feverely. The Council

of Connecticut were fenfible of the

diforderly Conduct of the Men,and on the 10th of January, wrote

to Major Treat about it. See

Trumbull's Col. Rea. of Ct., ii,

394-

[14] Prefent State of'New-England. 195

arrived, our Army was not in a Condition to

make any new Attempts on the Enemy ; but had

not the ConneBicot Forces left our Army, we had

Hopes that we might have compelled the Enemyto yield to our Mercy. During this Time our

Forces foraged the Country, and brought in

great Quantities of Indian Corn to the Army.About the beginning of January, the Forces

from Bojion that were lent to reinforce our Armyarrived at Narraganfet, where our Army then

lay : the extreme Coldnefs of the Seafon had

mightily incommoded them in their March

;

they loft Eleven of their Men on their March,

that were frozen to Death and brought manyothers lick and disheartened with the extreme

Coldnefs of the Seafon :2 3 6 They were joyfully

received by the Army ; and foon after them the

ConneBicot Forces came to the Army, having

reinforced their Companies with fome frefh

Men ; and brought with them Unkus an old

Sachem, who dwelt in the ConneBicot Jurifdic-

tion ; he brought with him fome Companiesof his own Indians to the Affiftance of the

Englifh.^

The Winter being now broke up, and the Snowand Ice all gone, our Army confifting in all of

1600 Men began their March to the Rocks,238

23' See Dr. I. Mather, Brief too high an Eftimate of the Englifh

Hijlory, 116. Force. There were but 1,500237 See Ibid, and the Notes; Men compofing the Army that

alfo Hubbard, Narrative, i, 58. marched againft the Narraganfet

238 The Writer probably makes Fort. In the Fight, its Ranks were

196 Continuation of the [14]

where the Indians were fled for Protection, but in

their Way, they had Intelligence that 300 Indians

had been at Patuxit, an Englifh Plantation on the

Narraganfet Bay, where they had burnt Mr.Carpenters 1^ Corn and Hay, and all his Houfes,

except his dwelling Houfe, which likewife they

had fet on Fire, but it was again quenched by

fome Englifh that were in it. They likewife

drove away with them 180 Sheep, 50 Head of

large Cattle, and 15 Horfes : Befides, they took

much Cattel from young Mr. Harris 1'' and

killed a Negro Servant of his ; and having done

this Mifchief, returned Home with their Booty.

Our Army being arrived in BumhamV41 Coun-try, an Indian Sachem, we burnt his Town, and

had a fmall Reincounter with fome of his Indians,

where we wounded his chief Captain Quaqualh

on the Knee, and killed five of his Men, and had

four of our Conneblicot Men wounded. 243,

confiderably thinned, and the Con- '- '' Pumbam, a noted Sachem

nefticut Men had gone Home. It of Shawomet or Warwick, R. I.

is true that another thoufand Men " Pumham's Country" was about

were raifed and fent out; but al- what is now "Warwick." Thelowing this Force to be complete, prefent Town of that Name is upon

the Whole fell fhort of 1,600 Men. the Site of Pumham's Town. We239 William Carpenter, Jr., Son find feveral other Inftances of the

of Mr. William Carpenter of Pro- Ufe of B inftead of P, as in Pay-

vidence. See Note to Hubbard's quage or Bayquage River, nowNarrative, i, 164. William Car- called Miller's River, in Worcelter

penter and others bought, in 164 1, Co., Mafs. For the Fafts in Pum-ofSecononoco, Lands between Wa- ham's Life and dreadful Death, fee

nafquatucket and Patuxet. Other Book of the Indians, 92, 1 20, 260,

Particulars will be found in the next and Reterences before referred to.

Tradl. Seepojl, Page 2 of Original. - 4a No contemporary Mention of240 Probably Mr. Andrew Har- the Fafts in this Paragraph has been

ris. See Hubbard, ibid. difcovered.

[15] Prefent State ofNew-Kngla?id. 197

Our Scouts brought in Prifoner one Tift, a

Renegadoe Englifh Man, who having received a

deferved Punifhment from our General, deferted

our Army, and fled to the Enemy, where had

good Entertainment, and was again fent out by

them with fome of their Forces ; he was fhot in

the Knee by our Scouts, and then taken before he

could difcharge his Mufket, which was taken

from him and found deep charged, and laden with

Slugs : He was brought to our Army, and tryed

by a Counfel of War, where he pretended that

he was taken Prifoner by the Indians, and bythem compelled to bear Arms in their Service

;

but this being proved to be falfe, he was con-

demned to be hanged and Quartered, which wasaccordingly done. 243

Our Army beat the Indians from the forefaid

Rocks, and purfued them almoft as far as Quabog,

in which Purfuit we killed about 60 or 70 of

them, and found many of the Matts fcattered in

the Way, with which they cover their Houfes,

which we fuppofe they could not carry with

them by Reafon [15] of our clofe Purfuit. SomePrifoners taken from them, inform us, that their

Body confifls of 4000, whereof 1800 were fight-

ing Men, half of which wanted Arms, that they

were in great Want of Powder, and greater wantof Provifions. 244

243 The tragical Story of Joftlua wounded Capt. Nath'l Seely at the

Tift is more fully detailed in Hub- Swamp Fight.

—

Col. Records Ct.,

bard and the Notes. See Narra- ii, 401; Book of the Indians, 219.

the, i, 162-3. I( was faid, among - 44 See Nev/sfrozv New England,

the Connecticut Men, that Tift pojl, 3 of original paging.

198 Continuation of the [15]

Provifion growing fcarce in our Army, and the

Enemy having cleanfed the Country of Things

that might tend to our Relief, our General re-

folved to purfue them no farther, but to haften

homewards, which accordingly was done with

what Speed we could ; but the Scarcity of Victuals

daily encrealing, we were forced to kill feveral

of our Horfes for our Suftenance. 24? Our General

difmift the Conneclicot Men, and fent them Homethe neareft Way, and old TJnkus and his Indians

along with them. They proved very faithful in

our Service, and were well treated by us. 246 OurGeneral having left 60 Men in Garrifon at Mr.Smiths Houfe at Narraganfet, where the Fight

was on the 19th of December, came Home by the

Way of Marlborough : Many of our Souldiers are

troubled with the Flux, of which our General

is one. 247

King Philip hath not yet been at Narraganfet,

as we feared, but is retired with his Men near

Albany, 248 where he hath kept his Winter Quar-

- 43 This Faft is alfo mentioned Quarters was afcertained to be what

by Mather. Hubbard fpeaks of the is fince Scattacook, though in fome

great Scarcity of Provifions. See of the Gazetteers it is called Schagb-

his Narrative, i, 165. ticoke, now in RenfTclaer County,24G Yet, if the particular Services about 20 Miles North of Albany,

of the Mohegans had been given, four Miles Eait of the Hudfon, and

a much more perfect Narrative of upon the north Side of the Hoofic

this War would be had. All, or River. See Letter of Sir E. And ros

nearly all of the Execution done to Connefticot, in Col. Records of

upon the Enemy during this Purfuit, Ct.,\\, 397 ; Burr's Great Atlas, in

was undoubtedly done by them. which it is fpelt Schaticohe, and'-« General Jonah Winflow was Scbatecoke. See, alfo, SpafFord's

the Commander-in-Chief. Gazetteer. The Rev. Mr. Sar-

2« The Place of Philip's Winter gent, in Hopkins's Hift. Houfatun-

[15] Prefent State ofNew-England. 199

ters. We very much fear the Indians falling on

our Out Towns this Spring, which if they mould,

would extremely damnify us.

Our Friend Mr. H. O. 249 went out again into

the Army, before he was cured of his old Wound,and hath received another on his Elbow-joynt,

which we fear will caufe him to lofe his Arm, if

not his Life. Our Enemies are yet very unmer-

ciful, fparing no Perfons Life that they can Maf-

ter.*5°

I fee no likelihood of any Peace, but muchfear our Wars are far from an End : Our Trade

to Virginia is quite decayed, not one Veffel having

gone from here thither fince the Wars began, but

by a fmall Velfel arrived here from thence, weare informed that .the Indians have fallen unex-

pected on the Englijh, and deftroyed many of

them, and done much harm with very little Lofs

to themfelves, but this Report finds very little

Credit with us;

2 5 x by the next (hipping I mall

(God willing) give you a farther Account of our

Affairs, and in the mean Time mall neglecT; no

71uk Indians, P. 28, has Skatekook, about this Time the Council of

and P. 78, Scattekook. Connecticut fent a MeiTenger to the

249 Poffibly Humphrey OJland. I hoftile Indians with a Propofal for

have no Authority for this Conjee- an Exchange.

ture, only the Fad that a Man of asl It was true, neverthelefs, as

this Name, of fuitable Age and Cir- the Hiftories of Virginia bear ample

cumftances, was refident here at the Teftimony. It took Place during

Time. what has fince been known as Ba-250 Perhaps not entirely true, con's Rebellion. See Force's Trails,

They had not had an Opportunity Vol. I ; alfo Oldmixon's Britijh

thus far to take many Prifoners. Empire, i, 381-2. See, alfo, Hub-

But it is evident they had fome, for bard's Narrative, Page 274.

200 Continuation of the [16-19]

Opportunity of informing myfelf of the Trans-

actions of thofe Parts, being fenfible how muchyou have obliged

Your Friend to his PowerN. S.*s»

[i6]POSTSCRIPT.I thought it needful to acquaint you that on

the 2 1 ft Day of March, Anno 1621, the Englijh

made a League of Peace with Maifafoit, who was

Grandfather253 to the prefent King Philip, on the

following Terms and Conditions. 154

[19] B ARBADQE S .

2 55

SPICKES-BAY, NOVEMBER THE 3OTH, 1 675.

MY Laft to you was an Information of a

bloody Tragedy intended againft his Ma-jeftie's Subjecls here in this Ifland, by the Heathen

252 Thefe Initials anfwer to thofe New England Memorial, they are

of Nathaniel Saltonftall, as well as here omitted,

to thofe of many other Perfons, but - 35 Barbadoes, " one of the mofl

for whom they Hand the Editor important of the Caribbee Iflands

can make no Decifion. in the Weft Indies." It is about

-=3For Grandfather, Ihould be 35 W. of the Cape de Verds. Its

fubftituted Father. Mr. John JofTe- firft Difcoverers are fuppofed to have

lyn is believed to be the firft who been Portuguefe, who finding no

published the Error. Philip was Inhabitants upon it, thought it not

Son of Maffafoit. fit for Settlement, but furnifhed it

"-s+As thefe "Terms and Con- with a Breed of Hogs. In 1605

ditions" were copied from Morton's the Englifh found it and erecled a

[19] Prefent State of New-England. 201

the Negroes, which was by the Providence of

God miraculoufly difcovered eight Days before

the intended Murder fhould have been acted.

The Manner of the Difcovery was thus : ANegro Man belonging to Mr. Hall Senior, being

abfented from his faid Mafter, among feveral

other Negroes who had a Hand in the Plot : In

a Council among them, they did contrive that

the Negroes belonging to each feveral Plantation,

mould in the Dead Time of the Night fall on at

the Sound of the Allarm, which was to be given

in one Hour, and at feveral Places through the

Ifland, which Negroes fo allotted was to kill their

Mafters and Miftreifes with their Overfeers ; this

forefaid Negroe of Mr. Halls (though one of the

chief Plotters) yet having a Refpecl to his Maf-ter, would by no Means confent to the killing ofhis Mafter, and upon Refufal was much threat-

ened ; and being afraid of his Life, makes his

Efcape and returns Home ; and one Day, whichwas a little before the Profecution of the Murder,was over-heard (telling the Plot to his Country-

men) by a Negro Woman, who waited and

Crofs where James Town was after- 4to, London, 1700. The [fland is

wards built with this Infcription : of an oval Form, and contains about

"James, King of England and this 106,470 Acres, and lies in Lat.

Ifland." In the Year 1700 it was 13" 18' nearly. Herman Moll"a Potent Colony, and able to arm fays it was difcovered by Sir Wil-10,000 fighting Men; which, with liam Curteen, in the Time of Jamesthe Strength that Nature hath be- I, contained no Beads but Swine,

flowed upon it, is able to bid De- left there by the Portuguefe.

—

Syf-

fiance to the ftouteft Foe."

—

Geog. tern of Geography, Part ii, 191, Ed.ReSiified, or a Defcription of the 1701. It is curious to compare the

World, &c. By Robert Morden, earlier and later Accounts.

Bb

202 Continuation of the [19]

attended on her Miftrefs, which the Negro Wo-man immediately reveals. The Negroe Manbeing taken to Examination, confeffed the wholeTruth, which was immediately told the Go-vernour, who appointed fome Captains to raife

their Companies for depreffing the Rebels, whichaccordingly was done, and Abundance taken and

apprehended and fince put to Death, and the Reft

kept in a more ftricTier Manner;

yet Jet/juran-

like, we have kicked againft God, and flighted

the Mercy of fo great a Deliverance^ 6 TheManner of their Proceedings I wrote to you

more at large ; and as the Lord did deliver us

from the Tyranny and barbarous Cruelty of

Savage Heathens, and we ftill remaining obfti-

nate, and refuling to return to him by Repentance

;

the Lord hath taken us into his own Hand to

chaftife us, which Chaftifements lyeth very heavy

on the poorer Sort, and none of the Rich ex-

cepted.

Sir, upon the laft Day of Augujl laft, about fix

of the Clock in the Afternoon, there did arife a

Violent Storm of Wind and Rain out of the

North-weft, and continuing between the Northand the South fo violent, that before the Hour of

Twelve at Night, there was not twenty Houfes

555 The early Hiftory of Barba- Date of our Text. Mr. Oldmixondoes is as replete with Atrocities as has given a good Hiftory of Barba-

any Country in the World, judging does, but he does not notice this

from fuch Hiftories as we have; of Attempt at Rebellion. See Britijh

which Ligon's is the chief; but his Empire, ii, 32. Some recent Atro-

Work does not come down to the cities are unparalleled by them.

[20] Prefent State ofNew-England. 203

{landing in our Pariih, in which there is abovethree hundred Families, and thofe that did {land,

much damnified ; our Neighbouring Parifhes

tailing of the fame Cup. There is killed outright,

(by the falling of Houfes) in this Pariih, thirty-

feven, and many more is fince, with the Violence

of the Wind and Cold, dead, and many lying in

their Beds of Sicknefs ; and as to our Ships, [20]all drove Afhore to Pieces, except one of the

Kings Men at War, which went to Sea, and re-

turning next Day after the Storm was ceafed, did

proteft to the Governour, that twenty Leagues off

there was no Storm, for he carried his Top-fail

half Mail high. 1"

Our Fellow-fubjedls in New-England, have the

28th of the fame Month, tailed of the fame Cup,and was very hard put to it this lail Summer byone King Philip an Indian King, who hath Re-volted without Caufe given him by the Englijh,

neither will he ihew any Reafon why ; but being

by an EmbaiTador from the Governour of Bojlon,

demanded why he would maintain the War, re-

fufed to Treat with the EmbaiTador, telling him,The Governour was but a Subject, and that he

would not Treat except his Brother King Charles

of England were there :*5 8 There is Abundance of

257 " The Hurricane that hap- (G. W.) probably had had fome

pened the 31ft of Anguft, 1675, Account of the Troubles here in

was the worft Enemy this Ifland 1671; and it was no doubt on the

ever knew, except it were the Pro- Occafion of Philip's Vifit to Bofton

jeSlors and Contrivers of Taxes in in that Year, as already recorded,

England."

—

Oldmixon,\\, 33. that he made the Speech given in

258 The Writer of this Letter the Text.

204- Continuation of the [20]

Families deftroyed, befides thofe kill'd in the

War ; but it is very much hoped this Winter they

will be Routed ; the Reafon is, becaufe they have

no Woods or, Bufhes to fhelter in, which is a

great Help to a Flying Army, fuch as they are,

for they will not bide any pitch Battel. OurBrethren in Virginia had been hard put to it this

laft Summer, if it had not been for the Relief of

New-England and New-York, which makes it the

harder with us here : pray God mend it.2" By

the tempeftuous Wind, and the violent raging of

the Sea, which hath much overflowed our Banks,

and incroacht upon the Land, here are manyHoufes loft ; among which mine was in Number,where I faved Nothing to cover us from the Vio-

lence of the Storm but what was on our Backs.

Pray God that I may make a fandtified Ufe of

the Chaftifement, becaufe the Lord hath not

given over our Life to Death. So having nomore at Prefent, but my Service to your Self and

good Lady, I reft your humble Servant,

G. W. 26°

Iforbear to tell or to write to you of the Jlrange

Accidents, as the removing of whole Frames, great

Timber Trees many Tards from their proper Sta-

259 What Kind of Aid New Circumftance; neither does Holmes,

England rendered Virginia, I have in his Annals.

not found. It could not have been 260 I have only to acknowledge

much, as the People here had their my utter inability to make any Con-Hands full of their own Troubles, jeftures refpefting the Perfon repre-

Hutchinfon does not mention the fented by G. W.

[20] Prefent State of New-England. 205

tions, by the Violence of the Storm; if I Jhould, it

would be counted Ridiculous, but I leave it to the

Relation of others. Wind-mills down in this Par-

ifh 16, much damnified 12, indeed none (landing

but ftone Mills in the Parifh, but what muft bepull'd down. Churches down nine. Such ano-ther Blow will bring Barbadoes near the Horizon.

FINIS.

A

lE>eto anD ifurtfjer j®axvati\)t

OF THE STATE OF

NEW-ENGLAND;BEING A CONTINUED ACCOUNT OF THE BLOODY

INDIAN WAR.FROM MARCH TILL AUGUST 1676.

Giving a Perfecr. Relation of the Several Devafta-

tions, Engagements, and Tranfactions there

;

As alfo the Great Succefles Lately obtained

againft the barbarous Indians, The Reducing

of King Philip, and the Killing of one of the

Queens, &c.

Together with a Catalogue of the Lofles in the Whole,

fuftained on either Side fince the faid Warbegan as near as can be collected.

Licenfed October 13. Roger UEftrange.

Printed by F. B. for Dorman Newman, at the King's Armes in the

Poultry, 1676.

FOR the better underftanding fome Indian

Words, which are neceflarily ufed in the fol-

lowing Narrative, the Reader is delired to take

Notice,

That a Swamp 16' fignifies a Moorifh Place,

overgrown with Woods and Buihes, but foft like

a Quagmire or Irifh Bogg, over which Horfe

cannot at all, nor Englifh Foot (without great

Difficulty) pafle.

A Sachem zilis a King, Prince, or Chief of an

ancient Family, over whom he is an abfolute

Monarch.A Squaw Sachem is a Princefs or Queen.

Wigwams^ are Indian Huts or Houfes.

•-ci a Word not found in the

early Englifh Vocabularies conlulted

by the Editor. As late as 1676 it

was not recognized by "J. B., Dr.

in Phyfick," in his " Englifh Ex-

pofitour," nor in that of 1680," now the fixth Time revifed."

But in Philips and Kerfeys, 1 706," Swamp or Swomp " is defined

" a Bog or Marfhy Place, in Vir-

ginia and New Eug/ana'." Bailey

has not improved upon this Defini-

tion, nor does either attempt a

Derivation. In Arnold's Tranfla-

tion of Bailey's Dictionary into

German, he defines " Swamp, fin

©Uttipf, s. Bog." Simply a Bog.

Dr. Webfter thinks it is derived

from the Root ftvim. I have been

thus particular, as it has been gene-

rally fuppofed a genuine Indian

Word ; and from the early Writers

and Lexicographers it is evident

they were of a fimilar Opinion.

But the Word is in Ufe in Sweden,

and fpelt as here fpelt.

302 Sachem, Sachemo, Sagamonand Sagamore are purely Indian.

The firft appears to have been in

Ufe more particularly among the

Indians in the wefterly Parts of

New England, and the latter amongthofe in the eafterly Parts. It is

not true that Sagamore is an infe-

rior Chief, as is flated in Worcef-

ter's Dictionary. Wood defines' Sagamore and Sachem" as the

fame ; namely, a King. RogerWilliams fays, Key, 106-7, "TheVarietie of their Dialefts and properSpeech within thirtie or fortie Mileseach of other, is very great." SeeBook of the Indians, 104, 277.

'~ 6;i From Wetu, a Dwelling or

refting-Place, and Wetuomuck, at a

or the Houfe. The Englifh forced

Wigwam or Wigzuom out of We-tuomuck is very evident. See Wil-liams's Key, Trumbull's Edition, P.

59. But we find Houfe rendered

in Mohegan, Weekumuhm.—Ed-wards's Ois., 8.

NBOSTON,JULY 22, 1676.

Sir,

HAVING prefumed in Two former Letters

to give you a faithful Account of the

Original Occafion (as near as I could

Difcover) and fad Progreffe of the cruel Wars be-

tween us and our Barbarous Enemies, the Indians;

I thought (having this other Opportunity) yourCuriojity might expect, at leaft (from that Know-ledge I have for many Years had of your courte-

ous Difpofition) was aifured your Good Naturewould Pardon, the Trouble, of a Further Rela-

tion of material Occurrences which have fince

happened amongft us, the rather for that I re-

member my felf under the voluntary Obligation

of a Promife fo to do.

My Laft (which I hope you Received) was of

the 9th of February, 1675-6: And ferioufly at

that Time my Hand Trembled, and my Heartalmoft fainted, when my Mind reflected on our

prefent Miferies, and revolved for the Future

Cc

2 io A New and Farther Narrative [2]

what might be the Iffue of* that Deluge of Ca-lamity which threatened us. The Difpenfation

we lay under was Cloudy and Affrighting, FrefhMeffengers (like Job's Servants) howrly arriving

to bring the Doleful Tidings of New Maffacres,,

Slaughters & Devastations committed by the

Brutiih Heathen ; and certainly it cannot but

deferve both Wonder and Commifferation, that

thefe Parts which were not many Months fince

hardly to be Parallel'd for Plenty and Security,

are now almoft destroyed and laid Wafte by the

favage Cruelties of a Bloody (and fometimes

Defplcable) Enemy ; who are now become fo

well furniiht with Arms and Ammunition(by the bafe Treachery we fear of fome of our

Neighbours) 264 fo inftrudfed in Difcipline byExperience, and heightened in Pride by unex-pected Succeffe, That unleffe our God (whofetender Mercies are over all his Works) in Compaf-fion to the Englifh Nation in this Wilderneffe,

wonderfully appear for our Deliverance, Nothingcould be expected but an utter Defolation ; andof this his gracious Dealing towards us, we havelately had feveral Instances, our Forces beingcrowned with Succeffe, and the Enemy put to

Flight, or fo far divi[2]ded and difcouraged, that

great Numbers have furrendered themfelves whenby our own Strength or outward Circumstances

we could leaft expecl: it. 26s But that I may fet

264 Referring probably to the 265 The Country were in extreme

bordering Dutch Settlers along the uncertainty, after the Narraganfet

Hudfon River. Swamp Fight, to what Extent the

\_2 ] of the State of New-England. 211

down Things in fome Method, I (hall reafTumethe Narrative of our Troubles, where I left off

in my laft Letter, and relate the moft confidera-

ble Actions from that Time, in the fame Orderas they happened.

After that fharp Fight on the 19 December,whereof I formerly gave you the Particulars, ourwounded Men (in Number about 150) being dreft,

were fent into Rhode IJland, as the beft Place for

their Accommodation, where accordingly theywere kindly received by the Governour and others,

only fome churlifh Quakers were not free to

entertain them, until compelled by the Govern-our.

266 Of fo inhumane, peevifh and untoward a

Difpolition are thefe Nabals, as not to VouchfafeCivility to thofe that had ventured their Lives,

and received dangerous Wounds in their Defence.

Enemy had fuffered. They were fary for their doinineering Neigh-

indeed more terribly crippled than bors to ajk Favors of them, they

was imagined. Their lofs of Provi- perhaps, in Accordance with their

fions, at fuch a Seafon of the Year former Deportment, rather infifted

was irreparable, and it was not for that they mould accommodate the

feveral Months that their real Weak- wounded without Ceremony. Wenefs was actually realized. do not know that this was the Facl,

saii It was no t Inhumanity which but it is not altogether improbable,

occafioned them to retufe their kind Nor can I ftate with certainty, that

Offices to the wounded, but it was the well informed Rhode-Iflander

neceffary for them to withhold all of this Day believes the War of

Afts which might be conftrued into 1676 to have been a juft one; but,

taking Part in the Conteft. They it is confidently believed that oneknew that their Colony was looked of that Day would not have been

upon, as holding a Place very infe- eafily made to believe it. That the

rior to that of the Reft, and had fick and wounded were kindly

been haughtily neglected when the cared for on the Ifland, there is

Confederation was entered into by abundant Evidence in unpublimed

the other Colonies. And when the Documents already referred to in

Events of the War made it necef- previous Pages of this Collection.

212 A New and Farther Narrative [2]

As for the Indians that furvived the Battell, they

forfook their New-built Fort, and that Swampwhere the Fight hapned, and potted themfelves

in a Swamp twenty Miles diftant from thence

;

The Weather being extreme cold, and the Snowfo deep, that we could not for fome Time marchin Purfuit of them : yet {till kept Scouts abroad

daily to obferve their Motions, and thereby hin-

dered them from coming to the Sea-fide ; killed

and took Prifoners divers of them, as they werefound flxagling ; and burnt great Numbers of

their Wigwams (or Houfes :) And being rein-

forced with fome Additional Forces from Bojion

and Plimouth, together with a Bark laden withProvifion, we relblved to fet upon them again

with the firfi: Opportunity ; and in Order there-

unto marched to Patuxit, where we underftood,

that two Nights before the Indians had aflaulted

a Gentleman's Houfe about Break of Day withmuch Violence, and wounded two Men in it,

fixiving to Fire the Houfe267 feveral Times, bytying Pine-fplinters on long Poles, In a Bunchfired, and held upon the Shingles ; but thofe

within prevented that Stratagem from taking

Effect, beat off the Aifailants, and found one of

them left dead upon the Place ; But the Out-Houfes and Hay the Indians burnt, and droveaway all the Sheep and Cattell : we marchedafter them with all convenient Expedition, and

267 This has Reference to the tion, already detailed. See Note 14.4,

Affair at Mr. Carpenter's Planta- ante. But here are additional Fails.

[3 J °f t }̂e State ofNew-England. 213

came to the Swamp where they had been, but

moft of them were then fled, having by their

Scouts difcovered the Advance of our Men, yet

our Horfe killed, and took many of them, follow-

ing the Purfuit, till our Horfes were tired, our Menfaint, and our Victuals fpent :

l68 Infomuch that

feveral Horfes were killed and eaten, whereof the

General (the worthy Jojiah Win/low, Efquire, Go-vernor of New London) [Plymouth,] eat his Part,

and in all, as well hardfhips and dangers, was not

wanting to encourage his Men by his own valiant

Example : but finding it both vain and hazard-

ous to march farther after this flying Rabble of

barbarous Heathens, who we heard were then

got together, about 5000 Men, Women andChildren, towards Quoboge ;

269 our Army left the

Chace, and having placed a Garrifon of about

feventy Men, in Captain Smith's (a flxong) Houfe,within four Miles of the Narraganfets Dwellings,

marched homewards to Marleborough, and from

[3J thence to Bojion, where they were difbanded

in December. 110

.268 See laft Tra&, Page 15, of at any Time found together, andOriginal. their fighting generally confifted in

269 The Author has here enlarged attempts at Surprife. When they

his Figures. At Page 15 ante, he could not fucceed in this, they kept

fet the Number of Indians at 4000, out of the Way as well as they

of which 1800 were confidered could.

Fighting Men. Whatever their

Number was, they were in a fam- 27n Inftead of December it mouldifhing Condition; and the able Men be February. See pojl, News fromamong them had quite enough to do N. Eng. 3 , Orig. paging, and Re-to keep the Reft from Starving; in- ferences. See alfo, ante, Note 162,

fomuch, that but few Warriors were and Text.

214 A New and Farther Narrative [3]

But upon this, the Indians began to appear

abroad again, as mifchievous as ever ; For the

very next Week they fet upon Lancajier Town, 271

killed feveral People, and carried away manyPrifoners ; fuch Houfes as were fortified, defended

themfelves, but the greatefl Part of the Townthey fired and plundered ; and had deftroyed the

whole Place, had not Captain . Wad/worth, uponhearing of the Guns, come with great Expedi-tion from Sudbury, with a Party to their Relief; 272

After this they cut off a Farm-houfe near Sud-

bury, killed feven People in a barbarous Manner,and carried fome away captive :

273 Three hundredof them fet upon the Town of Maidesfield,

7-™ and

'J71 The Surprife of Lancafier

was on Feb. ioch. Seepojf, Newsfrom N. England, as above.—Whit-

ney's Hijiory of Worcefter Co., 38

;

True Account, pof, 1-2; Hubbard's

Narrative, i, 165-6; ii, 260; /.

Mather, 117; Willard, in Worcef-

ter Magazine, i, 280; ii, 257.272 For this Exploit of Captain

Wadfworth, fee Hubbard, ib., 167.27:i This was the Family of Tho-

mas Eames. The Deftru&ion of

his Houfehold was on the Night of

the lft of February, 1675-6; and

was one of the fevereft Defolations

of the War. In a Petition on the

following Odtober, he prayed for

Land, being that Part of Natick

formerly owned by ten Indians, fix

of whom had murdered and car-

ried off his Family; "feeing the

ten Owners are not now extant, fix

of them burned my Houfe, three

of whom have been hanged, the

others all fled to the Enemy. MyCondition how Sad ! Suppliant,

lamentable, afrMed, diftreffed, in-

digent, miferable, and deplorable it

is; who am at Prefent 60 Years of

Age. Witnefs the late and lament-

able Devaluation of my Family andEftate by Fire and Sword, wherefeveral of my dear Children wentinto Captivity, fome of whom are

not yet returned, and others of

them fhot down dead : yea, the

Wife of my Bofom," Sec.

By another Petition, feveral Years

later, made by "John Eames andhis Brethren,'' Sons of Thomas, it

is dated that befides their Mother,

five Children were flain ; and that

of thofe carried away only four ever

returned. Thefe " Brethren " were

John, Nathaniel and Samuel.

—

Ori-

ginal Papers. See, alfo, Hubbard's

Narrative, i, 222-3.2" Medfield. The Attack was

[3] of the State ofNew-England. 215

burnt at leaft fifty Houfes, killed and took divers

of the Inhabitants, being all furprifed before they

were aware : For the fubtle Indians near Day-break, came about the Houfes privately and lay

clofe in the Fences ; And as People came out of

their Houfes fhot them down. Upon this the

Governour of Maflachufets fent out about Five

hundred or fix hundred Men under the Conductof Major Thomas Savadge and Captain Mofely, as

next in command to him, who, having Intelli-

gence by a Girl that had made her Efcape, 2" that

the Indians were in three Towns beyond Quoboge,

marched thither, where they joyned Major Treat

with the Connecticut Forces ; but the Enemywere fled : only, fkulkingly out of the Woods,they fhot one of Capt. Mofely s Men and woundedone or two more. But their main Body beingclofely purfued, difperfed and ran into Woods andSwamps, fo that it was impoflible for our Men to

come up with them, and therefore marched awayfor Hadley and Northampton, to fecure them andthe other Towns in thofe Parts, and by a fpecial

Providence came very feafonably ; for within twoDays after his Arrival, Northampton (though for-

tified round) was afiaulted, the Centinel Surprifed

and (lain, and the Enemy entered the Fortifica-

tions : Being ignorant (as it is fuppofed) of any

on the 21ft of February. See /. Mary Sbeppard. She was captured

Mather, 1 19-20; Hubbard, i, 167- on the 12th of February. At the

71. fame Time two of her Brothers275 See Hubbard's Narrative, i, were killed. Two of her Brothers

223. The name of the Girl was were killed when the was taken.

2 1 6 A New and Farther Narrative [4.]

Recruits newly come thither, but found fuch

warm Entertainment, that though they had kin-

dled their Fire, they durft not ftay to roaft their

Breakfaft, but were forced to fly with great Con-fulion ; we having loft only three Men, and the

Enemy above twenty, as was judged, though the

Number could not be certainly known ; it being

their Cuftom to carry off their Dead always with

them, if poifible : The next Day they appeared

about a thoufand ftrong, whereupon the Majordrew out his Forces, and purfued them to their

ufual Place of Rendezvous near Deerfield; Butthey would not abide his coming up with them,

but fled difperfedly into the Woods, where he wasable to do little or no Execution upon them.

The Council of Bofon (to the great Surprife of

many People) refuting to maintain the Narra-

gatifet Garrifon railed by the United Colonies,

lodged as aforefaid in Mr. Smith's Houfe, they

having eat and deftroyed what they could, quitted

the faid Houfe, thofe of the Soldiers that belonged

to Connecticut hiring a Boat to tranfport themto Pawcatucke,- 16 fearing to march through the

Narraganfet Country and thofe of Maf'achufets

and Plimouth went to Seacunicker 11 But [4] the

very next Day after their Departure, the Indians

came and burnt the faid Garrifon-houfe (one of

the moft delightful Seats in New England) and

another Houfe of the faid Capt. Smiths 278 at Saw-

- ;,i On the River of the fame Ifland and Connecticut.

Name, which River forms a Part - 7 " Seakonk.

of the Boundary Line of Rhode 27fl Richard Smith, often men-

[4] of the State of New-England. 217

gaw^79 together with all the Houfes at Narragan-

Jet; and the Dav following aflaulted Warwickwith fo unhappy a Succefie, that they burnt moft

of the Houfes there, and indeed ruined all but

four, which during the prefent Danger were kept

by their Owners with their Friends and Servants

as Garrifons ; out of which there was a Sally

made with twenty Men, who with the LofTe of

one of their Number, killed ten of the Indians,

yet could not preferve the Reft of the Town, nor

hinder them from carrying from thence a con-

fiderable Booty of Cattel. 280

The 14th of March, the favage Enemy fet

upon a confiderable Town called Grougbton, andburnt Major Wtlberds %%1 Houfe firft (who withhis Family removed to Charts Town) and after-

wards deftroyed lixty-five Dwelling-houfes morethere, leaving but fix Houfes ftanding in the

whole Town, which they likewife furioufly at-

tempted to fet on Fire ; But being fortified with

Arms and Men as Garrifons, they with their Shot,

tioned before. The Lot of this Note, ante, 264.

Gentleman and his Family was an -'''' Sawgoge, between Wickford

exceeding hard one. "He had and Devil's Foot. See Parfons, 26.

left fair Poffeffions in Gloucefter- 2S0 I find no other Mention of

fhire, and adventured with his Re- this " Sally," and killing ten Indians,

latives and Eftate to New England, - 31 Major Simon Willard. The.... was a prime leading Man in Date of the Attack on Groton is

Taunton in Plymouth Colony ;" but given by Mr. Hubbard, Marchon Account of Matters of Con- 13th. See Narrative, i, 196. Dr.fcience, " he left and came to the I. Mather agrees with Mr. Hub-Narraganfet Country," &c.—From bard. In the News from Newan original Letter of Roger Wil - England, Page 4, the Date is Marchliams. See Backus, i, 421 ; alfo 7th.

Dd

2 1 8 A New and Farther Narrative [4]

killed feveral of the Enemy, and prevented fo

much of their Defigne ; Nor do we hear that

any Perfon on our Side was here either flain or

taken Captive ; But the very next Day two Mencoming from Malbury to Sudbury, were fet uponin the Woods by a great Number of Indian Wo-men armed with Clubs, Pieces of Swords, and the

like, who by their Numbers having over-maftered

the two poor Travellers, that had Nothing but

fmall Sticks to defend themfelves with, beat out

their Brains, and cut off their privy Members,which they carried away with them in Tri-

umph ;-82 lb vain it is to expedl any Thing but

the moft barbarous Ufage from fuch a People

amongft whom the moft milde and gentle Sex

delight in Cruelties, and have utterly abandoned

at once the two proper Virtues of Womankinde,Pity and Modefty.

Their next Attempt (I mean of any conlidera-

ble Body of the Indians) was upon a Town called

Nafoaway, which they fet Fire to, and burnt downto the Ground ; there was little Reiiftance madehere, People endeavoring rather to efcape their

Fury by Flight than Oppolition ; and yet they

killed many, burnt the Town down to the

282 The Indian Women at this in the Form of Guns." But favage

Time feem to have participated in Atts were not peculiar to Indian

the warlike Aftions of the Men. Women. Dr. /. Mather gives an

It is related by Mr. Gookin, MS. Account of fome Englim WomenHift., 108, that in the Attack on in Maflachufetts, who beat feveral

Sudbury, " were many Women Indian Men to Death for no other

among the Warriors, whom they Reafon than that they were Indians,

had fitted with Pieces of Wood cut See, alfo, Note in Hubbard, ii, 237.

[5] °j the State of New-E?tgla?id. 219

Ground, and took no lefle than five and fifty

Perfons into their mercilefs Captivity. And that

you may perceive the malicious Hatred thefe

Infidels have to Religion and Piety, it may beobferved, how they endeavored to fignalize their

Cruelty, and gratifie their enraged Spleen, chiefly

on the Promoters of it ; For of thefe 55 Captives,

the Minifter of the Towns Relations made up nolelfe than feventeen, viz : Mrs. Rowlinfon the

Minifter's Wife, and his three Children, and twoSifters of her own, with feven, and the other

with four Children. As they were leading themaway in this lamentable Condition, one of the Sif-

ters being big with Childe, going into the Woodsto be privately delivered, the Indians followed andin a jeering Manner, they would help her, andbe her Midwives, and thereupon they barbaroufly

ript [5] up her Body, and burnt the Child before

her Face, and then in a merciful Cruelty, to put

her out of her Pain, knockt her o'th Head

:

There was a Report that they had forced Mrs.Rowlandfon to marry the one eyed Sachem, but

it was foon contradicted ; for being a very pious

Woman and of great Faith, the Lord wonder-fully fupported her under this Affliction, fo that

ftie appeared and behaved her felf amongft themwith fo much Courage and majeftick Gravity,

that none durft offer any Violence to her, but onthe contrary (in their rude Manner) feemed to

fhow her great RefpecT: ; But who can exprefle

the Sorrows of her Hufband, the Minifter andhis Brother, when returning from Bojion, prefently

220 A New and Farther Narrative [5]

after the Engagement, they found all their Goodsdeftroyed, their Houfes laid in Allies, and their

dear Wives and Children thus miferably capti-

vated : this was a fit Scene for Faith and Patience

to be exercifed in. In fuch a Junction of Affairs

a Man had need have a God to go to for Sup-

port, and an Intereft in Chrift to yield himConfolation. Mr. Rowlinfon, after much Pains

and Trouble ranfomed his Wife for TwentyPounds, and got her out of their Hands, but his

Children and the Reft (if living) remain ftill in

that moft wretched Slavery. 283

About the fame Time 284 one Mr. Clarke's

Wife, Children, and all his Family at his FarmHoufe two Miles from Plimouth were furprized

and killed, except one Boy, who was knockdown, and left for Dead, but afterwards taken

up and revived. The Houfe they plundered of

Provifions and Goods to a great Value. Eight

compleate Arms, 30 lb. of Powder, with an-

fwerable Quantity of Lead for Bullets, and 150^in ready Money ; the faid Mr. Clark himfelf

narrowly efcaping their Cruelty by being at that

Inftant at a Meeting.

Sunday the 26th of March was fadly remark-

able to us for the Tidings of a very deplorable

Difafter brought unto Bofton about 5 O'clock

that Afternoon, by a Poft from Dedham, viz.,

28;» Further Details of the Sack- lars of" the Eel River MafTacre will

ing of Lancafter will be found in be found detailed from original Re-

two of the fucceeding T rafts, cords, in the Book of the Indians,- 84 March 12th. The Particu- and in Mather, Brief Hi/lory, 25 1.

[6] of the State of New-England. 221

that Captain Pierce [of] Scituate, in PlimouthColony, having Intelligence in his Garrifon at

Seaconicke, that a Party of the Enemy lay near

Mr. Blackftones, went forth with 63 Englifh andtwenty of the Cape Indians, (who had all along

continued faithful, and joyned with them;) andupon their March, difcovered rambling in an

obfcure woody Place, four or five Indians, who,in getting away from us, halted, as if they hadbeen lame or wounded. But our Men had pur-

fued them but a little Way into the Woods,before they found them to be only Decoys to

draw them into their Ambufcade : for on a Sud-

den, they difcovered above 500 Indians, who in

very good Order, furioufly attacqued them, being

as readily received by ours. So that the Fightbegan to be very fierce and dubious, and our

Men had made the Enemy begin to retreat ; but

fo flowly that it fcarce deferved that Name, whena frefh Company of about 400 Indians came in ;

fo that the Englifh and their few Indian Friends

were quite furrounded, and befet on every Side.

Yet they made a brave Refiflance, for above twoHours : during all which Time they did great

Execution upon the Enemy, whom they kept at

a Diftance, and themfelves in Order. For Cap-tain Pierce cart his 63 Englifh and 20 Indians

into a Ring, and [6] fought Back to Back, and

were double-double Diftance, all in one Ring,

whilft the Indians were as thick as they could

ftand, thirty deep. Overpowered with whofeNumbers, the faid Captain, and 55 of his Englifh,

222 ANew and Farther Narrative [6]

and ten of their Indian Friends were flain uponthe Place ; which, in fuch a Caufe, and upon

fuch Difadvantages, may certainly be ftiled TheBed of Honour. However, they fold their worthyLives at a gallant Rate ; it being affirmed by

thofe few that (not without wonderful Difficulty,

and many Wounds,) made their Efcape ; that the

Indians loft as many Fighting Men, (not counting

Women and Children,) in this Engagement, as

were killed at the Battle in the Swamp, near

Narraganfet, mentioned in our laft Letter, whichwere generally computed to be above three

Hundred.*8 *

The fame Day, fome Chriftians going to a

Meeting at Springfield, with a fmall Guard, wereambufcaded by eight Indians, and a Man and

Woman flain ; and the Reft, (fuppofing the Ene-mies Number to have been greater than it was,

for in Truth, our Men were twice as many, yet

ftruck with Terror, fled, and left two Womenand two Children to the Enemies Mercy, whomthey carried away Captive, greatly infulting, [ex-

ulting] that fo few of them Ihould make fo manyEnglifh fly. Of this Accident Major Savage of

Hadley, being immediately advertifed by a Poft

fent fpecially on that Occafion, difpatched a Party

of Horfe to purfue the Enemy, and the next

285 Jf t (fog other cotemporary borough, little elfe can hardly be

Hiftories of Pierce's Fight, the new expe&ed. The Names of Pierce's

Light be added, contained in Mr. Men may nearly all be gathered

BlifTe's Hiftory of Rehoboth, and from the Plymouth Colonial Re-

Judge Daggett's Hiftory of Attle- cords now in Print.

[6] of the State of New-England. 223

Morning found their Trad:, and foon after dif-

covered them ; who, feeing our Men approach,

took the two poor Infants, and in the Sight

both of their Mothers and our Men, tolfed themup in the Air, and dafhed their Brains out againft

the Rocks, and with their Hackets [Hatchets]

knokt down the Women, and forthwith fled.

The Place being exceeding rocky, and a Swampjuft by, our Horfe could not follow them, and onFoot were not able to overtake them ; fo that

the bloudy Villains, for the Prefent, efcaped de-

ferved Vengeance;yet it pleafed God, that both

the Women revived, and being come again to

their Understanding, one of them declared that

fhe knew every Particular Perfon of thefe eight

Indians, and that they advifed them to put all

the Men they could light upon, to Death but to

fave as many Women and Houfes as they could,

for them. 286

On Tuefday following, the barbarous Infidels

deftroied fixty and fix Houfes, befides Barns andBuildings in Seaconicke, 287 but we do not hear ofany Perfon there flain. On Wednefday, they

ftormed Providence, and confumed a greater Part

of the Houfes ; but without taking away the

Life of any Perfon, except one Wright, of whomit is reported, that he was a Man of a lingular

and fordid Humour ; of great Knowledge in the

286 In the Notes to the new Edi- S87 That Part of Seakonk called

tions of Mather and Hubbard will Rehoboth. It was burnt on the

be found all the additional Fads we 20th of March, 1676.

—

Hubbard,

are in PofTeffion of. 1 80, Mather, 131.

224 dNew and Farther Narrative [7 ]

Scriptures, but of no particular profeffed Seel; or

Perfuafion ; one that derided Watches, Fortifi-

cations, and all public Endeavours and Admin-iftrations for the common Safety ; infomuch, that

after all Alarms round about, he refuted to bring

in any of his Goods, (which were of confidera-

ble Value,) or to fhelter himfelf in any Garrifon,

but prefumed he mould be fafe in his own Houfe,

where the Enemy found and butchered him. It

is further credibly related concerning him, that

he had a ftrange Confidence, or rather Conceit,

that [7] whillt he held his Bible in his Hand, he

looked upon himfelf as fecure from all kinde of

Violence ; and, that the Enemy, finding him in

that Pofture, deriding his groundlefs Apprehen-

fion, or Folly therein, ripped him open and put

his Bible in his Belly.

But indeed the Reafon that the Inhabitants of the

Town of Seaconicke and Providence generally ef-

caped with their Lives, is not to be attributed to

any Companion or Good Nature of the Indians,

(whofe very Mercies are inhumane Cruelties,) but,

(next to God's Providence,) to their own Prudence

in avoiding their Fury, when they found themfelves

too weak and unable to refill; it, by a timely

Flight into Rhode Ifland, which now became

the common Zoar, or Place of Refuge for the

Diftrefled;yet fome remained till their coming

to diftroy the faid Towns ; as, in particular, Mr.Williams, 288 at Providence, who knowing feveral

' '~ See Colonial Records of Conneclicut, ii, 436.

[7 ] of the State ofNew-England. 225

of the Chief Indians that came to Fire that

Town, difcourfed with them a confiderable Time,who pretended their greateft Quarrel was againft

Plimouth ; and as for what they attempted againft

the other Colonies, they were conftrained to it,

by the Spoil that was done them at Narraganfet.

They told him that when Capt. Peirce engagedthem near Mr. Blackftone's they were bound for

Plimouth. They gloried much in their Succefs,

proifing themfelves the Conqueft of the wholeCountry, and rooting out of all the Englifh.

Mr. Williams reproved their Confidence; mindedthem of their Cruelties, and told them that the

Bay, viz., Bofton, could yet fpare ten thoufand

Men ; and if they mould deftroy all them, yet,

it was not to be doubted, our King would fend

as many every Year from Old England, rather

than they fhould fhare the Countrey. They an-

fwered proudly, that they fhould be ready for

them, or to that EffecT: ; but told Mr. Williamsthat he was a good Man, and had been kinde to

them formerly, and therefore would not hurt

him. 28 ?

About the latter End of March came Advice

jr9 There is a different Account aged Men faw him, they came out

of Mr. Williams's meeting the In- and met him, and told him, that

dians extant, which runs thus :

—

though thofe who had long known" When the Indians appeared on him, would not hurt him, yet their

the high Lands, North of the Great young Men were fo imaged, that it

Cove, Mr. W. took his Staff and was not fafe for him to venture

walked over towards them, hoping among them; upon which he re-

likely to pacify them, as he had turned to the Garrifon." See Backus,

often done ; but when fome of their Hijlory New England, i.

Ee

226 ANew and Farther Narrative [8 ]

from New York, that the Indians, in a Bravado,

had releafed two Englifh Captives, and fent themdown thither to give Information of what they

had feen, which was, that being carried with a

Party three Days Jouurney towards the North-Eaft, from the Place where King Philip lay,

(which was between thirty and fourty Englifh

Miles from Albany. He came up to an Indian

Rendezvous, made by a mighty Sachem near

Homcke-River, towards Canada, where one of

them told one and twenty hundred Men, compleat

;

and the Indians themfelves drawing out into

three Ranks, (that he might view them the Bet-

ter,) made him tell them over three Times ; who,he laid, were generally well armed, with good Fire-

arms, and moft of them young Men ; few fo old

as forty. And, that amongft them there wereabout 500 of thofe with Straws about their Nofes,

commonly called French Indians. That neither

King Philip nor that Party, confirming of about

four Hundred, were then with them and that

the faid Philip's own Men were not above oneHundred ; himfelf being very fickly, and havingbut little Efteem or Authority amongft them.One of the faid releafed Prifoners declared

further, that from that Rendezvous he returned

with the Reft towards Albany, being afterwards

given by the North Indians to the Mahicandersor River Indians, (who have been [8] always

fufpecled to be too kinde to thofe bloody Ones ofthe North.) And alfo affirms that the faid NorthIndians, at the faid Rendezvous, in a vapouring

[8] of the State ofNew-England. 227

Manner, declared, that their Intent was, firft to

deftroy Connecticut this Spring, then Bofton in

the Harveft, and afterwards the Dutch, (meaningwhat the Dutch had here.)

About the fame Time alfo, there was muchDifcourfe and Confultation about a Project for

giving thefe Northern Indians that thus infefted

and harralfed New England, a Diversion, by en-

gaging the Mohucks (another Sort of Indians,

inhabiting towards New-York, and formerly in-

veterate Enemies to thefe,) againft them on the

other Side. And it was certainly reported, that

the Governour of New York, would, upon re-

queft, and reafonable Propofalls, freely make ufe

of his Intereft amongft that People, (which is

very great,) for effecting fo good a Delign. 29°

Yea, the Pequod Sachem, who always has con-

tinued friendly and faithful to the Englifh, ven-

turing his Men on all Occafions, (who have donevery good Service,) feemed much to wonder that

we did not carry it on ; affirming that the faid

Mohucks were the only Perfons likely to put an

End to the War, by hindering the Enemy fromPlanting ; and forcing them down upon us. Butthis Counfell, (for I know not what good Rea-fons of Some amongft us,) was not thought fit,

(at leaft for the Prefent,) to be fo vigorously pur-

fued, as Some expected : But to proceed with the

Narrative.

200 The Correfpondence between ment of the Mohawks againft him,

the Authorities of Connecticut and may be feen in the Colonial Records

Gov. Andros relative to the where- of Connetlicut, ii, 436, &c. Notabouts of Philip, and the Employ- very creditable to either.

228 ANew and Farther Narrative [8 ]

On the fecond of April, Maj. Savage, Capt.

Mofely, Capt. William Turner, and Capt. Whit-poll 2? 1 with 300 Men, marched from Marle-borow to Qoboge, where they had ordered the

Connecticut Forces to attend their coming. Andaccordingly the Parties being joined, endeavored

to finde out the Enemy, and give them Battel

;

but thefe Heathens being like Wolves, and other

Beafts of Prey, that commonly do their Mifchiefs

in the Night, or by Stealth, durft not come forth

out of the Woods and Swamps, where they lay

fkulking in fmall Companies, being fo light of

Foot that they can run away when they lift,

and pafs Boggs, rocky Mountains and Thickets,

where we could by no Means purfue them.

Only now and then we met with fome Stragglers

before they were aware. And one Time march-ing towards Northampton, had a brifk Difpute

with a fmall Party who fell upon our Rear ; but

we quickly repelled them, and killed about 20,

in a hot Purfuit after them, without the Loffe of

one Man on our Side, and but one wounded.About the fame Time, Maj. Palmer, 2 ? 2 having

been fcouring the Narraganfetts Country, brought

in 30 of the Enemy, and 60 of Ninnicrofts People,

which were about 30 fighting Men, who de-

livered up themfelves to our Protection. Wekept their Wives and Children fafely, as Hofta-

ges, and made the Men go abroad with our

sal There was a Captain John in the Text.

Whipple in the Service againft the 29a Maj. Edward Palmes. See

Indians. He is doubtlefs intended Hubbard, ii, 61.

[9] of the State ofNew-England. 229

Parties, who did us great Service in clearing the

Woods. Likewife the Pequods and Mohegins,

(who proved a good Guard to New London,Norwich, and the River's Mouth,) brought in

27 of the Enemy and much Plunder.

April the 6. John Winthrope, Efq. a Memberof the Royal Society, and Governour of Con-necticut Colony, having like a faithful Patriot,

ferved his Country, dyed at Bofton, of a natural

Diftemper, after about eight Days Sicknefs, and

was there interred in his Fathers Tomb, with an

univerfal Lamentation, and all the Honours that

our Diftreffes and Diffractions would [9] allow.

And, though it be ufually faid Inter arma Jilent

Mufee, yet could not all our martial Confufions

wholly ffrike our Mufes dumb, upon fo worthyan Occafion, (enough to make our Country bathe

itfelf in Tears, as it hath lately done in Blood,)

but they appeared in Publique to pay a Funeral

Tribute to his honourable Dull, in a no lefle

ingenious than pamonate and mournfull Elegyupon him, printed here at Bofton.

The next Day the Governour intended to have

marched out with about three hundred Englifh

of his own Colony, and 50 Cape-Indians, and all

Things were in a Readinefs accordingly ; but not

being fupplied with any Affiftance from us, hewanted Soldiers to fecure his own Towns, if they

fhould be attacqued fuddenly by the Indians, (wholie in Wait for fuch Opportunities,) during his

230 A New and Farther Narrative [9]

Abfence, and therefore was forced to let fall his

Defigne, and continue at Home. 2"

The 11th of April, Capt. Denifon, with an

100 Engliih Volunteers, belonging to Connecticut

Colony, and as many Indians, of whom fomewere Mohegins, fome Pequods, and fome of

Ninnicrafts Men, that had revolted from him;

294

the faid friendly Indians being commanded bythe young Sachem Unkus, whofe Father, (the

only Chriftian Sagamore, 29$ ) hath during all this

War continued faithful ; upon their March,ranging the Narraganfet Countrey near Potuxit,

they fell upon a Party of the Enemy, commandedby that famous but very bloudy and cruel Sa-

chem, Quononihot, otherwife called Myanton-omy, whom the Engliih formerly prefented with

a rich Lac't Coat. They fought very obftinately

a conliderable Time, but at laft, our Men, with

very fmall Lofle, obtained the Victory ; killed

above 50 of the Enemy on the Place, and took

40 more alive ; and amongft the Reft that info-

lent Sachem, Myantonomy himfelf, together with

another Sachem, and feveral other of his chief

'2'J3 ln wnat Direction the Go- 2fl4 The Author was mifinformed

vernor expe&ed to find the Enemy, with Regard to the Nianticks (Ni-

it does not appear, provided he had nigret's Men). They had been

marched out. The " fore Defeat

"

true to the Englifh all the War.of Capt. Pierce, the Burnings at Ninigret himfelf being old, took no

Rehoboth and Providence, had fent adlive Part, as has been already

Confternation into every Mind mentioned.

throughout the Land; hence it is 2SS Of the Chriftian Character

not ftrange that Indecifion was feen of Uncas, enough has been faid in

among the military Commanders. an earlier Note.

[9] of the State ofNew-England. 231

Counfellors and Friends. The faid Myanton-omys Carriage was flrangely proud and lofty,

after he was taken. Being examined why he

did foment that War, which would certainly be

the Deftruclion of him and all the Heathen In-

dians in the Country, &c. ? He would make noother Reply to any Interrogatories, but this;—That he was born a Prince, and if Princes cameto fpeak with him he would anfwer, but noneprelent being fuch, he thought himfelf obliged

in Honour to hold his Tongue, and not hold

Difcourfe with fuch Perfons, below his Birth andQuality. He told them he wifht rather to die

than to continue under Confinement ; that all

he defired was not to be tortured, but prefently

be put to Death ; which he requefted might be

done by young Unkus, that aided us ; as acknow-ledging him his fellow Prince

;yet, withall,

threatned, he had 2,000 Men would revenge his

Death feverely. Wherefore, our Forces, fearing

an Efcape, put the ftoutefr. Men to the Sword,

but preferved Myantonomy till they returned to

Stonington, where our Indian Friends and mollof the Englifh Soldiers, declaring to the Com-manders their Fear, that the Englifh mould,

upon Conditions, releafe him, and that then hewould, (though the Englifh might have Peace

with him,) be very pernicious to thofe Indians

that^now afTifted us. The faid Indians, (on thefe

Confiderations, and the Mifchiefs, and Murthershe had done, during this War,) permitted to put

him to Death. And, that all might fhare in the

232 A New and Farther Narrative [10]

Glory of destroying fo great a Prince, and comeunder the Obligation of Fidelity each to other,

the Pequods fhot him, the Mohegins cut off his

Head and quartered his Body, and the Ninni-

crafts Men made the Fire and burned his Quar-

ters ; and as a Token of their Love and Fidelity

to the Englifh, prefented his Head to the Council

at Hartford. 2 ?'5

[10] About the fame Time we had Informa-

tion from an Indian Spy, taken by our Army,that the Enemy had a Defigne, on the next Day,

to fall upon the Garrifon, and fome few Houfes

that remained at Marlborough, to revenge the

Death of one of their eminent Men that was

(lain when they were laft there : (His Namebeing concealed.) Upon which, our Major Gene-

ral, who was fent to meet Major Savage, and

accompany him and his Forces to Bofton, com-manded Capt. Mofely and another Captain, with

their Companies, thither, to abide and expect the

Enemy, 24 Hours ; but they not coming in that

Time, our laid Forces were called Home and

difbanded, to the Diffatisfaction of fome People,

who thereupon feared the like fatall Confequen-

ces, that but a little before attended the like

Occafion. Nor were fuch their Apprehenlions

vain, for within four Days afterwards News ar-

298 This graphic Defcription of Hiftorian of the War. Our Au-

the Capture and Death of the great thor is erroneous in fome' minor

Chief of the Narraganfets is not Points, and mould be read in Con-

furpafled but by one contemporary neilion with Hubbard. He was

Writer. The Reader will not be Son of Myantonimo, and was by

at a Lofs to defignate him; the beft this Author fuppofed the fame.

[ i o] of the State ofNew-England. 233

rived at Bojion that all the Houfes in the faid

Town of Marleborough (except the Garrifon)

were deftroied.

April 20. Capt. Wadfworth of Dorchefter^ 1

being defigned with an 100 Men to repair to

Marlborough, to ftrengthen the Garrifon, and re-

move the Goods, &c. there ; did accordingly

this Evening march with about 70 Men fromSudbury the Reft of his Men not appearing

:

The Enemy who were about a 1000 ftrong lay

near his Palfage, but kept themfelves undifco-

vered, and permitted him to pafle them in the

Night, but in the Morning, 298 aifaulted and

-> 7 Captain Samuel Wadfworth.

He was of Milton. This Town,though originally a Part of Dor-

chefter, had been taken from it 14Years previous to 1676. Its In-

dian Name was UncataquiJJit.-' ) ~ Thus is explicitly given the

Date of Sudbury Fight, namely,

April 2 1 ft, 1676. Mr. Hubbardaccidentally miftook the Time, and

gave the Date April 18th. Hencethe Origin of the Error, no Doubt,

on the Monument erefted by Pre-

fident Wadfworth, many Years after

the Fight happened. When the

old Monument was replaced by a

new one, in 1 853, the old erroneous

Date was alfo retained. The Edi-

tor, in one or more Interviews with

the principal Manager of the newMonument, mowed him by the

beft cotemporary Authority that the

Date of the Fight was April 21,

and not April 18, as on the Monu-ment. He refufed to be fet right

Ff

in the Matter, which caufed the

"Editor to put the Proofs into Form,and to publifh them in the NewEngland Hijhrical and Gen. Reg-

ifler. See Vol. vii, P. 221-4 (July,

1853). This did not fatisfy the

Manager (Hon. G. S. Boutwell),

who publiihed a Defence of the old

Infcription, in not very courteous

Language. As everybody, who had

given the Subjeft due Attention,

was fatisfied (except Mr. Boutwell)

that the 21ft was the true Date, the

Matter was difmifled as deferving

of no further Attention. But a

Member of the N. E. Hift. andGen. Society being inclined to have

a Report on the Subjeft, under the

Sanction ot the Society, brought it

before that Body, and a Committeewas appointed to thoroughly invefti-

gate it. The Committee confifted

of Frederic Kidder, Efq., and Gen.A. B. Underwood. The Refult of

their Inveftigations may be feen in

234 d New and Farther Narrative [ i o]

burned moft of the Houfes in Sudbury (fave thofe

that were ingarrifoned :) Upon which the Townof Cow^wt/ receiving the Alarm, 12 refolute youngMen haftened from thence to their Neighbor's

Relief, but were waylaid, and 1 1 of them cut off;

But by the Time Capt. Wad/worth was come to

Marlborough, the Alarm and News of this Dif-

after overtook him, and although he had marchedall the Day and Night before, and his Men muchwearied, yet he haftened back againe and wasaccompanied by Capt. Brocklebank Commanderof the Garrifon at Marleborough, with what fmall

Number he durft fpare out of his Garrifon, whenthey arrived within a Mile and a half of Sud-

bury ; the Enemy having hid themfelves behind

the Hills, fent forth two or three to crofs the

March of our Forces, and being feen, to coun-

ihe April Number (1866) of the banke, I ferved under him untill he

N. E. Hift. and Gen. Regifter. It was flaine, which was the 26th of

is fufficient to fay that the new April] hit.'' This Statement is in-

Fadts brought to Light by the In- troduced, partly to fhow how un-

duftry of thefe Gentlemen are com- certain one's Memory may be about

pletely overwhelming, independent Dates, and partly to notice here

of previous Proofs, that the true the Name of a Man, who had ieen

Date in Oueftion is April 21. It the hardeil kind of Service in a

is hoped the Town will take the moil terrible War. He was four

Matter in Hand, and no longer lie Times " impreffed," ferved four

under the Reproach of perpetuating Months in the Nipmuck Country ;

an Error, knowing it to be fuch. then in Narraganfet ; nine WeeksNotwithstanding the great Amount under Maj. Appleton; and having

of the hitherto unpublifhed Mate- received Nothing for his Services,

rial, refpefting the Sudbury Fight, now petitioned for his four Months'

there remains much yet untouched. Pay, and the " Value of a newHere is a Specimen : Jofluia Bointon Carfee [Kerfey] Coate," which he

of Rowley. In a Petition, dated loft at Narraganfet while he was

March 5th, 1676-7, he fays

—

" imployed in fetching in of Corne."" Going out under Capt. Brocle- — Original Petition.

[ 1 1 ] of the State ofNew-England. 235

terfeit themfelves affrighted and fly, thereby to

trapan our Men into their Ambufcade, whichmifchievous Defigne fucceeded according to their

Wilhes, for our Men purfuing them, and being

not above 80 in Number, and thofe miferably

tired as well with tedious Marches as for wantof Sleep, were fuddenly fet upon, and on every

Side encompaffed with the Enemy, being about

a 1000 ftrong;yet not at all difmaid with their

Numbers, nor difmal Shouts, and horrid Yellings,

ours made a mod couragious Refiftance ; andhaving gained the Top of a Hill, they fromthence gallantly defended themfelves with the

Lofs of five Men near four Hours ; the cowardly

Savages difheartened with the Sight of fo manyof their Fellows (lain in the firft Attacque, not

daring to venture clofe upon them, yet (that wemay not think thefe Barbarians altogether unac-

quainted with Stratagems, nor fo filly as to neglect

any Advantages,) at lafl; they fet the Woods onFire to the Windward of our Men, which byReafon of the Winde blowing very hard and the

Grafs being exceeding dry, burnt with a terrible

Fiercenefs, and with the Smoak and Heat waslike to choak them ; fo that being no longer

able at once to refift the approaching Fire, andthe cruel Enemy, they were forced to quit that

advantagious Pofl in Diforder ; which the Indians

taking Advantage of came on upon them like fo

many Tigers, and dulling their active Swords [11]with exceflive Numbers, obtained the Difhonourof a Victory ; our two Captains after incompara-

236 ANew and Farther Narrative [n]

ble Proofs of their Refolution and Gallantry,

being flain upon the Place ; together with moft

of their Men ; but thofe few that remained,

efcaped to a Mill, which they defended till Night,

when they were hapily refcued by Capt. Prentice,

who coming in the Day haftily, though fome-

what too late to the Relief of Capt. JVadfworth,

having not above Six Troopers that were able to

keep Way with him, fell into a Pound or Place

near Sudbury Towns End, where all PafTages were

ftopt by the Indians ; and had not Capt. Cowell 7-^

(who in his Return from Quoboge) had avoided

the Common Rode providentially, at that Inftant

come thither with about thirty Dragoons (whowere forced to fight their Way through) and two

Files of Men fent from a Garrifon to fecure

another Pafiage, which the Enemy haftned to

flop againft Capt. Cowell, both the faid Capt.

Prentice and his Men ; and the Remainder of

the faid Captain Wadfworths Men in the Mill,

had been all killed or taken alive : nor did Cap-

tain Cowell lofe above fix or feven of his Men in

this Engagement : but fo infolent were the In-

dians grown upon their firft Succefie againft

Captain Wad/worth, that they fent us Word, to

provide Store of good Chear, for they intended

to dine with us upon the Election Day.

But for preventing any Danger that might

happen on that Occafion, the following Order

was printed and publifhed.

2n9 Edward Cowell, of Bofton. See Hubbard, i, 224.

[12] of the State of New-England. 237

At a Council held at Bofton, April 21 1676.

For the Prevention offuch Mifchiefs as may be de-

figned by the common Enemy, and the Securing of the

feveral Plantations upon the Day of Publicke Elec-

tion now drawing near:

It is Ordered, 'That the Committees of Militia in

each Town, do take effectual Care that the Trained

Soldiers be in Arms upon that Day, and keep Watchand Ward with all Diligence, under the Commandof one Commifjion-Officer at leaf, or fome other meet

Perfon where no GommiJJion- Officer is to be had.

Which Cofnmander fo employed for that Day in

every Town, is alfo Jlricfly required to forbid andprevent all Rudenefs by Playing, Drinking, or other-

wife ; and for the better Execution of this Order,

The Committees of Militia oforefaid /hall takefomemeet Courfe for the feafonable Publi/ljing the fameto their feveral Towns ; that fuch of them as are

Freemen, may [as many of them as may be) timely

put in their Votes by Proxy, which for this extra-

ordinary Seafon is mojl advifable, and hereby recom-

mended to them to do : All Soldiers and Inhabitants

being hereby enjoyned and Commanded in all Refpefis

to yield Obedience accordingly.

By the Council,

Edward Rawfon, Sec'r.

[12] April 26. Captain Hinjkman*00 having

30a Daniel Henchman, a good and died there, Oft. 15th, 1685Soldier and brave Officer, but was See a Notice of him in Hiftory andnot fanguinary enough to be very Antiquities of Bofton, 647 ; alfo,

popular. He fettled at Worcefter, Lincoln's Hiftory of Worcefter.

238 ANew and Farther Narrative [12]

received Commiffion and Inftrucfion, did then

march for Major Wilberds Funerall (who died in

his Bed in Peace, though God had honoured himwith feverall fignal Victories over our Enemys in

War) to C/jar/ef-Town, and from thence to

Concord, the Place of Rendezvous. From Mr.Woodcock's Garrifon we hear that himfelf and

two of his Sons, and fome other Men being goneout to Labour in the Field, were, about this Timefurprifed ; one of his Sons and another Manbeing killed, and himfelf and the other Son dan-

geroufly (though it pleafed God, not mortally)

wounded ; fo that there were only five found

Perfons left to keep Garrifon, befides the old

Woman and three Daughters, and yet (through

Mercy) it has always held out. 301

301 At the Time of the Attack, ther, and burned his Son's Houfe."

which was about April 26th (1676), Dr. I. Mather is more explicit.

Woodcock's Sons were at Work in He fays {Brief HiJ}., 139): "Aa Corn-field near their Houfe, which fmall Number of them [the In-

was a Garrifon. The Indians were dians] near Woodcocks who keeps

concealed in a woody Swamp, now the Ordinary in the Road to Re-

the Meadow on the Eafl of the hoboth, killed his Son and another

Turnpike below the Bridge, ad- Man, and greatly wounded another

joining faid Corn-field, and from of his Sons, and (hot [Mr. Wood-this Covert fired upon the Work- cock] himfelf through the Arm, and

men. The Son was killed, and then burnt his Son's Houfe." Mr.

the Father wounded, but efcaped. Mather gives the Date, April 27th.

With their aceuftomed Barbarity in The Name of the Son who was

fuch Cafes, they cut off the Son's killed was Nathaniel.

Head, which they fet upon a long Woodcock's Garrifon was on the

Pole which they eretted on a Hill old Stage Road leading from Bofton

fome Diftance from the Houfe. to Providence, and was licenfed as

Mr. Hubbard fays (Narrative, i, an Ordinary by Plymouth Court in

209), "they affaulted Mr. [John] 1670. It flood till 1806, when it

Woodcock's Houfe, killed one Man, gave Place to a commodious Edi-

and one of his Sons, wounded ano- fice, long known to Travellers as

[ 1 2 ] of the State ofNew-Engla?td. 239

May the Firft, Captain Dennifon with his Vol-

unteers and Indians fell upon a Party of the

Enemy, and killed Six and 20 of them, and took

fifty Captives ; Alfo we had Advice, that the

Pequods and other friendly Indians, had carried

many Prifoners to New-London ; that fome hadvoluntarily furrendered themfelves to the Magif-trates of Connecticut- Colony, and more came in

from the Sachem of Penny- cook.

^

About a Fortnight afterwards, the foremen-

tioned Captain Turner,3°3 by Trade a Taylor, but

one that for his Valour has left behinde him an

Honourable Memory, hearing of the Indians be-

ing about Twenty Miles above them at Connecticut

River, drew out a Party at Hadley and Northamp-ton, where there was a Garrifon, and marchingall Night, came upon them before Day-break,

they having no Centinels or Scouts abroad, as

Hatche's Tavern. It is about 30 known as Pawtuckets. This Tribe

Miles from Bofton. See Daggett's included the Penny-cooks. ThefeAttleborough, 47; Blifs, Reboboth, inhabited about Concord, New77-8, 102; Barber's Hift. Volls., Hampfhire.

iu-12; and Baylies's New Ply- 303 This Writer feems more dif-

moutb. A Succefhon of Refidents poled to do Juftice to Capt.Turner,

at the old Woodcock Houfe would than his Contemporaries. His Son

be interefting. I find one Stearns fettled in Swanfea, and his Pofterity

therein 1760; T.Daggett, to 1782; were in Rhode Ifland in Mr. Back-

Carpenter, 1 791; Holmes, 1809; us'sTime. This Son was alfo namedHatch, 18

14 to 1829, when the William, and well known as Capt.

Almanac Hops printing the Names Turner. He removed to Newport,

of Landlords. where he died in 1759. He in-

3oj Wanalanat was the Chief herited Lands in Fall-Town, which

then and for fome Time previous, were granted to the Heirs of thofe

The Indians along the Merrimack who ferved in the Fall Fight.

River, from about Haverhill to The late Lieut. Turner of the U.above Concord, N. H., were early S. Navy was a lineal Defcendant.

240 ANew andFarther Narrative [12]

thinking themfelves fecure, by Reafon of their

remote Diftance from any of our Plantations

:

Ours taking this Advantage of their Negligence,

fell in amongft them, and killed feveral hundredsof them upon the Place; they being out of anyPofture or Order to make any formidable Refift-

ance, though they were lix Times fuperior to

us in Number : But that which was almoft as

much, nay in fome refpecf more confiderable than

their Lives. We there deftroied all their Am-munition and Provifion, which we think they

can hardly be fo foon and eafily recruited with,

as poffibly they may be with Men. We like-

wife here demolifht Two Forges they had to

mend their Armes ; took away all their Mate-rials and Tools, and drove many of them into the

River, where they were drowned, and threw twogreat Piggs of Lead of theirs (intended for mak-ing of Bullets) into the faid River. But this great

Succefs was not altogether without its Allay, as

if Providence had deligned to Checquer our Joysand Sorrows ; and left we fhould Sacrifice to our

own Nets, and fay, Our own Arms or Prowefle

hath done this, to permit the Enemy prefently

after to take an advantage againft us ; For as our

Men were returning to Hadley, in a dangerous

Paife, which they were not furRciently aware of,

the fkulking Indians (out of the Woods,) killed

at one Volley, the faid Captain and Eight andThirty of his Men ; but immediately after they

had difcharged, they fled.

In June Major Talkot Hew and took Captive

[1 3 ] of the State ofNew-England. 241

Four and Twenty of the Enemies in one WeeksTime, and alfo killed the Old Queen of Narra-ganfet,^ and an arch Villain of their Party, that

had been with them at the facking of Provi-

dence, famoufly known by the Name of Stone-

wall, or Stone-Layer 'John, for that being an

active ingenious Fellow he had learnt [13]the Mafon's Trade, and was of great Ufe to the

Indians in building their Forts, &c. Likewife

Potucke, the Great Indian Counfellour, (a Manconlidering his Education of wonderfull Subtlety)

was brought Prifoner into Rhode IJland.^ ^

In July, we had very confiderable Forces abroad,

who took and killed above 200 of the barbarous

bloudy Indians, and that cruell Infidel Puncham^06

among the Reft.

The Squaw Sachem,^ King Philip's Sifter, whoat Firft fo much promoted this Warr, and wasfince by Treaty with Ninnicroft, Sachem of the

Narraganfetts, to be delivered up, hath lately

furrendered herfelf, and is come into the Plim-

304 She was known by various next Trail, Page z, original paging.

Names, as Magnus, Matantuck, His Refidence was at or near what£>uaiapen, Sunk-Squaw, Sec. This is fince Point Judith. Other Fails

laft was, in Part applied errone- will be found as indicated in the

oufly : Saui-Squzw was meant by laft Note, Page 260-1.

the Indians; Sauk meaning a Sa- 30G Pumbant his Name is ufually

chem's Wife. See Note, in /. Ma- written. See Page 196, ante, and

tber, 1 74. She had for Hufband, References.

a Son of Canonicus, and Ninigret 307 This Author here confounds

was her Brother. See Book of the Awajbonks with Weetamoo. SomeIndians, 24. modern Compilers have fallen into

305 Other Particulars will be the fame Miftake. The Latter, as

found concerning this Chief in our will be feen, never furrendered.

242 ANew and Farther Narrative [13]

mouth Army, having fubmitted to the Mercy of

Major Bradford, who with a fmall Party fomeTime fince feparated himfelf from the Reft of

his Narraganfetts, (pretending when he foundthey could not Profper) that he difapproved of

their Doings, in breaking their Treaty with the

Englifh, hath likewife taken Shelter under our

Forces at Stonington, to fecure his Life at prefent:

For not only thofe of his Men that continue in

Rebellion ftill, but likewife thofe that formerly

furrendered themfelves to us, threaten to cut off

his Head ; the Firft pretending that by his

treacherous Councils he drew them into this

Warr, and then bafely deferted them : and the

Second, charging him as a Traytor and Truce-breaker to the Englifh. Thus abominable is

Treachery and Violation of ones Faith, even

amongft the moil barbarous and favage Infi-

dels.3°*

King Philip and fome of thefe Northern hidians

being wandered up towards Albany, the Mohucksmarched out very ftrong, in a warlike Pofture uponthem, putting them to Flight, and purfuing them as

far as HoJJicke River,which is about two Days Marchfrom the Eaft Side of Hudfotis River to the N.E. killing divers, and bringing away fome Pri-

foners with great Pride and Triumph ; which ill

Succefie on that Side where they did not expecl

303 This Charge of Vacillation fo circumftanced that he was, at

on the Part of Ninigret is entirely Times, probably, obliged to waver,

too ftrongly ftated in View of what or be taken for an Enemy by onehas been published. Ninigret was Party and the other, alternately.

[13] of the State ofNew-England. 243

any Enemy, having lately endeavoured to makeup the ancient Animofities, did very much daunt

and difcourage the faid Northern Indians ;3°9 fo

that fome hundreds came in and fubmitted them-felves to the Englifi at Plimoutb- Colony ; andPhilip himfelf is run fkulking away into fomeSwamp, with not above ten Men attending him

;

Nor doubt we fhortly to have a good Accountgiven of that Prime Incendiary ; there being

feverall of our Troops daily abroad in Queft ofhim.

It is computed by moft judicious Men, Thatthe Indians that were killed, taken, fent away,

and now of Late come in by Way of Submiffion,

cannot in all, (Men, Women and Children,)

amount to fewer than Six Thoufand, befides vafi

Quantities of their Corn, Houfes, Ammunition,and other Necelfaries, without which they can-

not long Subfift, in Hoftility, taken and de-

ftroyed.

30:1 It was reported at the Time, the true Account of the Matter. It

that the Reafon of the Mohawks is neceffary for the Reader to re-

falling upon Philip was becaufe he member that this Story is not well

had killed or attempted to kill fome attefted, and that the Mohawksof that Tribe which he met in the needed no fuch Offence to caufe

Woods, endeavoring to make their them to repeat their daily Mode of

Friends believe it to be done by the Dealing with the Eaftern Indians,

Englifh, that the Mohawks might from Times long paft. The true

join him in the War againfl: them. State of Affairs between Philip and

But that a Mohawk who had been the Mohawks is now well under-

left for dead, revived and returned Hood. See Notes in Hubbard, i,

to his Countrymen and gave them 217-18.

244- -dNew and Farther Narrative [14]

A True but Brief Account of our Loffes fuftained

fince this Cruel and Mifchievous War began,

take as follows

:

In Narraganfiet not one Houfe left {landing.

At Warwick, but one.

[14] At Providence, not above three.

At Potuxit, none left.

Very few at Seaconicke.

At Swanfey, two, at mo ft.

Marlborough, wholy laid in Afhes, except twoor three Houfes.

Grantham'* 10 and Nafhaway, all ruined but one

Houfe or two.

Many Houfes burnt at Springfield, Scituate,

Laneafter, Brookfield and Northampton.

The greateft Part of Rehoboth and Taunton de-

ftroyed.

Great Spoil made at Hadley, Hatfieldand Chelmfi-

ford.

Deerfield wholy, and Wejlfield much ruined.

At Sudbury, many Houfes burnt, and fome at

Hingham, Weymouth, and Braintree.

Befides particular Farms and Plantations, a

great Number not be reckoned up, wholly laid

wafte, or very much damnified.

And as to Perfons, it is generally thought, that

of the Englifh there hath been loft, in all, MenWomen and Children, above Eight Hundred,

310 Probably an Error; a Mif- was no Doubt intended. See ante

reading of the original MS. Groton {News from New-England,?. ^).

[14] of the State of New-England. 24.5

fince the War began :3" Of whom many have

been deftroyed with exquifite Torments, and moilinhumane Barbarities ; the Heathen rarely giving

Quarter to thofe that they take, but if they wereWomen, they firft forced them to fatisfie their

filthy Lufts and then murdered them ; either

cutting off the Head, ripping open the Belly, or

fkulping the Head of Skin and Hair, and hangingthem up as Trophies ; wearing Men's Fingers as

Bracelets about their Necks, and Stripes of their

Skins which they dreffe for Belts, They knocktone Youth of the Head, and laying him for dead,

they flead (or fkulp'd) his Head of Skin andHair. After which the Boy wonderfully re-

vived, and is now recovered, only he hath Nothingbut the dry Skull, neither Skin nor Hair on his

Head. 3 ' 2 Nor have our Cattle efcaped the Cru-elty of thefe worfe than Brute and Savage Beafts

:

For what Cattle they took they feldom killed

outright : or if they did, would eat but little ofthe Flefh, but rather cut their Bellies, and letting

them go feveral Days, trailing their Guts after

31 'In an enfuing Tradt {News 600 of the Englifh Inhabitants either

from New-England), it is ftated that fell in Battle, or were murdered by" the Number of Chriftians flain the Enemy. The whole Land was

fince the Beginning of the laft Wars in deep Mourning, as there were

in New England, are 444. Taken few Families which had not loft one

Prifoners, 55." This Eftimate is or more near Relatives. The fame

probably much too low. Refpeft- Author fays, that by an accurate

ing the Lofs of the Indians that Enumeration, about 600 Buildings,

Writer fays :" the Number men- chiefly Dwelling Houfes, were con-

doned herein is 910.".—P. 6, ori- fumed by Fire.— Hift. Connecticut,

gina/ paging. Dr. Trumbull, after i, 350-1; alfo poji.

a careful Survey of the Materials ai - Believed to have been one of

at his Command, judged that about the Children of Thomas Eames.

246 ANew and Farther Narrative. [14]

them, putting out their Eyes, or cutting off oneLeg, &c.

But to reckon up all their Cruelties, would be

no leffe burthenfome to companionate Christians

Ears, than too tedious for a Letter, which is

already fwelled too big ; and therefore I think it

now high Time to conclude, with hearty Thanksto Almighty God for our late Succeffes againft

this bloudy Enemy, whereby though not whollyfreed from Appreheniions of future Dangers

;yet

we have Grounds to hope, that their Fury is muchquafht and abated ; fo that (if our Sins obftrucT:

not fo great a Bleffing) we may fhortly once again

fee Peace and Safety restored to our (lately dif-

confolate) Habitations in this Wildernefs, Forwhich, as I doubt not of the Concurrence of

yours and all good Chriftians Prayers : fo I fhall

not fail to recommend you and yours to the fameAlmighty Protection, and with my hearty Re-fpecls prefented, remain,

Your affectionate Friend and Servant,

N. S.3'3

313 Thefe Initials being the fame England— it is only neceflary to

as thofe to the previous Traft— A obferve that no new Light has been

Continuation to the State of New flied on them.

FINIS.

A

TRUE ACCOUNTOF THE MOST

Confifcerable fiuurretuesTHAT HAVE HAPPENED IN THE

W A R R EBETWEEN THE

ENGLISH AND THE INDIANSIN NEW-ENGLAND,

[From the Fifth of May, 1676, to the Fourth of

Augufi laft ; as alfo of the SuccefTes it hath

pleafed God to give the Englijh againft. them :]

As it hath been communicated by Letters to a Friend

in London.

The moft Exaft Account yet printed.

Pfal. 76. 4. Thou art more glorious and excellent than the

Mountains of prey.

V. 10. Surely the Wrath of Man (hall praife thee : the

Remainder of Wrath that thou reftrain.

Pfal. 9. 15. The Heathen are funk down into the Pit they

made ; in the Net they hid, is their own Foot taken.

Licenced, Oftober 1 1, 1676. Roger L'Eftrange.

LONDON,Printed for Benjamin Billingjley, at the Printing Prefs in

Cornbill. 1676.

[i] A TRUE ACCOUNTOf the moft Confiderable Occurrences

that have hapned in the Warre between

the Englijh and the Indians in New-England, &c.

ALTHOUGH the Defign of the Publica-

tion of this enfuing Narrative be to give

an Account of the Principal Occurrences

that have happened in the War betwixt the Eng-lijh and the Indians in New-England, from the

fifth of May to the fourth of Jugujl laft, yet

considering that the Reader may perhaps urge

the Entrance upon it a little abrupt, unlefs fomepreceding Aclions be premifed ; as alfo being

affured that what hath been made Publick fromthe Beginning, relating to that Affair, hath not

been reprefented fo exactly as it might have

been; 3 ' 4 I fhall therefore upon a Review of

fome Papers lying by me CollecT: and Communi-

3,4 Having Reference, probably, that this Writer was the Author of

to the preceding Trails in this them ; but his Language renders it

Collection ; by which it may feem uncertain.

Hh

250 A True Account of the Moft [1]

cate in a few Lines fo much of that Affair as

may give a fair Introduction to what in the Pro-cefle of this Paper may be depended upon as

true, without Partiality to either Side.

After the Naroganfetts had involved themfelves

in the War of Sachem Philip, and our Englijh hadengaged them at their chief Port the nineteenth

of December, 1675, with considerable Lofs to us,

but much more to the Enemy, they withdrewand fecur'd themfelves in the Faftnefles of the

Woods, having out fome Parties at Times doingMifchief, and ours Retaliating with them in like

Kind ; our Forces alfo retreated Home, and it

was near a Moneth before they were recruited

for any further Expedition againft them ; it washard Service, they had endured, in the Depth ofWinter, though it pleafed God to moderate the

Extremity of the Seafon in the Month of Jan-uary : about the latter End of which Month the

Soulders march'd into the Woods in Purfuit of

them, having got Intelligence of the Place oftheir Rendezvous, but the Enemy having alfo

their Scouts abroad, and thereby coming to the

Knowledge of our March, they fled more to the

North-weft : ours purfued them, but the moftefcaped, (except about 70 of them, Men, Womenand Children,) which the Mohogin Indians of

Vncus his Subjects our Friends and Allyes flew.

Our Men miff'd very narrowly of furprizing their

main Body in their Purfuit, but God's Time wasnot come for fo great a Mercy, and they faved

themfelves from that Encounter : whereupon our

[i] Conjiderable Occurrences^ &c. 251

Forces retired Home to their feveral Quarters,

being neceffitated thereunto by the Hardships ofthe Seaibn, and the Impoffibility at that Time ofthe Year to carry Provifion for any long Continu-ance abroad. About a Fortnight after, we having

gained Intelligence of the Quarter the Enemythen abode in, we fent out about 300 Horfe andFoot under the Conduct of Major Savage, to at-

tacque them ; but before that could be effected,

the Enemy vifited us, and affaulted Lancafter, a

fmall Town, in which the Inhabitants having

retired into fome fortified Houfes and deferted

the Reft, the Indians burnt thofe, and affaulted

the Garrifoned Houfes, but were not able to carry

any of them but one, wherein were 42 Perfons,

1 2 Men, the Reft Women and Children of whomthey flew feveral, and carried the Reft Prifoners

:

the Houfe was the Minifters, one Mr. Rowland/on,

whofe Wife and Children they carried Captive,

(which are fince returned to us.) About four-

teen 3 ' 5 Dayes after this, the Enemy affaulted

Medfield, and burnt about half the Town, andflew fome ; and though there was a Company of

Souldiers, Horfe and Foot there;3 ' 6 yet they were

315 Lancafter was furprifed on the cumftantial in Gookin's MS. Hi/}.

loth of February, and Medfield on Praying Indians, 84.-6. It was on

the 21ft. this Occafion that the Indians ex-310 This Attack was in that Part ulted over their Victory by a bra-

of Medfield fince called Sherborne, vading Placard which they pofted

the Indian Name of which was up on a Bridge Poft, to this Effedt:

Boggeftow. The Surprife was on "Know by this Paper, that the [n-

the 21ft of February (1675), and dians that thou haft provoked to

is pretty fully detailed in Hubbard, Wrath and Anger, will war this 21

i, 167-8,170-1; but ft ill more cir- Years, if you will. There are

252 A True Account of the Moji [2]

fo quick and fudden in their Mifchief, that ours

could hardly get into a Pofture to meet them,before they were retreated.

In the Beginning of March our Forces underMajor Savage went towards the Enemies HeadQuarters, but their Scouts had prevented his

coming by their Vigilance, fo that they [2] fled

into the Woods, we having only the gleaning of

about feventeen of them that could not fly fo fail

as the RefU 1 ?

On the 1 3th of March, before our Forces could

return towards our Parts, the Indians fent a ftrong

Party, and aflaulted the Town of Growton about

forty Miles' 18 North-weft from Bojion, and burn'd

all the deferted Houfes : the Garrifon'd Houfes,

which were about ten, all efcaped but one, whichthey carried, but not the Englifo in it ; for there

was but one {lain and two wounded. Quicklyafter they aflaulted Marlborough, and burnt the

Houfes the Inhabitants had deferted, but the

Garrifons defended the Reft : In that Town the

Houfes were built very fcatteringly, and the Ene-mies divided themfelves into fmall Parties, whichexecuted their Defign of Firing at once, and

many Indians yet. We come 300 notice it. The Englim fell into an

at this Time. You mud confider Ambufh, and had one Man killed;

the Indians loft Nothing but their and Mr. Bulkley, the Chaplain,

Life. You muft lofe your fair was wounded.

Houfes and Cattle." 3I * The Deftruftion of Groton is

317 Thefe were, doubtlefs, all minutely detailed by Mr. Hubbard,Women and Children, or old Peo- who probably had his Information

pie. The Expedition is more fully fromMr.Wiliard.the Minifterofthe

noticed by Mather {Brief Hiji.), Place. Later Writers have not been

121, while Mr. Hubbard does not able to add much to that Account.

[2] Conjiderable Occurrences^ &c. 253

though there was a Company of the CountryMilitia there, they could not prevent it.

March the 18th we had Letters from Hadley,

of a great Party of the Enemy that affaulted

Northampton ; in the Prefervation of which, there

was an efpecial Providence of God. For befides

that Major Treat and Capt. Turner were quar-

tered there, it was fo that our Forces under the

Command of Major Savage, being in Want of

Victuals, marched up to Hadley and the Townsadjacent upon the River, which was ordered bythe Wifdom of Divine Providence, without their

Foreiight, to preferve that Town, although the

Enemy left behind them fome Remembrance of

their Attempt, having killed two Townf-men,and one Souldier, and wounded Six, and alfo left

dead upon the Place Eleven of themfelves. 319

March the 26th we had News of the Defeat

of Capt Pearfe, with about forty Englifi, and

eleven of our Indian Friends, near Secunck alias

Rehoboth ; who were furrounded with a great' Party of the Indians, and overpowered

;yet God

was pleafed to refcue feveral of them, who madea fafe Efcape.

The 2<)th of March the Enemy burnt the de-

3,9 Mr. Backus complains that them, were made Inftruments of the

Capt. Turner has not received the Prefervation of one Town from the

Credit due to him in the Preferva- Rage of the Heathen, who vio-

tion of Northampton :" He was a lently broke into it.

—

Hiji. Newvery worthy Man for Soldiery ; and England, i, 427-8. There is muchEdward Drinker [his Lieutenant] of Detail in the other Hiftories.

by the Prefence of the Lord with To thofe Reference mult be made.

254- A True Account of the Moft [2]

ferted Houfes in Secunck or Rehoboth, but the

Garrifon'd Houfes were not carried by them.

The 30//6 of March Part of the Town of Pro-

vidence was alfo burnt.

The 6th of April, an Indian MefTenger, fent to

his Country-men to the Southwards, againft the

Enemy there :32° Belides the flain and taken, there

fell into our Hands one §>uinancet, alias Mianto-

ni??io, the great and proud Sachem of the Narra-

ganfetts, a Ringleader in this War with them,

and one who had been notorioufly treacherous,

both in Signing renewed Articles of Peace with

us fince the beginning of the War, and breaking

the fame again : He was carryed by our Forces

to New-London, and there beheaded, which Exe-

cution hath had a mighty Influence into the

Diforder and Confufion the Enemy hath fince

fallen into.

Yet had we fince a fad Providence that befell

us, God feeing it good further to Exercife us, to

our Humbling, that he may (as we hope) do us

good in the latter End : For upon the 21J? ofApril,^ 1 the Enemy with a very great Body(fome think they were not lefs than 1500,) af-

faulted Sudbury, and burnt feveral of the deferted

Houfes, but prevail'd againft none that were

Garrifon'd : To relieve which, Capt. Wadfworth,

3311 Something feems to be want- 3 '-'

1 Here is another Evidence that

ing here. The "Indian Meflenger the Tale of the Sudbury Difafter is

fent Southwards'' does not appear truly given before. See Note, Newto have any Connexion with what and Farther Narrative, P. 10. ori-

follows. ginal paging ; or P. 233-4 of this.

[3] Co?ifiderable Occurrences, &?c. 255

with about fifty Men, iffued out from Marlbo-

rough, ten Miles diftant, and with him Capt.

Bracklebanke went with the fame Party, intending

to march to Bojlon, to fpeak with the Council

;

the Enemy being Numerous, and the Englifh too

Adventurous, were fo far engaged that mofr. of

them were cut off: The two Captains dyed in

the Service ; Men, for Piety, Prudence and

Courage eminent, and much lamented; about

fifteen of the Souldiers efcaped to a Garrifon'd

Houfe within a Mile from the Place of this

Tragedy. Yet this we have to fay, (as the fol-

lowing Succeffes evidence that we have great

Grounds to hope) that this laft Attempt of theirs

was but the Rage of an Expiring Enemy ; for

the Cutting off the above-mentioned Quinancet,

to whom the young fighting Men did adhere did

put the Indians to fuch a Stagger, that they have

not been able to recover themfelves fince, fo as

to effed Anything againft us that is much confi-

derable.

I am credibly informed that in that Fight at

Sudbury, an elderly Eng/i/hman endeavoring an

Efcape from the Indians by running into a

Swamp, was overtaken by an Indian, and being

Destitute of Weapons to defend himfelf or offend

him, the Indian infulted over him with that

Blafphemous Expreflion [come Lord Jefus, favethis poor Englijhman if thou canjl, whom I am nowabout to ki//.] This (I even Tremble to [3] relate

it) was heard by another Englifljman, who washid in a Bufh clofe by: Our Patient Long-fuf-

256 A True Account of the Moji [3]

fering Lord permitted that Bloody Wretch to

knock him down and leave him dead. Wehope the Lord is arifen to Avenge thofe Blaf-

phemies.

Upon the §th of May,^ z - our Forces under the

Command of Captain Henchman, and with themabout 40 of the Natick or Praying Indians, dis-

covered a Body of Philip's Indians at Hajfana-

majkett and fought them, wherein they flew 1

1

of the Enemy, and took two Prifoners, and not

one of the Souldiers were (lain or wounded. 323

Divers of our Men had probably been flain, but

that it pleafed God to fend a Storm of Rain

which did fo wet the Indians Guns, that they

became unferviceable to them. 324 Six Indians at

once in that fcattering Encounter (for the Enemyflood not to a Fight) meeting an Englijhman

would have fhot him, but could not make the

wetted Powder fire in the Pan ; which feldom

32a The Date given by Dr. I. could reconcile the Dates in Hub-

Mather is May 6th. He makes no bard with thofc of this Author, and

mention of Capt. Henchman. the Places of the Encounter. Mr.323 Henchman was marching to Hubbard fays feven were killed and

form a Junction with Forces from 29 made Prifoners.

Connecticut at Brookfield. He was 3 - 4 No mention is made by other

piloted by a praying Indian fami- Hiftorians of ihis Advantage af-

liarly known by the Name of Tom forded the Englifh by an uncontrol-

Doublet, but whofe Indian Name lableC'ircumftance. Dr.Matherfays:

was Nepanet. This Indian Captain " our Forces had probably deftroyed

was at the Head of his 40 Naticks. many more of them, had not an

The Company of Nipmucks which Englifh Man unhappily founded a

they fell in with were rifhing in Wejb- Trumpet, whereby the Enemy had

akom Pond, and were taken by fur- Notice to efcape. The Praying

prife, and were in no Condition to Indians did good Service at this

defend themfelves; if, indeed we Time."

—

BriefHift., 143.

[3 J Conjiderable Occurrences , &Pc. 257

failed at other Times ; our Englifi by their Gar-ments and other Guards for the Locks of their

Mufkets were better provided than the Indians,

and fo had the Advantage and put the Indians to

a Rout and Flight.

This was the firft Time that our Natick Indians

were employed in any fuch Body by the Govern-ment here ; and they proved Faithfull and Emi-nently Serviceable at that Time, and fuccefsful

fince : thereby they have gained much in the

Affections of the Efiglifi, who have had fomeJealoufie about them. Nor is it to be wonderedat, confidering the Hurry this War hath put us

into ; the Difappointment we have met with bythe Treachery of feveral of that Nation, on whofeFriendfhip we thought we might have depended,

as having deferved other Things at their Hands:and that fome few of the praying Indians havebeen carried away with the prefent Outrage oftheir Nation : I fay it is not to be wondered at,

that they were under a Jealoufie by us : howeverwe have Caufe thankfully to acknowledge God'sGoodnefs in making Ufe of them, wherein they

have done us confiderable Services : they ferve

efpecially for Spies and Scouts to ftart the fkulk-

ing Enemy, and drive them out of the Swampsand Woods, and then the Englijh can the better

fight them, and indeed our greatefl: Exercife

hath been to find the Enemy rather than to

Ii

258 A True Account of the Mofl [3]

Fight them 325, unlefs they be very much Superior

in Numbers. But now the Indians dread our

Approaches with thofe Indian Vancourriers, andthe Lord hath caufed much of his Terror to fall

upon themJ 26

On the nth of May two of our Captives werereturned by Ranfom from the Indians, who hadbeen taken at the Deftrucfion of the Town ofLancajier

;

' the one of them the Sifter of the

Wife of Mr. Rowland/on, Minifter of the Place

;

and another Woman taken out of the fameHoufe.* 3 ?

The next Day a Youth of about 1 1 Years of

Age, made his Efcape from the Indians, who wastaken Prifoner when his Father's Houfe wasburnt, and his Mother murthered on the firft

of February laft : and though the Boy knew not

a Step of the Way to any Englijh Town, and wasin continual Danger of the fkulking Indians in

31:5 This was Cassar's Complaint Englifh out of the Country,

againft the Barbarians which he :)'->? Dr. Mather mentions the

made war upon—"It was harder to Return of a large Number of Cap-find than to foil them." tives, under Date of May nth,

320 Here then is another Reafon immediately after a Faft, " yea at

for the Difpiritednefs difcovered by leaft 16 of our poor fighing Prifon-

the Nipmucks in the Summer of ers who were appointed to Death,

1676. When they faw that the did the Lord loofe unto us, within

Praying Indians had begun to per- eight Weeks after this Day, andform the Part they were fatisfied Divers of them within three Days."

was the only one that could fucceed Brief Hijl,, 145. The Names ofagainft them, they gave up all as many of the Captives are given byLoft ! So long as they could entice Mr.Cobbett in his Narrative ofNewaway the Praying Indians, or fo England's Deliverances, in the Newlong as they ftood Neutral, they Eng. Hift. and Gen. Regijier, vii,

had fanguine Hopes of driving the 217.

[3] Conjiderable Occurrences, &c. 259

the Woods, and far from the Englifi, yet Goddirected him aright and brought him to the Sight

of Plantane, (the Herb which the Indians call

Engliih-foot, becaufe it grows only amongft us,

and is not found in the Indian Plantations) where-upon he concluded he was not far from fomeEngliJJj Town, and accordingly following of the

Plantane he arrived fafe amongft us.3a8 The 18th

of the fame we had another of our Captives (an

ancient Man) returned upon Ranfom, and onevery eminent for Piety.

Upon the 24th of May, Captain Brattle wasfent forth with his Troop towards Rehoboth, wherewe had Intelligence of a Body of Indians, where12 of them were flain, and but one of the Eng-lifh llain, and one flightly wounded. 329

Upon the fame Day"° we had Newes by a

Poft, of a Fight upon Connecticut River betweenDeerfield and Squakheig, there were about an

32a A Son of Thomas Eames. bably there had been a greater

The ancient Man, mentioned in the Slaughter of the Enemy, who hailed

next Sentence, was probably John out of the River again and fled

Morfe of Groton. into a Swamp where there was no320 Mr. Hubbard and Mr. Ma- purfuing ofthem."

—

:/. Mather, 73.

ther Place the Date of this Affair Brattle was joined by fome of the

on 23d. A Party of about 50 In- People of Rehoboth, who probably

dians were timing "in a River were his Pilots. See Hubbard, 85.

thereabouts " News of their Sit- Neither of thefe Authors mention

uation coming to the Head Quar- that one of the Englifh was wounded,

ters of the Englifh, Capt. Brattle 330 The Fight at the Falls was

was defpatched, &c "The In- 19th May. It was ever after called

dians betook themfelves to a River, and known as The Fall Fight,

and had not fome Foot Soldiers on and the Falls where it happened

the other Side of the River, too Turner's Falls, after the brave

fuddenly'difcovered themfelves, pro- Commander of the Expedition.

260 A True Account of the Moft [4]

hundred and lixty of our Souldiers under the

Command of Captain Holyoake, and Captain

'Turner : The Occaiion of the Engagement wasthis, The Indians having ftolen and driven away-

much Cattle from Hatfield and thofe Towns ad-

joining, and our Men perceiving by the Trackwhich Way they went, learned at laft where the

Indians' Rendezvous was ; and picking out of the

feveral Garrifons, as many Souldiers as could con-

veniently be fpared, refolved to Attacque them, it

being a great Fifhery Place called Deerfield Fal/sJi 1

Our Souldiers got thither after an hard Marchjuft about break of Day, took molt of the Indians

fait aileep, and put their Guns even into their

Wigwams, and poured in their Shot among them,

whereupon the Indians that durft and were able

did get out of their Wigwams and did fight a

little (in which Fight one Englijhman only wasflain) others of the Indians did enter the River

to fwim over from the Englijh, but many of themwere fhot dead in the Waters, others woundedwere therein drowned, many got into Canoes to

paddle away, but the Paddlers being (hot, the

Canoes overfet with all therein, and [4] the

Stream of the River being very violent and fwift

in the Place near the great Falls, moft that fell

331 The Name of Turner's Falls fettled the Name forever; but the

has now fully obtained. The fine Antiquary will always feel Mifgiv-

View of it among the Plates to Dr. ings when his Mind recurs to it,

Hitchcock's Geological Survey hav- becaufe the original Indian Nameing been (lamped with the Name of (Squamscot) was rejected— re-

Turner, which, in Connection with jefted, perhaps, becaufe it was

Gen. Hoyt's Hifiory, has probably generally unknown.

[4] Conjiderable Occurrences, &c. 261

over Board were borne by the ftrong Current of

that River, and carryed upon the Falls of Waterfrom thofe exceeding high and fteep Rocks, and

from thence tumbling down were broken in

Pieces ; the Englifh did afterwards find of their

Bodies fome in the River and fome cafr. a-fhore,

above two hundred. 332.

But as the Englifh were coming away with the

Plunder they had got, there was a Noife fpread

among fome of them of Sachem Philip's comingdown upon them with a thoufand Men : whichnot being weighed as it might have been by the

Englifh, whether it were true or falfe ; a Fearpolfelfed fome Part of the Englifh whereby they

fell into a Diforder, and thereby Captain Turnerand feveral of his Souldiers were flain, and others

to the Number of two and thirty. But Captain

Holyoake exhorted them not to be terrified, faying

God hath wrought hitherto for us wonderfully,

let us truft in him fUll ; and reducing his Meninto clofe Order made a fafe and a valiant Retreat,

and preferved the Souldiers under him ; that there

33i This is far more probable as another affirmed that he told near an

to the Manner of afcertaining the hundred and forty fwimming downNumber of flain of the Indians, the Falls; none of which were ob-

than as recorded by Mr. Hubbard; ferved to get alive to Shore fave

he fays, ftrange as it may feem, that one." It is not a little ftrange that

there were thofe Perfons among the a Man of Mr. Hubbard's Sagacity

flying Englifh, who found Time to fliould give Credit to fuch Reports;

count the dead Indians in the Time had fome others made fuch a State-

of the Fight. His Words are :" It ment we fhould not have noticed it.

is confidently reported by fome that It is fince well known that the In-

were there prefent at this Engage- dians were the Viftors, and that

ment, that one told above ioo In- the Englifh claimed what they weredians left dead upon the Place, and not entitled to.

262 A True Account of the Moft [4.]

were but few of them {lain, and the Souldiers fo

cut off were furprized by a Party of the Enemybelonging to the Indians at Deerjield-falls, whohaving gotten before our Forces had laid in

Ambufh, the chiefeft Execution of which wasthrough too much Fear of our Men wherebythey difordered themfelves ; thus God by this

Mixture of his Providence would hide Pride fromour Eyes, who perhaps might have been too

much lifted up by our Succefs : feveral Loads ofdryed Fifh the Englifh found, and were forced to

confume there.

They alfo found and demolifhed the Indian

Smiths Forge, which they had there fet up for

the mending of their Guns. Some Indian Wo-men (iince that taken Prifoners) do fay and affirm

that there were flain in that Engagement withthem four hundred, of which Number werefeventy of the Wampangs, or Philip Sachem's

Men : and that he had of his own proper Com-pany not any great Number left, and that were it

not for him and one Sachem more, the Indians

would gladly yield to any Terms of Peace withthe Englifh."3

Upon the 9th of June by a Port from our

Forces with forty or fifty of our Friends, Indians,

under the Command of Captain Henchman, we

333 That one Sachem more was Forces under Capt. Charles Froit.

Megunneway, an Eaftern Chief, What his after Fate was is not

who, later in the Seafon, returned mentioned; but that he was im-

to his own Country, where he was mediately put to Death is probable,

taken Prifoner by fome Englifh —Book of the Indians, 302-3.

[4] Cotijiderable Occurre?ices^ &c. 263

were informed of their taking feven and twenty-

Indians, moftly Women and Children, and the

flaying of fix Indian Men, about twelve Miles

from Lancafter," 4 and not one of our Souldiers

flain or wounded : one of the fix was a Revolter

as alfo one of the Prifoners, and another of themwas the Wife of the Sagamore of Najhola, whowas wounded at Sudbury Fight, and is fince dead

of his Wounds;335 in this Service our Friend In-

dians got very valuable Plunder in Fifh and Guns,

and which is alfo very obfervable, that Captain

Henchman, did by one Captain Andrews^ and

his Indians which he commanded, offer the In-

dians in their own Language Peace, and to affure

them that if they would furrender themfelves,

they fhould have no hurt from the E?iglijh : whichwas accordingly tendered to them, but the Anfwerthey made was a Volley of Shot, whereof one

Bullet ftroke and broke Captain Andrew's Gunin his Hand, but did no other Hurt.

331 Dr. Mather places the Event Praying Indians named Tom Dub/et,

under June 7th. His Account is before mentioned. The captured

brief: "Our Forces now abroad Party were furprifed while fiftiing in

came upon a Party of Indians not Wefhakom Ponds. See Hubbard, i.

far from Lancafter, and killed feven 333 The Sagamore of Nafiawayof them and took nine and twenty was the well known Sam Sachem,

of them captive; fome of which or Sagamore Sam. The Authornot long fince had Englifh Captives was under a Miftake about his being

under them. Thus did they that dead. He was hanged. " at the

had led into Captivity, go into Towns End," fays Hubbard, Sept.

Captivity ; and they that killed 26th, 1676.

with the Sword were themfelves 33fi This was Andrew Pitome, one

killed with the Sword. "-

—

Brief of the Praying Indians, who ren-

Hiji., 154. The Succefs of this dered many other important Ser-

Exploit was owing to one of the vices to his white Allies.

264- A True Account of the Mofi [4.]

Upon the fame 9th of June alfo, we were in-

formed of a fmall Party of ConneSiicot Souldiers,

under the Command of Major Talcot, who ex-

pected to joyn our Forces at ^uaboug, that they

had near to that Place killed nineteen Indians,

and taken two and thirty Prifoners in one En-gagement with the Enemy ; and that without

the Lofs of one Englishman : our Forces alfo

marching to joyn them, took fome Prifoners, andamongft the Reft on[e] Captain To;//, 337 a Revolter

who is a Prifoner in Bojlon at Prefent, who hath

been of fome Remark amongft the Indians and

Englifh.

The 14th of June we were informed of Wa-ralancet, (the Sachem of Wagmejfet and one of

the old Pajfa-Canaway's Sons) his coming in with

about an hundred Indians with him and under

him at Pafcataway fubmitting himfelf to MajorWaldron, defiring Peace with the Englifh, and

337 Capt. Henchman, in a Letter that many of the Enemy hearing

to the Council of MafTachufetts, that there was like to be a Treaty

dated Marlborough, 1 1 June, 1676, with Samuel did intend to go in to

fays : " Some Indian Scouts fent out him. Mr. Scott alfo coming from

this Dav have brought in Capt. Tom, Concord Yefterdav informs me, that

his Daughter, and two Children, one of the old Squaws there doth

being found about ten Miles to the not queftion but that if fhe maySouth Eaft of this Place. There have Liberty to go to Samuel, he

were more of them, viz. two that and his Company will come in to

were gone a fifhing, fo not lighted of. the Englifh."

This Company, with fome others Capt. Tom was afterwards tried,

at other Places, of which James condemned and executed, againft

Printer is one, did as they fay, the Judgment of all the Commu-leave the Enemy by Times, in the nity, except the Indian Haters. ASpring with an intent to come in to Specimen of the fwearing againll

the Englifh, but dare not for Fear him may be feen in the Book of the

of our Scouts. Thefe Prifoners fay Indians, 698.

[5] Co?iJiderable Occurrences, &c. 265

declaring his Innocency during this War, as not

having defigned attempted or done any Mifchiefagainft the Englifh. He brought in with himfix Englifh Captives, a Widdow and her five

Children" 8( her Hufband having been flain in

this Warr by them ) this Sachem Waralancetbought them of their Indian Mafter, and de-

livered them freely to the Englifh, as a Teftimonyof his good Affection and Fidelity to the Englifh,

at the fame Time challenging all the Indians

thereabout to accufe him (if they could) of the

leaft Wrong or Plot on his Part againft the

Englifh, notwithftanding that he had been urgedwith many Sollicitations unto it, and incur'd the

Hatred of divers Sagamores and Indians, becaufe

he would not joyn with them againft the Englifh :

but not one of the Indians (whereof fome wereno good Friends to him,) could accufe him, hethen told them all : that his old Father (Sachem

Pajfa-Connaway, the great Sagamore [5] of thofe

33 ^This was the Family of Tho- was deterred from refiding at her

mas Kimball of Bradford. He was Houfe in Haverhill, by the former

killed on the 3d of May preceding. Threats of Simon, the Chief whoHis Wife and Children were car- killed her Hufband and led her

ried off at the fame Time. See Captive. Her Petition to the Go-Cobbett's MS. and Hubbard, 85. vernor and Council for Protection

At the fame Time was delivered up againft him may be feen in Mr.alfo Philip Eaftman of Haverhill. Myrick's Work as above cited. His

Cobbetfs MS. In the very credit- Threats were that " he would kill

able Hi/lory of Haverhill by Mr. me and my Children if ever I went

Myrick (i2mo. 1832), are the to my own Houfe." Her Petition,

Names of Mrs Kimball and her ib. See, alfo, Book of the Indians,

Children; and from the fame Source 281, 295; alfo Notes to I. Ma-it feems (P. 5 3) that for fome Time ther's Brief Hi/lory, 142. Theafter their Return, Mrs. Kimball End of Simon's Career is unknown.

Kk

266 A True Account of the Mofi [5]

Northern Parts of the Countrey) when he lay a

dying (as he had often alfo done before) hadcharged him with his other Brothers that they

mould never be Enemies to the Eng/ift) ; but love

them and love their God, alfo becaufe the Godof the Englifh was the true God, and greater than

the Indians Gods. And this faith he, I have re-

membered, and kept my Father's Charge, and

will do fo while I live ; but was willing to keep

out of the Way till the Storm was over. TheCouncil hath fent him fome Prefents by Way of

Gratuity.

The 1 6th of the fame Month, came in three

Children of the Englijh taken Captive by the

Indians ; and were freely delivered to us by fomeIndians which did alfo refign up themfelves to the

Englifh at Norwich :" 9 this was upon Proclama-

tion made of receiving to Mercy fuch as were fo

qualified as was therein fpecified : the moil of

them Women and Children about 70 in Number.We do hear alfo fince, that at that Engagementat Deerjield-Falls there were about four of the

hidian Sachems flain ; which hath amazed and

difheartened and divided them.

339 Major Talcott mentions thefe named " Jofeph Joflyn and Johnthree Captives in a Letter, dated Jacus " [Jacobs?]. Talcott alfo

Norwich, May 31ft (1676): "The mentions a female Captive, but not

Day before [that is, May 30th], her name, and had "giuen an Or-18 Wabaquaflet Indians, with 70 der to fhip the two Lads and the

Women and Children came in to Mayd for Bofton."

—

Colonial Re-

Norwich, bringing with them two cords, Conn., ii, 450-1. The Wa-young Englilh Captives, of 10 and baqua/fet Indians inhabited in the

1 2 Years of Age, belonging, one to Forks of the guinebaug, in and

Sudbury, the other to Nafhway," about Woodftock, Connecticut.

[i;] Confiderable Occurrences•, &c. 267

On the 2 2d of June was Executed at Bojion

Captain Tom, alias Watafocamponum, and another

with him. 3+° This Captain Tom was taken byour Indian Scouts, having been with the Enemythis laft Winter ; they both dyed (as is to be

hoped) penitent, praying to God not like the

Manner of the Heathen.Upon Account of thefe Great and undeferved

Mercies of God conferred on us, the Councill

ordered a Day of Publick Thankfgiving to be

obferved in the Colony of the Matachufets, whichwas accordingly attended June the 29th : Whichthe Lord hath been pleafed fo to accept, as that

from the Time of the Refolve upon it, ever iince

we have experienced little elfe than renewedMercies and Smiles of Providence. God himfelf

hath lent from Heaven and faved us (for wefee Nothing of Man, but God to be all in all)

by wafting them with Sicknefs, flarving themthrough Want of Provilions, Leaving them to

their own Divifions, Taking away their Spirits,

putting the Dread of us upon them, Cutting off

340 The other with him was called Gookin, Henchman and Hunting,

John Oultuck. The Cafe of Capt. tried hard for Juftice, but it was of

Tom was one of painful Intereit, no Avail. His Death Wapain was

and will be ever deeply regretted; figned June Z2d, 1676, and direfted

inafmuch as the Evidence againft to " Edward Mitchelfon, Marfhall

him, fo far as has been difcovered, General;" who was ordered to fee

would not, in a Time when Reafon that "Captain Tom Indian and

could have had its Courfe, con- Jno. Oultuck, Indian Enemys, be

demned a Party in the Payment of hanged on this Day after the Lec-

a Shilling. Mr. Eliot the younger ture, till they be dead."—The Ori-

exerted himfelf to obtain a new ginal Warrant. Such are the DeedsTrial; and other good Men, as of a Reign of Terror.

268 A True Account of the Moft [5]

their Principal Men, Sachems and others. Blejfed

be his great and glorious Name.About the Time of that Thankfgiving, the

Son and Daughter of that worthy Minifter of

Jefus Chrift, Mr. Rowland/on, who had been

Captives fince the Burning of Lancajler, werereturned by Ranfom. She wandered with an

Indian Woman from the Reft of the Indian Com-pany (by whom fhe had been detained) three

Days in the Woods, having Nothing to eat all

that Time but green Hurtleberries ; with whichihe was fuftained till fhe and the Woman arrived

at our Englijh Town of Providence, and fo got

Home.'11

Upon the 30th of June, we had a Poft fromour Forces bringing Newes of about 28 Indians

killed and taken by them, in their March home-wards, between Quaboag and Marleborough : and

this without the Slaughter or Hurt of the Indians

our Friends ; one of thofe that were flain being

a Chief Counfellor to one of the Sachems, and

nine of thofe Indian Prifoners,Women and Child-

ren, were brought down to Bojlon.

July the firft, Capt. Brattle was fent forth with

our F©rces to joyn with Major Bradford of Ply-

mouth, and the Forces under his Command in

that Colony (hearing of Sachem Philip's Intent

of Mifchief to that Colony.) The next Day

341 The Thankfgiving was on June Seaconke by a captive Squaw, that

29th. The fame Day, Mr. Row- got away from the Indians.

—

Cob-

landfon's Daughter was brought to bett.

[5] Conjiderable Occurre?ices, &c. 269

following we had Newes of fix of the Enemykill'd, and twenty taken Prifoners by our Breth-

ren of Pli?nouth and our Indian Friends, and oneof ours (lain.

The fame Day alfo we had Newes of the Squaa

Sachem's of Seconnet's furrendering herfelf andfourfcore of her Men to the Engli/h of Plimouth,

which was upon the Day of our Thankfgiv-

ing.^Upon the 2d of "July there were about four-

teen of the Enemy furrendered themfelves to the

Mercy of the Englijh in the Bay Colony, whereofwas one James called a Printer, as having been

employed about the Work of the Prefs in Cam-bridge : A Revolter he was, and a Fellow that

had done much Mifchief, and ftaid out as long

as he could, till the lafl Day but one of a Pro-

clamation fet forth, to encourage fuch Indians as

had a Defire to return to the Englifi, and another

of his Comrades one of Capt. Tom's Son, (whofe

Father was hang'd at Bojion, the 22d June,

having been a Revolter, and a bloody Fellow;)

they had all of them their Lives given them.

Upon this 2d of July alfo it was, that MajorTalcott with the Connecticut Forces neer to Pau-tuxit, did take and flay 170 of the Enemy, without

the Lofs of any of our Brethren, and onely three

wounded.

July the 6th, an Indian Port (with a white

342 This was Awajhonh, who by came to Pocaflet and fubmitted to

the Interceffion of Capt. Church Major Bradford, June 29th.

270 A True Account of the Mofi [6]

Flag) was fent from Sagamore Sam of Najfoway(a proud Salvage, who two Months lince infulted

over the Englijh, and [6] faid, if the Englijh

would firft begge Peace of him, he would let

them have Peace, but that he would never afk it

of them;) 343 This Indian was fent from himwith Letters, defiring Peace of us, and expreffely

praying us in the Name of Jefus Chrijl, and for

his Sake to grant it whofe holy Name they have

fo much blafphemed. Thus doth the Lord Jefus

make them to bow before him, and to lick the

Duft. And having made mention of his Letter

it will not be unacceptable to Tranfcribe fomeCopies of the Letters fent by him and others onthis Subjedt, which take as followeth. The Readermuft bear with their Barbarifms, and excufe the

omimon of fome expreffions in the.m, that can

hardly admit of good Englifh.

The Firft Letter, July the 6tb, 1676. 344

" Mr. John Leverett, my Lord, Mr. Waban," and all the chief Men our Brethren, Praying" to God : [ This Mr. Waban is a Praying In-" dian, faithful, and a Ruler atnongjl the?n ; by" their Brethren praying to God, they mean thofe of" thefa?ne Nation.] We befeech you all to help

3-13 This was probably the Lan- 34' The Tenor of the following

guage held by the Chiefs to the Letters, is very different from thofe

MefTengers firft fent to them to ne- in April previous, which I had dif-

gotiate Terms of Ranfom for Mrs. covered in MS. and printed in the

Rowlandfon and other Captives, Book of the Indians. Thefe were

about two Months before. See then unknown to me, and their Im-Book of the Indians, 274, 331. portance will not be queftioned.

[6] Confiderable Occurrences', &*c. 271

" us ; my Wife (he is but one, but there be more" Prifoners, which we pray you keep well : Mat-" tamuck his Wife, we entreat you for her, and" not onely that Man, but it is the Requeft of" two Sachems, Sam Sachem of Wefoakwn, and" the Pakajhoag Sachem.

" And that further you will confider about the" making Peace : We have fpoken to the People" of Nafhobah (viz. Tom Dubler and Peter,) that" we would agree with you, and make a Covenant" of Peace with you. We have been deftroyed" by your Souldiers, but ftill we Remember it

" now, to fit ftill ; do you confider it again ; we" do earneftly entreat you, that it may be fo by" Jefus Chriji, O! let it be fo! Amen, Amen."™

It was figned

Matta?nuck, his Mark NSam Sachem, his Mark 'P.

Simon Pottoquam, Scribe.**6

Uppanippaquem, his —C.

Pakajkoag his Mark ip.

Superfcribed, To all Englifhmen and Indians,

all ofyou hear Mr. Waban, Mr. Eliott.

345 This furpaffeth any Thing, the Effeft of an Offer of uncondi-

in Supplication, that we have, tional Submiffion ! This Letter,

from the poor Indians. They were however, muft not be regarded as

truly fenfible of their deplorable the Language of the Warriors; it

Condition! Little to fubfift upon

—

was the Language of the Chriftian

the northern and weftern Wildernefs Indians, in behalf of them and them-

fo full of their native Enemies, that a felves.

Retreat upon thofe hunting Grounds 346 The fame who wrote the next

was cut off— all the fifhing Places Letter; thefe give Bojhokum. In

near and upon the Coaft watched other Places, it is Betogkam, Be-by their fuccefsful Enemy— hence tokam, and Peticom. See Allen's

Nothing now remained but to try Hijlory of Chelmsford, P. 161.

272 A True Account of the Mojl [6]

Second Letter.

" My Lord, Mr. Leveret at Bofton, Mr. Waban," Mr. Eliott, Mr. Gookin, and Council hear yea.

" I went to Conneiticot about the Captives, that

" I might bring them into your Hands, and when" we were almoft there, the Englifo had deftroyed" thofe Indians : when I heard it, I returned back" again ; then when I came Home, we were alfo

" deftroyed ; after we were deftroy'd, then Philip

" and £>uanipun went away into their own Coun-" trey againe ; and I knew they were much" afraid, becaufe of our offer to joyn with the" Englifh, and therefore they went back into their

" own Countrey, and I know they will make no" Warre ; therefore becaufe when fome Eng/i/Jj

" Men came to us, Philip and Quanapun fent to

" kill them ; but I faid, if any kill them, I'll kill

" them. 347

Sam Sachem.

Written by Simon Bofhokum Scribe.

34 ' This Letter will be regarded Limits of a Pardon offered in the

as an admirable Specimen of Indian Proclamation ! When Meffengers

Sentiment; and its Value is much were fent to treat with the Indians

enhanced, as it unfolds Truths of for the Redemption of Prifoners,

great Value; Truths that lay open to prevent the Evil fuch Negocia-

the Situation of Things at this Pe- tion was calculated to produce, and

riod that will be gladly received, which Philip doubtlefs forefaw, he

Sam was a magnanimous Sachem, ordered fuch to be fummarily dealt

So was Monaco. We doubt if any with. Quanapobit was fufpedted for

Thing can in Truth be brought a Spy, and Philip had ordered him

againft either, that would not com- to be killed; but Monaco faid, "Iport with a Warrior of their Time, will kill whomfoever (hall kill Qua-

but they did not come within the napobit." See Book of the Indians,

[7] Confiderable Occurrences, Wc. 273

Third Letter.

" For Mr. Eliot, Mr. Gookin, and Mr. Waban." Confider of this I entreat you, confider of

" this great Bufineffe that is done ; and my Won-" der concerning Philip ; but his Name is

" Wewefawannit,^ he engageth all the People" that were none of his Subjects : Then when I

" was at Penakook, Numpho John, Alline^ Sam" Numpho, and others who were angry, and Num-" pho very much angry that Philip did engage fo

" many People to him ; and Numpho faid it were" a very good Deed that I mould go and kill him" that joyned fo-many to himfelf without Caufe :

" In like Manner I faid fo too. Then had you" formerly faid be at Peace, [7] and if the Coun-" cil had fent Word to kill Philip we mould have" done it : then let us clearly fpeak what you and" we fhall do. O let it be fo fpeedily, and an-" fwer us clearly.

Pumkamun,Ponnakpukun,

or, Jacob Muttamakoog.

268. Shofhanim afterwards faid the cords, Wewafowanuett. See Book

fame when vifited by Mr. Hoar and of the Indians, 200.

Nepanet, who were fent to treat for 34!' There is fome Error concern-

the Ranfom of Mr. Rowlandfon's ing this Perfon's Name. John U.

Family. " If any kill them, I will Line means the fame Perfon, I think

kill them;" that is, he would kill in Gookin's MS. Hiftory. See Bookthe Murderer. But thefe kind Of- of the Indians, 268 ; an Account of

fices were forgotten in the Days of feveral others here mentioned mayTerror ! there alio be found. See Gookin's

3« This Hands in the MS. Re- Hiji. Praying Indians, MS., 71.

LI

27+ A True Account of the Mofl [7]

The Anfwer the Council made them, was,

'That treacherous Perfons who began the War and

thofe that have been barbaroujly bloody, muji not ex-

peB to have their LivesJpared, but others that have

been drawn into the War, and acling only as Soul-

diers fubmitting to be without Arms, and to live

quietly and peaceably for the Future Jhall have their

Lives /pared.

Thus could thefe bloody Wretches plead for

themfelves by that facred Name, which they had

Blafphemed, and in the Blood of whofe Servants

they had embalmed their Hands.

The 9th of July two young Maidens Captives,

wandered away from the Indians that kept them,

and got to an Englifh Garrifon at Marlborough."

The fame Day alio we had Tidings of the goodSucceife of fome of our Scouts, the moft of themof our Indian Friends, the chief of whom wereWilliam Nehawton, and John Hunter, who near

to Mendhatn flew feven of the Enemy ; whereof

one was a great Captain of the Indians, and ano-

ther was called Caleb, who had formerly been a

chief Inftrument in burning Mendham, when the

Indians had firft (hot at the Engliih, an Englifh

Souldier in Company with our Indian Friends,

making hafte to fire, had forgot to pull out the

Wadd of Tow which was in the Pan of his Gun,

35CI " About July 1 ith, Goodwife bot's Boy of Andover was brought

Kcile's [Kettle] elder Daughter, Home almoft ftarved, by a poor

about 17 Years old, got away from Squaw that had always been tender

the Indians to Marlborough, bring- of him whilft in Captivity."—Cod-

ing her little Sifter upon her Back, bett. See alfo Hubbard, Nar., 22 1,

almoft ftarved; and Goodwife Ab- and Mather, Brief Hiji., 133.

[7] Confiderable Occurrences, &c. 275

which William Nahawton efpying told him of,

and wifhed him to take it out and fire ; the Eng-lifhman told him he judged the Indian (whomhe could but juft defcry, by Realbn of the Dark-nefs of the Morning, and his Diftance from him)was too far to be reached by his Mufket ; try,

faid Nahawton, and God fhall direcl: the Bullet,

which he immediately did, and he faw the Indian

who was running from them, tumble down ; whoproved to be one of their great Captains abovementioned : afterwards the Indian Nahawtonmade a very ferious Prayer in Acknowledgementto God for the Succelfe.

Upon the 10th Day of July there were about

300 Indians at the Eaftward, that furrendered

themfelves to the Englifh and their Sachems withthem, befides Waralancet (who hath all along this

War kept himfelf clear) one Squando, that whichdid haften them in, was the Dread of the Mo-hawks who have killed feveral of them in thofe

Quarters, and a Rumor they had of a great Party

of that Nation coming down upon them.^i

July the 13th, we had News from Major Tal-

351 The 300 Indians who " fur- on equal footing with the Englifh;

rendered at the Eaftward," were but they were all taken by Majorthofe that came in to Dover. They Waldron by Stratagem, under the

came in under the Belief that they Deception of a Sham Training,

could treat with the Englifh and The Fear of the Mohawks wasreturn to their Country. They occafioned, no Doubt, by a Revival

had been encouraged in this Belief of the old Alarm; while it does

by Wanalancet and other friendly not appear that there was any CaufeIndians. They therefore expefted at this Time; or none is heard of

to make a Treaty to this Effeft, and fince Philip's Men were fallen uponthought themfelves able to negotiate the laft Winter, about Hoofack.

276 A True Account of the Moft [7]

cot, that in his return Home from Pautuxat, hekilled and took another Party of the Indians, in

Number 60, and had the Plunder of all their

Guns and other Things, and this alfo without

the Loife of any of our Countrymen.

July the 1 6th, we had News from the Forces

which went from us to the Southern Parts that

they have taken and killed fince their Marchfrom us, about 120 of the Enemy, with the

Loffe only of one Man of ours, who neglecting

to keep up with the Reft of our Forces, andbeing bewildered in a Wood, hallowed and washeard by the Enemy, and was taken and flain

before Relief could reach him

!

We fince hear that Pomham, (one of the great

Sachems of Narrowgancet) is one of thofe that

were flain, but we are not yet fo certain thereof

as pofitively to affirm it to be undoubtedly fo,

but great Probabilities there are of it ; and if fo

the Glory of that Nation is funk with him into

the fame Pit, (of this Circumftance, the Readerwill receive farther Satisfaction, in the enfuing

Narrative.) 351

On the 17th of July two Sachems with four

Indians to wait on them, came down to Bqjion

from Wadjuflet,353 where Sagamour Sam, andothers are, with renewed Defires of Peace, they

were difmifled the next Day from the Council!,

with this Anfwer to them, that we would firft

352 The Fate of Puinham was 3M No other Record has been

fealed before the Clofe of this Let- found of this Overture for Peace on

ter, as will prefegtly be feen. the Part of the Indians.

[8] Confiderable Occurrences^ &c. 277

have our Captives out of their Hands, and then

talk of a Peace. And foon after they returned

with a Scalpe of one of our Enemies (which is

their ufual Way where they kill) and a fignifica-

tion of Sagamor Sam's Purpofe to furrender him-felf to the Mercy of the Englifh.

The 1 8th of July, we had the News of four-

teen more Indians taken and killed by our Forces,

and one of ours alfo flain ; and two Dayes after

of Sixteen more Indians killed or taken by themin their return Home, without any LofTe of our

Men.On the 29th of July we had an Account by

Letters from Plimouth, that the Forces of that

Colony (viz. two and twenty of the Englifh

with twenty of our Friend-Indians [8] under the

Command of Lieutenant Church had killed andtaken 79 of the Enemy, and that without the

Death or wounding of any of ours. And bythe fame Poft that Sachem Philip had come downto his own Country of Mount Hope, near Dart-mouth, as one that now was reduced to a fewHundreds of the Thoufands he began this Warwith, and that our Forces were looking out after

him, and had confiderably diminifhed his bloodyRemnant, whofe Defperation had engaged their

Adherence to him, and amongft the Reft §>uina-

pins Brother, that fucceeded Quinancet, the Sa-

chem before mentioned, executed by us.

What I mentioned in my Laft about Pomham,(one of the greateft Sachems of the Narraganfets)

you may take now as followeth. Upon the 27th of

278 A True Account of the Mofl [8]

July it was, that about 20 Indians were flain, andthirty taken Prifoners;. (we had five and twenty

Engliih, and twenty of our Indian Friends in this

Exploit ;) one of thofe that were flain was Pom-ham ; after he had received a deadly Shot in his

Back, he withdrew himfelf from his Men, (for

they were all his Relations and Subjects that wereflain and taken at this Time) and thought to hide

himfelf in a bufhy Hole, but was found out by

an Englifhman, who as he went to apprehend

him, found that the flout Sachem was unwilling

to fall into the Hands of the Englifh, for he gave

him a ftunning Blow with his Hatchet whichhe had referved of all his Weapons, and perhaps

had flain the Englifhman, but God ordered it fo

that he had a fudden Revival and took Courage

and grappled with him, and threw him under

him, and others coming in to his Affiftance,

Pomham was foon difpatcht. There was about

twenty Pound of Indian Money found in their

Bafkets, which was given to our Friends the

Indians; the Guns, &c. the Engliih took to

themfelves, who loft not one Man in the En-counter.

The fame Day likewife there came in 160

Indians, Men, Women and Children, who fur-

rendered themfelves up to the Mercy of the

Engliih ; fome of thefe belonged to Sagamore

Sam of Lancafier, (though he himfelf dare not fo

Adventure) but the moft of them to two NipmugSachems, and one Sagamore John: This Saga-

more John came down in Perfon about fourteen

[8 JConjiderable Occurrences; &*c. 279

Days fince to Bojion, to furrender himfelf and his

Men to the Englifh, promifing for the Future to

be faithful, declaring that he was forry that he

had fought againfl the Englifh, and promifed to

give fome Testimonial to the Englifh foon of his

Fidelity to them ; and at his Return now with

his Men, Women and Children, he brought

down bound with Cords, old Mattoonus and his

Son Prifoners. This Mattoonus his eldeft Son

had been tryed at Bojion and executed about five

or fix Years ago, for an execrable Murther byhim committed on a young Maid of the Englifh

near Wodburn, and his Head fattened to a Pole,

at one End of the Gallows. 354

This old Mattoonus Father had given it out

that he would be avenged of us for his Son's

Death, which comming to the Knowledge of

the Council, he was fent for and examined about

it : and having denyed it, and there not being

fufficient Evidence of it, he was difmifl: ; having

only confefj this, that confidering the Death of

his Son, he found his Heart fo big hot within

him, but that he refolved to abide a faithful Friend

to the Engifh, and fo that Accufation ended.

But after Sachem Phillip had begun his Mur-thers in Plimouth Colony, this Salvage firfr. ap-

peared an Enemy to us, and flew the two firft

Ki The Son of Matoonus was perpetrated in 1671, our Author

executed for the Murder of Zacary has blended them together. TheSmith. See ante , Page 67. The Indian who murdered the Maid was

Name of the Indian who murdered " executed and hung in Chains,"

the Maid near Woburn is not men- September 8th, 1671. The Mur-tioned, but as both Murders were der in 1676 is elfewhere noticed.

280 A True Account of the Mofl [8]

Men that were killed within the Limits of our

Colony,355 (to wit at Mendham) and in that cruel

and outragious Attempt at Quaboag, this old

Mattoonus was the Principal Ringleader, being

now brought a Prifoner to Bq/ion, he was by the

Council the fame Day adjudged to be fhot to

Death, which was executed in Bojion Common, bythree Indians : and his Head cut off and placed

upon a Pole on the Gallows oppofite to his Sons

that was there formerly hanged. 356 His Sonbrought along with him remains ftill a Pri-

foner.

On the laft of July there were about 26 In-

dians, moft Women and Children brought in by ourScouts, as they were Ranging the Woods about

Dedham, almoft ftarved : We are alfo informed,

that moft of Sachem Philip's Men have deferted

him, and furrendered up themfelves to the Englijh

of Plimouth Colony at their Mercy, and that hehimfelf with his Remains are gone to Dartmouth:in Chafe of whom Major Talcot with. our Friend

Indians are at Prefent. 357

Auguft the 3d, we hear this Morning by a Poft

from Bridgewater in Plymouth Colony, that not

far from that Place a. Party of our Souldiers metwith a Company of the Enemy, 25 in all ; who

355 See I. Mather, Brief Hiftory, Book of the Indians, 266.

63, 113, 117, 233 ;Hubbard, :!57 Major Talcott's Expedition

Narrative, i, 86, 97; ii, 42. againft Philip was between the 15th356 It was underftood by Judge of July and Auguft 19th, as appears

Sewall fas entered in his Diary,) by the Records of the Governor

that Sagamore John fired the firft and Council of Connecticut; he be-

Gun, at Quabaog, which mortally ing at the Council at thofe Dates,

wounded Capt. Hutchinfon. See See Col. Recs. Ct., ii, 464, 469.

[9] Conjiderable Occurrences^ &c. 281

though prepared to make the firft Shot at the

Englifh in their March, yet when they camewithin ihot and were defcried by ours, they nim-bly prevented the Indians, and killed Eight ofthem, and took the other 17 Prifoners, with [out]

any Lofs on our Side. Some of the Indians

acknowledged that their Arms fhook and [9]trembled fo, that they could not fo readily dis-

charge their Guns as they would have done.

We are certainly informed, that Philip Sachemis again fled from Dartmouth in Plymouth Colony,into ours, and that he is not far from Marlebo-rough. We are not without Hope that he mayere long be caught ; which (in probability) wouldquench the remaining Coals in this Warre. Butwe defire to wait upon God's Will, and attend

his Work in this Thing, which will at Laft give

us Caufe to fay, Homo great is his Goodnefs ! andhow great is his Beauty !

Thus has God dealt gracioufly with us whichI was defirous to acquaint you with ; and there-

fore have (for fome of the later!: Occurrences)

took an Opportunity of a Ship not failing direclly

for London, to give you this Account, which is a

true One, as far as the Diftance of Times andPlaces where the Actions have been, will admit

:

every Aclion muft have Allowance with refpecT:

to humane Infirmities, and the various Reporters

who may encreafe or diminifh according to their

own Judgement of the Matter of Facl. Butotherwife there is Nothing reprefented, but what

Mm

282 The True Account of the Moji [9]

confifts with Truth : and alfo my great Defign

is, to defire you to acquaint our Chriftian Friends,

that have prayed for us in England, with thefe

Things. For as we have obferved, fince weheard of their inftant Prayers for us, we have

been much encouraged, and have received emi-

nent returns of our joynt Prayers ; so alfo webegge, that they would Praife and Magnifie the

Name of the Moft High with us, and in our

Behalfs, for we cannot fufficiently exalt him.

For befides thefe Mercies in Reference to the

Indian Warre, we had many other very great

and feafonable, cart in over and above, to our

great Aftoniihment. We had an Epidemical

Sicknefs that hath fwept away feveral worthyGentlemen amongft us, befides many Others

which God hath rebuked.

We have alfo had a great and fore Drought,

which Threatened the Spoiling of our Harveft,

and thereby an Encreafe of the Scarcity that hath

been amongft us ; But this 4th of Augujl, Godhath given us an Abundance of Rain, BlefTed be

his Name, and we have our Englifh Corn gene-

rally Houfed with us, and divers have gone to

the Towns that were burned down, to Reap the

Wheat, and what they had there Sown laft Win-ter : which in the laft Spring they expected to

have fain into the Enemies Hands. And the

Hufbandman goes out with more Safety than

could be imagined on his Employments. OurIndian Harveft is like to be very Fruitfull, that

Grain is now fold at two Shillings Sixpence the

[9] Conjiderable Occurrences^ &c. 283

Bufhell ; befides the Supplies we have had fromother Parts.

Yet (hall we not fay, the Bitternefs of Death is

over ; the Enemy hath feveral fkulking Parties

abroad, which yet do little Mifchief, being dif-

appointed by the Providence of God through the

Vigilance of our Scouts. Maybe God will ftill

go on to fulfil that Promife, Ifa. 62, 8, 9. Surely

I will no more give thy Corn to be Meat for thine

Enemy, and the Sons of the Stranger Jhall not drink

thy Wine, for the which thou hajl Laboured ; but

they that have gathered it Jhall eat it, and praife

the Lord.

But ftill we beg that you would not forget to

pray for us, that we may not again provoke Godby breaking his Commandments, leaft he be

Angry with us until he have confumed us. Andwe fhall not ceafe to pray for you, and all the

Churches of Chrift that call upon the Name of

our Lord and yours, that you may obtain the like

Mercy in Time of need.

SIR,

Pardon the Prolixity of this Narra-

tive from Tour Affectionate

Friends.

For a Clofe of this Narrative, I fhall beg the

Readers Patience to perufe the Subftance of fomeLetters which I fhall Contrail under one, relating

284- A True Account of the Mofi [10]

to the Indians known to us here and to our

Countrymen there, under the Name of the Pray-

ing Indians ; that is, fuch as called upon the

Name of the Lord Jefus Chrift, as being per-

fuaded that there is a Concernment of God's

Glory depending thereupon ; A Vindication due

to them who have been reprefented as Hypocrites

or Apoftates, for the Generality of them;

which appeares to be otherwife as I hope the

enfuing Letters communicated from Perfons of

known Integrity will Evidence : which take as

followeth :

SIR,

Although it has pleafed God to deprive us of

feveral Ufeful Inftruments, whom he had fitted

for carrying on the Work of the Gofpel amongft

the Indians, by [10] removing them from their

Labours to their Reward ; which may be looked

upon as a Forerunner of the Occurrences whichhave happened in the Indian Warre ; which hath

to the Eyes of many, paifed as it were a Sentence

of Death upon the Work;yet (as I believe I

fpeak) that the Light of the Gofpell that hath

mined upon thofe poor Gentiles in thefe Parts,

as it is a real Work, fo will the Lord in due

Time make it more evidently appear to the

Glory of his Grace by Jefus Chrift.

And in Truth (to my understanding) the Gofpell

hath gained an Advantage, rather than otherwife,

[10] Co?iftderable Occurrences^c. 285

for the greateft Part of the Praying Indians have

been kept fteddy in following their Profeffion

and witnefling to the Excellency of the Gofpel,

by much Faith, Patience, Self Denial and Cou-rage ; which I hope will give a Conviction uponthe Minds of all more and more among us. I

mail not give you the Trouble of an Apologyfor them, nor deduce Particulars how Honeftly

and Faithfully they have (the Moll: of them)acquitted themfelves during this Warre, thoughtheir Temptations and Tryals have been great,

for it is in Matter of Fact evident, that (fince the

Englifh have abated of their Fears about them,

and have employed them in this Warre) they

have had mofl manifeft Proofs of their Fidelity

and Valour : and withal have had the Bleffing of

many Succelfes, in which the Chriftian Indians

have had their Share ; though not of Conduct,

yet of great Ufefulnefs and Serviceablenefs, as far

as they have been entrufted, which I could not

but communicate to you, as that which I judgeis due to them ; and which is more to the Gloryof God, and that good Work which he hath

been pleafed to carry on by his Servants whohave Laboured among them, and I hope will

Perfect ftill more and more to his own Praife.

Your Affectionate Friend." 8

358 probably Mr. John Eliot, failed to mention one fo famous for

Another Perfon would hardly have his Labors among the Indians.

FINIS.

THE

W A R R

NE W-E NGLANDVISIBLY ENDED.

King PHILIP that barbarous Indian nowBeheaded, and moft of his Bloudy Ad-

herents fubmitted to Mercy, the Reft

fled far up into the Countrey, which

hath given the Inhabitants Encourage-

ment to prepare for their Settlement.

Being a True and Perfect Account brought in by

Caleb More, Mailer of a VefTel newly Arrived

from Rhode IJland.

And Publifhed for general Satisfaction.

Licenfed November 4. Roger L'Eftrange.

LONDON:Printed by F. B. for Dorman Newman at the King's Arms, in the

Poultry, 1677.

MNEW-ENGLANDS WARRVISIBLY ENDED.

Sir,

IN my laft, which I hope you received, I muftacknowledge what I writ (though Truth) yet

I had not that comfortable Satisfaction in mySpirit, to give me Hopes, that our publique Ca-lamities were fo near an End as now I have,

which God in Mercy fanclify to us, that we mayfee the Rod, and wherefore it is come.We have been, and ftill are ready to put dif-

ferent Reflections upon the Murders and Spoils

that have been made upon us by this Deftrudtive

War : Various are Men's Thoughts why Godhath fuffered it, all acknowledge it was for Sin

;

many wifh there hath not been fome Leaven of

that Spirit in the Provocation for which we left

Old England. I am in great Pain while I write,

to remember how fevere fome of us have been

to Diffenters, 3 59 making Spoil without Pity, but

God is teaching us Moderation.

339 If the Author's Grandmother done fo with more Equanimity than

is referred to in this Paflage, he has her Defcendants are likely to do in

Nn

290 The War in New-England [1]

That black Cloud (God be thanked) begins to

wafte almoft to Nothing, which may not only-

give us an hopeful Opportunity of repairing the

Spoils made by our barbarous Neighbors, but

alfo, deliberating upon the true Caufes of thefe

great Diftraclions : for now we have no vilible

Appearance of an Enemy : Terrour is fallen uponvery many, who come in dayly with Submimon,and the Reft withdraw into Places remote, hiding

their Weapons of War, and flying from Juftice in

fmall Numbers.King Philip, who hath been a peftilent Ring-

leader, that had once three hundred Men (Bar-

baroufly inclined) as I told you in my laft, 36° wasreduced to ten, but now is killed, in this Manner.He being hid in a Swamp on Mount Hope Neck,with his little Party, one of his Indians being

difcontented with him made an Efcape fromhim, and came to Rhode- Ifland, and informedCapt. Church a Plimouth Captain of a Companythat was in Search after this faid King Philip, (the

Captain being at this Time on the faid Ifland,

refrelbing his Men with Necessary Provifions)

but underftanding where King Philip was, andthat he intended very fpeedily to remove far off,

to provide his Winter-quarter, retaining ftill the

fame Barbarous Spirit and Purpofes, without the

this and fucceeding Ages. It is Traft, his Memory did not well

fufficient here to note, that the ferve him ; for I do not rememberWriter is fuppofed to be the Grand- that he fpeaks of Philip's having

fon of Mrs. Anne Hutchinfon. 300 Men anywhere in that Com-30(1 If this Author wrote the laft munication.

[2] Fifthly ended. 291

leaft Appearance of Reluclancy or Offers of Me-diation, towards his Surrender to Mercy ; where-upon [2] the faid Captain and his Company withfome Khode-Ijiand Men went in Purfuit andSearch after him, taking an Indian Guide withthem, and befet a Swamp where they heard hewas, which was very miry, and the Ground fo

loofe, that our Men funk to the Middle in their

Attempts to come at this fculking Company

;

but all in vain, the Palfage was too difficult.

While we were thus befet with Difficulties in

this Attempt, the Providence of God wonderfully

appeared, for by Chance the Indian Guide and the

Plimouth Man, being together, the Guide efpied

an Indian and bids the P/imout/i-man Ihoot, whofeGun went not off, only flamed in the Pan ; withthat the Indian looked about, and was going to

moot, but the Plimouth-man prevented him, and

mot the Enemy through the Body, dead, with a

Brace of Bullets ; and approaching the Place

where he lay, upon Search, it appeared to be KingPhilip, to their no fmall Amazement and great

Joy. 36 ' This feafonable Prey was foon divided,

301 The Fall and Death of Philip where its Skeleton was to be feen

fent a deep Thrill of Joy and Gra- near thirty Years after. Dr. Cotton

titude throughout the whole Land. Mather vifited Plymouth about the

It was according to the Laws of Year 1700, at which Time, he

England, to quarter the Body of fays, he " took off a Jaw from the

Traitors. Philip was called a Trai- expofed Skull of that blafphemous

tor; and in purfuance of the Law, Leviathan." One of Philip's Handshis Body was quartered, and hung had been mattered by an accidental

upon four Trees. His Head was Difcharge of a Gun, fome Timecarried to Plymouth and placed before, by which it was well known,

upon a Gate-poft of the Fort, This Hand was given to the In-

292 The War in New-England [2]

they cut off his Head and Hands, and conveyed

them to Rhode-Ifland, and quartered his Body,

and hung it upon four Trees. One Indian moreof King Philip's Company they then killed, and

fome of the Reft they wounded, but the Swampbeing fo thick and miry, they made their Ef-

cape.

This is the Subftance of this Enterprize, and

the fmall Remnant we left as inconfiderable, whomuft either fly up into the Countrey, or perifh in

the Place.

There is one Potuck, a mifchievous Engine,

and a Counfellour, taken formerly, faid to be in

Goal at Rhode-Ifland, is now fent to Bofton, and

there fhot to Death. One ^uonepin a young

lufty Sachem, and a very Rogue is now in Goal

at Rhode-IJland, who was there fome Years ago

for his Mifdemeanours, but broke Goal, and

run away, and could never till now be laid hold

on.

God be thanked, many Indians come in daily,

and fubmit themfelves with much Dejection,

crying out againft King Philip, and other ill

Counsellors, as the Caufes of their Misfortunes.

The Englifh go many of them now to their

Old Habitations, and Mow down their Ground,

and make Hay, and do other Occafions neceflary

for their refettling : All which gives us comfort-

able Hope that God will gracioufly repair our

dian who (hot him. He exhibited Colonel Church, " got many a

it about the Country, and, fays Penny by it."

[2] Vijibly ended. 293

Breaches, and caufe this Bloody War to End in a

lafting Peace, fo prays,

Your faithful Friend,

R. H.3 6 *

3° 2 That thefc Initials ftand for

Richard Hutchinfon, there can be

little Doubt, according to a State-

ment made by Governor ThomasHutchinfon, his Relative. He fays

that this Richard was a Son of

Mr. Richard Hutchinfon, a wealthy

Ironmonger of London. Richard,

the Father, was Brother of William

Hutchinfon, whofe Wife was the

celebrated Anne, fo arbitrarily and

barbaroufly perfecuted by Gov.

John Winthrop and his Followers,

almoll as foon as Ihe had landed on

thefe Shores. But her Story does

not require to be dwelt upon here.

Whether Richard Hutchinfon

was the Writer of fome of the pre-

ceding Trafts in this Volume is not

pofitively known, though he refers

to previous Letters on the fame

Subjedt. He returned to England

fome Time after this War, and

Nothing further is known of him.

FINIS.

NEWS FROM

N E W-ENGL A N D,B EING

A True and laft Account of the prefent

Bloody Wars carried on betwixt the

Infidels, Natives, and the Englifh Chrif-

tians, and Converted Indians of New-

England, declaring the many Dreadful

Battles Fought betwixt them:

As alfo the many Towns and Villages burnt by

the mercilefs Heathens.

And alfo the true Number of all the ChrifHans

llain fince the Beginning of that War, as it was

lent over by a Factor of New-England to a

Merchant in London.

Licenfed Aug, I. Roger UEjlrange.

LONDON:at the Sign of the Black Raven, in Duck-Lane,

1676.

PREFATORY.HE original Trad, of which this is a Re-

print, is of exceeding Rarity ; fo much fo

that, not long fince, but one was known to

be in this Country. This is reprinted from a

Copy of one in the Library of John Carter

Brown, Efq., of Providence. To the Politenefs of

that Gentleman I am indebted for Permiffion to

make a Tranfcript. The Original is, without Excep-

tion, one of the worft printed Tracts of the Day in

which it appeared. The Type on which it was printed

was wretched, efpecially the Italic ; fome of the Let-

ters in many of the Words not being diftinguifhable,

and others entirely wanting. I have adhered, in this

Reprint, as clofely to the Original, in Refpect to

Orthography, Capitals, and Italics, as poffible. Ofits comparative Value, in an hiftorical Point of View,

it is unneceflary to remark. It is republifhed as a

curious Record of one of the moft important Periods

in the Hiftory of New-England. The Antiquary,

and Student in our Hiftory, will readily perceive its

Value, while to the general Reader it will be almoft

as unintelligible as though it were in an unknown

Language.

To whom belongs the Authorftiip we have no Data

Oo

298 Prefatory.

on which to found even a Conjecture. A few Notes

feemed neceflary. Thefe, and the Words in the Text

included in Brackets, are added to this Edition. The

Figures in Brackets, as [2] on Page 300, denote the

Pages of the original Edition.

Editor.

M& Crue anto Haft &ccompt

Of the Prefent Bloody Wars carried on

betwixt the Infidel Natives and the

Englifh Chriftians and converted In-

dians of New-England, &c.

THOSE Coals of Difcention which had a

long Time lain hid under the Amesof a fecret Envy ; contracted by the

Heathen Indians of New-England, againft the

Englifh ; and ChrifKan Natives of that Countrybrake out in June 1675. both Armies being at a

Diftance without doing any Thing remarkabletill the 1 3 of December following ; at which Timethe Mathufets and Plymouth Company marchingfrom Seconk, fent out a confiderable Number of

Scouts, who kill'd & took 55. of the Enemy,returning with no other Lofs but two of our

Men difabled5s63 about three Days after came a

perfidious Indian to our Army pretending he wasfent by the Sachems to treat of Peace, 36* who was

383 This has Reference, probably, Mather's Brief Hift., 105; Book

to all the Captures made before the of the Indians, 218.

bloody Fight of the 19th. See I. 364 He was well known to the

300 Newsfrom New-England. [2]

indeed no other but a Spy and was no fooner

conduced out of our Camp but we had Newsbrought us that 22 of our Stragling Souldiers

were Slain and divers Barns and out Houfes, withMr. Jer. Bulls dwelling Houfe burnt by himand his Trecherous Confederates which waited

for him.' 6* The next Day, as the ConneBick

Army under the Conduct of Major Treat wasMarching to Joyn with the Mathufets, and Ply-

mouth Company ; they were affaulted by the

Indians, but without any Lofs, they taking eleaven

of the ArTailants Prifoners.3 66

The 8it/> [18] of December, our whole Armybeing united under the Conduct of Major Genr;

Winflow, went to feek out the Enemy, whom wefound (there then hapening a great Fall of Snow)fecuring themfelves in a difmal Swamp, fo hardof Accefs that there was but one was [Way] for

Entrance, which was well lin'd with HeathenIndians, who prefently went out to affault us

;

but we falling in Pel-mell with them, with muchDifficulty gained the Swamp where we foundabove 1500 Wiggwams, and by Night, hadPofleffion [2J of the Fort of which we weredifpofleft foon after by an unexpected Recruit offrefh Indians out of an adjoining Swamp/? but our

Englifh, who gave him the Name See Book of the Indians, 262, andof John; and as he had worked Authorities.

as a Stone-layer, that Calling was 30li Killing four and taking Prifon-

fuperadded to it, and he became ers fix.

—

Letter of Capt. Oliver in

known as Stone-wall-John, or Stone- Ibid.

layer-John.—Book of the Indians, 3t> 7 They were probably from261, and ante, 183. "Pumham's Town," as mentioned

365 This was on December 16. by Church, 17.

[2] News from New-England. 301

Noble Generals infatiable Defire of Victory

prompted him to fuch brave Adtions, that wefollowing his Example to the Enemies Coft,

made ourfelves abfolute Mafters of the Fortagain. 368 Although we purchafed our Succefs at

fo dear a Rate that we have fmall Caufe to Re-joyce at the Vicfory

; yet when we confider the

vaft Difadvantage 3 69 they had of us in Number,whom we collected 370 to have 4000 fighting

Men, and we not much more than half fo many,we have great Reafon to blefs God we came offo well, our Dead and Wounded not a Mountingto above 220, and the Enemies by their ownConfeffion to no lefs than 600. the chief Offi-

cers kild on our Side were Capt. Davenport,

Capt. John/on, Capt. Marjhal, Capt. Gardner.

Capt. Gallop .J?'

Captains wounded were 4. vizi, Sealey, MajorWats, and Bradford, Lieutenants wounded were4. viz. Savage, Ting, Vpham and Wain.v*

In this bloody Battle we gave fo bitter a Relifh

of our Engliih Valour and our converted Indians

Refolutions, that they dreaded our Neighborhoodand thought themfelves unfafe till fecur'd by fix

368 After Capt. Gardner was bly meant,

killed, Church discovered that the 370 Calculated.

Englifh in the Fort were killed by 371 See ante, Page 184.

concealed Indians outfide of it

;

372 Swain, no Doubt. He waswhereupon " with his fmall Com- afterwards a Captain. See Hiftory

pany he haftened out." This is and Antiq. of Bofton, 414; Bookprobably the Circumftance alluded of the Indians, 696; Hubbard, i,

to in the Text.

—

Entertaining Hif- 245 ; and prefent Volume, P. 184.

tory, 14. He belonged to Capt. Appleton's3ti9 The exa£t Reverfe is proba- Company.

302 Newsfrom New-England. [3]

or feaven Miles Diftance from our remaining

Army, where they remain'd near a Month not

attempting Anything confiderable till the firft of

Feb. at which Time a certain Number of themmade defperate through Hungar came to Palick-

fet,™ a Little Town near Providence and at-

tempted the Houfe of one Mr. Carpenter,*™ fromwhom they took 20 Horfes 50 Head of Cattle

and 180 Sheep. And fet Fire on a Houfe at

South-bury' 7 * wherein were two Men, one Wo-man and feaven Children;' 76 on the \th. of Feb-

ruary the Chriftians received private Intelligence

from the Indians who had Sculked ever fince the

laft Battle in certain Woods fcituate about 30Miles from Malbury, that they were drawn up

into a Body, and encamped in a well fortified

Swamp, where, notwithftanding the Indian\s\

affaulted the Rear, wounded four of our Men,and we killing fo many of theirs that they

thought fit to forfake their Refuge, and leave

both it and their Wigwams to our Difpofal, wholodging in their Rooms that Night, fet Fire to a

150 of their Wigwams next Morning, and by

this Light, purfued them fo clofe that we kill'd

divers of them, whom Age or Wounds rendered

incapable [3] of keeping up with their Com-panions, and refolving to continue the Queft

3'3Patuxit. r!76 The Family of Thomas3™ See The Prefent State, 14, Eames is, doubtlefs, referred to.

in this Volume. Alfo Hubbard, \, The Attack and Deftrudlion was

164. on the lit of February, 1675-6.

375 Sudbury. See Hubbard, Narrative, \, 222-3.

[3] Newsfrom New-England. 303

with all the Celerity imaginable, they led us to

another Swamp whofe Rocky Afcent propoundedfo great a Difficulty to attain it, as would have

Staggar'd the Refolution of any but a refolved

Mind ; but we attempted it with the like Refo-

lution and Succefs as we did the Laft ; the Enemyby a fpeedy Flight leaving us in full PofTeffion of

all they left behind them. 377

We Perfued them two Dayes after this En-counter, but then (which was on the iStb Febr.)

finding our Men wearied with Speedy Marches,our Provifion fcarce through continual Expenceand no Recruit, our Horfes tir'd, and our felves

hopelefs of overtaking them, who had great Ad-vantage of us in paffing over Rocks and throughThickets, which our Foot, not without muchDifficulty, could, and our Horfe were altogether

incapable to do ; our Commanders, after a Coun-cel of Warr, refolved to fend the Majfathufets

and Plymouth Company to Malbury, and the Con-

neElicks Army to their own Homes which wasaccordingly done. 378 And Major Genr. Winjlow,

only with his Troops to Bojlon, leaving the Footat Malbury and South-bury, who came Home onMunday following, and were all difmifr. to their

feveral Habitations, except Capt. Wadworth, whowas left at Malbury in Perfuit of the Enemy, of

377 The Expeditions, of which 115-16.

this Author makes fo much Ac-count, are but faintly defcribed by 378 Feb. 5th, the Army returned

the other Writers. See The Pre- to Bofton, not having obtained the

fent State, 13 and 14; alfo, I. Ma- End of their going forth.—/. /(fa-

ther, Brief Hijl., and Authorities, ther, 116.

304 Newsfrom New-England. [4.]

whom he deftroyed about 70, Old Men, Womenand Children, who wanted Strength to follow

the fugitive Army.*"The Defperate Heathens takeing Advantage

of the Difmiffion of three Difbanded Compa-nies, ftudied Nothing but Maflacres, Outrages,

and treacherous Hoftillitie, which within two

Days after thofe faid Companies were difperf't,

they found Opportunity to commit, in a Towncalled Nqfhaway,^ which they fet Fire to, and

burnt to the Ground, taking no lefs than 55Perfons into their Mercilefs Captivity, and be-

caufe the Reader mail underftand the DamnableAntipathy they have to Religion and Piety, I

would have him take Notice how they endeavour

to Signallize their Cruelty, and gratifie their en-

raged Spleen, chiefly on the Promoters of it ; for

of thefe 55 Captives, the Minifter of the Town'sRelations made no lefs than 19 of them; viz.

Mrs. Rowlonfon, the Minifter's Wife, and three

of his Children, her Sifter and feaven Children,

and her Sifter Drew and four Children. TheMinifter himfelf with his Sifters Hufbands re-

turning from Bojion a little after the Engagement,

[4] to their infinite Grief, found their Houfes

burnt to the Ground, and their Wives and

Children taken Captive, nor was this Crueltie

committed, as the Extent of Nepolus Vltra of

379 If this were fo, who will won- tion was on February loth, 1675-6.

der at the Fate of Capt. Wadfworth See I. Mather, Brief Hijlory, and

and his Men ? Authorities in Notes, 117-18. See330 Lancafter. This Depreda- alfo Pages 214, 244, and 25 1, ante.

[4] Newsfr077i New-England. 305

their Vengeance, but rather as an Earneft of their

Bearbarity.^ 1 For no longer than the next Dayafter, three Men going out, with the Cart, werefeiz'd on by thefe Indians, one of them killed,

and the other two not to be found; the Dayfollowing at Coxcord [Concord] they burnt oneHoufe and murder'd three Perfons.3 82

In fhort, their Outrages are fo many and dif-

ferent, that I muft intreat the Reader, fince theywill not be brought into a fluent Narration, to

accept them plainly and dyurnally, according to

the Time, Place, and Manner, as they werecommitted, which is the only Way to avoid

Omimons, and confequently to Satisfie the In-

quifitive, who, I fuppofe, would willingly hear

of all the Extremities [that] have happened to,

the fuffering Chriflians in this New EnglandWar.On the 17 of Febr.&i therefore, ye muft know

that the Town of Medfeild was begirt with a

Regiment of refoleut Indians, who affail'd it fo

brifkly, that maugred all the Refiftance made byCapt. Jacobbs, who was then Ingarrifon'd there

with a hundred Souldiers for its Security, the

351 This Writer appears to have named, was on Feb. 12. Thebeen better informed upon the Dif- other Narratives of the Time' doafter at Lancafter than upon any not give the Date, and but oneother ofwhich he treats. For fome (Hubbard) mentions it at all.

of the Particulars no other Au- 383 The Attack on Medfield, ac-

thority is found. cording to Dr. I. Mather, Brief352 This refers to the Attack on Hijl., 1 19, was on Feb. 21ft. See

the Sheppard Family; which At- A New andFurther Narrative, Sec,

tack, if it occurred in the Order ante, Page 214-15.

306 News from New-England. [4]

enraged Heathens never defifted their defperate

Attempts, Battering the Walls, and powering

Showers of Arrows into the Bofome of the Town,they had diftroyed above 50 of her Inhabitants,

and burnt 30 of her Houfes.

The jth. of March following thefe bloody In-

dians march't to a considerable Town called

Croaton,^ where firft they fet Fire to Major

Willards Houfe, and afterwards burnt 65 more,

there being Seaventy two Houfes at firft, fo that

there was left Standing but fix Houfes of the

whole Town ; the next Day after, two Mencoming from Malbury to Southbury were flain :

385

and the Sabboth Day enfuing, thefe deftroying

Indians came to Plymouth, where fixing only on

, a Houfe of one Mr. Clarks, they burnt, and

murthered his Wife and all his Children, himfelf

Narrowly efcaping their Crueltie by happily at

that Juncture being at a Meeting. 386

On the fecond of April, 1676. Major Savage,

Capt. Mofeley, Capt. William Tumor, and Captain

VVhipal,^ 1 with 300. Men marching from Mal-

384 Groton. The C may be an ' 385 This was on the 8th of March,

imperfect G in Copy. In a previ- if the previous Date is correct. Noous Tract, Page 244, it is fpelt Mention is found of the Ambufh and

Grantham. There were various Death of the two Men elfewhere,

Attacks on Groton, and at different as yet.

Times, from the 2d to the 13th of'JQC This Affair took Place in an

March. See /. Mather, 113; Hub- Outfkirt of Plymouth, and will be

bard, i, 195, 199. In the latter's found circumftantially detailed elfe-

Accounts there is much Confufion, where in this Volume,

owing doubtlefs to the conflicting ,s7 Probably Capt. John Whip-

Relations with which he was fur- pie. See Hijhry and Antiquities

nifhed. of Bofion, 417.

[5] News from New-England. 307

borow to Quabury\^ % where they had ordered the

Conneclick Army to remain in Readinefs againft

their coming, which being effected, accordingly

they joined Forces, and began [5] their Marchtowards Northampton, but by the Way were af-

faulted by the Indians, whom they repelled

without any other Damage, then only Mr. Buckly

wounded, killing about 20 of the Enemies in a

hot Purfuit after them.s 8 ?

The tenth Ditto, about 700 Indians encom-paft Northampton on all Sides where they fought

very refolutely for the Space of an Hour, andthen fled, leaving about 25 Perfons dead uponthe Place, the Chriftians loofing only 4. Menand 1. Woman, and had fome Barnes burnt; 390

on the 12th Inftant they affaulted Warwick with

fo unhappy a Succefs that they burnt all the

Town, except four Garrifon Houfes which wereleft ftanding," 1 fix Days after, Captain Pierce,™*

Brother to Captain Pierce of London, with 55Men and 20 Christian Indians went to feek out

their Enemies, the Indians whom according to

their Intelligence, they found rambling in an

obfcure Wood ; upon his Approach they drewinto Order, and received his Onfet with muchDifficulty, being in the End forced to Retreat,

but it was fo flowly that it fcarcely deferved that

Name, when a frefh Company of Indians came

3S? Quabaog. Brookfield. 390 Fully detailed in Hubbard, i,

"" n More minutely detailed in 205. 3!u See Ibid, 179.

Hubbard, and the Notes. See Vol. 392 Capt. Michael Pierce of Scit-

i, 204, of that Work. uate. See ante, P. 220-2.

308 Newsfrom New-England. [5]

into their Afliftance, befet the Christians round,

Killed Captain Pierce and 48. of his Men, befides

.8. of the Chriftian Indians. The Fight contin-

ued about five Hours, the Enemy bying the

Victory very dearly, but at Last obtained it fo

abfolutely, that they deprived us of all Means of

hearing of their Lofs. 393

At Malbrow on the \ith Ditto, were feveral

Houfes burnt whilft the miferable Inhabitants

were at a Meeting, and at Springfield the fameLords Day, thefe devillifh Enemies of Religion

feeing a Man, Woman, and their Children, going

but towards a Meeting-houfe, Slew them (as they

faid) becaufe they thought they intended to go

thither.

The 28M, of the fame Inftant, April laft, Cap-tain Denifon collecting a Regiment of 500, and200 EngliJJj Paquet Nimerafs394 Indians, marchtout of New London in Search of that GrandFom enter of this Rebellion. Anthony™ the Se-

chem, whom at Laft near the Town call'd Provi-

dence he recovered, and after a hot Difpute,

wherein he kill'd 45 of the Sechems Men, Tookhim their Commander Prifoner, with feveral of

his Captaines, whom they immediately put to

Death ; but were at ftrong Debate whether they

fhould fend him to Bojlon, but at Length they

393 This was one of the moft tive, ante, P. 220-1.

defperate Fights of the War, and 3;I4 Pequots and Ninigret'i Men,perhaps the moft Bloody. See is doubtlefs what is meant.

Hubbard and the Notes, \, 173-8. 3; '3 Nanuntenoo, unqueftionably is

Alfo A New and Farther Narra- intended.

[6] Newsfrom New-England. 309

carried him to [6] New London, and began to

examine him, why he did foment that War whichwould certainly be the Diftru&ion of him andall the Heathen Indians in the Country, to which,"

and many other Interogatories he made no other

Reply, but that ^ 6 [he was born a Prince, and if

Princes came to fpeak with him, he would an-

fwer them, But none of thofe prefent being

Princes, he thought himfelf oblig'd in Honourto hold his Tongue.] This Anfwer, though it

might Challenge their Admiration, was not fo

prevalent as to obtain their PittyJ' 7

Notwithstanding, the Surviveing Sechems werenot long in revenging his Death, for, on the Sixth

of May, they burnt all Malborow, except three

Garrifon Houfes, kill'd Capt. "Jacob/on and Lieu-

tenant Prat^ 9 and two Dayes after burnt 24Houfes in Southbury, kill'd feveral of the Inha-

bitants who vainly expected Capt. Wedwortb andCapt. Brookwe/i" to their Relief for thefe un-fortunate Gentlemen were intercepted by 700Moors, with whom they fought for the Space of

four Hours, till not only they two, but Capt.

Sharp and 51 Chriftians more lay dead upon the

Place.*00

3!)(i The Printer's quotation Mark. 39 ^ Sergeant Pratt and John Jacob397 The moft maiterly Account were killed on the 1 6th of May.

of the Capture and Death of Ca- See Additions to Baylies's N. Plym.

nonchet, or Nanuntenoo as he was 52. Alfo /. Mather, 135.

laft named, is that by Hubbard. 3ao The Printer was probably

See his Narrative, i, 82, ii, 55-7; puzzled to make any Thing of his

but that given ante (New and Far- Copy. Brocklebank is the Namether Narrative) P. 231-2, is not intended.

much Inferior. 400 Thus fummarily is the cele-

310 Newsfrom New-England. [6]

At Woodcock\s\ 10 Miles from Seconch, on the

1 6th May*01 was a little Skirmage betwixt the

Moors and Chriftians, wherein there was of the

Later three flain and two wounded, and only twoIndians Kild.

May 28. 1676. Capt. Denifon and Capt. Evry[Avery] with 50 Englifh and about 150 PaquetIndians, Scouting among the Woods, in eight

Days Space kill'd 25 Indians and took 5 1 Prifon-

ers ; one whereof was Grand-child to Dunham* *

who was kill'd by Capt. Peirce in the Engage-ment on the 26 May.°>°i

The Number of Chriftians flain fince the Be-ginning of the late Wars in New England, are

444. Taken Prifoner, 55.

The Number of Indians Slain in this War is

uncertain, becaufe they burn4°4 their Dead, keep-ing their Death as a Secret from the Chriftians

Knowledge, but the Number mentioned herein

is 9io. 4°5

brated and important Sudbury Fight They did not generally burn their

difpofed of. It was on April 21ft, Dead.

1676. See Additions to Baylies 's *05 This Eftimate was made fomeNew Plymouth, 55-64. Alfo N.E. Time before the War clofed. AboutHi/i. and Gen. Reg'r, xx, 341-52; eighty Years later, the Rev. Mr.and ante in this Volume. Backus Remarks on New England's

101 The Surprife at Woodcock's Lofles in that fearful Struggle :

—

was on or previous to April 26, " The Summary of that Bloody

according to the New and Farther War, I have carefully colledted from

Narrative, 238. a great variety of Hiftories and Ac-402 Pumham. See Mather's Brief counts. And, upon the Whole,

Hi/}. 140. B. I. 260. it was faid that there were flain, 12J03 March 26 was the Date of Captains, and about 600 Men; that

Pierce's Fight. See /. Mather, 183, about 1200 Houfes were burnt,

and ante, 221-2. 8000 Head of Cattle, and many404 This is new and untrue, thoufand Bufhels of Grain deftroyed;

[6] Newsfrom New-England. 311

We - have Received very late News that the

Chriftians in New England have had very great

Vidtory over the Infidel Natives.

There has been a Treaty between them,4° 6 the

Indians proffer to lay down their Armes ; but the

Eng/i/h are not willing to agree to it, except they

will give up their Armes, and go as far up into

the Country as the Court of Bojion fhall think

fit.* ?

and alfo 3000 Indians." The Lois

computed in Money, "was £150,-

000 Sterling."

—

Hiji. N. Eng., i,

433. See other Eftimates, ante, P.

244-5.4on The Treaty has Reference to

the Negotiations to redeem or re-

leafe Captives. See Mrs. Row-landfon's Narrative.

407 Some Copies of the Original

Traft have not this laft Paragraph.

Mr. Brown's Copy has it, but that

in Harvard College Library is with-

out it. By comparing the Proofs

of this Edition with that belonging

to the College, feveral Corrections

have been made, and uncertain

Words made out, which could not

have been done by the other Copy.And here we would return our

Thanks to the obliging Librarian,

Thadeus William Harris, M. D.for his Kindnefs in affording us an

Opportunity to make our Copymore Perfeft than either of the

others.

—

Note to Edition of 1850.

A FARTHER

^rtef an* Crue j&arrattonOF

THE LATE WARSRISEN IN NEW-ENGLAND,

Occafioned by the quarrelfome Difpofition

and perfidious Carriage of the barbarous

and favage Indian Natives there ; with

an Account of the Fight, the 19th of

December laft, 1675. London, Febru-

ary 17th, 167I.

Licenfed, Henry Oldenbargh.

LONDON:Printed by

J. D. for M. K. and are to be fold by the Bookfellers,

1676.

21 farther brief and true Narration

Of the late Wars rifen in New-En^occafioned by the quarrelfome Difpofi-

tion and perfidious Carriage of the

barbarous and favage Indian Natives

there j with an Account of the Fight,

the 19th of December laft, 1675. 408

Sir,

Bojion, December 28th, 1675.

T ]IS verily believed with us, that all gener-

ous Minds in both Englands, whichconcern themfelves to inquire after our

Affairs in thefe Parts of the World, and wifh as

well, have a longing Delire. the Indian Warsmight be ended ; and we prefumed e're this,

that the Powers of Perfuafion or Force wouldhave made a happy Change, by altering the

408 Yet Nothing of" the Kind will

be found in this Treatife, which

caufes a Conclufion that the Traft

was not entire from which the

the " Narrative " breaks ofF ab-

ruptly where the Proclamation or" Manifefto," as it is called, is in-

troduced, and was evidently con-

Editor of the Harleian Mijcellany tinued.or intended to be. No Copyprinted this. It will be feen that of the firfl Edition is known to me.

316 Afarther brief

Minds, or retraining the Malice of our Heathen

Foes.

But fo it is, the Rod of God's Anger is ftill

upon us ; for the Pocanaket Sachem Metacom,

alias Philip, frill lives ! he lives to be Vexation to

us in all Places where he comes : Yea, he lives,

and by his Subtlety proves a more forcible and

perillous Enemy to us than ever we could have

imagined. He hath drawn into his Confederacy

all the Indians from Cape Sables^ Eaftward to

the Mohawks, which is about three hundred Miles

or upwards : And our Fears are (which would to

God they were but Fears) that fome Traders of

Europe, for Love of Gain, have from Time to

Time fupplied them with Ammunition.At the Eaftward, the Indians have ruined Fal-

mouth, black Point, and Saco, and flain in thofe

Towns thirty Perfons : Some they took alive, and

fat them upright in the Ground, ufing this Sar-

cafm : ' You Englijh, fince you came into this

Country have grown exceedingly above Ground,

let us now fee how you will grow when planted

into the Ground.' At Kitterey they have flain

fourteen Perfons, and burnt fundry Houfes : AtDover they alfo have killed fome, and fired twoor three Houfes. Our Enemies proudly exult

over us, and blafpheme the Name of our Blefled

God, faying, ' Where is your O God ?' Taunting

400 This is giving rather a wide tain; but that this Hoftility was

Scope to the Influence of Philip, remotely owing to Philip's Diplo-

That the Indians, very far Eaft, macy is not very clear; yet it is pro-

became immediately hoftile, is cer- bable.

and true Narrative. 317

at the poor Wretches, which, to make themfelves

Sport with, they cruelly torture to Death : Butour Affiance is in the God that made Heaven andEarth, who, when he arifes, will fcatter our Ene-mies.

It hath been the great Care of our Council to

diftinguifh between Friends and Enemies ; for

moft of our Mifchiefs have flowed from pre-

tended Friends, who have demeaned themfelves

exceedingly fairly with us, till they have had the

Opportunity fecretly and fuddenly to endamageus, and then they fly to our avowed Adverfaries.

Many of our Commonalty would have all Indians

[quatenus fuch) declared Enemies : But our fo-

bereft Sort juftly fear to condemn the Innocent

with the Guilty ; knowing that Juftice eftJirmitas

Regni ; nor would they draw on themfelves the

Guilt of blotting out the Intereft of the Gofpel

amongft the Indians, remembering New-Englandwas originally a Plantation more famous for Re-ligion than Trade; and to this Day the Majfa-chufets, in the Imprefs of their Publick Seal, have

an Indian engraven with thefe Words, Come over

and help us ; alluding to ABs xvi. 9. Much in-

terline Heartburnings and Complainings, not to

fay Mutinies, have been about thofe Matters ; to

quiet which, Eleven of the moft Notorious, with

whom fome Englijh Plunder was found, werearraigned, Six whereof being evidently foundGuilty, were foon after executed

;

410 and at the

410 The Names of the Indians Book of the Indians, 264. Theyhere referred to may be feen in the were feized in the Nipmuck Country.

3 18 Afarther brief

Defire of the honefteft of them, all the profeffing

Indians are placed and provided for on certain

Iflands, where they are out of Harm's Way ; andby an Act of the General Court, which is our

Parliament here, 'tis Death for any of them to

come off thence without Licence from the Ma-gistrate. Our People, fince the Lofs of Captain

Lothrop of Beverly, with about Sixtv Men byfurprife, and the burning of Springfield, are grownnot lefs valorous, but more cautious : Experience

is the Mother of Prudence, and little Good comesof defpifing an Enemy. Yet let not the Worldcenfure too much Captain Lathrop : He in the

Pequot Wars,4" had done Exploits ; nor in this

would have been behindhand, if the narrow Paf-

fage or Caufes, whom his unexpected Enemies fet

on him, would have given him Leave to have

drawn up his Men. But, however, this may be

faid, to ufe the Words of a wife Man ;' There

was never Cenfor that judged, Senator that or-

dered, General that commanded, Council that

executed, Orator that perfuaded, nor any other

mortal Man, but fometimes he committed Errors.'

Let fuch as are too apt to cenfure the Conduct of

fome Affairs here, remember this.

On the 19th of Odlober, Philip affaulted Hatf-

field, a Town on ConneBicut-River, with about

eight hundred Men : But there were two hun-dred of ours then in the Town, which in twoHours Space, with the Lofs of one Man only,

411 This is the only Mention having ferved in the Pequot War;I have found of Capt. Lothrop's yet the Statement is not queftioned.

and true Narrative. 319

put the Indians to a total Flight, and killed about

an hundred of them, Sixty of whofe dead Bodies

the Indians carried with them on Horfes, &c.

(for they had feveral Horfes amongft them).

After which Philip and the Nipnet Indians fled to

the Narraganfets ; which caufed the Council of

the Majfachufets, to publifh in Print this Mani-fefto

:

[The Proclamation or Manifefto here refer-

red to is contained entire in our fecond Trad:

(Pages 161-3), and is therefore omitted here.

The prefent Trad: ended with that Paper. Yet

the Letter feems imperfed and to have no End

;

but Nothing further is contained in the Harleian

Mifcellany, whence we extrad it. It is evidently

only a Fragment of the original Trad, and I

have been unable to hear of a perfed one. See

Harleian Mifcellany, Volume V, Page 400.

Editor.]

FINIS.

INDEXA BBOT, Timothy, efcapes from"^ the Indians, 274.

Abel, Nehemiah, 91.

Abimileck, Son of Uncas, 136.

Accomintus, under the Pawtuckets,

53-

Acufhena, fold by Maflafoit, 60.

Agawam, attacked by Taratines,

2;; under the Pawtuckets, 53.Ahaz, Charles, 91.

Akkompoin (Unkompoin), 71, 87.

Alarm, falfe one, 158.

Alden, John, 87.

Alexander, Son of Maflafoit, 3 1

;

when fo named, ib, ; informed

againft, 32; Capture and Death

of, 34-40 ; another Account, 41-

2; another, 42; his Death greatly

mourned, 43.Allen, John, 62.

Alline, John U., 273.

Almey, John, 75, 81.

Amoret, kidnapped, 12.

Annawan, Counfellor to Philip, 60,

87.

Appleton, Nathan, vi.

Appleton, Samuel, Major, at Hat-

field, 167; marches for Narra-

ganfet, 178, 194, 234.

Arnold, Benedict, Governor, 78.

Aflacumet, kidnapped by Wey-mouth, 12; taken by Spaniards,

13-

Rr

Aflafamoogh (John Gibbs), 60.

Aflawomfets, difarmed, 73.

Aflbwetough, Daughter of Safa-

mon, 91.

Attawamhood, Son of Uncas,

136.

Attleborough [SeakonkJ burnt, 223.

Avery, James, Captain, Exploit of,

310.

Awafhonks, Squaw Sachem of Se-

conet, 74; reconciled to Ply-

mouth's Courfe, 80; Letter from,

81; Family of, 82; little con-

trol over her People, ib. ; con-

founded with Weetamoo, 201

;

furrenders, 269.

DAGNAL, Walter, murdered,

25 ; one hanged as his Mur-derer, 27.

Baker, Samuel, 75 ; Scribe to Awa-fhonks, 81.

Barbadoes, 200-3, 204.

Beers, Richard, Capt., 155; killed,

.56.

Betogkam, Betokam, Bofhokum.

—

See Pottoquam.Bible, the Indian, 145-6.

Bilboes, an Indian put in, 26.

Black Hawk, Tradition of, 45.Black Sachem.—See Watuspaquin.Black Will.—See Poquanum.Boggeftow.—See Medfield.

322 Index.

Bointon, Jofhua, in Sudbury Fight,

234.

Bool [Bull], John, 185.

Boutwell, George S., 233.

Bradford, William, Captain, fent

againft Alexander, 33: his Ac-

count of the Capture and Death

of Alexander, 41-2 ; marches

againft Philip, 104; wounded,

184; removed to Rhode Ifland,

185, 301.

Braintree, Houfes burnt, 244.

Brattle, Thomas, 68 : ordered to

prevent Exportation of Provi-

fions, 160; Exploit, 259; in

Plymouth Colony, 268.

Brenton, William, buys Mattapoi-

fet, 59, 87.

Broadfaced Will, fteals a Gun,

81.

Brocklebank, Samuel, Capt., killed,

234, 255, 309.

Brookfield, befieged, 143, further

Account, 147, 244.

Brown, James, Mr., 62 ; at a

Treaty, 69, 78; his Son a Pi-

lot, 105.

Brown, John Carter, 297.

Buckley, Gerfhom, Mr., Chaplain,

179; wounded, 252,307.Bull, Jireh, his Garrifon taken, and

People flain, 179, 300.

CALEB, kilied, 274.

Canonfhot, eldeft Son of Ni-

nigret, 159.

Canonchet.—See Nanuntenoo.

Canonicus, comes to the Maflachu-

fetts Indians to engage them to

aid him in a War with the Pe-

quots, 26 ; Proceedings on the

Arrival of the Pilgrims, 50;Death of, 51.

Cape Sables, Indians there ftirred

up in the War, 316.

Captives, Return of Some, 258-9,

265-6, 268, 274.

Carpenter, Wm., Jr., Lofs by the

War, 196, 212, 312.

Carr, Robert, Mr., 185.

Cafhawaihed, alias Tatamumque,61.

Caunbitant, difpleafed at the com-

ing of the Pilgrims, 2 1 ; dies of

Small Pox, 27.

Cawatoquiflet, River, 61.

Challons, Henry, Voyage to NewEngland, 13.

Chelmsford, Houfes burnt, 244.Cheefhahteaumuk, the only Indian

Graduate at Harvard, 133.

Chemaughton, 87.

Chikataubut, joins Canonicus, 26.

Chriftian Indians.—See Praying

Indians.

Church, Benj., Colonel, 88 ; vifus

Weetamoo, 97 ; other Employ-ment, 106; wounded, 185; Ex-ploit of, 277 ; in Search of Philip,

290; furprifes him, 290-1.

Church, Caleb, of Dedham, 65.

Churches, fpared by the Indians,

148.

Clarke, Thomas, Captain, efcorts

Indians to Bofton, 160; ordered

to Mendon, ib.

Clarke, William, Family murdered,

220, 306.

Coaxet, fold by Maflafoit, 60.

Cole, Hugh, a Friend of Philip,

57, 62, 87 ; Houfe burnt, 104.

Colier, William, of Plymouth, 41.

Concord, Men cut off, 234, 305.Coneconam, kidnapped by Harlow,

14.

Connecticut, its Forces cenfured,

194; Lofs at the Swamp Fight, ib.

Confert, Cornelius, his Exploits,

128, 130.

Cotton, John, Letter of, 41.

Index. 323

Cowell, Edward, Captain, narrow

Efcape of, 236.

Cowfumpfit [in Plymouth Colony],

59-

Cradock, Matthew, 25.

Craine, Benjamin, 185.

Croflman, John, 70.

Cudworth, James, Major, 106, 13 1.

Curtice, Ephraim, MeiTenger, 189.

F)ANFORTH, Thomas, Mr.,-L/

at Plymouth, 82, 141.

Dartmouth, Houfes burnt, 132.

Davenport, Nathaniel, Captain,

marches for Narraganfet, 178;killed, 181; his Coftume, 182,

301.

Davis, William, 68 ; at Plymouth,

82.

Deane, Walter, 87.

Dedham, purchafed of Philip, 59.

Deerfield, Houfes burnt, 155;wholly ruined, 244.

Denifon, George, Captain, his Suc-

ceffes, 239, 308-9.

Dermer, Thos., Captain, Voyageto New England, 16.

Devil, decoyed the Indians into

America, 46; alarmed at the

coming of the Englifh, 47 ; de-

vifed the Religion of the Indians,

48 ; cannot counterfeit Indian

Money, 58; inftigates the Indians

to make War, 67; a Murderer,

ib. ; Powwaws worfhip the, 158.

Dorchefter, a Houfe attacked, 134.

Dover, Indians furrender there, 275.

Drew, Mrs., a Captive, 304.

Drinker, Edward, Lieutenant, 253.

Dublet, Tom.—See Nepanet.

Dudley, Samuel, Mr., Chaplain,

179.

Dutch, Robert, 157.

THAMES, Thomas, his Family

killed and captivated, 214;Petition of his Sons, ib. ; a Son

efcapes, 259, 302.

Eaftham, Indians kidnapped, 7.

Eaftman, Philip, a Captive, 265.

Eafton, John, his Narrative, 97

;

Interview with Philip, 99 ; fur-

ther Account of his Narrative,

112-14.

Eel River, MafTacre, 220.

Eleftion Day, Indians fend Wordthat they will dine in Bolton

then, 236.

Eliot, John, Mr., 89; his Indians,

145; pleads for fome condemned,

151, 267, 271-3, 285.

Epenow, kidnapped by Harlow,

14; crafty Exploit of, 15.

Ephraim, Peter, 271.

I^ALL Fight, 239, 240, 259-62.1

Fall River, People killed, 115.

Fall-Town, granted to the Fall-Fight

Soldiers, 239.

Fall proclaimed, 105 ; another,

147; at Charleftown, 154; one

by the Governor and Council,

161.

Felix, Son-in-law to Saflamon, 91.

Force, Peter, vii.

Ford, Jofeph, 185.

Fofter, Hopeftill, Captain, 87.

Frances, makes a Treaty, 43.

Freeman, John, 78.

French Ships deltroyed and Crews

murdered, 17.

Froft, Charles, Captain, 262.

Froft, Nicholas, whipt and ban-

ifhed for felling Arms to Indians,

27.

Fuller, Samuel, 35 ; Matthew, ib.,

39-

3 2 4- Index.

(~1ALLOP, John, Captain, killed,^ 184, 301.

Gardner, Jofeph, Captain, marches

for Narraganfet, 178 ; killed,

184, 301.

Gauntlet, running, defcribed, 159.

Gibbs, John, Indian Preacher, 60.

Gilbert, Raleigh, 13.

Gookin, on the Origin of the In-

dians, 44-6; Tribes in N. Eng-

land, 49; the Peftilence, 52;

his Indians, 145 ; Judge amongthem, 146; infulted for taking

the Part of fome, 151; in Fear

of the Mob, 153; Letter to, from

Indians, 272-3.

Gorges, Ferd., Sir, on the Origin

of New England Colonization,

10, 131.

Gorham, John, Captain, in Narra-

ganfet Fight, 184.

Grantham [Groton], burnt, 244.

Groton, attacked and burnt, 217,

244, 252, 306.

ILIADLEY, attacked, 186; Houfes

burnt, 244.

Harlow, Edward, Captain, Voyage

to New England, 1 3 ; kidnaps

Indians, 13, 14.

Harris, Andrew, Lofs, 196.

Harris, Thaddeus William, 311.

Harvey, William, 87.

Haflanamefit, location of, 139;Fight there, 256.

Hatchet, Story of grinding one on

Sunday, 126.

Hatfield, Men of, ambufhed and

flain, 166, 176; attacked and

fired, 186; Houfes burnt, 244,

3.8.

Hawkins, William, 185.

Henchman, Daniel, Captain, Sol-

diers refufe to march with, 154;

why unpopular, 237; Exploit at

Haflanamefit, 256; another near

Lancafter, 263.

Hiacoomes, John, 91.

Hinckley, Thomas, 78, 141.

Hingham, Houfes burnt, 244.Hoar, John, Mr., 273.Hobfon, , Captain, Voyage to

New England, 14.

Holman, John, 27.

Holyoke, Samuel, Captain, 260-1.

Hooficke River, 226.

Hopkins, Richard, whipt for felling

Guns to Indians, 26.

Hubbard, Samuel, Mr., 104.

Hudfon, William, 68.

Hunt, Thomas, kidnaps Indians,

6, 7, 10; one returns, 20.

Hunter, John, Services of, 274.Hurricane, at Barbadoes, 202-3.

Hutchinfon, Anne, barbaroufly

treated, 290-3.

Hutchinfon, Edward, Captain, 1 16,

117; furprifed and mortally

wounded, 142-3 ; other Particu-

lars, 147.

Hutchinfon, Richard, 293.Hutchinfon, Thomas, Governor,

H3. 293-

INDIANS, Land fairly purchafed

of, 3, 5; fome kidnapped, 6;Apology for, 7, 10; Population

in New England, 8, 9; others

kidnapped, 12, 13 ; capture

French Ships, 17; great Pefti-

lence among, 1 8 ; Places occu-

pied by, 19; War declared

again!):, 22 ; bad Lawyers, 24;War between Narraganfets andPequots, 26 ; Small Pox among,

27 ; Origin of, 44-6 ; their ownFables of it, ib. ; Religion, 48 ;

Authority of Chiefs, 49 ; doomed

Index. 325

to be fwept away, 54; Nature

of their Government, 63 ; Ef-

forts to prohibit felling them Li-

quors, 88; Ammunition allowed

to be fold them, 96 ; great Wantof Ammunition, 125 ;

Device

for firing Places, 144; one bar-

baroufly executed on Bofton

Common, 153; another, 157;in great Want of Ammunition,

197; a defpicable Enemy, zio;

Device to fire buildings, 212;

fome Women murder two Eng-

lishmen, 218; Exultation after

Sudbury Fight, 236; LofTes in

the War, 243 ; Cruelties, 245 ;

many furrender at Dover, 275;burn their Dead, 310; Numberkilled in the War, ib. ; Philip's

Defection wide fpread, 316;taunt the Englifh about their

God, ib.

JACKSON, Thomas, executed,

27-

Jacobs, John, a Captive, 266

;

killed, 309.

Jacobs, Richard, furprifed, 305-6.

James-the-Printer, 264, 269.

Jenkins, Reynold, murdered, 26.

Johnfon, Ifaac, Captain, marches

for Narraganfet, 178; killed, 184,

301.

Jones, , killed at Swanfea, 1 10,

128.

Joflin, Jofeph, a Captive, 266.

JofTelyn, John, defcribes King Philip,

58; Error, 124.

KEHTEHTICUT.—Tehticut,

Kettle, , Mrs., efcapes from

the Indians, 274.

Kidder, Frederic, 233.

Kidnapping of Indians, 6, 7 ;

caufed the fettling New England,

10.

Kimball, Thomas, killed, and Fa-

mily carried off", 265.

Kittery, People killed, 316.

T AKE, Thomas, Captain, 154.-L<

Lancafter, nearly deftroyed,

214, 244; afTaulted, 251, 304.Land, not the Caufe of War, 3, 4.

Lathrop, Thomas, Captain, attacks

the Indians, 155 ; his Fate, 318.

Layton, Archer, and Son, killed,

115.

Leonard, Thomas, 87,Letters, Indian, 251, 271.

Leverett, John, Governor at Ply-

mouth, 82; Letter to, 270, 272.Line, John, 273.

Little-John, barbaroufly executed,

153-

Long Ifland, partly under the Pe-quots, 49 ; partly under the Nar-raganfets, 50.

LofTes by the War, 243-5, 3 l °"

11.

Lovell, John, Nurfe, 185.

Lynn, Alarm there, 24-5.

A/TACEY, George, Lieutenant,

Magnus, Old Queen, Quaiapen,

135, 241.

Mamanewa, Son of Awalhonks, 82.

Manedo, kidnapped by Weymouth,12; taken by Spaniards, 13.

Marlborough, burnt, 233, 244,

252, 308-9.

Marlhall, Samuel, Captain, killed,

184, 301.

Martha's Vineyard.—See Nope.Mafbn, John, mortally wounded,

184.

326 Index.

MafTachufetts, Nation of, and Coun-try, 5Z-3.

MafTachufetts, Government, tried

to avert the War, 187.

Maflafoit, vifits the Pilgrims, 20-1

;

his Name changed, 29 ; Timeof his Death, 30; Error con-

cerning, 1 24, 200.

Matakees, Wampanoags, 51.

Matantuck.—See Old Queen.Matapoifet, fold by Philip, 61 ;

War begins at, 105.

Mather, Cotton, D.D., on Indians,

46-7, 147; on King Philip's

Skull, 291.

Mather, Increafe, D.D., 4 ; unfair

Statement of, 40 ; on the Found-ers of New England, 47; on

Difcovery of a Murderer, 95

;

on Eafton's Narrative, 97 ; keeps

a Faft, 147 ; Sermon, 148.

Matoonas, hanged, 65 ; attacked

Mendon, 190; bound, 279-80.

Mattamuck, Letter of, 271.

Mattapoifett, fold by Philip, 59.

Medfield, attacked and burnt, 214-

15; Boggeftow, 251 ; further

Account, 305.

Megunneway, in the Fall Fight, 262.

Mendon, burnt, 132-3, 190, 280.

Metacomet.—See Pometacom, 59,8 7-

Miantonimo.—See Nanuntenoo.Mohawks, towards New York, 227

;

Report of their murdering fome

of Philip's Men, 243 ; great Fear

of, 275.

Mohickanders, River Indians, 226.

Minot, Mr., his Houfe attacked,

34-Mohegans, injuftice to by Hiftori-

ans, 198 ; make flaughter of

Philip's Men, 250.

Monhiggon, early vifited, 13, 20.

Monnamoyk, Indians Wampanoags,

Monoco, magnanimous, 272.

Monopet, kidnapped by Harlow,

Montowampate, dies of Small Pox,

27.

Mooanam, afterwards Alexander,

31-

Moofuck, a Narraganfet Chief,

116.

Morfe, John, Mr., Commiffary,

129; one a Captive, 259.Morton, Nathaniel, 87.

Mofely, Samuel, Captain, an old

Privateer, 127, 131 ; Story of

his Wig, 149; kills two Indians,

1 50- 1 ; captures others, 151 ;

defeated at Sugar-Loaf-Hill, 156;refcued by Maj. Treat, 157; at

Hatfield, 166; fights there, 167;marches for Narraganfet, 178 ;

enters the Fort, 182; faw fifty

Indians fire on him at once, ib.

;

ordered out again, 215 ; at

Quaboag, 228 ; marches again,

306-7.

Mount Hope, defcribed, 123.

Munponfet, a Pond in Halifax, 34.Muttamakoog, Letter of, 273.

XTAAMKEEKS, under the Paw-^ tuckets, 53.

Nahawton, Services of, 274-5.

Namumpum.—See Weetamoo.Nananuntuew (Nanuntenoo), 61 ;

Chief of the Narraganfets, 177 ;

Capture and Death, 230-1 ;

Quanonihot, ib., 254; his Deathgreatly difcourages the Indians,

255; SucceiTor of, 277; further

Account, 308-9.

Nantucket, under the Wampanoags,

5 1; Philip there, 60.

Index. 327

Nanufkooke (Wootonakanufka),

62.

Narraganfet, burnt, 244. *

Narraganfets, War with the Pe-

quots, 26; Small Pox among, 27;their Numbers and Country, 49-

50; had Caufe to hate the Eng-

lifh, 63-4 ; fuppofed great Num-bers, 116; infulting Meflage to,

by Maflachufetts, 1 16-17; f°mejoin Connecticut Forces [thofe

were Ninigret's Men], 140;Fight and Fort, 179-84; Fort

defcribed, 181 ; burnt, 183;Numbers killed, 193; the SwampFight, 300.

Nafhaway, Indians, Maflachufetts,

52; Nafhoba, 139; burnt, 244.Nafhaway, burnt, 218, 304.

Natick Indians, great Services of

to the Englifh, 256-7.

Naufet, Indians of, kidnapped, 7

;

Numbers of, 21

; under the Wam-panoags, 5 1 .

Nemafkets, Arms taken from, 73.

Nepanet, Services of, 256, 263,

271.

Neponfet Indians, Maflachufetts,

52.

New England, claimed and peopled

by the Devil, 46-7 ; principal

Tribes in, 49; relieves Virginia,

204; LofTes by the War, 243-

5, 310-11.

Nianticks, 160 ; Services of, againft

Philip, 308.

Niles, Samuel, Rev., his Hiftory,

42.

Nimrod (Umnathum, &c), 60,

62, 71, 87; killed, 148.

Ninigret, 116; in Amity, 135;fome Account of, ib., 139 ; fends

Men to Connefticut to fight for

the Englifh, 140; a Coat given

him by King Charles, 141 ; Em-bafly from, at Bofton, 157; or-

dered to appear at Bofton, 159;Promife extorted from, 165

;

King of the Narraganfets, 177;oldeft Son marries Weetamoo,ib. ; feparates from the Enemy,

185; fends Men to bury the

killed at the Swamp Fight; 193 ;

demands a Charge of Powderfor each, 194; many of his

People taken, 228; his Men at

the taking of Canonfhot, 230

;

Brother to Magnus, 241 ; Accu-

fations againft, 242.

Nipmucks, partly under the Wam-panoags, 5 1 ; under the Mafla-

chufetts, 52 ; under the Paw-tuckets, 53 ; the Narraganfets,

50; in Difpute between the Nar-

raganfets and Wampanoags, 64

;

under the Command of Philip,

66 ; Limits of their Country un-

defined, 141 ; furprife Englifh at

Brookfield, 142; MefTengers fent

among, to prevent their joining

the Enemy, 189-90.

Nipnets.—See Nipmucks.

Nobfquafit, under the Wampan-oags, ; 1.

Nonantum, Indians, Maflachufetts,

52.

Nope, under the Wampanoags, 51.

Northampton, burnt, 244, 253 ;

violent Attack on, 307.

Norton, Freegrace, Sergeant, killed,

.67.

Nowell, Samuel, Mr., Chaplain,

179.

Numpho, Sam, 273.Nuncompahoonet (Nimrod), 87.

Nunuit, Peter.—See Petananuet.

328 Indi

QLDENBURG, Henry, Li-^"^ cencer, 171.

Old Queen, Magnus, Quaiapen,

135, 140 ; killed, 241.

Oliver, James, Captain, Conduft

inconfiftent, 151-2; a Favorite

of the Soldiers, 154; conduces

Indians to Bofton, 160; marches

for Narraganfet, 178.

One-eyed Sachem [One-eyed John,

John Monoco], 219.

Oneko, Son of Uncas, at Bofton,

136.

Ofland, Humphrey, 199.

Oultuck, John, executed, 267.

Oufamequin, 61.

Ovvaneko, Son of Uncas, 136.

PAKACHOOG (in Worcefterr and Ward), 65.

Paine, Nathaniel, 103.

Pakfkoag, Letter of, 271.

Palmes, Edward, Major, 228.

Pannakpukun, Letter of, 273.

Park-; John, wounded, 155.

Pafcataways, under Pawtucketts, 53.Paffaconaway, delivers a Murderer,

26.

Patuxit (in Narraganfet), depreda-

tion there, 196, 212.

Patuxit, Indians of, kidnapped, 7;Pilgrims fettle at, 20; another,

burnt, 244.

Pawfaquens, Counfellor to Philip,

61.

Pawtucketts, the fifth great Sachem-

fhip of Indians, 53; the Extent

of their Country, ib.

Peach, Arthur, murders an Indian,

27.

Peebe, Chief under Philip, 60.

Pechmo, kidnapped by Capt. Har-

low, 13.

Pekanimne, kidnapped by Captain

Harlow, 13.

ex.

Peirce, Michael.—See Pierce.

Pennacooks, under the Pawtuckets,

S3- 239-Pemaquid, Indians kidnapped at, 10

Pequot War, Allufion to, 24, 30War with the Narraganfets, 26influence the Narraganfets, 28

Territory of, 49 ; Services againft

Philip, 308.

Perkins, John, Serjeant, of Aga-wam, 25.

Peftilence among Indians, 18; Ac-count of, by Samofet, 20; byGookin, 52.

Petananuet, Hufband of Weeta-moo, 43.

Peter, captured, and made a Pilot,

180.

Philip, Lands bought fairly of, 5,

6; his Name changed from Me-tacomet to Philip, 3 1

; nicknamed

King Philip, 35; ordered to the

Court at Plymouth, 43 ; makes

a Treaty, ib. ; affecled by Alex-

ander's Death, 55; did not in-

tend a general War, 56; la-

mented its Occurrence, 57; calls

King Charles his Brother, 58,

203; his Indian Name, 59; that

of his Wife, ib.; at Nantucket,

60 ; fells other Lands, 61

; charged

with engaging the Narraganfets

with him againft the Englifh, 63;Plymouth complains to Mafta-

chufetts, 66 ; Treaty at Ply-

mouth, 67; fharpening Knives

and grinding Hatchets, 68 ; treats

at Taunton and confefles a Plot,

7 1 ; reproached with Cowardice

by one of his Chiefs, 72; charged

with making falfe- Reports, 76;again fummoned to Plymouth,

78; goes to Bofton, 79; makes

a Treaty at Plymouth, 83 ; Let-

ter of, 87 ; Interview with Rhode

Index. 329

Ifland Men, 99-102; how he

obtained Arms, &c, 125; flies

from Mount Hope, 129; his

Cap taken, 130; Brother killed,

133; Reward for his Head, 140;forced from a Swamp, 148; cuts

his rich Peag Coat to Pieces,

154; ordered Saflamon to be

killed, 175; flies to the Narra-

ganfels, 1 76 ; attacks Hatfield,

186; flies to the Narraganfets,

187; obtains Ammunition from

Albany, 191; goes towards Al-

bany, 198 ; not a Grandfon of

Maflafoit, 200; obliged to fkulk

in Swamps, 243 ; Wewafowan-nett, 273; killed, 291; one of

his Hands exhibited, 292.

Piants, Thomas, 61.

Pierce, Michael, Captain, Expedi-

tion, Defeat and Death, 221-2,

2 53-4, 307-8.

Pigs of Lead, feized, 240.

Pilgrims, Arrival at Plymouth, 18;

Samofet appears to them, 20;

twenty die of Small Pox, 27

;

difturbed by the Narraganfets,

50-1.

Pitome, Andrew, 263.

Plymouth, why fo called, 123;cenfured by Maflachufetts for

neglecting to provide for Minis-

ters, 162.

PocafTet, Swamp Fight, 133; de-

fcribed, 134.

Pokanokets.—See Wampanoags.Pokomptuck, claimed by Maflachu-

fetts Indians, 52.

Pometacom, a Name of KingPhilip, 59, 61.

Population of the Indians, 8, 9.

Poquanum, taken and hanged, 27.

Potok, taken Prifoner, 241 ; put to

Death, 292.

Pottaquam, Simon, Scribe, 271-2.

Ss

Powwows, their Efforts to drive

,away the Englifh, 19; have Fa-

miliarity with the Devil, 48

;

caufed a great Storm, 158.

Pratt, Serjeant, killed, 309.Praying Indians, Order confining

them to certain Limits, 137-9;fome prove treacherous, 141

;

furprife the Englifh at Brookfield,

142-3 ; farther Account of, 1 45-

7 ; two put to Death by Mofely,

149-50; others captured, 151;charged with burning Springfield,

164; many furprifed and flain

at Springfield, 165; Order to

confine to the Iflands, 173; great

Service of, 256; Jealoufies con-

cerning, 257; an Exploit, 262-

3 ; Defence of, 284-5.

Prence, Thomas, Governor, 32,

69.

Prentice, Thomas, Captain, marches

for Narraganfet, 178; Exploit

of, 179; difcovers Indian's Corn,

180; at Sudbury, 236.

Pritchard, John, killed, 144.

Providence, burnt, in Part, 244,

254.Pumham, his Town burnt, 196;

killed, 241,276, 278; his Grand-child" taken, 310.

Pumkamun, Letter of, 273.Punkapog, where located, 139.Pumetacom.—See Pometacom.Punkapaog, under the Maflachufetts

Tribe, 52.

Purchafe, Thomas, Family mafla-

cred, 164.

Pynchon, John, Houfe, Sec., burnt,

164.

QUABAOG, in Brookfield, 141,

ZC «9°-

Quaiapen, Magnus, Old Queen,

135, 241.

33° Index.

Quakers, made to run the Gauntlet.

159; referred to, 162 ; com-

pelled to receive the wounded,

21 1.

Quanapohit, 272.

Quaqnalh, wounded, 196.

Quinnapin, marries Weetamoo,

177; Brother killed, 193; Qua-

nipun, 272; in Jail, 290.

Quittacus [in Middleborough], 91.

Quononfhot.—See Nanuntenoo.

DAWSON, Edward, 163, 192,IV

237-

Reade, Samuel, 133.

Rehoboth, burnt, 223, 244, 254;Indians flain at, 259.

Rhode Ifland, a Propofition to ad-

vife with, 77-8; confirms Ply-

mouth's Sufpicions of Philip, 80;

great Hofpitality to Refugees and

Wounded, 185; wronged, 211;

a common Zoar, 224.

Richmond, John, 87.

River, Indians, Mahickanders, 226.

Rocket, John, 133.

Rowlandfon, Jofeph, Rev., Family

captured, 219 ; ranfomed his

Wife, 220 ; further Account,

251, 268, 304.

C ACHEM, Definition of, 208.^ Saflacomet, kidnapped by Wey-

mouth, 1 2.

Sagamore, Definition of, 208.

Sagamore-John, furrenders, 279;fired the firft Gun, 280.

Sagamore-Sam, 263 ; Infolence of,

270-2 ; fends Ambafladors to

Bofton, 276-7; his People fur-

render, 278.

Sakawefton, kidnapped by Harlow,

14.

Saltonftall, Nathaniel, 200, 246.

Sam-Sagamore, 263.

Samofet appears to the Pilgrims, 19.

Sampointeen, alias Tom, 61.

Sampfon, empowered to fell Land,

6i.

Sanfuweft (Sawfuett), 61, 62.

SafTamon, Counfellor to Philip, 34,

38; John, ib., 43, 59; murdered,

89; Account of, 89-95 ; Eallon's

Account, 98; another, 121-3;

another, 174-5.

Saukatucket, under the Wampan-

Savage, Perez, Lieut., wounded,

184, 301.

Savage, Thomas, Captain, at Swan-

fea, 129; ordered in Purfuit of

the Enemy, 215; at Quabaog,

228; in the Nipmuck Country,

251-2; at Hadley, 253; marches,

306.

Sawfuett, an Interpreter, 61

; San-

fuweft, 62.

Scattacook, Philip's Retreat, 198.

Scituate, Houfes burnt, 244.

Scott, [Richard?] 264.

Seakonk, [Attleboro'] , burnt, 223,

244, 254.

Sealy, Robert, mortally wounded,

184, 193, 301; Nathaniel, 197.

Seconets, Arms taken from, 73, 75.

Seikins, Thomas, 91.

Sharp, John, Lieut., killed, 309.

Sheppard, Mary, her Efcape, 21 5

;

her Brothers, killed, 305.

Shofhanim, a Nipmuck Chief, 273.

Sicknefs, a great, 162, 282.

Simon, his Depredations, 265.

Skikowaras, an Indian, kidnapped

by Weymouth, 1 2 ; fent out

with Raleigh Gilbert, 13.

Slaine, John, Mr., of London,

zo.

Slavery, how formerly viewed, 7.

Slinnings, Richard, executed, 27.

Small Pox rages, 27.

Index. 33 1

Smith, John, Captain, in NewEngland, 7; Ouarrel with In-

dians, 9.

Smith, Richard, Mr., 1 57; a Hoft-

age, 159; comes to Bolton, 160;

his Garrifon, 180, 198; rein-

forced, 213 ; abandoned and

burnt by the Enemy, 216; No-tice of him, 217.

Smith, Zachary, murdered, 65,

279.

Somagaonet, a Seconet Chief, 75.

Sonkanuhoo, 84, 133.

Southworth, Conftant, 61; at a

Treaty, 69, 78, 87.

Sowamfet (Warren, R. I.), 33.

Sprague, Richard, Captain, tranf-

ports Captives to be fold, 131,

139-Springfield, burnt, 164, 244; Peo-

ple killed, 308.

Squamfcot, Falls in the Connefti-

cut River, 260.

Squando, furrenders, 275.

Squanto, introduced to the Pil-

grims, 20; interprets Canonicus's

Challenge, 50.

Squawbetta [in Middleborough]

,

91.

Squaw Sachem, of Narraganfet,

116; a Princefs, 208.

Standifh, Miles, Expedition againft

the Indians, 22.

Stanton, Thomas, 116; Robert, ib.

Stonewall-John, at Narraganfet

Fight, 183, 300.

Storm, terrific one, 158; at Bar-

badoes, 202-3.

Stoughton, William, Commiffioner,

141.

Sudbury, Murders at, 214; defpe-

rate Fight there, 233-4; Monu-ment to commemorate, errone-

oufly dated, ibid. ; Houfes burnt,

244, 254; Incident of the Fight,

255 ; another Account, 302,

3°9-Sugar-Loaf-Hill, Fight there, 155-6.

Sunk-Squaw.

—

Old Queen, 241.

Swamp, not an Indian Word, 208.

Swain, Jeremiah, Lieut., wounded,

184, 30 !.

Swanfea, People killed at, no, 128-

9, 188; Houfes burnt, 132, 244.Symonds, John, Indian Preacher,

91.

'"TAHANEDO, kidnapped, 12.1 Talcott, John, Major, fuccefs-

ful, 240-1; in Nipmuck, 264,

266, 269, 276, 280.

Tatamumaque, alias Cafhewaihed,

61.

Tatuckamna, Son of Awafhonks,

82.

Taratines, attack Agawam, 25 ;

murder five Englifh, ib.

Taunton, partly burnt, 244.Tavofer, a Chief under Philip, 7 1

.

Tempeft, at Barbadoes, 202-3.

Tetehquet (Titicut), 42 ; Kehtehti-

cut, 91.

Thankfgiving, proclaimed, 267.

Tift, Jofhua, taken and executed,

197.

Ting, Edward, 151-2; wounded,

184.

Tifdale, John, killed, 115.

Tifpaquin.—See Watuspaquin.Tifquantum.—See Squanto.Titicut.—See Tetehquet.Tokamahamon, brings Canonicus's

Challenge to Plymouth, 50 ;

another (?), 82.

Tolony, Hufband to Awafhonks, 82.

Tom, alias Sawfuett, 6 1 .—See Wat-TASACOMPONOM.

Tom, alias Sampointeen, 61.

332 Index.

Tory, Jofeph, Mr., 104.

Tototatomct, a Seneca Chief, 75.

Tracy, Mr. John, 103.

Trark, William B., 87.

Treat, Robert, Major, 157 ; at

Narraganfet Fight, 184, 194; at

Quabaog, 215; at Northampton,

253; aflaulted, 300.

Treaty, with MafTafoit, 21

; with

Philip, 43, 67; at Taunton, 70;at Plymouth, 83-4.

Tuckerman, Edward, vi, vii.

Turner, William, Captain, at Qua-

baog, 228 ; Expedition and

Death, 239-40, 260-2; faves

Northampton, 253; March to

Ouabaog, 306-7.

Turner's Falls, Indian Name, 260.

Tyng, Edward, wounded, 301.

TJMNATHUM.—See Nimrod.Uncas, 122; fome Account

of, 135-6; his Men in the Field,

148; joins the Army, 195; re-

turns Home, 198 ; the only

Chriftian Sagamore, 230; Ser-

vices, 250.

Uncompawen, 61, 71.

Underwood, A. B., 233.Upham, Phinehas, mortally wound-

ed, 184, 301.

Uppanippaquem, Letter of, 271.

Ulher, Hezekiah, Pun on the Pray-

ing Indians, 168.

TflRGINIA, Indian War there,

199; relieved by New Eng-

land, 204.

W G., 204.v T Waban, warns the Englifh

that the Indians intend War, 97;Letter to, 270, 272.

WabaquafTets, return Captives, 266.

Wachufett, 276.

Wading River, 87.

Wadfworth, Samuel, Captain, re-

lieves Lancafter, 2 14; marches

to relieve Marlborough, 233;ambufhed and flain, 233, 255,

309; an Exploit of, 303-4.

Waite, [John?] in Narraganfet

Fight, 184.

Waldron, Richard, Major, 261 ;

feizes Indians at Dover, 275.Walker, James, Mr., 78, 87.

Walker, Richard, Serjeant, of Lynn,

24.

Walley, John, Captain, 164.

Wamefit, where located, 139.Wampumpeage, what it is, 58.

Wampanoags, an independent

Power, 33; Numbers and Coun-try, 50-2 ; great Slaughter of, at

the Fall Fight, 262.

Wamfutta, afterwards Alexander,

31, 61.

Wanalancet, a noted Chief, 239,264-5; at Dover, 275.

Wanafcattaquett River, 61.

War, firft Declaration of, 22.

Warwick, burnt, 217, 244, 307.Watts, Thomas, wounded, 301.Watuckpoo, empowered to fell

Land, 61.

Watufpaquin, Counfellor to Philip,

59, 90.

Waweyewet, a Hufband of Awa-fhonks, 82.

Way, Henry, his Son murdered,

25 ; indemnified, 27.

Weetamoo, gueen of PocafTet, 43

;

vifited by Church, 97; Sifter-

in-law to Philip, 123; flys to

Ninigret, 140; demanded of him,

159 ; to be delivered at Bolton,

161; Time expires and no De-livery, 165; Value of her Lands,

166 ; marries Ninigret's oldeft

Index. 333

Son, Quinnapin, 177 ; Error

concerning, 241.

Wenape, fails with Hobfon, 14.

Wefhacom, Indians captured there,

263.

Weftfield, much ruined, 244.WefTagufcus, fettled, 2

1; Indians

of, Maflachufetts, 52.

Wewafowanuett, 273.Weymouth, Geo., Captain, kidnaps

Indians, 10-13; Houfes burnt,

244.Wheeler, Thomas, Captain,

142.

Whipple, John, Captain, at Qua-baog, 228, 306-7.

White, [Whiting?] wounded, 184.

Whiting, John, Captain, 157.

Whitpoll.-—See Whipple.

Wigwam, Derivation of, 208.

Willard, Samuel, Rev., 145.

Willard, Simon, Major, relieves

Brookfield, 144; Houfe burnt,

217, 306; dies, 238.

Willett, Thomas, Captain, 32;Marinus, ib., 36, 41, 61, 62.

Williams, Nathaniel, Mr., 129.

Williams [Richard], at a Treaty,

69, 78, 87.

Williams, Roger, on Religion of

Indians, 48 ;prevents War be-

tween Tribes, 64; applied to for

Counfel, 118; Interview with

the Indians, 225.

Wilfon, Thomas, wounded, 144.

Winflow, Job, his Houfe robbed,

103.

Winflow, Jofiah, Letter of, de-

fending Plymouth, 4, 5 ; fent

againft Alexander, 33 ; at a

Treaty, 69 ; Governor, 122;

General, marches for Narragan-

fet, 178; lodges in a Barn, 186;

eats Horfe-flefh with his Men,

213; returns to Bofton, 303.Winthrop, John, at Plymouth, 82;

his Father, 179; dies, 229; the

Father a Perfecutor, 293.Wifpoke, Captain, 71.

Wittuwamat, a Maffachufetts Chief,

killed, 22.

Woburn, Murder there, 279.

Wohkowpahenitt (Unkompoin),84.Wollomonopoag (Dedham), 59.

Wonohaqueham, joins Canonicus,

26; dies of Small Pox, 27.

Woodcock, John, his Garrifon at-

tacked, 238, 310.

Woonafhum,'(Nimrod), 84.

Woonkaponehunt (Unkompoin),

71, 84.

Woofanfamon.—See Sassamon.

Woofpafuck, alias Captain, 84.

Wootonekanufke, Wife of King

Philip, 59.

Woofamequin, a Name of Mafla-

foit, 29.

Wrentham, bought of Philip, 59.

Wright, , a Fanatic, murdered,

223-4.

Wuttakoofeim, 84.

Wuttafacomponom (Capt. Tom),264; executed, 267; his Sonfurrenders, 269.