The Eyethe-eye.eu/public/Books/Temple_Of_Solomon_The_King... · 2016. 10. 23. · A PSYCHOLOGY OF EARLY SUFI SAMfw This book explores the psychology of altered states among the early

A PSYCHOLOGY OF EARLYSUFI SAMfw

This book explores the psychology of altered states among the earlySufis. It examines samAW, i.e. listening to ritual recitation, music andcertain other aural phenomena, and its effect in inducing unusualstates of consciousness and behaviours. The focus is on the earliestpersonalities of the Islamic mystical tradition, as found in textsfrom the tenth to the twelfth centuries .

These unusual states are interpreted in the light of current re-search in Western psychology, and also in terms of their integrationinto historical Islamic culture.

A Psychology of Early Sufi samAW provides new insights into thework of five Sufi authors, and a fresh approach to the relationbetween historical accounts of altered states and current psycho-logical thinking.

Kenneth S. Avery is a specialist in Sufi studies and Persian literature.He is a musician and a recent PhD graduate in Islamic Studies fromthe University of Melbourne.

ROUTLEDGECURZON SUFI SERIESSeries Editor: Ian Richard Netton

Professor of Arabic StudiesUniversity of Leeds

The RoutledgeCurzon Sufi Series provides short introductions to avariety of facets of the subject, which are accessible both to thegeneral reader and the student and scholar in the field. Each bookwill be either a synthesis of existing knowledge or a distinct contri-bution to, and extension of, knowledge of the particular topic. Thetwo major underlying principles of the Series are sound scholarshipand readability.

AZIZ NASAFILloyd Ridgeon

SUFIS AND ANTI-SUFISThe defence, rethinking

and rejection of Sufism in themodern world

Elizabeth Sirriyeh

REVELATION, INTELLECTUALINTUITION AND REASONIN THE PHILOSOPHY OF

MULLA SADRAAn analysis of the al-hikmah

al-warshiyyahZailan Moris

DIVINE LOVE IN ISLAMICMYSTICISM

The teachings of al-Ghazaliand al-Dabbagh

Binyamin Abramahov

STRIVING FORDIVINE UNION

Spiritual exercises forSuhraward SufisQamar-ul Huda

A PSYCHOLOGY OFEARLY SUFI SAMfw

Listening and altered statesKenneth S. Avery

BEYOND FAITH ANDINFIDELITY

The Sufi poetry and teaching ofMahmud ShabistariLeonard Lewisham

AL-HALLAJHerbert W. Mason

RUZBIHAN BAQLIMysticism and the rhetoric ofsainthood in Persian Sufism

Carl W. Ernst

ABDULLAH ANSARIOF HERAT

An early Sufi masterA.G. Ravan Farhadi

THE CONCEPT OFSAINTHOOD IN EARLY

ISLAMIC MYSTICISMBernd Radtke and John O’Kane

SUHRAWARDI AND THESCHOOL OF ILLUMINATION

Mehdi Amin Razavi

PERSIAN SUFI POETRYAn introduction to the mystical

use of classical poemsJ.T.P. de Bruijn

A PSYCHOLOGY OFEARLY SUFI SAMfw

Listening and altered states

Kenneth S. Avery

First published 2004by RoutledgeCurzon

2 Park Square, Milton Park,Abingdon, Oxon

OX14 4RN

Simultaneously published in the USA and Canadaby RoutledgeCurzon

270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016

RoutledgeCurzon is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group

© 2004 Kenneth S. Avery

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted orreproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,

or other means, now known or hereafter invented, includingphotocopying and recording, or in any information storage or

retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication DataA catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication DataA catalog record for this book has been requested

ISBN 0–415–31106–3

This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005.

“To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’scollection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.”

ISBN 0-203-45829-X Master e-book ISBN

ISBN 0-203-33763-8 (Adobe eReader Format)(Print Edition)

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements viAbbreviations vii

1 Introduction 1

2 samAW in early Sufi literature: an overview 10

3 The language of samAW and other key concepts 55

4 The psychology of samAW (Part 1) 85

5 The psychology of samAW (Part 2) 139

6 The psychology of samAW according tothe Sufi writers 150

7 The Sufis’ explanations of their altered stateexperiences 159

8 The ritual behaviour and etiquette of samAW 174

9 The paradigmatic experience of two ‘ecstatics’,Nerc and Shiblc 193

10 Conclusions 220

Bibliography 226Index 237

v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My introduction to the world of the Sufis was through an extra-ordinary teacher and mystic who was a tutor in Semitic studiesat the University of Sydney in the 1970s and 1980s. Brian Parkerheld informal classes in Persian, and as soon as I learned the basicgrammar, we began reading the easier parts of wAuuar’s famed bio-graphical collection. The journey which began over twenty yearsago has culminated in this book.

In September 2000, the substance of the present study was pre-sented as a PhD thesis at the University of Melbourne. I wish tothank Abdullah Saeed for his generous support during the periodof my candidature, and for his constant encouragement and guid-ance. I also wish to thank Anthony Johns of the Australian NationalUniversity for his thorough critique of the manuscript.

vi

ABBREVIATIONS

E.I. The Encyclopaedia of Islam, new edition, ed. H.A.R. Gibbet al., Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1960–

ISyAX Al-Ghazalc, Abe mamid Musammad, ISyAX WUlEm al-DCn,4 vols, Cairo: Matbawah Mustafa al-Babc al-Halabcwa-Uladah bi-Misr, 1939.

Kashf Al-Hujwcrc, Alc b. wUthman al-Jullabc, Kashf al-MaSjEb, ed.V.A. Zhukovski, Tehran: Amcr Kabcr, 1336 a.h.s. (reprint).

LumaW Al-Sarraj al-oesc, Abe Nazr wAbdallah b. wAlc, The KitAbal-LumaW fC Xl-Ta{awwuf, ed. R.A. Nicholson, London:Luzac and Co, 1914 (1963 reprint).

Mcd. D.B. Macdonald, ‘Emotional Religion in Islam as affectedby Music and Singing. Being a Translation of a Book of theIsyax wUlem ad-Dcn of al-Ghazzalc with Analysis, Annota-tion and Appendices’ in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,22, 1901, pp.195–252 and 705–48; and 23, 1902, pp.1–28.

MSM wAuuar, Farcd al-Dcn, Muslim Saints and Mystics: Episodesfrom the Tadhkirat al-AuliyaX, translated by A.J. Arberry,London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1966 (1979 reprint).

Nich. Al-Hujwcrc, Alc b. wUthman al-Jullabc, The Kashf al-MaSjEb,Translated by R.A. Nicholson, Leiden: E.J. Brill, and Lon-don: Luzac and Co, 1911 (1982 reprint).

Ris Al-Qushayrc, Abe xl-Qasim wAbd al-Karcm, Al-RisAlat al-QushayrCya fC WIlm al-Ta{awwuf, ed. Mawruf Zarcq and wAlcBaluajc, Beirut: Dar al-Jcl, no date.

T.A. wAuuar, Farcd al-Dcn, Tadhkiratu Xl-AwliyA, ed. R.A.Nicholson, 2 vols, London: Luzac and Co, Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1905–7.

vii

T.S. Al-Sulamc, Abe wAbd al-Rasman, OabaqAt al-ZEfCya, ed.by Ner al-Dcn Sharcba, second ed., Cairo: Maktabaxl-Khanijc, 1969.

Source works in Arabic and Persian are referred to by volume (ifmore than one), page, and line(s); thus: ISyAX II.180.3–5 = ISyAXvol.2, p.180, lines 3–5.

A B B R E V I A T I O N S

viii

I N T R O D U C T I O N

1

1

INTRODUCTION

About the year 900 a group of scholars met in Baghdad. As theydiscussed various academic points, one among them, Abe xl-musaynal-Nerc, remained silent. Suddenly he stood up and began to recitefour verses of love poetry. His recitation had such an overpoweringeffect that all those present went into a frenzy of delight and ecstasy.

Nerc was not a scholar at heart, but an ecstatic Sufi mystic. It isthus not surprising that he chose to upset a scholarly assembly andturn their dry proceedings into an occasion of samAW.

The emergence of a mystical and spiritual path in Islam in thesecond and third centuries after the Prophet Muhammad presents uswith a striking phenomenon. On the one hand it is clear that therewas an organic development of piety and asceticism, of meditationon the Qurxan, and an experience of the overpowering majesty ofGod coupled with the feeling of incapacity on the part of human-kind as His servants. This development was deeply impressed bythe centrality of the Qurxan as the foundation of all Muslim life andfaith. In both its doctrinal teaching and the ritual of its recitation,the Holy Book inspired the piety and introspection of those whosought God. The notion of a covenant between God and human-kind (Qur. 7.172) became central to much Sufi doctrine and practice,allied with the idea of the ‘friends’ of God and His love for them.

Yet on the other hand it is also clear that this spiritual movementin Islam mirrored to some extent the ascetic and mystical traditionsof Christianity in Syria and Egypt, where the two religions over-lapped. The very word {Ef C, if derived from the Arabic word forwool ({Ef ), reflects the wearing of ascetic woollen garments char-acteristic of eastern Christian monks. The Christian anticipation ofSufism may also be reflected in doctrinal and practical areas: theemphasis on God’s love, the adaptation of Greek neo-Platonist


2

philosophy, the progress of the mystic through a hierarchically stagedpath, the espousal of poverty, and so on.1

However this may be, an ascetic and spiritual movement emergedduring the early years of the Abbasid empire (from the middlesecond/eighth century), partly as a reaction to perceived hypocrisyand shallowness in mainstream religion and its wealthy supporters.This development crystallised around a number of charismatic andrevered individuals who came to be honoured as friends of God, asshaykhs or spiritual masters. These individuals attracted to them-selves younger or less experienced seekers of God. As yet, no formalorders or ‘brotherhoods’ existed; the relations between master andseeker were of a personal and informal basis. These early Sufi group-ings sought to define and articulate their experience of asceticismand their understanding of Qurxanic spirituality.

Though these individuals remained deeply pious and integratedinto the practice of the Sharia or revealed law of Islam, their asceticleanings and their stress on extra devotional activities led to inevit-able differences and at times conflict with mainstream expressionsof the faith. The personal and charismatic quality of the early Sufisalso meant that individual doctrines and teachings emerged withmuch diversity. One archetypal example of these tendencies is in thefigure of Abe Yazcd al-Bisuamc (d.261/874), an ascetic from Khurasanin north-east Iran. He describes his mystical experiences in the formof symbolic journeys or flights of the spirit, based largely on thefamous ‘ascent’ journey of the Prophet alluded to in the Qurxan andembellished by later writers. In Iraq meanwhile, the movement cameto centre around the most famous figure of early Sufism, Junayd(d.297/910). An outwardly conservative adherent of the Sharia, hewas yet a profound teacher and writer about mystical unitary experi-ence, which he expressed in allusive and obscure language.

These two personalities and their teachings represent two diver-gent tendencies which came to be characterised as the ‘sober’ andthe ‘intoxicated’ paths of the Sufi way. Junayd, an influential andinspiring teacher, was also the supreme example of a ‘sober’ mystic.Although he had a charismatic personality and attracted many dis-ciples, he tried to steer a course for his Sufi contemporaries awayfrom public confrontation with critics and hostile authorities. Hesought only private disclosures of those teachings, experiences orbehaviours which were likely to upset non-mystics. This cautiousapproach of Junayd’s attempted to maintain the mystical dimen-sion as part of mainstream belief and practice, from which the Sufimovement was in danger of breaking away. Two centuries later the


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great scholar and mystic Abe mamid al-Ghazalc (d.505/1111) con-solidated this ‘sober’ approach by his integration of Sufi thoughtwith mainstream Ashwarite theology.

In contrast to this ‘sober’ path was the path of the ‘intoxicated’,those who chose irreverent or antinomian attitudes and practicesunacceptable to mainstream Islam. One of these tendencies was themalAmatC way, those who sought to bring blame on themselves bytheir apparently irreligious behaviour. By concealing their true devo-tion and showing outward disrespect for piety, they brought uponthemselves condemnation from ordinary believers and authoritiesalike. As well as Bisuamc, other ‘intoxicated’ Sufis include the infam-ous Manzer al-mallaj, who was executed amid political intrigue andcharges of blasphemy in 309/922. Unlike Junayd, with whom heonce studied, mallaj was not afraid to speak openly and in confron-tation with authorities about his inner unitary experience. A con-temporary of mallaj was Abe Bakr al-Shiblc (d.334/946), whoseoutrageous behaviour led to detention in a mental asylum, and whodeclared that his ‘madness’ saved him from mallaj’s fate.

A feature of the ‘intoxicated’ Sufis was their public demonstrationof altered state experience, an outward show of their ‘intoxicated’state, brought about by intense ascetic deprivation, meditations andrituals. During such occasions they would speak openly about theirexperience and their beliefs, though often these ecstatic utteranceswould be incomprehensible or seem blasphemous to others.

These unusual states were sought after because they were seen assignposts or way stations on the path of the mystic’s goal of divineunitary experience. Due to their sometimes ecstatic and blissfulnature, these states were also interpreted as manifestations of divinelove and mercy.

By the third and fourth centuries of the Islamic era (ninth andtenth centuries ) techniques and rituals had developed for thegeneration of altered state experiences both individually and in asocial setting. Such techniques were not restricted to the ‘intoxicated’Sufis but seem to have been fairly widespread. For mainstreamIslam, however, and particularly for those who disapproved of theSufis, such practices were frowned upon and regarded as unaccept-able ‘innovations’ from the path laid down by the Prophet.

One of the techniques used to induce altered states was that ofaural stimulation: chanting, listening to music, poetry, or the recita-tion of the Qur’an. In a ritual or social setting, at first among aprivate group of seekers, later in larger and more public settings, thispractice became known as samAw (‘listening’ or ‘spiritual concert’).


4

The practice of samAw is clearly an extension of the more basic prac-tice of dhikr (‘remembrance [of God]’ or ritual chant and praise).The Qurxan itself prescribes the constant remembrance and praiseof God, and all these ritual activities have as their source the recita-tion of the Qurxan.2

Such practices could lead to the heightening of spiritual aware-ness culminating in various types of ecstasy, alterations of the psyche,and spontaneous physical reactions. The physical and psycholo-gical impact of chanting and recitation, especially with the accompani-ment of music, was powerfully effective, far beyond the semanticforce of the words being heard. J. Spencer Trimingham reminds usthat music, chant and recitation ‘not only has mystical power to drawout the deepest emotions, but also, when co-ordinated with symbolicwords and rhythmical movements, has power over man’s will’.3

As well as these more or less ritualised practices, early Sufi writ-ings also remark on the effects of informal or casual aural stimuli.A chance hearing of words, song or poetry in a crowded place, thecry of a street vendor, or a ‘misheard’ sound or utterance could alsoact as a powerful trigger for altered state experiences.

The focus of this book is on these two types of samAW – the formalritual activity, and the informal, casual or chance occasions men-tioned in early Sufi writings. Attention is directed to the heightenedawareness and spiritual states associated with ‘listening’. The firsttask of the book is the description of these altered states as found invarious texts from the formative period of Sufi literature. Secondly,an attempt is made to interpret these unusual states and behavioursin the light of contemporary psychological research.

The concept of samAW has a wide range of meanings, as will bediscovered in the Sufi texts discussed below. Jean During, whoseMusique et extase is one of the few recent works devoted to thistopic, introduces the subject in the following way:

Samaw, which literally means ‘audition’, denotes, in the Sufitradition, spiritual listening, and more particularly listeningto music with the aim of reaching a state of grace or ecstasy,or more simply with the aim of meditating, of plunging intooneself, or as the Sufis say, to ‘nourish the soul’. It thus oper-ates in a mystical concert, of spiritual listening to music andsongs, in a more or less ritualised form.4

During’s study is largely concerned with the later developmentsof samAW, particularly those of the Mevlevi order associated with


5

Jalal al-Dcn Remc (d.672/1273), and writers influenced by the famousAndalusian Sufi, Ibn al-wArabc (d.638/1240). The period before theseventh/thirteenth century, however, saw a much more diffuse, lessformalised practice of samAW. Trimingham, in his work on the Sufiorders, maintained that it is difficult to give details about thesepractices during this early period, ‘apart from the singing of myst-ical poems to induce ecstasy’.5 This view needs some modification:a close examination of the texts from this period shows that a vari-ety of practices were operating; some developed into more formalrituals, while others may have been abandoned. It is true that cer-tain details are lacking, but it will be shown in later chapters thatwe can provide a clearer picture of the personalities and practicesinvolved. Moreover, the picture from these centuries can be seenquite adequately without the need for an interpretative overlay pro-vided by the Ibn al-wArabc school.

During’s definition of samAW, while emphasising the musical andritual aspects of the practice, is too narrow for the purposes of thisbook. A broader concept of samAW is needed because it includes awider field of auditory events described in the source texts. Many ofthe instances of ‘listening’ in the Sufi writings studied here are notfound in formal, ritual situations; nor is music or poetry alwaysinvolved. As mentioned above, many of the auditory phenomenawhich give rise to altered states are chance occurrences, such as streetcries, songs or overheard speech. Even these everyday events canproduce a profound psychological effect in the receptive listener.

It is this effect, this special awareness or ecstasy associated with‘listening’, which is the focus of the present work. The term ‘alteredstates’ best summarises the range of psychological changes andphysical behaviours being considered. The source texts indicate thatit is not simply a matter of becoming entranced or enraptured byhearing music or poetry, a common enough occurrence in manycultures. It is a more intense and overwhelming experience whichaffects the whole mind/body; it is longer lasting, and may involveprofound physical and mental changes.

In cross-cultural and psychological studies, this experience ofaltered states is known to occur in a variety of situations. It hassimilarities and parallels with trances of various kinds, epileptic-likebehaviours, Tourette’s syndrome, glossolalia (‘speaking in tongues’seen in some charismatic Christian circles), and other ‘hyperaroused’states.6 The psychology and cross-cultural perspective on thesealtered states is an emerging discipline, with much progress beingmade in recent years. In Sufi studies little attention has been paid to


6

these phenomena, and the task of the present work is to help redressthis situation.

The chosen sources for this study stem from the formative period ofSufi writings, the fourth/tenth to the sixth/twelfth centuries. Thisperiod was one of the most creative and productive in the historyof Sufism.7 Some of the texts from these centuries contain import-ant materials dealing with samAW and altered states. Chapter 2 ofthe book provides an overview of these sources, a summary of theirrelevant contents, and discussion of their arguments, as appropri-ate. Many of the source texts are poorly represented in Englishtranslation, and they are not readily accessible. The second chapterthus provides the necessary framework for the topic as a whole.

Chapter 3 considers the issue of language and semantics. The firstquestion addressed is the use of the widely ranging term samAW inthe source texts. The semantics of other important words are con-sidered, particularly in their use as mystical terminology, and inexpressing highly diffuse concepts. The purpose of this chapter is tothrow light on the particular language and idiom used by our chosenauthors. Understanding Sufi psychology involves breaking throughthis language barrier as far as possible.

The following three chapters, 4, 5 and 6, form the core subjectmatter of the book. These chapters deal with the psychologicalaspects of samAW, analysing numerous accounts of unusual behavi-ours and altered states evoked by listening. The behaviours arecollated according to their characteristics and discussed in the lightof modern psychological and cross-cultural understandings of alteredstates. An attempt is made to discover whether there is a commonpattern in these states, whether there is a typical psychological con-dition associated with samAW.

In Chapter 6 the Sufi writers are examined for their view of thenature and explanation of the states they describe. This is doneto avoid over-reliance on modern, Western psychological researchto explain the phenomena, research which often has a cultural andreligious, or rather, anti-religious, bias. The Sufi writers speak forthemselves as to how they regard these altered states, and how theyare integrated into their religious and cultural framework.

Chapter 7 considers the utterances attributed to various Sufi per-sonalities as they speak ecstatically about their experience of alteredstates. The work by Carl Ernst on ecstatic sayings is exemplary inapproaching these statements, though Ernst’s book deals with aslightly different phenomenon.8


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After the psychological aspects of samAW have been considered,Chapter 8 looks at the ritual and sociological issues arising fromthis practice. The texts provide some incidental information aboutthe group behaviours and ritual contexts associated with formalsamAW concerts. This enables us to construct a picture of the groupdynamics and organisation of Sufi communities from these earlycenturies, at least as far as their participation in samAW is concerned.The picture thus formed is not complete in all its details, as most ofthe information is incidentally recorded along with other matterswhich were considered more important. However, there are fewother witnesses to these sociological details from the early years ofSufi life. The chapter also compares the behaviours and rituals ofthe source texts with those witnessed in more contemporary situ-ations, mainly relying on the excellent musicological fieldwork ofRegula Qureshi.9

Chapter 9 presents a case study of two of the most important andfrequently mentioned Sufis in the source texts. These two ecstaticpersonalities, Nerc and Shiblc, both lived in the third/ninth andfourth/tenth centuries, and were associated with the famous schoolof Junayd in Baghdad, a group which had a profound impact onthe course of Sunni mysticism. Both Nerc and Shiblc were known aspractising ascetics and mystics of very great renown. This studylooks at their lives as a whole, and the importance of samAw andaltered states in their mystical experience.

There are several methodological challenges associated with aninvestigation of the type attempted here. The most outstanding isthe distance in culture and time between the age when the Sufi textswere written, and the present. The language difficulty has been men-tioned above, reflected, for instance, in the use of specialised idiomknown only to initiates of the Sufi path.

What is more problematical is the extent to which the modernreader can understand the state of mind of individuals through apurely textual approach. This is perhaps more of a difficulty thanthe usual historiographical problem of reliance on written sources.The problem in this work is that we are dealing with the mostinaccessible of experiences, of a highly personal and often ineffablenature. Some would argue that one cannot approach the minds ofpeople from written texts only, as does Eric Sharpe in relation toreligious studies: ‘States of mind, and their verbal expressions, aretenuous things, and in reality hardly accessible to later investig-ators’.10 In defence of the approach of this book, however, it must


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be said that thought processes or states of mind are not the objectof inquiry here. It is not possible to venture this far; rather, theobject of our search is the outward manifestation of states of mind,resulting behaviours, actions, physical signs and ecstatic sayings,which are a legitimate source of information. These outward mani-festations are worthy of consideration as they often provide suffi-cient detail to make their study informative, and to give some notionof deeper processes involved. It is often not possible to inquire anyfurther than this, however, and speculation about mental states iskept to a minimum in our analysis. What is provided by these out-ward manifestations is a pattern of behaviours which may indicatea particular condition not considered before in this cultural con-text. Moreover, this condition may be comparable to those alreadyunder scrutiny in contemporary Western psychology or cross-cultural studies.

This leads to an important consideration, namely that the presentwork takes an experiential approach to the subject under study. Itis the experience and reaction of individuals in their encounter withaltered states that is the primary evidence considered in this book.Though there is mediation through written texts, the accounts re-corded are the nearest we can approach these unusual phenomena.The evidence being studied is not that of a belief system, or mysticalsymbolism. Important though these may be, these latter inevitablyinvolve further layers of mediation and a greater distancing fromthe data of personal encounters with altered states.

This broadly phenomenological method also means that the sub-ject under discussion is taken seriously and considered a worthyarea of inquiry. It would be a simple exercise to rationalise or explainaway the present subject, particularly from the point of view ofbehaviourist or materialist psychology. Many religious phenomenamay be explained away by an approach which is hostile to the basicassumptions and understandings of religious experience. Yet thisserves only to confirm the researcher’s inadequate frame of reference.By seriously considering the phenomena under study, the investigatorcan enter more fully into the subject, and gain a more thoroughappreciation of its importance.

The methodology adopted here may also appear to take a literaland naïve interpretation of the texts and the narratives they con-tain. This can hardly be avoided, since the facts behind every storyor biographical anecdote cannot be ascertained. On the other hand,many of the accounts of the deeds and sayings of these early Sufisare stories which had to happen. Paradigmatic of their experience


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and actions, these are powerful narratives, and the factual issue isnot an overriding concern.

Finally, as this study is the first to deal in detail with this aspectof the early Sufis, there are some inevitable shortcomings. This is soparticularly since the study of altered states is an evolving area inWestern psychology. If there is some uncertainty in the presentwork, it is shown in my taking a largely descriptive approach, firstsurveying the field and gathering the initial evidence. As the psy-chology of altered states develops, further research will yield morecomprehensive outcomes.

Notes

1 Julian Baldick, Mystical Islam: An Introduction to Sufism, London: I.B.Tauris, 1989, p.15.

2 Ian Richard Netton, Sufi Ritual: The Parallel Universe, Richmond:Curzon Press, 2000, pp.12–13.

3 J. Spencer Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam, Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1971, p.195.

4 Jean During, Musique et extase: L’audition mystique dans la traditionsoufie, Paris: Albin Michel, 1988, p.13.

5 Trimingham, op. cit.6 The writings of Oliver Sacks provide a good introduction to these

phenomena (see bibliography).7 Caesar E. Farah, ‘The Prose Literature of Sufism’, in M.J.L. Young et

al. (eds) The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature: Religion, Learningand Science in the WAbbasid Period, Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1990, pp.56–8.

8 Carl W. Ernst, Words of Ecstasy in Sufism, Albany, NY: State Univer-sity of New York Press, 1985.

9 See the various articles listed in the bibliography.10 Eric J. Sharpe, Comparative Religion: A History, second edition, La

Salle: Open Court, 1986, p.72.

S A M F W I N E A R L Y S U F I L I T E R A T U R E

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2

SAMFW IN EARLY SUFILITERATURE: AN OVERVIEW

The formative period of Sufi literature (from the fourth/tenth tosixth/twelfth centuries) saw the emergence of a variety of writingsfrom Sufi authors in many parts of the Islamic empire.1 Severaldifferent styles and genres were adopted, primarily of a descriptive,didactic or biographical nature. Often highly creative, these writ-ings reflected the spiritual development of the Sufi path at the fore-front of Islamic piety and asceticism within politically and sociallyturbulent times.

Our choice of texts was made on the basis of relative import-ance and value among foundational Sufi writings. The texts studiedhere are acknowledged as being highly influential, and in some casesdefinitive, within the prose literature of early Sufism. The chosensources also represent some of the different genres of literature whichhave survived from this period. There are examples of referenceliterature, namely the KitAb al-LumaW (Book of Splendours) of AbeNazr al-Sarraj (d.378/988), the oldest work of its kind; and thefamous RisAla (Treatise) of Abe xl-Qasim al-Qushayrc (d.465/1072).Also chosen for study is wAbd al-Rasman al-Sulamc’s (d.412/1021)biographical OabaqAt al-ZEfCya (Generations of the Sufis), again theoldest and most exemplary work of its kind.

These early Arabic works of reference and biography foundworthy successors in the Persian context, with wAlc b. wUthman al-Hujwcrc (d. circa 465/1072), whose Kashf al-MaSjEb (Revealing theVeiled ) was an ‘original’ development from Arabic predecessors. Acentury later, Farcd al-Dcn wAuuar (d. circa 617/1220) wrote his famedTadhkirat al-AwliyAX (Memorial of the Saints), transforming the ear-lier Arabic biographies into colourful hagiographies.

At the centre of all these varied works, however, lay the mostillustrious and monumental of mainstream Sufi writings, Abe mamidal-Ghazalc’s (d.505/1111) ISyAX WUlEm al-DCn (Revival of the Religious


11

Sciences). The chapter on samAW from this famous book providesthe touchstone for much of the discussion in the present study.

With the possible exception of Ghazalc’s ISyAX, many of theseArabic and Persian works are largely inaccessible to the Englishreader. There are German translations of Qushayrc’s RisAla andSarraj’s LumaW, both by Richard Gramlich. A small portion ofwAuuar’s Tadhkirat has been translated into English by A.J. Arberry,2and R.A. Nicholson translated most of Hujwcrc’s Kashf,3 though anumber of significant portions are omitted.

The aim of the present chapter is to present a summary of thosesections of the chosen texts relevant to our topic. This does notinvolve lengthy translation, but rather a synopsis and some ana-lysis where needed. The chapter also outlines the life and writingsof each author. This overview provides the basis for discussionsand analysis concerning ‘listening’ and altered states among theearly Sufis.

The Kitab al-Lumaw of Abe Nazr al-SarrajThe earliest and most fundamental source for the study of manytopics in early Islamic mysticism is the definitive reference work, theKitAb al-LumaW fi Xl-Ta{awwuf (Book of Splendours concerning theSufi Way).4 This comprehensive and wide-ranging text was writtenin the late fourth/tenth century by the Sunni ascetic and scholar,Abe Nazr wAbdallah b. wAlc b. Musammad b. Yasya al-Sarraj al-oesc (d.378/988). Richard Gramlich, in the introduction to hisGerman translation of the LumaW, states that it is the oldest extantguide to Sufism. As such, it is an indispensable source of earlyIslamic piety, and a mine of information which would otherwisehave been lost.5 It has a clear apologetic purpose ‘to set forth thetrue principles of Sufism and to show by argument that they agreewith, and are confirmed by, the doctrines of the Koran and theApostolic Traditions’, as argued by Nicholson in the introductionto his edition of the Arabic text.6

As for the author’s biography, the details are rather sparse. Sarrajoriginated in oes in Khurasan, but little is known of his early edu-cation or his teachers. It appears from his writings that he soughtout many Sufi masters and visited their schools on his extensivetravels throughout the Abbasid empire. His concern was to collecttheir teachings and to document their way of life. One example ofthis is his mention of travelling to Bisuam to ascertain the true factsconcerning the teaching and reputation of Abe Yazcd al-Bisuamc


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(d. circa 261/874), the celebrated mystic to whom he devotes severalchapters of his work.7

The Persian biographers surnamed Sarraj ‘the Peacock of thePoor’ (UAXEs al-fuqarAX), and both Hujwcrc in his Kashf al-MaSjEband wAuuar in his Tadhkhirat al-AwliyAX tell of the extent of hisasceticism in the following anecdote. Arriving in Baghdad at thestart of Ramadan, he was given a private chamber in the Shenczcyamosque and was appointed to superintend the other dervishes. Dur-ing the nightly prayers he would recite the Qurxan five times. Eachnight a servant brought a loaf of bread to his chamber, but on thefeast day at the end of the month Sarraj departed and the servantfound all thirty loaves untouched. wAuuar also relates the story of hisface being unharmed by a fire when he was thrown onto it in a stateof ecstasy.8 Sarraj died in oes in 378/988. The date of compositionof the KitAb al-LumaW is not known, but it is certainly the result ofmany years’ preparation and collecting of materials, and representsthe work of a mature mind.

The LumaW is less a treatise than a thematic collection of Sufiremembrances, teachings, traditions and etiquette. Nicholson arguesthat Sarraj’s reserve in not promulgating his own interpretationsand viewpoints is to be welcomed. It allows for a more historicallyvaluable document, and gives a unique insight into the crucial for-mative years of Sufi practice.9

As noted above, the apologetic character of the work is foremostin the author’s mind. Since the Sufi path is bound to the spirit ofthe Prophet and the Sunna, and since the Sufis have a strong positionamong Islamic teachers, all religious knowledge thus derives fromthree sources: the Qurxan, the Prophetic Traditions, and the myst-ical gnosis of the ‘saints’ or friends of God. Part of this apologeticcharacter also shows itself in Sarraj’s endeavour to rebuff critics ofthe Sufis, of whom there were many, and to correct erroneous viewsabout Islamic mysticism.

The historical need to defend Sufism is explained by A.J. Arberryas arising in the fourth/tenth century, following the scandal ofthe trial and execution of the outspoken radical, Manzer al-mallaj(d.309/922). Sufi groups felt themselves more under fire than everfrom more conservative mainstream Muslims. Many prominentthinkers were accused of being a zindCq, ‘freethinker’, a general termof abuse covering many allegedly impious beliefs or actions. The needto regroup and defend the legitimacy of Sufi practice was keenlyfelt, and it is Sarraj whom we have to thank for a masterly work ofapology.10


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His writing is not wholly uniform or consistent, but this is expectedin a collectanea derived from varying sources. Sarraj’s usual methodis to intersperse collections of sayings or traditions with authorit-ative citations as required, yet with a minimum of editorial inter-pretation. Gramlich observes that Sarraj is not like Ghazalc whoputs forward his own masterly thoughts to which other quotes aresubordinate. Rather, he is a guide who speaks through the collectedthoughts of others.11 On the other hand, Sarraj is not simply a con-duit, or a collector of fragments, writing in the style described byLouis Massignon as the ‘anecdotal atomism’ of early Muslim histo-riographers.12 There is an overall pattern to his writing, based onhis acknowledged apologetic purpose. He is down to earth, factual,and methodical as a relater of traditions, but also a good story-teller who writes in a lively fashion.

The apologetic and polemical style of the whole work is evidentin the particular chapters on samAW, entitled KitAb al-SamAW (Bookof Audition). Sarraj endeavours to defend the practice of ritual con-cert among the Sufis, and he argues for its legitimacy against thosewho would outlaw it in Muslim society. Moreover, he attempts toshow that it was approved by the Prophet and his companions, andthat it is thus conformable to mainstream Islam. This is the mainpurpose of the KitAb al-SamAW.

In addition, though, Sarraj wishes to give some indication of theactual practice of samAW among the Sufis. He describes the various‘stages’ through which the receptive listener moves, what is appropri-ate for some but not for others, and the varying responses in terms ofphysical or emotional reactions and altered states of consciousness.

Nicholson has provided an English abstract of the contents ofSarraj’s work as a whole, including the KitAb al-SamAW, and there isno need to duplicate it here.13 However, some aspects of Sarraj’swork deserve consideration not given elsewhere, in order that hiscontribution to the discussion of samAW is better understood. Thefollowing analysis will address his polemical and apologetic style, aswell as surveying his arguments. Some attempt will also be made toconsider Sarraj’s purposes, and to understand the arguments hetries to counter.

An analysis of Sarraj’s KitAb al-SamAWAt the outset the author proceeds straight into the defence of samAWas a ritual or formal practice of Qurxan recitation, the chantingof sacred formulae and poetry. Without any prologue he begins a


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spirited argument against the conservative and legalistic opponentsof these activities.

The beauty of the human voice

The first chapter of the KitAb al-SamAW deals with the view that thehuman voice is a thing of beauty and a divine gift; it is thus pleasingto God when it is heard (LumaW 267.13ff.) It is clear from the chap-ter that this latter point is contentious, though Sarraj does not sayso explicitly. He argues against those who declared the use of thehuman voice in recitation to be unlawful. Such anti-samAW polemicwas known in Sarraj’s day, and indeed this contention has a longhistory in Islamic writings. It is contained, for example, in the third/ninth century work, Dhamm al-MalAhC (The Censure of Pastimes),by Ibn Abc al-Dunya (d.281/894), which rails against singing andrecitation. Ibn Abc al-Dunya regards these as the ‘amulet of fornica-tion’, which ‘decreases shame, increases desire, and destroys manli-ness, and verily it takes the place of wine and does what drunkennessdoes’.14 Such arguments were known to Sarraj, else his strong polemicin defence of samAW would have little purpose.

The author opens his case with citations from the Qurxan andvarious SadCths, as is the usual practice in such presentations, butwhat is noteworthy is that three of the SadCths have doubtful authent-icity.15 It seems that Sarraj attempts to marshal as much evidence ashe can to support his case, even if there is some doubt about thereliability of the evidence.

The well-established SadCth that the Prophet said: ‘Beautify (therecitation of) the Qurxan with your voices!’16 gives an occasion forSarraj to provide his first extended explanation in an otherwise longseries of citations (LumaW 268.10–18). The necessity for an explana-tion of this sacred Tradition is evident in its implication that theuncreated Book can be beautified and enhanced by created humanvoices. Sarraj offers two solutions, first suggesting that it means toembellish one’s own recitation of the Qurxan by raising the voice,improving one’s intonation, and the like. A second, rather curiousinterpretation is to suggest that the statement is an example ofsyntactic transposition, the intended meaning being: ‘Beautify yourvoices with (recitation of) the Qurxan.’ This obviates the problemmentioned above, but despite the author citing another example ofsuch transposition in the Qurxan, it remains a somewhat forcedexplanation. By running counter to the usual syntactic order for noother reason, it appears as a post hoc solution to a difficulty. This is


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evidently a well-known interpretation of this SadCth, since it is inthis form that Hujwcrc cites it in his Kashf al-MaSjEb (Nich. p.399).

It is noteworthy that a hierarchy of evidence is brought to bear inSarraj’s process of argumentation. First Qurxanic citations, thenreferences drawn from sacred Tradition, and the third rung lower inthis series is the sayings of scholars (al-SukamAX). This hierarchyconcurs with Sarraj’s description of the three sciences of religion, asoutlined in the first chapter of the KitAb al-LumaW, and also illus-trates his consistent use of triadic constructions in descriptions andexplanations.17

In the present case, however, it could be argued that the hier-archy continues downward. Sarraj next cites the therapeutic effectsof sounds, as used for example in the treating of melancholia by‘the ancients’ (al-awAXil ). This refers to Greek physicians, notablyHippocrates and the Pythagoreans, as argued by Amnon Shiloahwith regard to a similar reference in Ibn Hinde’s (d.410/1019) KitAbMiftAS at-Oibb (Book of the Key to Medicine).18 The medical writingsof the Greek ‘ancients’ were translated into Arabic two centuriesbefore Sarraj’s time. Moreover, the philosopher Al-Kindc (d.250/865)and the enigmatic fourth/tenth century group known as the IkhwAnal-ZafAX (Brethren of Purity) held firm beliefs in the therapeutic powerof music.19

The lowest rung on this ladder of evidence deals with the animalworld, namely the beneficial effect of the cameleer’s voice in urgingand soothing tired camels. Sarraj recounts a charming narrativeabout a camel master being ruined by a slave cameleer’s enchantingvoice. The slave urged on the tired camels with their heavy loads ina state of enchantment until they died of exhaustion (LumaW 270.3–271.3). The anecdote is recounted with charm and realism, telling ofthe wajd or ‘ecstasy’ experienced by the beasts. This attractive storyillustrates the essential humanism of Sarraj, and anticipates the dra-matic effects of music and poetry on the human soul described inthe following chapters.

The nature of samaw

The second chapter of the KitAb al-SamAW consists of a series ofquotations from various Sufis about the nature and benefits of samAW.As a development from Chapter 1 where the beauty of the humanvoice is considered, the notion of samAW is extended in this nextchapter. There is no explicit attempt at defining the concept, butone may infer that it means more than simply ‘listening’ to a voice


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or music. For example, it involves communal gatherings in placessuch as mosques, and certain ritualised activities, though these arenever formally detailed.20 Equally important for the Sufis quoted inthis chapter, it is the listener’s response which constitutes an essentialaspect of samAW. The altered state of consciousness which ‘listening’can bring about and the ensuing spiritual benefits are vital elementsfor the Sufis’ engagement in this activity.

It is in this way that the concept of samAW begins to merge withthat of wajd: ‘ecstatic response or experience’. One is the naturalconcomitant of the other. Clear differentiation between the two wasprobably not in the minds of the early Sufis, as is borne out by thestatements in this chapter. One example will suffice: on being askedabout samAW, Dhe xl-Nen (d.246/861) replied: ‘It is the arrival ofTruth which arouses hearts toward the Truth; one who listens to ittruthfully is confirmed in that Truth, but one who listens to it sen-sually becomes an unbeliever’ (LumaW 271.8–10). Ghazalc’s com-ment on this in the ISyAX shows the overlap of samAW and wajd: ‘It isas if he (Dhe xl-Nen) asserted that wajd is the arousal of heartstoward the Truth, and this is what one discovers of it on its arrival,i.e. the arrival of samAW, since he calls samAW the arrival of Truth’(ISyAX II.289.7–8).

The legal status of samaw

The third chapter in Sarraj’s work (LumaW 273.4–277.15) addressesthe question of the legal permissibility of samAw. The narrower defini-tion of this practice is used here, that of listening to recitation ormusic, rather than the more inclusive mystical and spiritual dimen-sions covered in the previous chapter. Many of the argumentsadvanced here are similar to those used by other writers on thissubject, and Ghazalc repeats several of Sarraj’s arguments in hisISyAX.21

The author uses a hierarchy of arguments in descending order ofauthority, similar to the structure seen in Chapter 1. Evidence iscited from the Qurxan as the highest source of authority, then fromSadCth and sunna, and finally from ‘scholars and legal authorities’.

In the Qurxan there is scant direct reference to the topic in ques-tion, but several favourable allusions are confidently arrayed by ourauthor. The verses referring to His signs being ‘in your own selves’(Qur. 41.53 and 51.21) are interpreted to mean being present in thefive senses. The sense of hearing distinguishes between pleasant andunpleasant sounds just as sight distinguishes between beautiful and


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ugly. When this is juxtaposed with the verse: ‘the harshest of soundsis without doubt the braying of the ass!’ (Qur. 31.18), there is animplied commendation of beautiful sounds. The third line of argu-ment is the Qurxanic description of the sensual delights of paradise.These include the houris who sing constant praises to God. If therendering and hearing of praises is an activity sanctioned in para-dise, it must therefore be sanctioned in this world. The drinking ofwine, on the other hand, is permitted in paradise, but specificallyforbidden in this world. This is unlike the practice of samAW, againstwhich no specific condemnation is made.

The next level of evidence comes from the SadCth and sunna of theProphet and his companions. Sarraj cites sacred Traditions whichtell of the Prophet allowing singing and playing of music in hispresence, and the companions reciting poetry. The Prophet’s state-ment that ‘Wisdom is sometimes found in poetry’22 is quoted asevidence for the sanctioning of poetry recitation. This being so, it isargued that recitation with embellishments, lengthening of vowelsand the addition of music is similarly sanctioned.

The final series of evidence comes from ‘a large group of leadingscholars and legal thinkers’ who allow samAW.

Sarraj concludes the chapter by stressing that samAW is permis-sible provided no corrupt intention is involved. He also adds theproviso that none of the ‘proscribed’ musical instruments should beused, i.e. those instruments used by ‘vain or superficial people’ (ahlal-bAUil ), and prohibited in sacred Traditions.

The effects of samaw

In the next chapter (LumaW 277.16–279.21) Sarraj analyses to someextent the effects of samAW on Sufi adepts. He concentrates on thetypes of ‘states’ aimed for and experiences sought after, as far asthese can be described. There is a sense of abstraction in some ofthese descriptions, and a theoretical tone in parts of this chapter. Asfar as these experiences can be explained, they are inevitably ideal-ised and systematised so that any immediacy and real-life charac-terisation is lost. Such systematisation appears evident in the firstsection of this chapter where several classifications by Sufi theoristsare presented in neat, triadic categories. One example suffices toillustrate the contents of this chapter. Abe Yawqeb al-Nahrajerc(d.330/941–2) is quoted as using a threefold classification of thoseaffected by samAW. One group are physically moved by the force ofthe ‘moment’ of samAW; one group are noted for their silence and


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stillness; and a third group, ‘the weakest’, are thrown to the groundby their experience. This characterisation by physical reactions mayshow that such motor effects are highly indicative, so that all listenersfall into one of these groups based on their behaviour.

QurXAn recitation

The fifth chapter of the KitAb al-SamAW deals with those whosesamAW involves listening to Qurxan recitation (LumaW 280.1–283.6).Sarraj begins the discussion with a series of citations from the Qurxanand the Prophet about the value of reciting the Book.

The author then outlines two aspects of Qurxan listening whichhe considers important. The first is the value of paying close atten-tion to what is heard, not only with the ears but also with the heart.Sarraj then alludes to the great power of hearing the Book, notingthat people have lost consciousness, or died, or lost the power oftheir limbs from listening to its recitation.

Sarraj relates a number of stories involving prominent Sufis whichexemplify aspects of the Qurxan’s power. These episodes which con-tain examples of the physical effects of samAW will be discussed inthe chapters on psychology later in this book.

Poetry and the QurXAn

The next chapter continues the theme of the previous one, foralthough it deals ostensibly with listening to secular poetry, it alsohas much to say about Qurxan recitation (LumaW 283.7–285.10).

Sarraj claims that authority for listening to secular poetry is givenby the Prophet in his statement: ‘Wisdom is sometimes found inpoetry.’ He goes on to argue that those who listen to poetry recita-tion are showing respect for the Holy Book. By adhering to thedoctrine of the uncreatedness of the Qurxan, these people maintainits superiority by not embellishing it with human melodies. In linewith this argument, the author states that human passions oughtnot to be encouraged or satisfied by melodic recitation of the Qurxan.Rather, these passions are better served by poetry which in itsnature has an affinity to human sensitivities and is better able torouse human passions. The Qurxan, on the other hand, has an affinitywith ‘reality or the real nature of things’.

There is some inconsistency in Sarraj’s basic argument in thischapter, that there is mutual exclusivity between the divine andhuman realms, between the uncreated Book and created melodies


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or poetry. The author claims that even a small portion of the Qurxanrevealed in its ‘real nature’ to human hearts can burst these heartsapart. Yet it is possible to recite the Qurxan often, and to find nosensitivity or emotion in one’s heart unless it is performed witha beautiful voice or melodies. The argument continues that somepeople consider the emotional response to arise from the Qurxan’sinnate power and beauty, but if this were the case, these effectswould be present at every reading of the Book.

Sarraj’s answer to this difficulty is what was mentioned aboveconcerning emotions being in affinity with base human passions.These are readily aroused by sensuous melodies and poetry, while theQurxan, being on a higher plane, does not so easily cause this arousal.

Both aspects of this argument, however, cannot be maintained.The alleged power of the Qurxan to ‘burst’ human hearts sits poorlywith the author’s acknowledgement that one can recite it manytimes without apparent emotional effect. The argument also comesclose to undermining the Qurxan’s superiority and separateness fromsecular poetry.

In fairness to Sarraj, however, it is difficult to conceive of a morepersuasive argument here. Ghazalc encounters the same difficultywhile employing a similar argument in the ISyAX.23

The author argues on a firmer basis in concluding that embellishingthe Qurxan with chants and melodies makes it more attractive toordinary believers, contrary to those scholars who disapprove of thispractice. The Holy Book’s message is thereby made more palatablefor people to hear and understand.

Sufi novices

The seventh chapter (LumaW 285.11–288.8) consists of two appar-ently unrelated sections. The first part is a series of stories fromvarious sources relating to the dramatic effect of listening to ‘recol-lection’ (dhikr) or verse. In each of these narratives a person isaffected by an altered state, such that sudden death ensues. Theseaccounts will be discussed more fully in the chapters on psychologylater in this book. In the second section of the present chapterSarraj describes a number of conditions and prerequisites fornovices who wish to practise samAW. He lays down these conditionsas a miniature ‘rule’ for novices under the direction of their shaykh.

No reason is given for the juxtaposition of these two unrelatedtopics. However, in comparing Hujwcrc’s Kashf al-MaSjEb (Nich.pp.407–8), a similar series of stories is preceded by warnings to


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novices. We might suppose that Sarraj is prefacing his ‘rule’ fornovices with a clear warning of the dangers of unprepared listening.This is confirmed by the fact that the narratives mostly involveyoung disciples as those most profoundly affected by samAW, andthus those most in need of expert guidance by their shaykh.

Sarraj presumes some advancement along the Sufi path as a con-dition for the practice of samAW. Certain types of understanding areassumed, as is the need for maturity in asceticism and renunciation,such as not being ‘stained’ with love for the world, and not havingthe desire for human company.

When these conditions are met, some listening is allowed, namelythat which is suitable for penitence, humility and fearfulness, andwhich urges toward right conduct and striving. This would precludemost secular material, and would largely restrict the listener toappropriate religious texts. Sarraj states explicitly that listening forpleasure is forbidden, as this would distract the listener from hisservice of God. If such conditions are not met, the novice shouldwithdraw from samAW, except for recollection of God and chantingHis praises.

Sufi adepts

The eighth chapter (LumaW 288.9–292.9) contains a variety of sub-jects loosely connected with various Sufi adepts or masters. Someaspects of samAW are given further exposure, and the subject ofresulting rapture or ecstasy is mentioned in several narratives. Sincethese stories all have a strong psychological component, discussionof their content will be held over for later in this book.

Sufi masters

The two preceding chapters dealt with aspects of samAW relatingto an ascending order of participants: first novices, then adepts ofmiddle ranking. Now we deal with those who have reached thehighest levels, literally ‘the choice of the choice and the people ofperfection’, as Sarraj’s heading describes them.

Four main arguments are advanced in this chapter (LumaW 292.10–294.19), using a combination of biographical narratives with editorialcomments. The first argument is that those who have advanced tohigher phases of ‘consciousness’ (SAl, pl. aSwAl ) rarely display out-ward signs of being affected by such states. The usual signs forbeginners are kinetic, such as involuntary movements of limbs,


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trembling and agitation. The Sufi masters rarely display such signs,and their ‘state’ remains one of calm and stillness, this lack of move-ment being regarded as superior.

This leads directly to the next argument, that the adept’s ‘state’and presence of heart remains the same before, during and after thesamAW session. This is the corollary to the superiority of the state ofstillness outlined above.

The next argument follows logically, that adepts are not distractedby any physical or sensual interference in their quest for recollec-tion of mind. An illustrative anecdote is related of Mimshadh al-Dcnawarc (d.299/912), who claimed that all the musical instrumentsin the world would not distract his inner state. Sarraj goes on toargue that their passions have been so refined that adepts do notdelight in beautiful sounds. Their intent is single minded, their heartsand qualities purified, and their human natures offer no resistance(LumaW 294.2–8).

There are obvious dangers in this line of reasoning which couldundermine the author’s overall purpose in advocating the value ofsamAW. If the Sufi masters find that no sound is distracting, and ifthey find no delight in listening, then participation in these activitiescan be seen as a hindrance, or superfluous. At the more advancedstages of Sufi practice, the need for external stimuli to heightenconsciousness, such as that provided by samAW, is not required atall. It is legitimate only in the early stages where external aids mightbe seen as effective, though somewhat artificially so. Sarraj does notactually mention this difficulty, but other writers do. Hujwcrc, forexample, specifically states: ‘Audition is the viaticum of the indi-gent: one who has reached his journey’s end hath no need of it’(Nich. p.405).

Given these implications in his reasoning, it is to Sarraj’s creditthat he advances the final argument which follows logically. samAWmay be unnecessary to the masters, yet the author lists a number ofreasons for their involvement in listening sessions: to give supportto their brothers, to teach and guide, and to support those fromother fraternities through their integrity and strength of purpose.

samaw and wisdom

The topic of the tenth chapter (LumaW 295.1–296.11) is the rela-tionship between samAW and Sikma (‘wisdom, wise sayings’). Sarrajargues that wise sayings are able to stir strong feelings in the heart.Moreover, there are influences from the transcendent world, such


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as those encountered in words of wisdom, or other samAW, which actsubconsciously on one’s heart. The author claims that samAW is notmerely beautiful sound to be enjoyed, but is a type of Sikma whichcan have a powerful and beneficial influence on hearts.

An anecdote mentioned by Sarraj is noteworthy partly for itsrepetition by later authors.24 A person asks Junayd at what stage oneshould regard God’s praise and blame as being the same. One ofJunayd’s companions, evidently misunderstanding the question andregarding it as foolish, answers: ‘When he is put in the asylum andshackled with fetters!’ Junayd gently rebukes this interjector by answer-ing that it is when he knows for certain that he is a created being.The force of this reply is shown by the questioner then sighing witha groan, probably as a physical indication of a dissociative reaction.

The author then enters into his main argument, claiming thatwise sayings are able to stir up strong feeling (wajd) in the inner self,or a burning in the heart. This is a similar function claimed else-where for music and recitation.

Sarraj continues by stating that ‘there are things encountered byhearts, when they are pure, that impinge upon them from the Unseenworld, whether audible or visible perceptions. If these (perceptions)correspond (to what is in the heart) their influence is strong, butif they are contrary and obstructive, they are weak . . . Sometimesrecollections are renewed for (those who receive them) in what theyhear, and visible perceptions are clarified for them time after time.This increase of clarity is renewed for them in listening to wise say-ings and attending to their subtleties’ (LumaW 295.16–296.4). This isa difficult passage in Sarraj’s text, but it seems that he is alluding tosome sort of reawakening of hidden knowledge. This may refer tothe events of the ‘day of Alast’, the primordial covenant between Godand humankind (Qur.7.172). Abe Bakr al-Kalabadhc (d.385/995)writes in a similar vein in his KitAb al-TaWarruf (Book of Knowledge):

wAbe Musammad Ruwaym said: ‘The people heard theirfirst dhikr [recollection of God] when God addressed them,saying, “Am I not your Lord?” This dhikr was secretedin their hearts . . . So when they heard the (Sefc ) dhikr, thesecret things of their hearts appeared, and they wereravished . . .’25

As well as the allusion to hidden knowledge, there may alsobe a reference here to notions very similar to the archetypes ofneo-Platonist philosophy. Titus Burckhardt argues that dhikr can


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mean ‘memory’ in the neo-Platonist sense of reflected knowledge ofarchetypes, and also the traditional ‘mention’. This double aspect isimportant in that it connects the sonorous practice of invocationwith the evocation of essential truths or knowledge of the divineWord.26

That samAW and dhikr are not meaningless incantation and sonor-ous melodies is reinforced by the author’s citing of Sikma as avehicle of samAW along with Qurxanic recitation, poetry and recollec-tion. This illustrates the juxtaposition of dhikr with the Divine Word.

Sarraj concludes that what is important is the heart’s encounteringthe strong emotion or ecstasy of sacred recollection. It is reawaken-ing the secreted knowledge of the ‘day of Alast’, or the evoking ofessential truths which causes ecstasy and burning of the heart.

Psychology of samaw

In this next chapter (LumaW 296.12–298.10), various topics men-tioned earlier are given further elaboration. The main subject takenup later in this chapter concerns the transformation which listenersundergo on hearing poetry. In Chapter 9 Sarraj mentioned a typeof projection taking place from the Sufi’s ‘momentary state of mind’onto the particular sounds or words being heard. Here the authormentions that the original message may remain intact, but is sotransformed in interpretation that it takes on a completely newaspect, its secular meaning becoming one of religious significance.

Sarraj begins, however, by presenting a short summary of thepsychological process which culminates in ecstatic utterance: ‘When(listeners) hear things which correspond to their momentary experi-ence (al-waqt), the hidden tendencies of their hearts are intensified;their hearts cannot contain this and they begin to give expression totheir strong emotion (wajd)’ (LumaW 296.15–17). As these ecstaticutterances are likely to occur during the practice of samAW, the authorcontinues: ‘It does not occur to their mind the intention of the poetin his poetry, or the purpose of the speaker in what he says’ (LumaW296.18). Sarraj concludes the chapter with several narratives illustrat-ing this last statement.

Opponents of samaw

This is the final chapter of the KitAb al-SamAW (LumaW 298.11–300.13),and it consists of simply listing the reasons why some people dis-approve of the practice of samAW. Given the author’s clear endorsement


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of the practice, it is surprising that he does not offer a spiriteddefence against its detractors. This shows the fair-mindedness ofSarraj in giving scope for his opponents to state their case openly.

The first reason for disapproval is the claim that the early leadersof Islam opposed the practice. In fact many of the same argumentsfrom SadCth cited by opponents of samAW are also used by support-ers in its defence. For example, Abe Bakr’s censure of the singinggirls in the Prophet’s presence is seen by opponents of samAW to beconclusive evidence of its disapproval.27 Ghazalc and others, how-ever, see this same SadCth as supportive of singing, since the Prophethimself allowed it to continue. A similar situation with other sacredTraditions leads Arthur Gribetz to comment that such disputation‘does not resolve the controversy conclusively due to the subjectivenature of the interpretations involved’.28

The second, third and fourth reasons concern the alleged frivol-ity of the practice, for young people and novices, for those whoseek pleasure, and for the ordinary believers who may gain a falseimpression of the sincerity of the Sufis. The fifth reason for notpractising samAW is simply because one’s peers do not, and associ-ation with those of a different outlook is to be avoided. Sixth, thereis the SadCth that one should not concern oneself with things whichhave no value for salvation, or which are not expressed duties orobligations.

The final reason offered is perhaps the most forceful of all, namelythat samAW is not needed by those with advanced mystical con-sciousness. Such Sufis enjoy complete control over their minds andthus have no need for external stimulation by sound which mayinterfere with their constant inner ‘converse’ (LumaW 300.5–12).Aspects of this argument were mentioned in an earlier chapter, andthe implications not developed there are now fully articulated. Ifoutside influences have no effect on them, it follows that aids suchas samAW are not needed for reaching higher mystical states. Asmentioned earlier, this tends to devalue the practice of samAW, sinceit is really only of use to novices and the inexperienced.

When viewed as a whole, the KitAb al-SamAW attempts a vigorousjustification for the practice of samAW among the Sufis. Sarraj setsforth his apology in a meticulous and painstaking way. His exposi-tion is carefully arranged and systematically presented in an attemptat a serious rebuttal of those opposed to samAW. The heat generatedby this controversy, as outlined by Gribetz, was considerable, and


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it is to our author’s credit that his defence is well reasoned andunaffected by emotive pleas. This is particularly commendablewhen compared with anti-samAW writings such as Ibn Abc al-Dunya’sDhamm al-MalAhC, where the lack of these reasoning qualities isconspicuous.

It has been noted that Sarraj often uses hierarchies of evidenceand argument, in a quasi-legal fashion, stating his case from theQurxan, then from the Traditions, and finally from noted scholarsor Sufis. Such triadic argumentation is a constant feature of theauthor’s work, lending an air of balance and order to his exposi-tion. At times, however, an object under discussion or a certaingroup of people are divided into three classes or types. It seems thatthe author sometimes forces the subjects under scrutiny into triadiccategories which are almost certainly artificial.

The Qurxan is an important source of support for Sarraj’s argu-ments, more perhaps due to theological exigencies than as a valuablesource of evidence. There are very few direct Qurxanic references tothe subject matter, but verses are cited with the least possible connec-tion in order to provide authoritative support for the author’s case.

With the use of evidence from the Traditions, every possible refer-ence is again used to bolster the case that the Sufis are conformingto early Islamic piety.

The use of evidence from scholars and prominent Sufis is by farthe most frequent, usually taking the form of illustrative anecdotesfrom the lives of the Sufi masters or scholars. Although these nar-ratives do not have the same authoritative status as SadCth, there isa large collection from which to draw, and thus the author is ableto select the most relevant for his purposes. Indeed there are manysections of the work which consist of a series of narratives withlittle bridging material or editorial comment. On the whole thisproves a very effective means of advancing the author’s case, especi-ally as these vignettes from the lives of the Sufi masters are oftenvigorous and full of colour, supplying much interest to the text.On occasion, however, some of the anecdotes prove more bafflingthan illuminating, and call for explanations which the author doesnot provide.

The KitAb al-SamAW is a well-constructed and well-argued pieceof writing. It is often lively and colourful, thanks to the qualityof the narratives. As for the effect of Sarraj’s writing, judging bylater authors on the subject, it is clear that it had a positive im-pact. His arguments are often reused or restated, by Ghazalc in his


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ISyAX, for example, where Sarraj is acknowledged (ISyAX II.297.20ff ),and in the earliest Persian prose text on Sufism, Hujwcrc’s Kashfal-MaSjEb.

An analysis of Sarraj’s KitAb al-WajdImmediately following the KitAb al-SamAW, there is a further sub-stantial section of Sarraj’s work entitled KitAb al-Wajd (The Bookof Ecstatic Experience) (LumaW 300.14–314.18). This section discussesin detail certain aspects of the concept of wajd, ‘ecstatic experienceor trance’. This subject is intimately connected with samAW, and inGhazac’s ISyAX the two topics are dealt with as one. The followinganalysis focuses on those parts of the KitAb al-Wajd which are rel-evant to the discussions of this book.

The concept of wajd

The first chapter (LumaW 300.14–302.10) deals with a number ofdifferent definitions and statements concerning the nature of wajd.Several Sufi masters are quoted with their varying notions aboutthe subject. None of these statements provides a strict lexical defini-tion applicable in different contexts. Rather, the chapter unfoldsmore like a large canvas upon which various artists add their owntouches of colour. In the end there is a collected impression, addedpiece by piece, giving a better understanding of the subject, thoughperhaps not describable as an integral whole.

A lengthy comment attributed to Junayd comes nearest to a defini-tion or lexical equivalent. Junayd considers wajd to be ‘encounter-ing, finding’ (al-mu{Adafa), and he provides an almost philologicalargument for this by glossing several Qurxanic usages of the rootwajada with equivalents from {adafa, form III. Junayd adds that‘all which the heart encounters of grief or joy, that is wajd. God hasmade it known concerning hearts that they observe and under-stand, and that is wajd for them’ (LumaW 301.5–6).

Junayd’s concept of wajd is simply ‘what the heart encounters’,whether in terms of emotional attributes (grief or joy), or of intel-ligible knowledge. This accords with the concept of qalb, ‘heart’,as the organ of gnosis and of emotion. This notion of ‘encountering’spiritual truths removes the need for more ebullient concepts suchas ‘ecstasy’, ‘emotive excess’, ‘passion’, and so on, and is consistentwith Junayd’s well-known ‘sober’ approach. This stands in contrastto the most frequent English equivalent of wajd as ‘ecstasy’.29


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Attempted ecstatic experience

The second and third chapters (LumaW 302.11–306.3) discuss thetheme of tawAjud, ‘simulating or attempting ecstatic experience’.Sarraj uses theoretical discourse as well as relating several narra-tives about prominent Sufis. Without detailing these stories, theircommon argument is the similarity of such ‘simulated’ experiencewith the genuine type, especially since the famous Sufi mastersexperienced such ecstasy in their lives.

Physical effects of wajd

The fourth chapter of the KitAb al-Wajd (LumaW 306.4–308.2) dealswith some of the overpowering physical effects felt by Sufis in theirexperience of wajd. A narrative is related of Junayd and Sarc al-Saqauc (d.253/867) in which these two masters debate whether wajdcan produce such insensitivity to pain that a person can be struckby a sword and not feel its effect. There follows a discussion similarto one touched on earlier in the KitAb al-SamAW over the externalsigns of the trance state.

The fifth chapter (LumaW 308.3–309.18) continues this last topicof discussion in more detail. The whole of this chapter is a digest ofthe subject as argued by a certain Abe Sawcd b. al-wArabc (d.341/952)in his (now lost) KitAb al-Wajd. The discussion is of scant interest inthe present context, partly because it is treated in a purely dogmaticfashion, but also since it adds little light on the physical and psycho-logical effects at issue.

wajd according to AbE SaWCd b. al-WArAbC

The final chapter (LumaW 310.1–314.18) is a more general discussionof wajd summarised from the work of Abe Sawcd b. al-wArabc. Theauthor begins in a psychological vein, mentioning various feelingsor states of mind which can arouse ecstatic experience and whichmay accompany it. These include ‘disquieting recollection’, ‘fears’,‘regret’, ‘remorse’, and so on. This is instructive in the light of modernresearch which shows a correlation between anxiety and stress statesand the onset of altered state or dissociative behaviours.30

Very soon the author reverts to a more theological tone in describ-ing the onset of wajd: ‘encounters of . . . the inner with the inner,and the Unseen with the Unseen, and the secret heart with thesecret heart . . .’ (LumaW 310.6–7). Among these abstract discussions,


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however, there are some valuable insights to be gained. For example,the author speaks of the sudden onset of the trance state: ‘This stateis not known before its arrival and there is no familiar habituationwith it because of its rapid passing when it occurs, so that it is likea totally instantaneous occurrence. The joyous state (thus produced)is not fulfilled when it occurs, so there remains regret at its passing’(LumaW 310.14–16). The author goes on to speak of the physicaleffects, loss of control over the movement of one’s limbs, and so on,and the great power and force of the onset. Furthermore: ‘Everyoccurrence is an extraordinary experience (mustaghrab)’ (LumaW310.18). The force and power is so terrible that were it not for God’sgrace, the subject would not be able to bear it, and they would losereason and soul. For some subjects there remains partial memoryof the experience, and knowledge gained thereby can be used asproof of its validity.

Abe Sawcd b. al-wArabc, through the medium of Sarraj, proceedsto ponder at length the ineffability of this topic: ‘How can onedescribe something which has no description other than itself, andto which no witness can testify other than itself ? . . . this is similarto the case of love (maSabba) and yearning (shawq) and nearness(qurb); all this is too subtle for description, and its essence is notapprehended except by one who experiences it’ (LumaW 313.7–8; 12–13). The remainder of this chapter continues in this fashion, oftenexpressing in eloquent terms the indescribability of such mysticalexperience, and the futility of trying to understand this subject with-out direct and immediate knowledge.

With such a limit placed on the value of the discussion, Sarraj com-pletes the subject of samAW and wajd. The earlier portion of Sarraj’swork has greater value intrinsically, and also for the purposes ofthe present book. Our discussion will thus draw much more fromthe earlier part of the work.

The writings of Abe wAbd al-Rasman al-SulamcA generation later than Sarraj comes the important Sufi hagio-grapher and theorist, Abe wAbd al-Rasman al-Sulamc. His writingsare perhaps not as fundamental for our present topic as his illustri-ous predecessor’s, but Sulamc’s contibution is nevertheless import-ant. One of his major works, the OabaqAt al-ZEfCya (Generationsof the Sufis), is a ground-breaking biographical collection whichformed the basis for many later writings of a similar nature in both


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Arabic and Persian. As such, it contains many anecdotes of theSufi masters which contain valuable information on the subjectof samAW.

Again the details of Sulamc’s biography are rather sparse.31 Hewas born in Nishapur in 325/937 or 330/942, into a pious family,studying under his maternal grandfather, Ismawcl b.Nujayd al-Sulamc(d.366/976). Ibn Nujayd was a leading malAmatCya figure, and arenowned SadCth scholar. Sulamc’s mother was also inclined towardthe Sufis, and thus the youth gained a thorough traditional educa-tion from an early age.

He studied SadCth with some of the leading authorities of the time,and became a specialist in his own right. He travelled extensively insearch of Traditions, as far away as the Hijaz, Cairo, Iraq, as well asthe Persian-speaking areas of the empire. He also learned the prin-ciples of Ashwarc theology, and in law adhered to the Shafiwc school,which in fourth/tenth century Nishapur had many links with theSufi way.

One of his many pupils was Abe xl-Qasim al-Qushayrc (d.465/1072), who also wrote important works on Sufism, which we willconsider later. Sulamc built a small khAnaqAh or lodge in Nishapur,which became renowned during his lifetime, and he was buriedthere in 412/1021.

Ner al-Dcn Sharcba, in the introduction to his edition of theOabaqAt, argues that Sulamc began his writing career around 350.32 His renowned commentary on the Qurxan, the MaqAXiq al-TafsCr (Realities of Interpretation), was probably written at the endof the 370s; the TArCkh al-ZEfCya (History of the Sufis) in the 380s,and the OabaqAt al-ZEfCya near the end of the fourth/tenth century.

The OabaqAt is a collection of biographical traditions concerningthe Sufi masters, their lives and their sayings. It was not the first suchwork of this genre in Islamic literature, but its great importance liesin the fact that virtually all earlier works of Sufi biography havebeen lost to us. It is a treasury of the opinions and interpretationsof the Sufis, and of the stories concerning their lives and char-acters. His work also influenced later writers in this genre, many ofwhom rely heavily on Sulamc. Thus, Abe Nuwaym’s Milyat al-AwliyAX(Embellishment of the Saints) Qushayrc’s RisAla (Treatise), and Jamc’sNafaSAt al-Uns (Breaths of Intimacy) all show their debt to theOabaqAt.33

Etan Kohlberg argues that Sulamc seems to have had two distinctaims. First, his task was to defend Sufism against its many critics,and second, to spread knowledge of Sufism among the general


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public as well as the Sufis themselves. In this, there is little differ-ence from the aims of Sarraj in writing the LumaW.34

Sharcba argues that what distinguished the Nishapur schoolof Sufi writers from their Baghdad counterparts was their moreobjective style of authorship.35 This is characterised by theirrestraint from giving personal opinions and interpretations on thesubjects being discussed. This is certainly the case with Sulamc’sOabaqAt where he seldom expresses his own view. He is content tobe a faithful compiler, transmitting the materials he has collectedintact and without obvious personal interpretation. The serious‘Traditionist’ quality of Sulamc’s work also shows itself in the struc-ture of each Sufi biography, which consists of a series of stories orsayings arranged in the usual fashion of SadCth literature. Eachpericope carries a full isnAd or chain of transmission authorities,unless there are several with the same isnAd, in which case variousabbreviations are used. Each Sufi biography, or rather ‘tradition’, isalso preceded by a SadCth of the Prophet. This identification withthe Prophet’s words and deeds imprints the stamp of legitimacy towhat follows.

samAw and wajd in the OabaqAt al-ZEfCyaThe OabaqAt al-ZEfCya is a collection of Sufi traditions and not asystematic treatise. As such, references to samAW and altered statesare scattered throughout the book, often in isolated incidents relat-ing to the lives of the masters. Because of the character of Sulamc’swriting, moreover, there is no unified line of argument or approachto the topic. Some of the references to the subject in question arepositive and supportive of the practice, while others are inimical,depending on the individual views of the Sufi being quoted.

It should be noted also that most of the references to samAw in theOabaqAt are different from the many anecdotes, stories and sayingscontained in Sarraj’s KitAb al-LumaW. Al-Sulamc evidently used dif-ferent sources for his collection of traditions from that of Sarraj.

The following survey is a compilation of the various references tosamAW and related topics, as they occur in order throughout theOabaqAt, with some comments as appropriate.

1 OabaqAt al-ZEfCya (T.S.) 60.7–12: marith al-Musasibc (d.243/857) was present at a samAW concert when a qawwAl (profes-sional reciter) chanted some verses about the sadness of leavingone’s homeland and one’s beloved. marith arose in ecstasy and


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cried out so that all those present were moved with compassionfor him.

2 T.S. 116.6–117.2: Abe mafz al-Naysaberc (d.265/879) wouldnot mention the name of God heedlessly or without due hon-our and respect. When he mentioned God, his state (SAl) wouldchange such that all those present would be aware of the change.Some sayings of his during such occasions are recorded.

3 T.S. 119.3–5: Abe mafz had a companion who frequented samAWsessions, where he would weep and tear his clothes. Abe mafz isreported to have said that everything should be done to savethe man from this activity. (These last two pericopes suggestthat Abe mafz was a Sufi of the ‘sober’ school, rejecting theexcesses of ecstatic activity, but himself deeply sensitive to theextraordinary states induced by samAw.)

4 T.S. 195.7–8: Samnen b. wAbd Allah (d. circa 300/913) is re-ported to have cried out (perhaps indicating an altered state)and said: ‘If only humankind would cry out due to the force ofHis wajd in love of Him, to fill what lies between East and Westwith crying out!’

5 T.S. 202.12–13: wAmre b. wUthman al-Makkc (d.291/904) isreported to have said that there can be no explanation of thenature of wajd as it is a mystery (sirr) of God with His truebelievers.

6 T.S. 204.11–205.6: An incident is related of al-Makkc in whichhe visits a sick young follower in Isfahan. A qawwAl accompan-ies al-Makkc and recites some verses. The sick youth recoversand al-Makkc explains that the signs of his recovery precededthe recitation, thus indicating its divine source. Had there beenno sign of recovery before the recitation, this would have indi-cated its evil source.

7 T.S. 239.8–11: Abe xl-wAbbas b. Masreq al-oesc (d. circa 298/910) was asked about listening to poetical quatrains. He repliedthat our hearts do not learn obedience naturally but by applica-tion and appropriation. Listening to quatrains aids the harmo-nisation of outward and inward, strengthens one’s mental state(SAl ) and helps to perfect knowledge.

8 T.S. 240.8–14: Abe xl-wAbbas once walked with Junayd throughone of the alleys of Baghdad. A singer was reciting some frag-ments of verse. Junayd began to weep bitterly, and picking upon some of the words of the singer, he reflected in poetic fash-ion on his failures: ‘O Abe xl-wAbbas, how good are the stagesof concord and familiarity, and how lonely are the states of


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antipathy! I never cease to yearn for the origin of my desire,with a keen path, and terrors as my steed, desirous to attain mygoal! But look at me now during times of indolence; I yearn forpast times!’

9 T.S. 299.15–16: Abe xl-musayn al-Warraq (d. before 320/932) isreported to have said that the way to God is difficult for onewho does not come upon it with overwhelming enthusiasm(wajd ) and passionate desire (shawq).

10 T.S. 328.9–15: Abe mamza al-Khurasanc (d.290/903) heard oneof his companions censuring another for being overcome bywajd and showing his inner state in a gathering where therewere opponents of samAW. Abe mamza told him to stop hisscolding, for wajd obliterates distinctions, makes all places one,and all eyes one. One should not be censured for being over-come by wajd which is involuntary. He then recited a verse ofIbn al-Remc (d.283/896).

11 T.S. 329.7–9: Abe wAbd Allah al-[ubaysc (d.?) is reported assaying that samAW (meaning the recitation of poetry) which speaksplainly is welcome; samAW which uses allusions is feigning, butthe subtlest samAW is that which is obscure except for the onehearing it (i.e. one hearing and being emotionally affected byit).

12 T.S. 330.10–12: Abe wAbd Allah also said that when wajd isgenuine it should be upheld and defended; no one should beallowed to speak disparagingly of an altered state (SAl ).

13 T.S. 331.1–2: Abe wAbd Allah also said that the most completeform of fear is that which takes on the characteristics of wajd,not from loss of something hoped for or desired. (Presumably,the characteristics of wajd alluded to here are physical changesof state, trembling, etc., which are also characteristic of a stateof fear.)

14 T.S. 356.13–15: Abe wAlc al-Redhabarc (d.322/934) is askedabout listening to musical instruments. The questioner says thathe considers it lawful, for he has reached a stage where differ-ences in states of consciousness (aSwAl ) do not affect him. AbewAlc replies that the questioner has reached somewhere, by God!,but that place is Hell!

15 T.S. 375.3–6: Abe Bakr al-Kattanc (d.322/934) comments onthe various types of samAW. For ordinary people, it is ‘followingnatural inclinations’; for initiates, it is desire and fear; for friendsof God (awliyAX), it is a vision of benefits and grace; for knowers


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(al-WArifCn), it is direct witnessing; for the ‘people of Truth’ (ahlal-SaqCqa), it is revelation and witnessing; and each one of thesehas their own place and ranking.

16 T.S. 375.9–13: Al-Kattanc is also reported as saying that thelistener to samAW ought to find more than just refreshment

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