The Adaptation of Men to Their Time a Historical Essay by Al Yaqubi

The Adaptation of Men to Their Time: An Historical Essay by Al-ya'QūbīAuthor(s): William G. Millward and Al-ya'QūbīReviewed work(s):Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 84, No. 4 (Oct. - Dec., 1964), pp. 329-344Published by: American Oriental SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/596772 .Accessed: 08/12/2011 21:17

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THE ADAPTATION OF MEN TO THEIR TIME:

AN HISTORICAL ESSAY BY AL-YAtQTTBI

TRANSLATED AND ANNOTATED BY

WILLIAM G. MILLWARD

TEHRAN

Introduction *

THE NINH CENTURY ARAB WRITER Ahmad b. Ab! Ya'qfb al-Ya'qfibi is already well known as the author of two valuable books, one on geography (Kitab al-Buldan),2 the other on history (Ta'rikh).3 The text translated hereafter represents another of al-Yaqfibl's historical compositions, a short treatise with the full title Mushdkalat al-nds li-zamdnihim wa-ma yaghlibu 'alayhim ft kulli Casrin. The existence of this little monograph attributed to al-Yaqfibi's authorship has been known to Muslim scholarship since the 13th century A. D.

(7th century of the Hijra).' A presumably complete copy of it came to light with the publication of the catalogue of Arabic historical manuscripts

on film by the Institute for the Restoration of Arabic Manuscripts of the League of Arab States.5 The manuscript occurs in a six-part Miscellany from the library of Murad Mulla in Istanbul, covering pages 79b to 86b, inclusive, of this cor- pus.6 Palaeographical evidence indicates that the majmii'a, written in a clear nasichi hand, dates from the ninth century of the Hijra (15th century A.D.). Orthographical features include omission of medial long aliph; the diacritical vowel points are only rarely supplied, usually to indicate tan- win. Red ink is used occasionally to indicate a new heading or to introduce a new personality. There are only sporadic marginal notations, mostly omissions from the body of the text cor- rected by the copyist himself. Two insignificant notations appear to be written in the margin by another hand.

In essence the treatise is simply a brief survey of the reigns of the various caliphs from Abfi Bakr to al-Muttadid, in which the author attempts to demonstrate the thesis that the principle of imitation was one of the most important factors in the development of Islamic civilization. Un- fortunately the text itself does not quite live up to

* I would like to convey here my gratitude to Dr. Michel Mazzaoui and Professor S. M. Stern for generous help and criticism extended during the preparation of this article.

1Ahmad b. IshAq (Abi Ya'qfib) b. Ja'far b. Wahb b. Wadih al-Katib al-'Abbasl. Following the notice in Yaqfit (see footnote 4 below) the traditional date for al-Ya'qfibi's death is given as 284/897, but with the publication and translation of his Kitdb al-Bulddn new evidence was adduced for advancing this date as late as 292/905 (Wiet, Les Pays, avant propos viii, and p. 244). The fact that the present work by al-Ya'qfibi takes account of the caliph al-Mu'tadid (A. D. 892-902), albeit very briefly, may be considered supporting evidence for the later date.

2ed. M. J. de Goeje, (Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicum VII), Leiden, 1892. Also, Najaf, 1938. Trans. Gaston Wiet, Les Pays, (Textes et Traductions d'Au- teurs Orientaux-Tome Premier-Publications de l'In- stitut Frangais d'Archeologie Orientale), Cairo, 1937.

3 Ibn Wadhih qui dicitur al-Ja'qubl, Historiae, edidit M. Th. Houtsma, 2 vols., Lugduni Batavorum, 1883. Also, 3 parts, Najaf, 1358/1939; 3 vols., Beirut, 1375/ 1955-6; 2 vols., Beirut, 1379/1960. (Citations hereafter are to the second Beirut edition).

4 Yaqft, Irshad al-Arib ild Ma'rifat al-AdTb, ed. D. S. Margoliouth (Gibb Memorial Series VI, 2nd ed.), 7 vols., London, 1923-31, II. pp. 156-7.

5Fihris al-MakhtiUtt al-Musawwara, Vol. 2, Pt. 1 (Ta'rikh) ed. Lutfi 'Abd al-Badl', Cairo, 1956, p. 214, No. 405.

"The majmita in question is not number 1410 in the catalogue of the library of MurAd MullU, as claimed in the above-named reference, but the number 1433 (majmila dhahabiyya). See Defter-i Ki1tpkhane-i Damadzade Kadd 'Asker Mehmed Murad, Constantinople, 1311/1893-4, p. 115.

Another copy of this text is extant in the Fatih Library, number 5347. It is the fourth part of a com- posite Miscellany composed of ten sections, and covers folios 73b to 75a. The script is nasta'liq and cannot be counted more than two hundred years old. This copy represents only part (about one-third) of the complete work. The variants are minimal and add nothing to our knowledge of the text.

329

330 MILLWARD: The Adaptation of Men to Their Time

the promise of its highly suggestive title. It contains no explicit philosophical exposition but is concerned primarily with concrete statements of fact which are the material illustrations of the author's main point, to wit, that the early caliphs of the Arab empires were the models of taste and etiquette both for the nobles and the masses of population in their respective domains. The fashions of architecture they set for their houses and palaces were copied by their aristocratic con- temporaries. Modes of dress and traits of character and behaviour exhibited by the chief of state and his courtiers were even emulated by the broad mass of society. The austere simplicity of the days of the orthodox caliphate is sharply contrasted to the extravagant ostentation of later Umayyad and eAbbdsid times. It is doubtful whether much of the information contained in this pamphlet can be considered new or hitherto unknown. Its chief value lies in the wealth of corroborating evidence it supplies for the economic, social and cultural history of Islam. Moreover, it is one of the earliest extant examples of the 'historical essay' genre of composition in Arabic literature and indeed one of the rare attempts by Muslim historians to pass beyond mere reporting of historical facts to dis- cerning certain general principles in the historical process and their import for human society.

In the course of his brief account al-Yaq-db! employs seven different expressions to convey the idea implicit in the key word of the title, mushaka- tat (adaptation). These are listed as follows in the order of frequency of occurrence in the text:

(a) dhahaba madhhabahu (e) ittaba'ahu (b) tashabbaha bihi (f) iqtafa atharahu (c) salaka sabilahu (g) iqtadc bihi (d) taqabbala /itlahu

These expressions, in the context of the present treatise, are all variations on the theme which the title conveys most succinctly. The first example is by far the most frequently cited; for the most part this expression is used in the general sense of "to adopt or follow the opinion or practice of (someone)," but on at least one occasion it appears to have the more technical meaning "to profess a religious view or belief." The basic notion behind all seven expressions is one and the same. Doubt- less linguistic usage in al-Ya-qfibl's time sanc-

tioned one term rather than another in a particular context so that each of these expressions used separately may well have stood for a specific aspec- tual variation of the basic idea. For the purposes of the present work however, the author appears to have used these expressions roughly synono- mously to preserve the unity and sharpen the impact of his central idea.

Nowhere is this idea elaborated in detailed terms. The author was apparently content with a super- ficial statement of his frame of reference such as is implied by each of these expressions. For the most part he is concerned with specific, concrete statements of fact which illustrate his main point. This idiosyncrasy is indicative of the same practi- cal, statistical approach which readers of his geography and history will quickly come to associate with the author's name. His preoccupation with figures and numerical detail is characteristic of all al-Ya~qflb!'s composition, and while it serves the demands of his primarily utilitarian literary values it must also be regarded as the main cause of his stylistic deficiencies. In the present work, the large number of quasi-synonymous expressions for the same idea no doubt represents the author's attempt to alleviate somewhat the rather stilted and discursive style, and to mitigate the tendency to monotony resulting from the constant repetition of such phrases as " and he was the first person to do such and such . . ."

This last phrase leads to recognition of another important aspect of this treatise, namely, its rela- tion to al-Ya'qfbi's other works, and its position and classification vis-h-vis the other genres in the scheme of Arabic literature. These two categories merge together when considering a feature of al-Ya'qfbl's historical work which has hitherto been overlooked. Even a cursory glance at the text of the treatise will reveal that it partakes, in large measure, of the nature and substance of the awd'il literature. As such it is an expression of the same interest which the author manifests countless times throughout the pages of his larger historical work.8 In some cases the same awa'il traditions are given both in the larger History and in the treatise, but the majority of those given in the treatise repre- sent new information which al-Ya-qfibi himself has not given elsewhere. Since the History deals pri-

"Cf. F. Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiog- raphy, Leiden, 1952, p. 15.

8 A typical passage for repeated examples of awa'il traditions may be found in the chapter on Mu'dwiya's caliphate; i. e. II, pp. 216-40.

MILLWARD: The Adaptation of Men to Their Time 331

marily with political considerations, it is not sur- prising that the author should find scope to present new traditions about " the first inventors or doers of things " in his treatise with its more prominent social and cultural orientation.

In this sense the present treatise represents both a precis or condensation of the larger work, and at the same time, a supplement thereto. It covers roughly the same time expanse as part two of his History, except of course that he passes over the career of the Prophet. It includes, moreover, mention of one more tAbbasid caliph than the History,9 a fact that suggests it was written at least twenty years later, presumably close to the time of the author's death. It is thus the product of his mature years and represents his reflections on social and cultural aspects of Islamic history.

Insofar as this treatise contains awd'il traditions it shares the distinction of being one of the earliest examples of this type of literature among Arab authors. Awa'il literature first appeared, according to the testimony of Ibn al-Nadim,10 shortly after the beginning of the third century of the Hijra. None of the alleged early works of this kind has survived however, or been quoted as sources in later examples, so that some doubt has been expressed as to whether they dealt with awa'il in the later technical sense represented by this treatise of al-Yatqibi's.'1 In any event al-Yatq-b1 was contemporary with the first positive example of the historical variety of awa'il which appears in Ibn Qutayba's Kitab al-Matarif,12 and a good century in advance of the first known monograph treatment of the subject in an adab context.'3 Moreover, the examples given in the present work by al-Yaqfibi show affinities to all the later known varieties of this literary genre, viz., the historical, adab and theological contexts.

Readers familiar with al-Mastadl's Murflj al-Dhahab will recognize at once the similarity of

many traditions from the present treatise with portions of that work. The obvious question thus arises as to the nature and direction of the inter- dependence between the two compositions. A review of the parallel traditions unfortunately re- veals no reliable indication of the source or sources utilized by both authors. Both dispense with the isnad formula, thus making it impossible to ascertain in which collections and by which authorities these traditions were first brought together. Two alternative explanations for this remarkable series of parallels can be suggested. Firstly, it is not inconceivable that al-Mastiid (d. A.D. 956) used al-Ya'qfibi's treatise, in one form or another, for his version of these traditions. The number of parallel traditions, forty-three in all, is unusually high in a work as short as the present treatise, and moreover the parallels extend virtually the whole length of it. There are many variant readings and frequent substantive differences in individual traditions but these might be explained as altera- tions which have arisen during the transmission history of both works. There is a further difficulty, however, in the fact that al-Mas'idd does not acknowledge this opuscule by al-Ya'qiib! among his declared sources as he does for al-Ya'qifb!'s Ta'rikh. It may be answered that its contents were perhaps received by him through some intermediary who did not acknowledge al-Yatqib! as the prior authority.1'

A more plausible explanation would seem to be that al-Ya'qiab! and al-Mas'udd drew their material

9 The Ta'rikh concludes with a notice mentioning the year 259/872, i. e. the year 2 of al-Mu'tamid's reign (870-892), whereas the treatise mentions al-Muitadid (892-902), his successor.

10 Fihrist, ed. Rahmaniyya, Cairo, 1348H, p. 151, attributed to al-Mada'ini.

1' F. Rosenthal, Encyclopedia of Islam (2nd Edition), s. v. Awa'il, p. 758.

12 ed. F. Wiistenfeld, Gottingen, 1850, pp. 273-77. 13 Abfi HilAl al-'Askarl (d. 395/1005), Kitab al-Awd'il;,

cf. C. Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Littera- tur, 2nd ed., 2 vols., Leiden, 1943-49, Supplement, 3 vols., 1937-42, I, 126.

14 An example of one such possibility is given by Masfiidl himself (Muri9j, ed. P. de Courteille and C. B. de Meynard, 9 vols., Paris, 1861-77, VIII, pp. 289, 304) in connection with a series of parallels dealing with the 'Abbasid caliphs up to al-Mutawakkil. "The historian Muhammad b. 'All al-Misr! al-KhurAsan! has mentioned that one day al-QAhir took him aside and made him promise to tell the true story (about the 'AbbAsids) by threatening him with a weapon." Having set the stage with this introduction, MasTidl proceeds to relate a com- pact series of traditions which, with only a few excep- tions, have their counterparts in Ya'qfibi's treatise. The parallels are rarely exact though their intent is one and the same. In cases where the difference in choice of words is marked, MasTid! generally represents the fuller and more intelligible version. He concludes this section (VIII, p. 304) with the following notice: " The man who related the preceding account to me is the author of many fine stories (aklhbr); he is still alive today, in the year 333 [944/45], earning his living as a story- teller at court and a companion to people in high places. He is a man of keen intellect and sound opinions."


from one or more common sources. It is difficult to accept the proposition that al-Ya'qfibi's name could be completely dissociated from these traditions in the short space of time separating the composition dates of these two works, if he were the first to collect them together and commit them to writing in a single opus. The fact that the parallels occur at regular intervals consistently throughout the treatise (excepting only the section dealing with al-Ma'm-an's clemency), militates against the probability of a plurality of common sources. It must remain an open question which of the authorities named by al-Mas"id! in his preface represents the source of this information, or whether in fact he has named him at all.

Two further indications on sources are found in the text of the treatise itself. In two separate traditions, both of which have their parallel in al-Mas'ftdi, the authorities 'Abd Allah b. tUtba and Satid b. al-Musayyib are named as the original sources for the information related. There is no indication whatever of the intermediate stages in the chain of transmission to al-Yatqfib. More specific evidence on this question however is provided by another parallel, this time with al-Tabari (III. p. 2329,-concerning I.uwaytib b. tAbd al-'Uzza's purchase of a house from Mutawiya), for which he supplies the following isnad:

Ibn 'Umar-tAbd al-Rahman b. AbY al-Zindd- his father.15

The first name mentioned is that of Muhammad b. tUmar al-Wdqid! (150-207H), the Medinese historian frequently quoted by al-Tabarl. That he was also one of the principal sources utilized by al-Ya'q-dbi in the first half of the present treatise seems eminently probable. Although this particular tradition is not found in al-Mas'idi's Murij, both al-Mast-dl and al-Yatqfibl are known to have relied heavily on the works of al-Wdqid! in compiling their own histories.

One final consideration regarding al-Yatqiibi's "esquisse d'histoire musulmane" is in order here. It is well known that al-Yatqiibi's Ta'rikh, on the basis of the received text, exhibits a positive pre- possession for those subjects of paramount im- portance to the Shl'ite view of early Muslim history, and an unmistakable partisan tendency toward "Ali and his house, particularly the Imams of the Twelver Shi'a. Since the present treatise bears a close relationship to the author's larger work in respect to form and content, it is signifi- cant that it also displays suggestive evidence to support the charge of pro-Shl'a partiality. In this connection one may point to three features of the work which could be taken as an indication of such inclinations on the part of the author, though it must be allowed that none is by itself conclusive. These include a tendency to exalt the stature and character of Salman al-Farisi, and the use of the venerating formula calayhi al-salim only in connection with the name of 'Ali b. Abi Talib. A third indicator, also speculative and inconclusive, may be observed in the author's excessive and dispro- portionately long coverage extended to the 'Abbasid caliph al-Ma'mfin who was known to have been tolerant of the Shla point of view and respectful to the 'Alids, at least before assuming office. The caveat should be entered here that the first two items are hardly a sound basis upon which to argue the author's partisan tendency since these could well have been appended as the personal embellish- ment of a zealous scribe at some point in the transmission history of the text. When considered in conjunction with the third however, and with the knowledge that the author's larger History contains qualified evidence of a conscious Sh'a bias, these factors add further weight to the validity of the allegation that al-Ya-qiabh was indeed possessed of definite Shl-a predispositions.

15'Abd Allah b. Dhikwdn, a native of Medina and a client of Quraysh. He received traditions from 'Ubayd Allah b. 'Abd Allah, Ibn 'Abbds, Abil Hurayra and 'A'isha and was highly regarded as a faqih. Although his reputation rests primarily on his stature as a scholar, he seems to have been heavily involved in public affairs under the Umayyads. Tabarl (II. 1346) reports that he was sent by 'Umar, in the year 99H, to fill the office of secretary to 'Abd al-Hamid, his governor in Kilfa. He was an intimate of Hishdm and appears to have served as his confidential adviser, particularly in regard to the fiscal affairs of Medina. Among those who related on his authority were his son 'Abd al-Rahma-n, al-Wdqidi, Ibn IshIq, Mdlik b. Anas, Shu'ayb b. Ab! Hamza and others. He was certified for his veracity by al-Bukhdr! and Abfi Hanifa, and Ibn Hibbdn (Mashahir, ed. M. Fleischhammer, Cairo, 1379/1959, p. 135) relates that he was the author of a book although it had not been preserved. Cf. Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A'yan, trans. de Slane, 4 vols., Paris, 1843-71, I, p. 580, fnt. 6; al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat, ed. Haydarabad, I, p. 127; Ibn HJajar, Tahdhib, vol. 5, pp. 203-05; al-Shirazi, Tabaqat al-Fuqaha', Baghdad, 1356/1937, p. 37.


THE ADAPTATION OF MEN TO THEIR TIME

AND WHAT CHARACTERIZES THEM IN EVERY AGE *

In the name of Allah, the Merciful and Compas- sionate; may He bless our lord Muhlammad.

The eminent and distinguished scholar, the Hdfiz and Imam Ahmad b. Abi Ya'qib b. Ja'far b. Wadih (may God have mercy on him!) has said: The Muslims in every era have followed the example of the caliphs and rulers of Islam, travelling the course they charted, subscribing to their respective programmes and conducting themselves in accordance with the model they observed in them, without deviating from [the standard of] their moral qualities, their actions and their words.

[THE ORTHODOX CALIPHS] 17

After God's messenger (on whom God's blessing and peace!), Abfl Bakr was the most ascetic of the Muslims, as well as the most humble and the most sparing in his dress. While he was caliph he usually wore a long cloak that covered the whole body (shamla) or a striped woollen cloak ('abd'a). The Arab notables and the kings of the Yaman would come into his presence wearing crowns and embroidered brocade cloaks and garments; when they perceived his humble clothing, they removed what they were wearing, adopted his habit, and followed his example. Among those who appeared before Abfl Bakr was Dhii al-Kula', the king of Himyar -who had a retinue ten thousand strong in service throughout his administrative districts-sur- rounded by his relatives and retainers and wearing his royal crown. When he saw Abii Bakr's clothing he exclaimed, "It is not fitting that we should dress in a fashion contrary to that of the successor to God's messenger," (upon whom God's blessing and peace!) and with that he removed his customary garb and adopted the habit of Abii Bakr. When he was seen later in the market of Medina wearing a sheep-skin draped about his neck, his relatives and followers reproached him saying,

" You have disgraced us, since, being our lord, you carry a sheep-skin in the company of the Muhd- jiruin and Ansdr." To this he replied, "Did you want me to be a proud tyrant in the Jdhiliyya and in Islam as well? " 18

Al-Ash'ath b. Qays, the king of Kinda, was accustomed to wear a crown and was usually greeted with the phrase "May God prolong the king's life!" When he returned to Islam after having apostasized from it and Abil Bakr had mar- ried him to his sister Umm Farwa, the daughter of Abfi Quh1fa, after being haughty and proud he became humble and gentle to the point where he would wrap himself firmly in worn and shabby garments and would then proceed himself to rub down the hides of the cattle with a black germi- cide, emulating Abil Bakr and casting aside the habits he used to practise during the Jahiliyya.

Abfl Bakr (God have mercy on him!) would not permit any of the nobles to exceed the limits of propriety and custom. One day he was informed about a matter concerning Abil Sufydn b. Harb which displeased him. He summoned the latter and began shouting at him so that Abil Sufyan became humble and submissive toward him. Abfi Quhafa approached the scene guided by his atten- dant-for he had already become blind-and when he heard Abfl Bakr shouting he inquired of his guide as to whom it was directed. When informed that it was Abil Sufydn b. Harb, he exclaimed, "Do you presume to raise your voice to Abil Su- fyan, 0 'Atlq? 19 You have certainly overstepped your rank! " To this Abil Bakr replied, " My father, through Islam God has elevated some and humbled others." 20

Then came 'Umar b. al-Khattdb (the mercy of God almighty be upon him!) who was characterized by his humble circumstances, the austerity of his clothing and fare and his scrupulous concern for matters relating to God. His governors and

* From the Arabic text printed in Beirut (The New Book Publishing House), 1962, with introduction and index, 47 pp. This text was recently reprinted along with a Persian translation, introduction and notes; see IIusayn Khadiv Jam, Hamdhangi-yi Mardom, (Ibn-i SinA) Tehran, 1343Hs/1964, 69 pp.

17 This heading does not occur in the MSS but represents an addition to the Arabic printed text for purposes of parallelism.

18 Cf. Mas'uid, op. cit., IV, pp. 178-79. 1'Both MSS read "qata abd 'atiq a 'ala abi sufyan

." The printed text (page 11, line 6) has been emended to read " qdla abii 'atiq: a 'ala abi sufyan . . . " The epithet 'atiq (freed slave) was attributed as a laqab to both Abil Bakr and his father, Abti Qudfa 'Uthmqn. I have not found a single precedent for its use in a kunya ascribed to the father. It would therefore seem best to emend the printed text to read "qdla: yd 'atiq, a 'ald abi sufyan . . . " I have so translated. Cf. Ibn Sa'd, al-Tabaqdt, ed. Sachau et alii, 9 vols., Leiden, 1904- 40, III/1, pp. 120, 133. EI (2), s.v. Abfi Bakr.

20 Cf. Masidil, IV, pp. 179-80.


other agents, whether in his presence or far removed from him, all followed his example and he did not dissociate himself from any one of the companions of God's messenger (upon whom God's blessing and peace!). He usually wore a full- sleeved woollen chemise (jubba .sf) and wrapped himself with a striped woollen cloak (tabdsa) .21 He would often rub down the cattle with disinfectant and carry the water skins on his back for his family. His lieutenants, the men who governed the provinces and commanded the armies, to whom God gave the victory of conquest and whom he endowed, strengthened, enriched and sufficed, used to go barefoot; they would remove their shoes (nital) and would not put on slippers (khiftf). They were accustomed to wear rough clothing and whenever they appeared before him they were usually pale and wan, disheveled and dusty and clad in coarse garments. If he actually saw them, or if he even heard of them doing otherwise he was displeased with them for it. Their riding animals were more often camels than horses, in accordance with [their desire to] emulate cUmar and to imi- tate his actions and the customs normally prac- tised during the lifetime of God's messenger (on whom God's blessing and peace!). Thus Abil tUbayda b. al-Jarrdh, the military commander of Syria, over which God had given him victory, was seen wearing a woollen jubba which gave off a strong odour. [In defense of this] he declared, "I once sat down in the presence of God's messenger (on whom God's blessing and peace!) in a garment more fetid than this and he did not dis- approve of it." 22

Salman al-Fdrisl, tUmar b. al-Khattab's gover- nor over al-Madd'in, used to wear rough clothing and ride around on a she-ass equipped with a pack saddle and halter rope made of palm-fibre. When his death was imminent, Satd b. Abi Waqqas came to him and asked, "Do you have any final instructions for me 0 Ab-d cAbd Aliah?" "Yes indeed," he replied, " reckon God among your thoughts whenever you make any plans, mention him with your tongue whenever you speak and bear him witness with your hand whenever you disburse your wealth." 23 With that Salman began to weep and Satd asked him what it was that made him do so. He answered, "I once heard God's messenger

say that in the hereafter there is an obstacle that cannot be crossed except by those who travel light, and I see all these black objects surrounding me." Sacd explained that he looked around and saw nothing in his house except a few pots and pans (idlwa, ralewa, qidr, mathara).24

tUmar b. al-Khattdb made 'Umayr b. Sacd al-Ansarl military commander at Hims. He remained there for one year and then returned on his camel in the very same condition in which he originally parted from 'Umar. [When he realized this] tUmar declared, "Woe to the people over whom you were put in charge! Did they not recognize your rights?" or some such remark as that.

Upon returning from the pilgrimage, tUmar b. al-Khattdb said to his son tAbd Allah, "How much did we spend on our pilgrimage? " His son replied that they had spent sixteen dinars, whereupon he exclaimed, "We have certainly been extravagant with our money." 25

tUthmdn b. tAffdn was known for his forbear- ance and generosity, for helping his kinsmen and family and for spending money according to his fancy; 26 and people emulated his behaviour. tUthmdn built a home in Medina on which he spent a large sum of money by constructing it of stone and putting teakwood on its doors. He also acquired properties in Medina, springs and herds of camels. tAbd Allah b. 'Utba 27 has reported that on the day of his death 'Uthmdn left in his treasury one hundred and fifty thousand dinars and one million dirhams. His estates were Bi'r ArIs, Khaybar and Wadd al-Qura, whose total value was

21 Ibid., p. 193. 22Ibid., pp. 196-97. 23 idhd qasamta, or alternatively, " whenever you make

a division of spoils."

24 Cf. Mas'iid!, IV, pp. 195-96. 25Ibid., p. 255. Ibn Sa'd, op. cit., III/1, p. 222, lines

11-13. 26 Cf. Ya'qi1bl, Ta'rikh, II, p. 173. 2 Ab-d 'Abd al-Rahmdn 'Abd Allah b. 'Utba b. MasTid

al-Hudhall. A famous Medinan jurist and traditionist, he attained majority during the career of the Prophet and died in Kilfa in 70 or 74H (one report has 94). He heard traditions from 'Umar b. al-KhattAb and seventy early Muslims, including his more famous pater- nal uncle 'Abd Allah b. Maslid, for which reason he was also known as an authority on Qur'dn reading. He had served as one of 'Umar's governors and was made qdds of Kilfa in 67H. His authority as a traditionist (he is classed as thiqa) was recognized by al-'Uqayll, al-Ajali, al-Bukhari, Muslim and others. Many authorities also mention his skill as a mufti. Cf. Ibn Sa'd, V, p. 42, VI, p. 82; Ibn Khallikan, de Slane, I, p. 565, 2, p. 76; Ibn Eajar, Taqrib al-Tahdhib, ed. Delhi, 1320, p. 107; TahdhTb al-Tahdhib, ed. Haydarabad, vol., 5, pp. 211-12.


two hundred thousand dinars. He also left horses and camels.28

In the days of tUthman the companions of God's messenger (on whom His blessing and peace!) acquired property and built houses. Al-Zubayr b. al-tAwwdm built his famous house in al-Basra where there were many markets and shops. Al-Zubayr also built a house in al-KUfa, one in old Cairo (misr) and one in Alexandria; 29 his financial assets totaled fifty thousand dinars. Besides this, he left a thousand horses and a thousand slaves as well as property in old Cairo, Alexandria, al-K-afa and al-Basra.30

Talha b. tUbayd Allah built houses and estates to the value of one hundred thousand dinars.31 His daily income in Iraq reached an even thousand [dirhams]; his revenue from Syria was ten thousand dinars [per annum].32 He built his house of gypsum, baked bricks and teakwood and left behind him great wealth in gold and silver.33

'Abd al-Rahmdn b. tAwf built himself a large and spacious house, and owned a thousand head of cattle, ten thousand sheep and one hundred horses. A fourth part of all his wealth was valued at eighty-four thousand dinars.34

Satd b. Abi Waqqas built his house in 'Aqlq,35 whitewashed it and put balconies on it. Satid b. al-Musayyib 36 reported that Zayd b. Thabit left gold and silver enough to be broken up with pick- axes, in addition to property, estates and springs

to a total value of one hundred and fifty thousand dinars.37

Yacla b. Munya 38 al-Tamimi left five hundred thousand dinars, several mansions, estates and loan credits worth three hundred thousand dinars.39

Al-Miqdad40 built his castle in al-Jurf using unbaked bricks; he put stucco on it both inside and out and incorporated balconies in its design.4- No one had made use of these features previously during the era of 'Umar and they came into general use only after his time.

"Ali b. Abi Talib (peace upon him!) was occu- pied all his days with fighting. Moreover, he never wore new garments, never owned an estate and never contracted to acquire property other than what he had in Yanbu- and al-Bughaybigha,42 whose income he gave away as alms to the poor. People preserved his speeches and sermons, of which he delivered four hundred. They were retained in, people's memories and are circulated among them and made use of in their own speeches and dis- courses.43

[THE UMAYYAD CAHPHS] 44

Then Mutawiya b. Abi Sufydn acceded to the supreme authority. He built castles and erecte& houses, raised partitions and barriers, inaugurated the watch and police systems, and set up the office of chamberlain. He also built lodges in mosques and rode about on slow-moving she-asses equipped with padded saddles. He wore silk and embroidered garments and inaugurated crown-properties 45 and

28 Cf. Mas'itd!, IV, p. 253. 29 Cf. Ibn Sa'd III/1, p. 77, line 11 f. 30 Cf. MasTidl, IV, pp. 253-54. 31 A gap in the Fatih. MS begins at this point (bot-

tom of folio 74b). 32 Cf. Ibn Sa'd, III/1, p. 157, lines 22 f., 25 f. 33 Cf. Mas'fidl, IV, p. 254. 34 Ibid. 35 There were several towns throughout Arabia of the

time with this same name. Presumably the one near Medina is meant here. Cf. Ydqidt, Mu'jam al-Buldan, ed. F. Wiistenfeld, 6 vols., Leipzig, 1866-70, III, p. 699 f. Ibn Sa'd, III/1, p. 105.

36Abii Muhammad Sa'Id b. al-Musayyib b. E.[azn al-Qurashl. A native of Medina and a member of Quraysh, he was one of the seven great jurisconsults of that city and the chief authority on Tradition among the Followers. He heard traditions from Abfi Hurayra, Sa'd b. Ab! WaqqAs and the Prophet's wives. As a faqih he was highly regarded by al-Zuhr! and others. Born 15-16H/636-37 A. D., the date of his death in Medina is variously reported as 91/709-10 or 100/718- 19. Cf. Ibn Khallikan, de Slane, I, p. 568 f.; al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat, I, pp. 51-3; Ya'qfibl, Ta'rikh, II, pp. 232, 253, 283-84, 303.

37 Cf. Mas'iid!, IV, pp. 254-55. S8 Not " Munabbih," as in the Arabic text. Cf..

al-Nawawl, Tahdhib al-Asmd', ed. F. WUstenfeld, Gottin- gen, 1842, p. 638.

" Cf. Mas'fidl, IV, p. 255. 40Al-Miqddd b. al-Aswad b. 'Amr al-Bahrani, one of

the Companions and a prominent military commander- under 'Umar and 'Uthmdn. Cf. Ya'qibl, Ta'rikh, II, pp.. 69, 124; al-Nawawl, op. cit., p. 575.

41 Mas'fdl, IV, p. 255. 42 This word is unpointed in the Murdd Mullt MS;:

Cf. Ydqidt, Bulddn, vol. 1, p. 696, and s. v. Yanbu'; Mas'iidl, IV, p. 441 f.

43 Cf. Masfidl, IV, p. 441. 44 This heading also does not occur in the MS. 46 Sawdft (sg. 64fiya), properly, the lands and proper-

ties of those who died fighting the Muslims, which were confiscated by the caliph, being his part of the booty as, chief of state. This type of land is first mentioned in connection with the caliph 'Umar but the institution as. it was known in its later form was most probably inaugurated by Mu'dwiya, as al-Ya'qiibi asserts here. Cf.

336 MILLWAI: The Adaptation of Men to Their Time

estates. Embroidered finery was made for him in the Yaman, Egypt, Alexandria and al-RuhQ.'6 His family, children and governors all adopted his practices and imitated his actions.

'Amr b. al-'As built his house in Egypt and chose estates for himself there. On his estate in al-TA'if, called al-Waht, he planted one million grape vines. His [yearly] income reached ten million dirhams, and on the day of his death he left behind three hundred thousand dinars. When his death was imminent he [is reported to have] said, "I could wish that it were [only] one hundred thousand dinars! "

'Abd Allah b. "Amir b. Kurayz, Mutawiya's governor (?tmil) in al-Basra, also did something similar to this. He dug irrigation canals, erected houses, built castles and acquired estates, gardens and other properties in al-Basra, Mecca and al-Td'if. Mucawiya's governor in Iraq, Ziydd,47 did the same thing in al-K-fa and al-Basra and throughout the rest of the province. He acquired estates and erected buildings. On the day of his death he left six million dirhams and one hundred thousand dinars which were confiscated by Mutawiya. Mutawiya used to treat his governors in this way, but sometimes he shared [the estates of deceased governors] with their heirs [and did not confiscate the whole of it]. His governor in Egypt, Maslama b. Mukhallid, also imitated this practice. He acquired estates in Egypt and settled them as trusts for the maintenance of his family. On his death he left one hundred thousand dinars and one million dirhams.

'Uqba b. 'Amir al-Juhani, who was also governor for Mulwiya in Egypt, acquired estates there and made charitable foundations of some of these. He built himself a house in Egypt using stone and gypsum as building materials, and left an estate of thirty thousand dinars and seven hundred thousand dirhams.

Huwaytib b. 'Abd al-'Uzza 48 bought a house

from Muawiya for forty thousand dinars. [On this occasion] someone said to him [in disbelief], "O Abil Muhammad, forty thousand?" to which he replied, "What's forty thousand dinars to a man with a family of six?" 4 MuC&wiya used to say [in this connection], "I have divided up the kingdom."

Then Yazld b. Mu-dwiya acceded to the supreme authority. He was fond of hunting, of game animals and dogs, of entertainment and boon companionship over drinks; these tastes became prevalent among his friends. It was in his time that singing as a form of public entertainment first made its appearance in Mecca and Medina, that musical instruments came into vogue and the nobles began to imbibe alcoholic beverages in public.50

Then 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwdn acceded to the head of state. He was stern, resolute and miserly; he used to love poetry and panegyrics which glori- fied and praised him lavishly.5' In his time the leading figures among the poets were Jarir, al-Farazdaq, al-Akhtal and several others. The days of tAbd al-Malik witnessed the efflorescence of poetry, and poets eulogised officials and sought rewards.

tAbd al-Malik was noted for being exceedingly bloodthirsty and his governors behaved according to his custom; these were, al-Hajjdj in Iraq, al-Muhallab in Khurdsan, Hisham b. Ismnill al-Makhzfmil in Medina, tAbd Allah b. tAbd al-Malik in Egypt, MRsa b. Nusayr al-Lakhm! in the Maghrib, Muhammad b. Yuasuf al-Thaqafl, the brother of al-Hajjaj, in the Yaman, and Muham- mad b. Marwan in al-Jazira and al-Mawsil. They were all unjust, tyrannical, violent and oppressive, and of them all al-Hajjaj was the most tyrannous and most predisposed to bloodshed.52

Al-Walld b. 'tAbd al-Malik was proud, stubborn and tyrannical and his governors in all provinces were of a similar character. tUmar b. tAbd al-'tAzlz used to say that with al-Walid in Syria, al-Hajjaj in Iraq, tUthman b. Hayyan in the IHijaz, Muhammad b. Yudsuf in the Yaman, Qurra b. Sharnk in Egypt and Mudsa b. Nusayr in Ifri-

D. C. Dennett, Conversion and the Poll Tax in Early Islam, Cambridge (Mass.), 1950, pp. 25-31. This term also designated property abandoned by its owners, or whose owners had died without heirs. Cf. Ibn Manzir, Lisdn al-'Arab, 20 vols., BfilAq, 1883-91, 19, p. 196.

40Ancient Edessa, in the province of al-Jazira, equi- distant from Mosul and Damascus. Cf. G. Le Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, Cambridge, 1930, pp. 103-4; Ydqfit, Buldan, II, p. 876, spelled al-Ruhd'.

47Ziydd b. Ab! SufyAn (or, b. Sumayya), more commonly known as Ibn Abihi. Cf. EI (1), IV, p. 1232.

48 A member of the delegation sent by Quraysh to

treat with Muhammad over the fate of Mecca. Later a convert to Islam and a prominent Companion, d. 54. Cf. Ibn Sa'd, V, p. 335.

49 Cf. Tabari, III. p. 2329. '0 Cf. Masfidl, V, p. 157. I Ibid., p. 210. 52 Ibid.


qiyya, the whole earth was full of injustice. Nothing of the achievements of al-Walld is known except the fact that he built mosques, among them the great mosque of Damascus.

Then Sulayman b. tAbd al-Malik b. Marwdn acceded to the caliphal authority. He was a man who liked his food and consumed large quantities of it, ignoring the limitations of his capacity. He was also fond of wearing mantles, cloaks, trousers, turbans and caps, all made of fine embroidered cloth (washi). No member of his family would appear before him unless they were wearing washi; this condition applied as well to his governors, friends, servants and others in his household. This was his wearing apparel whether he was out riding or sitting in his assemblies or while at the pulpit. None of his serving staff would come into his presence dressed in anything but washi, even the cook. The latter used to hold audience with him wearing a jubba and a long hat (tawila), both of wash.54

Then tUmar b. tAbd al-tAzlz acceded to the supreme authority. He was inclined towards hu- mility, godliness, asceticism and true religious de- votion, and he sought the friendship of eminent people. He dismissed al-Walid's governors and re- placed them with those who were most capable for the job. His governors adopted his policies, and, accordingly, whatever injustice and oppression the people suffered was removed from them. He abandoned [the practice of] cursing "Ali b. AbI Tdlib (peace upon him!) from the pulpits, and substituted the formula, "O God, grant forgiveness to us and to our brethren who have preceded us in the faith, and do not set in our hearts rancour towards those who believe in our Lord, for you are merciful, compassionate," , and people have used this benediction in the Ichutba to this very day.56

Then came YazId b. 'Abd al-Malik; he was the first caliph to acquire female singers, and the first to have a woman gain a controlling influence over his authority. HJabbaba, his female servant and songstress, used to make governmental appoint- ments and dismissals, used to set some people free

and imprison others, and used to issue orders and injunctions. Along with this he was prone to bloodshed and confiscation of property, and his governors reverted to the practice of injustice to which they had been previously accustomed.

Then Hisham b. tAbd al-Malik b. Marwan acceded to the temporal authority. He was harsh, churlish and crude; he was also a miser who hoarded money. But he improved agriculture and established high standards of quality for all clothing and fabrics made for him.57 He assigned the severest punishments for failure to maintain these standards. It was in his time that multi-coloured silk fabric (lchazz raqm) 58 was made.

During the reign of Hisham the population unanimously followed his example in conserving what they had, in minimizing generosity and in discontinuing charity until finally it was said that there had never been a time more difficult for the general public than his.59 The reason for this was that he discontinued the former caliphs' customary practices of generous bequests, charitable donations, subsidies and gifts. The people feigned approval of this, followed the course he laid down, and imitated him. Ab-d Salim al-Atraj 60 once said to him, " You are nothing but a market place; you only deal in those commodities which have a quick- sale value."

Al-Walld b. Yazld b. tAbd al-Malik was fond of drink and sensual enjoyment. Being a devotee of music and the vocal arts, he was the first to import singers from the provinces to his court, to sur- round himself with a company of performers and to offer publicly drinks and musical entertainment. Some prominent singers in his time were Ibn Surayj, Matbad, al-Gharld, Ibn 'A'isha, Ibn Muhriz, Tuways and Dahman.61 The popularity of singing became predominant among the no- bility, and people acquired lutes (lftd) for themselves. Al-Walid was shameless, cynical and profligate.62

Then Yazld b. al-Walid acceded to the supreme

63 Figured stuff, embroideries, or variegated silk. Cf. R. B. Serjeant, "Materials for a History of Islamic Textiles up to the Mongol Conquest," Ars Islamica, IX, pp. 85, 89; X, pp. 80, 86.

54 Cf. Mastud!, V, p. 400. 5 Qur'an, 59 10.

66 Cf. Masfidl, V, p. 419.

67 Ibid., p. 466. 58Striped silk or silk with writing on it. Cf. Serjeant,

"Materials," Ars Islamica, IX, pp. 67, 74; X, pp. 73, 91. Ya'qfibl, Ta'rikh, II, p. 328.

59 Cf. Masfid!, V, p. 467. 'O A prominent jurist in the days of Hishdm. Cf.

Ya'qibi, Ta'rikh, II, p. 330. 61 For further bio-bibliographical details on these

names see, H. G. Farmer, A History of Arabian Music, London, 1929, pp. 77-89.

62 Cf. Masfidl, VI, p. 4.

338 MILWARD: The Adaptation of Men to Their Time

authority, but his term of office did not last long so that his personal qualities and customary behaviour are not known except the fact that he used to profess Mutazilism and to engage in arguments about it.

Then Marwan b. Muhammad b. Marwdn b. al-Hakam acceded to the supreme authority. His days were devoted entirely to warfare; however, he was the first caliph to display 'taabiyya63 and he engendered it in the people. His secretary was 'Abd al-Hamid b. YahIyE b. Said, the author of the [well known] epistles who was a teacher at the beginning of his career. He was the first person to write long epistles and to make use of formulas ascribing praise to God in the chapter headings of his books, a practice which was much used by people after him.64

THE 'ABBASID CALIPHS

Abil al-tAbbds was then invested with the title of commander-of-the-faithful; his full name was 'Abd Allah b. Muhammad b. 'Ali b. tAbd Allah b. al-'Abbas b. tAbd al-Muttalib. The first thing he did-and people followed his example here-was to deliver the ichutba while standing at the pulpit. The Umayyads used to deliver the khutba while seated, and thus people acclaimed al- Abbas saying, " 0 nephew of God's messenger, you have revived the custom of God's emissary" (on whom God's blessing and peace !) .65

However, he did not hesitate to give orders which involved bloodshed. His governors also shared this propensity; they were, al-Ashtath in the Maghrib, $alih b. 'Ali in Egypt, Ijdzim b. Khuzayma and Humayd b. Qahtaba in Iraq, 'Abd Allah b. 'All in Syria, Dawudd b. 'Ali in the Hijdz, and his brother Yahya b. Muhammad in al-Mawsil. Nevertheless he was also generous, liberal and open-handed with his money.

Then Abul Ja far al-Mansfur 'Abd Allah b. Mu- hammad acceded to the supreme authority. He was the first Hashimite to draw a distinction between the progeny of al-'Abbas b. 'Abd al-Mut- talib and Abfu Talib b. 'Abd al-Muttalib so that the names tAbbas! and Talib! came into use. It is said that that had been the name of all Banfi Hashim.66

He was the first caliph to acquire his own [court-] astronomers and to make use of the stars; he was also the first caliph to have the old foreign books translated and transcribed into the Arab tongue. In his days the books Kattla wa-Dimna and al-Sind Hind were translated [into Arabic] as were also the books of Aristotle, the Almagest of Ptolemy, the book of Euclid and the treatise on Arithmetic, and many other foreign works on the stars, arithmetic, medicine, philosophy and so on, which were widely studied and used.67 It was in this era too that Muhammad b. Ishdaq b. Yasdr68 wrote the Maghaz! [biography of the Prophet] which had not previously been collected or edited.69

He was also the first caliph to build a new city and live in it, i. e. the city of Baghdad. A horo- scope was cast to ascertain a favourable time to begin its construction, and he was also told that no caliph would die within its walls. Abil Jaefar was a student of religious sciences and a reporter of traditions, and in his day people pursued a wide variety of learning and exposition. He was the first caliph to appoint as governors his clients (mawirt) and servants (ghilmdn) whom he advanced over the Arabs. The caliphs of his own line who succeeded him also adopted this practice.70

The first of them was al-Mahdi, who displayed a noble and liberal character and was especially generous with his wealth. During his term people followed his example and enjoyed easy and pros- perous lives. Whenever he went out riding he always carried money pouches with him and if someone would ask him for aid, he personally would give it to them. The result was that people imitated his example in this respect.

One of his objectives was to wipe out the

63 The congeries of attitudes and feelings deriving from the ties of kinship; in Ritter's terminology, "irra- tional solidarity complex." Cf. EI (2), p. 681.

64 Cf. Mas'fldl, VI, p. 81. 6' Ibid., p. 88. ,"There would appear to be some sort of hiatus or

ellipsis in the text here. " That " cannot refer to either "'Abbds! " or "TAlibU," but surely the point is that beforehand all members of both families were called " Hdshiml." The parallel text in al-Mas'fidl (VIII, p. 290) presents a clearer version: wa-kana wa-11dhi awwala man awqa'a al-furqa bayna wuldi 'T-'Abbds b. 'Abd al-Muttalib wa-bayna dli ANA Tdlib wa-qad kana qabla dhdlika amruhum wdhidan-" He was the first to sow discord between the children of al-'Abbds b. 'Abd al-Mut- talib and the family of Abil Tdlib who had hitherto made common cause."

67 In the margin of the Murdd Mulla MS at this point the words " the first caliph to have the ancient writings translated was Abil Ja'far al-Mans-dr " are written by a different hand.

88 Not Bashshar, as in the Arabic text. Il Cf. Mas'fidi, VII, pp. 290-91. 70 Ibid., pp. 291-92.


Manicheans (zanadiqa) because their numbers had increased radically, because of the books which Ibn al-Muqaffa' translated by Mdni al-Thanawl 71 and Ibn Daysan al-Thanawl 72 and others besides them, and because of what Ibn AbI al-'Awja',73 Hammad 'Ajrad,74 Yahyd b. Ziyad'5 and Muti' b. Iyyas76 wrote, thereby flooding the land with the writings of the Zindlqs. The dualists (zanddiqa) increased greatly in numbers and their books were spread abroad among the people.77

Al-Mahdi moreover, was the first caliph to re- quire the theologians to write books refuting the heretics. He also rebuilt the Holy Mosque [in Mecca] to its present-day condition, and the mosque of God's messenger (on whom His blessing and peace!) [in Medina] which earthquakes had destroyed.78

Then M-dsd b. al-Mahdi acceded to the caliphate. He was basically tyrannous in nature. He was also the first caliph to have his men parade before him with drawn swords, maces and braced bows. All

his governors adopted his practices and followed his policies to the letter.79

Al-Mahdi's son, Haran al-Rashid, came next in the line of succession to the caliphal authority. He was devoted to the policies of fulfilling the pilgrimage, conducting military campaigns and building cisterns and fortresses along the road between Mecca and Medina as well as in Mecca, Medina, Mina and 'Arafat. He built eight frontier fortifications such as the ones at Tarsus and elsewhere, and also erected housing units for troops stationed on the frontiers. His family, governors, friends and secretaries all imitated him in this regard to the point where there was not a single individual who did not build one house in Mecca, one in Medina, and another in Tars-as (following his lead and doing just as he did). The one who imitated him most and best was his wife, 11mm Jatfar, the daughter of Jafar b. al-Mansfr. Next in order were the Barmakids, his viziers, and then the others of his clients, generals and ministers.

Al-Rashid moreover, was the first caliph to play polo and bowls and the first to shoot arrows at a target. He rewarded those who became most pro- ficient at these sports. He was also the first caliph to play chess and backgammon, and he advanced the skillful players and gave them subsidies.80

He was the first caliph from the [family of] Banf Hashim to acquire singing girls for himself. The entire population emulated him and followed his direction. His viziers were recruited from the Barmakid family; Yahya b. Khdlid was a lover of wisdom, discussion and study. In his day the theologians multiplied in numbers, engaged in discussion and disputation and wrote books. Some of their names were Hishdm b. al-Hakam,81 Dirdr b. 'Amr82 and Muammar b. 'Umar.83 Yahlya applied himself as well to the study of writings on chemistry. The Barmakids were characterized by

71 For Mani, his life and teachings, plus extracts from relevant Arabic and Persian texts and a bibliography of publications in western languages see Hasan Taq! Zadeh, Mini va Dine-rl, Tehran, 1335Hs. (An Arabic translation of the first seventy pages, and a seven page supplement appeared in al-Dirasat al-Adabiyya, Leba- nese University, Dep't. of Persian Language and Litera- ture, IVth year, Nos. 2, 3, 4, pp. 195-284).

72 Bardesanes, see EI (2), s. v. Daysaniyya. 73Cf. El (1), II, p. 355. 7UHammad b. 'Umar b. Yfinus b. Kulayb, a native of

al-Kufa or Wasit and a client of Banft Saw'at b. 'imir b. Sa'sa'a. He went to Baghdad during the era of al-Mahdl and won a reputation as poet, bon-vivant and intimate of people in high positions. He was suspected of being a zindiq. d. 161/777-8, or 168/784-5. Cf. Ibn Khallikan, de Slane, I, pp. 474-75. Aghdni, ed. Bilaq, XII, 82-109; XIII, 73-101.

75Yahya b. Ziyad b. 'Abd Allah b. 'Abd Allah al-HIarithi, also a native of al-Kfifa. There are many anecdotes in the Aghani and the books of al-Jahiz concerning this figure and his two companions. Ac- cording to one he was made governor of Ahwaz by al-Mahdi. Cf. Aghani as above; and XVII, 15; XVIII, 109.

7"Abfi Salma Mutl' b. Iyyas al-Kinani. Another Kilfan, he was in favour during the late Umayyad era but seems to have declined under the 'Abbasids. He was a poet of sorts and a well known zindiq. d. 168/784, or 170/786-87. Cf. Ibn Khallikan, de Slane, I, p. 438, fnt. 4. GAL, I, 73; SI, 108. For references to these three figures in Arabic and Persian sources see the index to Taq! Zadeh's book cited above.

7 Cf. Mas'ftd!, VIII, p. 293. 78 Ibid., pp. 293-94.

79 Ibid., p. 294. 80Ibid., pp. 294-96. 81 Cf. Ibn Hajar, Lisan al-Mizan, ed. Haydarabad,

1329-31H, vol. 6, p. 194 (No. 691). Also, EI (1), II, p. 318.

82Ibid., vol. 3, p. 203 (No. 912). 83 Ibid., vol. 5, 68 (No. 264). The first of these

authorities was considered a Shl'ite, the other two Mu'tazilites. Some of their teachings and doctrinal positions are mentioned in I. Friedlaender, The Hetero- doxies of the Shiites according to Ibn Hazm, New Haven, 1909, and in M. Horten, Die philosophischen Systeme der spekulativen, Theologen im Islam, Bonn, 1912 (consult indices).


a generous and noble nature and [showed themselves] to be munificent, bountiful and benevolent. Their governors together with the people imitated their qualities, until the days of al-Rashid came to be called "the wedding days" because of the plethora of generous persons who lived in this time.84 The achievements of the Barmakids are renowned and famous, and there was no one in the entourage of al-Rashid who was not generous either innately or through imitating others.

Again, al-Rashid was the first caliph to include in the heading of letters [the following formula] . . . and I implore Him to bless Muhammad,

His servant and His messenger (may God bless and preserve him !)." Subsequent caliphs followed his precedent in this practice. He was also the first caliph to wear the long Rusafc headgear85 and the first to write in white on the black ['Abbasid] standards [the formula] "There is no God but Allah [and] Muhammad is His messenger."

As for Umm Jafar, the daughter of Jaqfar b. al-Mansdr, she was always trying to outdo al-Rashid, both in serious and frivolous pursuits. Her achievements in the first category were the beautiful monuments which have no equal in [the anuals] of Islam. She arranged for a spring to be dug at al-Mushdsh 86 and extended its construction for twelve miles to Mecca. On this project she spent one million seven hundred thousand dinars.7 Then she had cisterns, drinking fountains and ablution centres built round the Holy Mosque. She also built way-stations and cisterns in Mind, drinking fountains in tArafdt, and had wells sunk in Mink on the road from Mecca. For their upkeep she made endowments of several revenue properties whose total income amounted to thirty thousand dinars per annum. In the frontier districts she built way-stations and erected hospitals; she applied the revenues of certain estates as charitable foundations for the maintenance of frontier settlements and for the poor and the needy; their income amounted to one hundred thousand dinars.88

As for the second category, those luxuries from which kings derive pleasure and easy circum-

stances, she was the first person in Islam to have utensils made of gold and silver and inlaid with jewels. She preferred to wear fine clothing made of washi, so much so that finally the cost of one garment tailored for her reached fifty thousand dinars. She was the first to employ Shakirn servants and slave-girls; they used to ride errands for her and carry her mail. She was also the first to have litters 89 made of silver, ebony and sandal- wood, with crown and fittings fashioned of gold and silver, and furbished with washi stuff, sable and brocade, khazz-silk,90 mulham 91 and Dablqi cloth; 9f2 the first to introduce the fashion of robes (qamis) embroidered with pearls picked out with other jewels, and of amber lamps. The general populace imitated Umm Jatfar in all her actions.93

Then Muhammad al-Amin, al-Rashid's son, (whose mother was Umm Jatfar) acceded to the supreme authority. He gave priority to his servants (lchidam) and showed them preference by elevating their ranks. When Umm Jafar perceived his weakness for these young pages she selected a number of serving-girls renowned for their beauty of form and feature, perfumed their heads, provided them with forelocks, [set] their hair at the temples and back of the neck in page- boy style, dressed them in men's full-sleeved gowns (qibd') and waist bands and paraded them before him. She was the first to do this, and she also put them on display before the public. The result was that the notables, and people in general, acquired their own serving-girls with short cut hair, dressed them in men's full-sleeved gowns and waist-wrappers and called them 'female pages' (ghulamiyyat).94 Muhammad was killed when his days in office were still few in number.

Then al-Ma'm-n b. al-Rashid became commander-of-the-faithful. At the beginning of his

84 Cf. Mastudl, VIII, p. 296. 85 Cf. Serjeant, "Materials," Ars Islamica, IX, p. 84. 86 Cf. Ydqfit, Bulddn, IV, p. 836. al-Azraq!, Akhbar

Makka, ed. F. WUstenfeld, I, pp. 444-45. 87 Cf. Mas'ildi, VIII, p. 297. 88Ibid., p. 295.

89 Literally "1 domes," i. e. the dome-like or tent-like covering for a woman's camel litter or palanquin. Also a dome or cupola of stone or bricks, or a building covered thereby. Cf. E. W. Lane, An Arabic-English Lexicon, 8 vols. London, 1863-93, p. 2478.

90 Cf. Serjeant, "Materials," Ars Islamica, IX, pp. 68, 72, 86, 91; X, 72, 76, 80.

91 Ibid., IX, pp. 68, 71; X, p. 93; XIII-XIV, p. 92. Stuff with a warp of silk but a woof of some other material.

92 Ibid., XI, p. 129. A kind of cloth or stuff originally named after its place of manufacture in Egypt near Tinnis. Cf. EI (1), s. v. Dabik.

93 Cf. Mas'iid!, VIII, p. 298. 94 Ibid., p. 299. N. Abbott, Two Queens of Baghdad,

Chicago, 1946, p. 212.

MILTLWARD: The Adaptation of Men to Their Time 341

term as caliph, al-Fadl [b. Sahl] exerted a dominating influence on him. As a student of astrology he made use of the stars [in deciding his affairs]; he followed the example of the kings of Persia and liked to read classical texts. When he came to Iraq however, he put these interests aside and issued declarations proclaiming the doctrine of divine justice and asserting the unity of God. He sat down for discussions with the theologians, lawyers and litterateurs, brought them from the provinces, and provided them with subsidies. During this time the theologians were numerous and everyone wrote books affirming his position and refuting those who opposed him. He was the most generous of men with forgiveness, the most puissant, the most benevolent with his money, and the most lavish in bestowing gifts.95

An example of the first-mentioned virtue was his forgiving Ibrahim b. al-Mahdi who had withheld recognition from him after being made his governor in al-Basra. Ibrahim had then proclaimed himself [as caliph], called himself 'commander-of-the-faithful,' and proceeded to join combat with al-Ma'mfln's forces. He forgave too al-Fadl b. al-Rabl'96 who had urged Muhammad (al-Amin) to remove al-Ma'mfin as heir-apparent and had sent troops to fight with him. Then he (al-Ma'm-dn) granted him an amnesty, but he (al-Fad1l) broke [their agreement] and invited people to give allegiance to Ibrahim b. al-Mahdi. He also pardoned Isma'Il b. Ja~far b. Sulayman who had withdrawn recognition from him and reproached him in the most shameful language. He also absolved Nu aym b. Hazim who had con- tinued to fight against him for a number of years. He gave a reprieve to 'Tsa b. Muhammad b. Abi Khdlid who had violated his oath of fealty to him time after time and had carried on the fight against his troops until the commander of his security forces was killed. He gave amnesty also to Sahl b. Saldma al-Mlutawwi l who used to clothe himself in a woollen garment, drape a copy of the Qur'7n about his neck, and urge people to depose al-Ma'm-an; but no one ever paid any atten- tion to him. He granted indemnity to Mahd! b.

tAlwan al-Shar! who had taken the name of commander-of-the-faithful and proceeded to engage in combat with his forces. Al-Ma'muin captured him unconditionally and without guarantee of safe-conduct. He absolved DiDbil the poet 97 who had taunted him in the foulest terms, and excused 'Ubayd Allah b. al-Sar! b. al-Hakam who won control over Egypt and had maintained hos- tilities with him for several years. He also absolved Muhammad b. Jafar b. Muhammad al-tAlaw! who had openly rebelled against him in Mecca and had taken the name of commander-of- the-faithful. He gave amnesty also to Zayd b. MRsa b. Jatfar who had rebelled in al-Basra and withheld his recognition of al-Ma'm-an's authority; to Ibrahim b. MRsa b. Jafar b. Muhammad al-'Alaw! who had revolted in the Yaman and fought against al-Julddi; 98 to all the usurpers [of portions of his realm] such as Rabdh b. AbI Ramtha who rebelled in Diydr Rabita, and al-tAbbds b. Zafar al-HilMli, the usurper of Qflrus, belonging to the military district of Qinnasrin and Nasr b. Shabib al-tAqIlI who rebelled in Diyar Mudar after fighting him over a period of time; and to 'Uthman b. Thamama al-tAbbas! who revolted against him in the Hijaz; to al-Hawdr! b. Hatdn al-Taniikh! the rebel who incited Tanuakh;99 and many others besides these, mention of whom would prolong this monograph excessively. Al-Ma'mun. once said, "I have such a natural inclination to forgiveness that I do not think I shall obtain any reward for it."

An example of his benevolence and liberality is the following: one day he gave orders that one

951Ibid., pp. 301-02. 96 For further details of his career consult Anwar J.

Chejne, " Al-Fadl b. al- Rabl'-A Politician of the Early 'Abblsid Period," Islamic Culture, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3, July 1962, pp. 167-81. See also, D. Sourdel, Le Vizirat 'Abbdside de 749 a 936, 2 vols. Damascus, 1959-60, pp. 183-94.

97Di'bil b. 'All al-KhuzA'1, a prominent 'Abbasid poet who wrote many poems attacking and satirising persons in high positions, including the caliph himself. His diwln has been collected and edited, with introduction and notes, by 'Abd al-S1h2ib 'Imrdn al-Dujayll, Diwen Di'bil b. 'Ali al-Khuza'i, 255 pp., Najaf, 1962. The most famous poem attacking al-Ma'mfin is No. 86, on pages 144-45. The editor (in a footnote on these pages) claims that this poem, which many people have interpreted as an attack (hajw), is in fact nothing of the kind, but merely self-praise (fakhr) and pride (i'tidad) on the part of the poet. At most it is merely friendly blame addressed to the caliph. Cf. L. Zolondek, Di'bil b. 'Ali: the life and writings of an early 'Abbasid poet, Univer- sity of Kentucky Press, 1961, pp. 5, 102.

98'Isa b. Yazid al-Juliidl, one of al-Ma'mfin's foremost military commanders whom he later made governor of the Yaman. See Ya'qdbl, Ta'rikh, II, p. 455.

" The settlements of the Tan-dkh were located, among other places, in the environs of Aleppo. See YAqfit, Bulddn, II, p. 185.


million five hundred thousand dinars were to be given to three individuals, five hundred thousand to each.

When the funds in the state treasury were low he assembled his associates and informed them of the state of things, saying, "Money is scarce and this is causing us and our associates great hard- ship. Request loans for us from the merchants in the amount of ten million dirhams until some revenue comes into the treasury; then we shall repay." Thereupon Ghassdn b. 'Abbdd got up and recounted the favours for which he was indebted [to al-Ma'm-an] and then presented him thirty million dirhams, saying, "I happen to have it on hand." Then Humayd b. tAbd al-Hamid al-T-fsI stood up and made a similar declaration and gradually all of his associates there present in the majlis got up and offered what they had until their donations totaled one hundred and fifty-six million dirhams. However, he did not accept a single thing from any one of them, and thanked them for their generosity. Nonetheless the revenue funds were late in arriving. At last the good news was spread of the arrival of the land tax (khardj) monies from the Persian provinces and he rode out himself to see it. He then apportioned all of it [to various bequests and charitable purposes] and nothing remained except the sum needed to pay the army. He ordered al-Mutalla b. Ayyiib to take charge of it.100

His companions, viziers, secretaries and military commanders used to conduct themselves in accordance with the custom he established, to follow the course he charted and to emulate the standard he set. Among their number was al-Hasan b. Sahl who was the noblest and most generous of them and the one endowed with the most liberal qualities. He was also the most gracious among them in the face of misfortune and calamity and the most consistent in granting to everyone whatever they asked of him.

Humayd b. 'Abd al-Hamid al-T-ds! was a generous, benevolent and virtuous man. He endowed several estates as trust-foundations for the benefit of people of good families and estimable character; they produced an annual revenue of one hundred thousand dinars. He would never turn anyone down. Ghassan b. 'Abbad was extremely generous; on a single day he distributed thirteen million

dirhams. Whenever anyone asked him to inter- cede with al-Ma'miln on some request or other, he would give it to them from his own funds and speak to al-Ma'miln about it afterwards. tAbd Allah b. Thhir was a person of humane qualities, great patience and generosity. One day he gave instructions that three of his friends were to be given one hundred thousand dinars apiece, and that three other persons were each to be given fifty thousand dinars. "Ali b. Hishdm was the most generous of his people and the one with the most humane character. Whenever he went on a trip his cook would load up seven hundred camels [with kitchen supplies]. His [al-Ma'm-dn's] secretary, Ahmad b. Yfisuf, was renowned for his manly qualities, and people in general were disposed to praiseworthy conduct. Once the army in Baghdad was incited to resentment because of the delay [in payment] of their wages and their outcries steadily increased. Accordingly, Faraj al-Rukh- khaj! went out to see them and guaranteed them payment of a year's wages. He then delivered on his promise from his own resources.

Al-Ma'mfin was also the first caliph to add the formula 'In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate' to the headings of his letters, the first to institute a paymaster's department for the army and the first to have the dates of letters endorsed with the name of his secretary (kletib). These had only been authorized formerly by the name of the clerk (munharrir). This procedure has remained in use.

Then al-Muttasim acceded to the supreme authority. He was otherwise known as Muhammad b. Hdriin al-Rashid. In his declarations on [the subject of] religious belief he followed the persuasion of al-Ma'miin. He was fond of horseman- ship and of imitating the Persians. He wore clothing with narrow sleeves and thus the public too narrowed the sleeves of their own garments. He also wore large, yellow leather boots and square scarves. He was the first to wear a square scarf, which the public also wore in imitation of him, calling it a " Muetasim scarf." 101 He was the first caliph to ride on a horse's saddle that was not covered [in some manner], and he preferred Per- sian musical instruments. He was widely imitated among the general public. There was no one in his time among his viziers, generals or secretaries who could be described as generous, benevolent or 100 A fuller account of this incident is given in Ahmad

RifO'i's 'Asr al-Ma'min, 3 vols., Cairo, 1346/1927, I, p. 332. 10l Cf. Mas'idl, VIII, p. 302.


forebearing except al-Hasan b. Sahl, in spite of his limited means, and Ibn Ab! Du'dd,'02 who was renowned for his magnanimity. He was the person who exercised a dominating influence on his regime and enjoyed seniority at court.103

Then Har-an al-Wathiq b. al-Muttasim acceded to the throne. In religious matters he adhered to the profession of divine justice in accordance with the persuasion of his father al-Muttasim and his uncle al-Ma'mimn. He issued proclamations and established an inquisition to this effect. Those who differed with him he punished and whoever displayed obstinacy in these matters he imprisoned. He wrote to his judges in the various provinces instructing them to examine the notaries (tudyd) and not to accept in evidence the testimony of anyone who had not openly declared for his pro- scriptions.104 As a result, this belief gained the upper hand among the population and by this means they sought to win the favour of Ibn Ab! Du'dd and the judges. During his term there was no one who could prevail upon him except Ibn Abi Du'dd. Al-Wdthiq was a heavy eater with a large capacity for food. He was also very liberal with alms and assiduous in assisting members of his house in every land.105

Then came Jatfar b. al-Muttasim al-Mutawakkil. He rescinded the doctrinal professions of al- Wathiq and proclaimed his adherence to orthodoxy and the belief of the community.106 He released from prison those who had been incarcerated for the reason of their unwillingness to accept the credo that the Qur'an was created, and he forbade controversy on this. Those tradition reporters whom he had set free he ordered to return to their work. So the public abandoned and repudiated those doctrines they had been professing and all

controversy and discussion disappeared from the scene.'07

Among those things which he occasioned was the building of prisons and enclosures with heavy doors. All the people of Samarra built houses incorporating this feature. He preferred to wear garments made of mulham cloth over all others. This material became the standard wearing apparel for himself and everyone in his household, low and high, with the result that the price of mulham cloth in his time rose because of its good quality. His days were bright and cheerful and full of fun, due to the fact that he was the first caliph to practice levity and exchange jokes and laughter in the majlis-as well as other things we will omit to mention here-which spread among the public and were made use of by them. But al-Mutawakkil was not one of those who are characterized by generosity, nor by liberality.

Al-Fath b. Khaqn '018 was the person most influential over him and the one most preferred by him. He was not one from whom generosity could be expected, but on the other hand one had no cause to fear his displeasure.109 'Ubayd Allah b. Yahyd b. Khdqdn became his vizier and he was a man of peace distinguished by manly qualities. He granted favours to no one but people had no reason to fear bad actions on his part. He was unjustly accused of making certain statements. Ahmad b. Isrd'l1 110 used to say, "It was he who taught us how to lie."

Then Muhammad al-Muntasir b. al-Mutawakkil became caliph. His days were few in number and nothing is known of his customary usages other than the fact that he was miserly. His secretary and vizier was Ahmad b. al-Khasib. By and large he was deficient in good qualities, prone to malevo- lence and exceedingly ill-informed.

Then al-Mustatln acceded to the supreme office. His full name was Ahmad b. Muhammad b. al- Muttasim. He was the first caliph to broaden the

102 Ahmad b. Ab! Du'&d al-Iyadi, the architect of the Mu'tazilite hegemony under al-Ma'mfin, al-Mu'tasim and al-Wathiq. He was named qadi al-qudat by al-Mu'tasim and was in charge of the inquisition tribunals such as the one that tried Ahmad b. Hanbal. He died in 240/ 854. Cf. EI (2), p. 271. For references to the Arabic sources on this figure see Sourdel, op. cit., p. 245, fnt. 1.

103 A1-Ya'qfibi's testimony here agrees substantially with that of Ibn Khallikan (ed. BfilAq, vol. 1, pp. 39-40; de Slane, I, p. 62 f.). Ibn Ab! Du'Ad seems to have had even greater influence over al-Mu'tasim than either of his viziers, al-Fadl b. Marwan and Ibn al-ZayyAt. For further examples of his dominant authority see Sourdel, pp. 258-59.

104 Cf. Maslidl, VIII, p. 302. 105 Ibid., p. 303; VII, p. 146. 106 Ibid.

107 Cf. Ya'qfibl, Ta'rikh, II, pp. 484-85. 108 Cf. 0. Pinto, " Al-Fath b. Khaqan, favorito di

al-Mutawakkil," Rivista degli Studi Orientali, XIII, 1931, pp. 133-49. Also Sourdel, p. 282 f.

109 Cf. Mas'udl, VII, p. 190-92. 110 Secretary and later vizier to al-Mu'tazz, who was

deposed, imprisoned and finally killed at the instigation of SAlih b. Wasif al-Turki. The latter, along with Ba'ikbak, was actually in control of affairs of state during the reign of al-Mu'tazz and al-Muhtadi. Cf. Ya'qfibl, Ta'rikh, II, pp. 487, 504-05. Sourdel, pp. 281, 290, 295-98.


sleeves of his garments to the width of three spans, or thereabouts, and to shorten the qalansuwa and make it smaller.1"' None of his habits, in which the public followed him, are known, nor moral characteristics for which the public emulated him. He was continually diverted from everything [he undertook] by what appeared to him to be rebel- lious attempts to depose him.

Al-Muttazz, whose full name was Abft tAbd Allah b. al-Mutawakkil, succeeded him. He was the first caliph to go out riding with gold ornaments. The preceding caliphs were accustomed to ride in public with light silver ornaments set in their waist-bands, sword handles, saddles and reins.112 When he began to ride about using gold ornamentation, people took up his example in this respect.113 None of his qualities, either praiseworthy or culpable, is known.

Then al-Muhtad! assumed the caliphal authority. He was known as Muhammad b. al-Wdthiq. He used to give judicial opinions on matters relating to religion and sit in judgment on criminal cases [at al-mazdlim courts]. He used to sign [documents] in his own hand and sought the com-

pany of lawyers. He used to say, "Allow me, 0 Banfi llshim, to follow the path of 'Umar b. tAbd al-tAzlz and be to you what he was to Banfi Umayya." He owned very little clothing and furniture 114 and people supposed that he professed the same religious belief as his father in asserting that the Qur'an was created.

Then came al-Muttamid, otherwise known as Ahmad b. al-Mutawakkil. It was not long before his authority was forcibly withdrawn from him. He preferred the life of pleasure and applied himself assiduously to personal enjoyments. His brother, Abil Ahmad,'15 gained control of affairs of state until finally he prevented access to him alto- gether and imprisoned him. He was the first caliph to be totally subdued, deprived of his authority and removed from public access.16

Then al-Muttadid acceded to the head of state. His full name was Ahmad b. Ab! Ahmad b. al-Mutawakkil. He was a vigorous, resolute man.

Cf. Mas'fidi, VII, pp. 401-02. 112 The Fatih MS resumes here. 113 Cf. Mas'fidi, VII, pp. 401-02.

114 Ibid., VIII, p. 19. 115 Commonly known as al-Muwaffaq; i. e. Talha b.

Ja'far al-Mutawakkil b. Muhammad al-Mu'tasim b. HArfin al-Rashid. Cf. Ibn al-Tiqtaqa, al-Fakhri, Cairo, 1317 A. H., p. 226. Abfi al-Fid&', al-Bidaya, 14 vols., Cairo, 1351/1932, 11, p. 63.

"I' Cf. MasTuid, VIII, p. 67.

THE NEUTER PLURAL OF HITTITE i- AND u- STEMS

PAUL W. BROSMAN, JR. LOUISIANA STATE UNIVERSITY IN NEW ORLEANS

NOT LONG AGO I discussed the manner in which the neuter plural nominative-accusative ending -i of Hittite i- stems was apparently transferred to r-, 1- and r/n- stems.1 In the process I surveyed briefly all endings found among the i- stems, for completion among the consonant stems of the i- stem pattern of distribution was taken to be the basis of the transfer. Concerning the origin of these endings one or two commonly accepted points were pertinent to the discussion. In their development an even more cursory look at the u- stems was found convenient. Otherwise the i- stems could from the point of view of the transfer be taken as they were found. In particular, the

transferred i- ending itself was accepted as belonging where it was. Indications were observed, however, that the endings of the i- and u- stems, despite the ease with which those that occur may each be explained separately, might themselves be of interest.2 Now a more thorough examination of the two sets of forms has revealed a rather strik- ing divergence which appears not to have been noted previously.3 The purpose of the present note

1 Brosman, JAOS 82 (1962) 63-5.

2 Ibid. p. 63, fn. 5. 3 The grammar of Friedrich (Johannes Friedrich,

Hethitisches Elementarbuch2 [Heidelberg, 1960]) mentions no differences between i- and u- stems in the neuter plural, while that of Sturtevant (Edgar H. Sturtevant, A Comparative grammar of the Hittite language 2 [New Haven, 1951], I, 91) seems to imply parallel develop-

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The Adaptation of Men to Their Time a Historical Essay by Al Yaqubi