Thddoctoral-A Theological-historical Study of Isaiah 24-27

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74-26,439ELDER, William Henry, III, 1943- A THEOLOGICAL-HISTORICAL STUDY OF ISAIAH 24-27.Baylor University, Ph.D., 1974 Religion

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WILLIAM HENRY ELDER, III

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THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED.


A THEOLOGICAL-HISTORICAL STUDYOF ISAIAH 24-27

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Baylor University

in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree

ofDoctor of Philosophy

ByWilliam Henry Elder, 11"

Waco, Texas August, 1974


APPROVED BY THE DEPARTMENT OF RELIGION:

(signed)

APPROVED BY THE DISSERTATION COMMITTEE

APPROVED BY THE GRADUATE COUNCIL:

(signed)Dean of the Graduate School

DATE 77, /97?


A THEOLOGICAL-HISTORICAL STUDYOF ISAIAH 24-27

ABSTRACT

This study is concerned with discovering the essential theology and the most appropriate provenance of Isaiah 24-27. Recent form-critical treatments have necessitated a theological reassessment in light of their replacement of the traditional apocalyptic classification with that of prophetic eschatology.

To discover the cultural and ideological background of the booklet three of its most central motifs which appear frequently in the religious texts of the ancient Near East are examined. These motifs are: world suffering/judgment (24:1-13;18a-20); divine conflict (24:21-23; 26:20-27:1); and the coronation banquet (25:6-10a). The religious materials of Canaan and Mesopotamia exhibit the most relevant parallels. The Ras Shamra texts have recently been deemed the most direct and significant influence as evidenced in the areas of form and etymology. However, this study reveals that at the level of content the imagery and thought of the Babylonian cult are more directly reflected. Indeed, the poet appears to have polemicized Babylon and its cult so as to present theologically the impression that Yahweh was fully sovereign. The obvious Canaanitisms are generally limited to an external relationship and can be explained in

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light of the normal assimilation process of the Israelite cult. Thus, a Babylonian provenance for Isaiah 24t«27 is suggested by the investigation of the first chapter.

In the second chapter matters of translation, text, and form analysis are presented. The general reliability of the MT is affirmed with the most significant emendations coming in 24:22 and 27:8 and in the omission of 25:10b-12. The booklet is judged to be a basic unity in which one author utilized varied traditional forms in brief sub-units arranged to compliment the central message. Twelve basic units appear, each with its appropriate Gattung and each connected not by words but by the alternating thought organization: 24:1-3 (a propheticannouncement of judgment); 24:4-13 (a communal lament); 24:14- 16a ta hymnic exaltation); 24:16b-23 (a prophetic announcement of judgment); 25:1-5 (a hymn of praise); 25:6-10a (a prophetic pronouncement of hope); 26:7-19 (a communal petition); 26:20- 27:1 (a prophetic announcement of a favorable hearing); 27:2-6 Ca song of exaltation); 27:7-11 (a prophetic pronouncement of promise); and 27:12-13 (an eschatological prophetic pronouncement) . The poet skillfully selected from prophecy and the royal cult those elements which could combine to move his audience from despair to hope and creatively worked the elements into an impressionistic schema which shifted foci continually between Israel and her oppressors.

In the final chapter the theology of the booklet is the central concern. The unifying concept is that of divine sovereignty. That Yahweh was supreme was the ground upon which the

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poet-theologian constructed his eschatology. His audience had suffered a national crisis (24:4-13) with, its deeper theological implication being the loss of confidence in the power of their God. Thus, the poet interpreted the national catastrophe as divine judgment upon sin and, therefore, an expression of divine sovereignty. In this way the embers of hope were theologically fanned. The poet continued to encourage by directing attention away from an explanation of the past toward an appropriate eschatology. This he provided in the remainderof the booklet through alternating glimpses of future blessing

\for Israel and judgment for the enemy and on all levels (24:21- 23; 25:8; 26:14; 26:20-27:1). Because Yahweh was sovereign Israel could look forward to national restoration (26:19; 27:6, 13) and the full acknowledgment of that status by the entire world (25:6-10a).

In light of the theological tenor of the booklet, the forms used, and the polemical relationship to the Babylonian cult, a sixth century, Babylonian provenance is selected.Further, this amalgam of theology, form, objective, and cultural background is paralleled most directly by the message of Deutero- Isaiah, who is deemed at the conclusion of this study to have been the author of Isaiah 24-27.

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Dedicated to my wife Linda and our son Bill, IV


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

In researching and writing this dissertation I have become indebted to several people and to two institutions. I wish to thank Professor Donald Williams of Southern Baptist Theological Seminary for introducing me to the challenging area of Old Testament studies and for inspiring me to think experimentally. X wish to thank Professor W. Eugene March of Austin Presbyterian Seminary and Dr. Paul Redditt. both of whom encouraged me directly through correspondence and indirectly through their very excellent treatments of Isaiah 24-27 to take still another look at these significant chapters.

I am especially grateful to Professor Edward R, Dalglish, who demanded more than I thought possible to achieve and who fulfilled the role of a true mentor in my association with him as his assistant and in the direction of my dissertation. His extensive labor in the area of documentation and his incisive debates with me with regard to content will never be forgotten.

I wish to thank Professors Bob Patterson and William Cooper for reading the manuscript, Professor Ray Summers for his advice and assistance throughout my graduate program, and Professor Glenn Hilburn, whose "student-oriented" perspective proved to be a tremendous encouragement through some of the deeper valleys of this academic expedition.

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I thank Mike MacDonald and Larry Braidfoot for their good humor and irrascibility in the many hours of discussion which contributed at the same time intellectual stimulation and comic relief. My students at Ouachita Baptist University are greatly appreciated for allowing me to explore this area with them— especially Bill Humphries and Melinda Scarborough, my student assistants.

The two people to whom I am most indebted are my wife, Linda, who has supported me in so many ways throughout all ten years of graduate studies and our son, Bill, whose freedom and joy diverted my attention from my work at times when respites were essential.

I wish to thank Baylor University for their financial assistance and academic facilities and atmosphere. Finally,I want to express my appreciation to Ouachita Baptist University for the challenge it offers in the areas of academic and Christian excellence, and for their aid in the completion of the degree.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

PageABSTRACT......................................................iiiLIST OF ABBREVIATIONS....................................... ixINTRODUCTION ................................................ 1Chapter

I. THE PROVENANCE REFLECTED IN THE CENTRALMOTIFS OF ISAIAH 24-27 8

The Motifs and the Canaanite ReligiousTexts ................................... 8The Motif of World Suffering and

Judgment ................................ 9The Motif of Mythological Conflict . . . . 20The Motif of the Coronation Banquet . . . . 31Conclusion as to Canaanite Reflections . . 34

The Babylonian Use of the M o t i f s ................35World Suffering/Judgment in the

Babylonian Texts ........................ 35The Babylonian Motif of Mythological

Conflict................................... 51The Babylonian Motif of the Coronation

B a n q u e t ................................... 57C o n c l u s i o n ................................... 61

II. TRANSLATION, TEXT, AND FORM A N A L Y S I S ............. 62A Translation of Isaiah 24-27 62The Text of Isaiah 24-27 ..................... 68

Notes on Chapter 2 4 ........................... 69Notes on Chapter 2 5 ........................... 73Notes on Chapter 2 6 ........................... 76Notes on Chapter 2 7 ........................... 81

Unit Isolation and Form Analysis................83Delimitation of U n i t s .......... 84Form Analysis............ 92

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PageIII. ISAIAH 24-27: A THEOLOGICAL-HISTORICAL

ANALYSIS..................................... 102The Historical Focus ........................ 102The Judgment of Yahweh and the Suffering

of Judah Clsa 24:3-13) 108A Cultic Description ................... IllHermeneutical Implications of a

Cultic Provenance ................... 117Orban/National Rather Than Cosmic/

U n i v e r s a l ............................ 118A Past but Continuing C r i s i s ........... 122The Suffering of Judah Described . . . . 127

The Judgment of Yahweh and the Suffering of the Enemy (24:16b-23; 26:5-6; 26:10-14; 26:20-27:1).......................... 137The Enemy Depicted (24:16b-20)............ , 137Terrestrial Judgment ................... 142Supernatural Judgment ................... 146C o n c l u s i o n .............................. 162

The Agencies of Divine J u d g m e n t ........... 166Directed Against Judah ................. 166Directed Toward the E n e m y ............... 168

The Purpose of Suffering/Judgment ......... 175The Significance of Judean Suffering . . 175The Significance of the Judgment

upon the E n e m y ........................ 186The Remedy of Suffering/Judgment ........... 193

The Experiential Dimension ............. 194The Theological Dimension ............... 195

The Resolution of Suffering/Judgment . . . . 197The Destiny of the Enemy . ........... 197The Destiny of the J u d e a n s ............. 203

Conclusion.................................... 214BIBLIOGRAPHY..................... 219

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AASOR Annual of the American Schoolsof Oriental Research

ANET Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relatingto the Old Testament, edited by James Pritchard

ArOr Archiv OrientalniBA Biblical ArchaeologistBHS Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, edited

i by K. Elliger and W. RudolphBR Biblical ResearchBWANT Beitrdge zur Wissenschaft vom Alten

(und Neuen) Testament BZAW Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fttr die

alttestamentliche Wissenschaft CBQ Catholic Biblical QuarterlyCML Canaanite Myths and Legends, edited

by G. R. Driver DJA Die Jesaija-Apokalypse, by J. LindblomJADSIa Die Jesaga-Apokalypse in der neuen

Jesajahandschrift (DSIa), by J.Lindblom

JBL Journal of Biblical LiteratureJCS Journal of Cuneiform StudiesJNES Journal of Near Eastern StudiesJQR Jewish Quarterly ReviewJRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic SocietyJSS Journal of Semitic StudiesJTCh Journal for Theology and the ChurchJTS Journal of Theological StudiesMAW Mythologies of the Ancient World# by

S. N. KramerOTS Oudtestamentische StudiSn, edited by

P. A. H. De Boer PAPS Proceedings of the American Philosophical

SocietyRB Revue BibliqueSBB The Soncmo Books of the Bible, edited

by A . CohenSVT Supplements to Vetus TestamentumVT Vetus TestamentumZAW Zeitschrift fttr die alttestamentliche

Wissenschaft

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INTRODUCTION

In the history of the study of the so-called "Isaiah Apocalypse" two basic approaches have been utilized with limited success: the literary-historical and the form-critical.Traditionally, Isaiah 24-27 has been studied from the standpoint of literary-historical criticism. This approach sought to establish provenance by observing stylistics, theology, and historical nuances via word study. Because of the presuppositions of the individual critics which influenced their use of the data, no scholarly concensus emerged with regard to the setting. Because of apparent stylistic diversity, many of the earlier studies assumed literary disunity. The presence of motifs similar to those found within later apocalyptic materials led many to posit the genre of "apocalypse" for the

-For very helpful surveys of the relevant scholarship in regard to Isaiah 24-27 consult: Wallace Eugene March, "AStudy of Two Prophetic Compositions in Isaiah 24:1-27:1" (unpublished Th.D. dissertation, Union Theological Seminary, 1966), pp. xi-xxx; Paul Lewis Redditt, "Isaiah 24-27: A FormCritical Analysis" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1972), pp. 232-309.

O nBernhard Duhm, Das Buch Jesaia (4th ed.? Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1922), pp. 143-144; Otto Ludwig, Die Stadt in der Jesaja-Apokalypse. Zur Datierung von Jes. 24-27 (Koln: Walter Kleikamp, 1961) , pp. 59-70; Otto Procksch,Jesaja I (Leipzig: A. Deichertsche Verlagsbuchhandlung D.Werner Scholl, 1930), p. 306, gives primary significance to metrical differences in order to distinguish various sources;T. K. Cheyne, Introduction to the Book of Isaiah (London: Adamand Charles Black, 1895), pp. xxvi-xxvii, 160-162.

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booklet. This is especially evident in most'of the standard critical introductions. The elements of nationalism, conflict, and extravagant imagery along with the characteristic motifs of "world suffering-judgment" (24:1-13), "destruction of mythical monsters" (26:20-27:1), and the "Royal Zion banquet" (25:6-8) are the most frequently cited bases for the apocalyptic designation.^ This procedure which sought to handle the booklet by aligning it with other works with similar externals failed to consider either the true uniqueness of Isaiah 24-27 or the possibility that it represents the origin rather than

Cthe full-blown development of apocalypticism.

^Robert H. Pfeiffer, Introduction to the Old Testament (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948), pp. 419-420; S. R.Driver, An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament, Meridian Books (New York: The World Publishing Company, 1963),pp^ 219-223; Otto Eissfeldt, The Old Testament: An Introduction , trans. by Peter R. Ackroyd (New York: Harper andRow, Publishers, 1965), pp. 323-327, is traditional in his handling while preferring the less specific designation, "eschatological prophecy"; Ernst Sellin and Georg Fohrer, Introduction to the Old Testament, translated by David E. Green (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1968), pp. 369-370.

^Rudolf Smend, "Anmerkungen zu Jes. 24-27," ZAW IV (1884), pp. 181-184; E. S. Mulder, Die teologie van die Jesaja- apokalipse. Jesaja 24-27 (Gronigen, Djarkata: J. B. Wolters,1954), pp. 80-91. The word apocalypticist will be used in the following study to represent those scholars who interpret the booklet as an apocalypse.

^J. Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse. Jes. 24-27 (Lund: Hakan Ohlssons Buchdruckerei, 1938), p. 69; Yehezkel Kaufmann, The Religion of Israel, translated and abridged by Moshe Greenberg (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1960),pp. 384-385; Redditt, pp. 291-312, refutes well the "apocalypse" designation without amputation of the close relationship between Isaiah 24-27 and apocalyptic. Redditt states, pp. 309- 310, "If Isaiah 24-27 is not an apocalypse, is it nevertheless 'apocalyptic'? I think not, at least not in the same sense that the materials which Kasemann isolated in the Gospel of Matthew can be called apocalyptic. The distinctions noted


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The most serious drawback of the literary-historical approach has Been its great susceptibility to subjectivity and a priori reasoning. The extreme diversity of historical proposals is sufficient evidence to challenge the efficacy of this approach. The suggestions run the gamut from the eighth to the second century with the same nuances cited as bases for the choice. Xn 1894 Lagrange argued representatively for the eighth century proponents, on the basis of 26:20-27:13, that the fall of Samaria in 721 B.C. is the situation behind the booklet.** On the other extreme was Bernhard Duhm. Duhm, arguing from the preliminary conlusions as to the literary disunity and apocalyptic nature of the passage, concluded that, indeed, the destruction of Samaria is the focus of the booklet.

above between eschatological prophecy and apocalyptic apply to Isaiah 24-27. The composition is concerned with the nation as the redeemed community; it proclaims no "secrets," and it is probably anonymous, not pseudonymous. Rather than being apocalyptic, the chapters belong to the post-exilic, eschatological prophets. Yet this assessment does not saitisfactorily describe the relationship of these chapters to apocalyptic literature. Frost has called attention to the remarkable influence that these chapters have had upon the later apocalyptic material. . . . Hence, I propose to employ the term used by Frank Moore Cross, proto-apocalyptic. . . cf. Frank Moore Cross, Jr., “New Directions in the Study of Apocalyptic," JTCh, VI (1969), 159.

**M. Lagrange, "L'apocalypse d'Isaie (24-27)," RB, III (1894), 213-215; cf. Charles Boutflower, The Book of Isaiah I-XXXIX in Light of the Assyrian Movements (London: Societyfor Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1930), pp. 328-331; Edward Joseph Young, The Book of Isaiah, The New International Commentary on the Old Testament (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerd-mans, 1965), p. ii; E. J. Kissane, The Book of Isaiah, Vol. I (Dublin: Broon and Nolan, 1941), pp. 251-252. M. A. Beek,"Ein Erdbeben wird zum prophetischen Erleben (Jesaja 24-27)," Archiv Orientalni, XVII, no. 1 (1949), 32-38, focuses on 25:6-12, the Moab pericope, and therefore, derives a date prior to 690 B.C. for the entire booklet.


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especially seen in 25:1-5 and 26:1-19. However, to correspond with his literary analysis, the specific Samarian crisis designated was that of John Hyrcanus in the second century B.C."^ Between the positions of Duhm and Lagrange fall all the rest.

QLiterally every century has been selected.In view of such diversity, that the literary-historical

approach has been greatly inconclusive must be admitted, especially in the areas of determining the theological uniqueness and historical provenance of the booklet. As with other

?Duhm, pp. 143-144; cf. Ludwig, pp. 70-75, who likewise sees the historical setting of the second century but who chooses for the referent of 25:1-5; 26:1-12; and 25:9-12 the retaking of the Akra in Jerusalem by Simon Maccabeus in 141 B.C.

Q Seventh century proponents who approach the material from a literary-historical perspective are Friedrich Bleek, Introduction to the Old Testament, trans. by G. H. Venables,Vol. II (London: Bell and Daldy, 1869), p. 57. The sixthcentury is suggested by Ferdinand Hitzig, Per Prophet Jesaja (Heidelberg: C. F. Winter, 1833), pp. 305, 320-321; EduardW. E. Reuss, Die Geschichte des heiligen Schriften Alten Testaments (Braunschweig: C. A. Schwetschke und Sohn, 1890), pp. 327330; Walter Harrelson, Interpreting the Old Testament (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1964), p. 245. Lindblom, Die Jesaja- Apokalypse (hereafter referred to in abbreviated form DJA), p. 77, opts for a fifth century dating based upon the identification of the city as Babylon which fell to Xerxes in 485 B.C. Lindblom is joined by Werner Kessler, Gott geht es urn das Ganze: Jesaja 56-66 und Jesaja 24-27, Die Botschaft des Alten Testaments, Vol. XIX (Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1960), p. 135; GeorgFohrer, "Der Aufbau der Apokalypse des Jesajabuchs (Is. 24-27)," CBQ, XXV, no. 1 (1963) , pp. 43-45; G. W. Anderson, "Isaiah XXIV- XXVII Reconsidered," SVT, Congress Volume, IX (1963), p. 125. Cheyne, Introduction to the Book of Isaiah, pp. 160-161, decides on the fourth century as he sees the conquests of Alexander reflected; cf. also Smend, p. 182, and John Skinner, The Book of the Prophet Isaiah (Cambridge: The University Press, 1897) ,pp. 204-205. The major third century proponent is Stanley B. Frost, Old Testament Apocalyptic;Its Origin and Growth (London: Epworth, 1952), pp. 143-146, who bases his view on the advanced nature of the eschatology present.


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historically amorphous materials, form criticsm proved to be a considerable aid in the literary understanding of the booklet.In 1917 Paul Lohmann contributed considerably by investigating both unit isolation and form classification.® In 1929 Gunnar Hylmo pointed out the fallacy of the disunity conclusions of the earlier critics by explaining that the disunity impression is due to the use of varied forms for aesthetic emphasis rather than being due to the compilation of isolated strophes. The unity of the passage appears, said Hylmo, when the passage is viewed l i t u r g i c a l l y M o s t recently Paul Redditt has expanded the form critical data from the supplemental perspective 'of Traditionsgeschichte.^

As a result of the form-critical studies the traditional apocalyptic classification has been obviated. This, in turn, has the effect of freeing the exegete from forcing the materials into specific historical crises, a necessity of an apocalyptic handling. He is further enabled to view the unique theology of the booklet, especially as it relates to the emphases of prophetic eschatology. This freedom for further historical and theological investigation is the major contribution of form criticism. However, coincident with its basic concerns as to

Q 113Paul Lohmann, "Dxe selbtstandxgen lyrxschen Abschnxtte in Jes, 24-27," ZAW XXXVII (1917), 1-58.

l°Gunnar Hylmo, "De S. K. profetiska liturgienas rhtm, stil oc komposition I. Jes. 25:1-26:21," Lunds Universitets ^rsskrift, Ny Foljd, Ard. 1, Band 25 (1929), Nr. 5, pp. 1-96, cited in March, p. xxix. Cf. Hubert Hahn, The Old Testament in Modern Research (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966), pp. 155-156.

1^-Redditt, pp. 145-232.


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origin, use, and development of tradition, form criticism isprerequisite to but stops short of a full theological-

1 0historical investigation. In his dissertation W. Eugene March uses the form-critical approaches of his predecessors to free him from an apocalyptic hermeneutic, and seeks to develop the heritage of the forms and motifs used in the booklet by considering the relationship of form with the Canaanite materials and the relationship of both form and thought to the Biblical prophetic materials. Thus, March synthesizes form criticism and the more traditional word study approach. The comparative data, both Biblical and extra-Biblical, are generally utilized in background fashion.

The present dissertation makes extensive use of these parallels in order to discover more precisely the theological uniqueness and the most appropriate historical provenance of the booklet, with the emphasis being on the former. The method developed here is basically a theological-historical approach rather than the traditional juxtaposition of these two concepts. By determining the uniqueness of the theology of the booklet which appears when the passage is studied in light of its parallels, the most directly related parallels emerge, and the most appropriate provenance me-y be deduced. Thus in discovering the unique theological elements within Isaiah 24-27, not only is a contribution made to the explication of Old Testament eschatology and its heir, the apocalypse, but a step is taken toward

James Muilenberg, "Form Criticism and Beyond," JBL IX C1959), 1-18.


facilitating the historico-critical exegesis of the booklet itself. The scope of the present study ceases with the theological determination of the provenance.

More specifically, the investigation is above all concerned with determining the inherent theology of the booklet and its closest ideological relatives. In the booklet the three motifs of world suffering-judgment, mythological conflict, and the Royal Zion banquet appear to be the most basic conceptual r u b r i c s . T h e s e motifs will be the bases for comparison. In the first chapter the religious texts of the cognate cultures of Canaan and Mesopotamia are surveyed in order to determine not only the background of the Biblical motifs but also the most directly related culture to Isaiah 24-27. Up to this point Canaan has been most often selected. However, it will be shown below that Babylon is the most appropriate choice based upon the extant data. The second chapter concentrates on the critical, preliminary issues of text, translation, and form analysis. In the third chapter the motifs are examined in light of the Biblical parallels and the gleanings from the data of the first chapter in an effort to determine the essential theological uniqueness of the booklet.

^ I d e o l o g i c a l l y these motifs communicate world judgment, vindication, divine sovereignty and historical resolution to which all other concepts cluster. The literary motifs are also appropriate for study in light of their later use in apocalypses, though the similarity is largely limited to form.


CHAPTER I

THE PROVENANCE REFLECTED IN THE CENTRAL MOTIFS OF ISAIAH 24-27

The present chapter is concerned with discovering the most appropriate cultural provenance which parallels Isaiah 24- 27. This comparative theological analysis will scrutinize three of the motifs which are central to the thought and imagery of Isaiah 24-27 and which also appear frequently in the myths and epics of Canaan and Mesopotamia, the two cultures most directly influential on Israel.^ The investigation commences with the Canaanite texts.

The Motifs and the Canaanite Religious Texts The following Ugaritic compositions provide the basis

for analysis: the Baal Cycle, the Legend of Keret, Aqhat,2Rephaim, Hadad, Shachar and Shalim, and Nikkal and Kathirat.

•The Egyptian texts are omitted due to the limited historical relationship of Israel and Egypt during the years in which Isaiah 24-27 could have been written. Also, the ideological relationship is far more removed and generalized than that which exists with the ideologies of the texts of Cannan and Mesopotamia.

^The translation by G. R. Driver will be the one primarily used in the present analysis: Canaanite Myths andLegends (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1956)1 Other translationswill be noted where significant diversity exists, i.e., Cyrus H. Gordon, Ugaritic Literature (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1949); H. L. Ginsberg, "Ugaritic Myths, Epics, and Legends," in Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, ed. by James Pritchard (2d ed.; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1955), pp. 129-159; Theodor H. Gaster,

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Their cultic Sitz im Leben must be kept in mind as the theology is considered.^

The Motif of World-Suffering and Judgment Isaiah 24-27 commences with the presentation of Yahweh

acting in judgment upon the entire universe (24:1-13) in view of a broken covenant. Suffering, both of nature and of men, and lamentation are the themes of this judgment scene.

The Ras Shamra texts exhibit many similar instances of suffering. Those instances are examined here in order to determine the uniquenesses of the Canaanite utilization of this motif.

Thespis: Ritual, Myth and Drama in the Ancient Near East(Harper Torchbooks, New York: Harper and Row, 1961) , pp. 114-224, hereafter referred to as Thespis; and a partial translation by John Gray, The Legacy of Canaan, Vol. V: Supplementsto Vetus Testamentum (2nd, rev. ed.; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965).

Ârvid S. Kapelrud, Baal in the Ras Shamra Texts (Copenhagen: G. E. C. Gad, 1952), pp. 12-23; The Ras ShamraDiscoveries and the Old Testament, trans. by G. W. Anderson (Norman"! University of Oklahoma Press, 1963), pp. 25-37.Kapelrud presents a helpful survey of the debate concerning the "place in life" of the Baal cycle and concludes that the setting is most certainly cultic. Others noting a cultic setting are:Ivan Engnell, Studies in Divine Kingship in the Ancient Near East (2nd. ed.? Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1967), pp. 97-104,hereafter referred to in shortened form as Studies; Sidney H.Hooke, ed., Myth and Ritual: Essays on the Myth and Ritual ofthe Hebrews in Relation to the Culture Pattern of the Ancient East (London: Oxford University Press, 1933), pp. 1-14, hereafter referred to in shortened form as Myth and Ritual. Hooke develops his myth-ritual position which emphasizes the role of the cult in the creation and transmission of Canaanite literature in still another work for which he served as editor, The Labyrinth: Further Studies in the Relation Between Myth andRitual in the Ancient World (London: Society for PromotingChristian Knowledge, 1935), pp. ix-x, hereafter referred to in shortened form as Labyrinth. Cf. also Otto Eissfeldt, "El and Yahweh," JSS I (1956), 25-37? Johs. Pedersen Canaanite and Israelite Cultus," Ac Or XVIII (1939), 1-14. Concerning the Baal cycle


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Textual OccurrencesÎn the Legend of Keret two very distinct references

appear which portray the earth and the forces of nature suffering anthropomorphically because of the misfortunes of the king.5 Here the king is not a divine figure but has attached to him a sacral significance. When the legitimate king suffers, so does the earthly-human community.®

In Aqhat three instances of worldly suffering are evidenced, all of which are attributed to the ill-fortunes of

Pedersen states, "We have to do here with a cult-drama which offers at once a myth and a ritual, what happens in the cult being identical with what happened in the divine primeval time or eternity."

^The present investigation will limit itself to those occasions when suffering is represented as having dimensions which affect both men and nature.

®Keret II i 6-9? Driver, CML, pp. 40-41. Natural mourning occurs over the illness and suffering of the king;Keret II iii 1-15; ibid., pp. 42-43. Here corn, bread, wine, and oil fail because of the ill-fortune of the king.

5Henri Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948), pp. 342-343, stresses the vital relationship between the king and the forces of nature in the ancient Near East. John Gray notes well the relationship between Keret, the earthly king, and El, the heavenly king, interpreting n ‘mn glm el as connoting the king as the "worshipper" of El par excellence, like ‘bd in a similar context in the Ras Shamra texts and in the Old Testament, rather than his divinity; The Krt Text in the Literature of Ras Shamra: A Social Myth of Ancient Canaan (Leiden: E. J. Brill,1964), pp. 12, 35, 59. King Keret is called "lad of El" which Ginsberg associates with servant of El (note also 11. 153, 155, 299— where the son of Keret is also called "Lad of El") and is used in the sense of "favorite" or "intimate" (cf. Isa 41:8);H. L. Ginsberg, "The Legend of King Keret," ANET, p. 143, n. 6. In Isa 24:4-13 the community suffers not because the king suffers but because of the direct intervention of Yahweh.


11

the royal h o u s e h o l d W h e n Aqhat wa& killedf his death had earth’iy repercussions.

IThe land] was dried up,The blossom I in the fields!) was stripped bare.Natural and human functions cease, a cause for great

qdespair, as a corollary of the misfortune of Baal in Hadad,"Here again the king parallels the god, and the earth suffers because of his unfortunate predicaments. Because Baal has fallen, women no longer draw water. Because Baal has fallen, the king no longer establishes order by exercising his kingly function as judge. Here the contrast with Isaiah 24-27 is evident. The earth suffers not because Yahweh suffers but rather because Yahweh has ordained it as punishment C24:5). In the Baal cycle the same picture of correlative suffering obtains.

7Aqhat I i 28-31— due to the death of the royal heir, the natural order suffered; Driver, CML, pp. 58-59; Aqhat I iii 45-iv 8: the curse of Dan'el on the cities and localitiesfor their share of blame; Driver, CML, pp. 62-65? Aqhat I ii 5-25; magical ritual of Dan'el or wooing the dying vegetation for its relationship to the death of Aqhat; Driver, CML, pp. 60-61; cf. the often-found role of the king in fertility procurement and healing; Sir James George Frazer, The New Golden Bough, edited and abridged by Theodor H. Gaster (New York; S. G. Phillips, 1968), pp. 54-60. Gray, Legacy, p. 60; Gaster, Thespis, p. 192.

8Aqhat I i 28-29? Driver, CML, pp. 58-59? mt. rp*e, is synonymous with Dan'el and, by relationship, with Aqhat;Gray, Legacy, p. 16, n.2.

®Hadad ii 57-60; Driver, CML, pp. 72-73. Note the intermingling of the elements of the robbing of the divine sovereignty from Baal with the subsequent effects on the fertility of the earth and the role of the king which is closely equated with judging— stk. mlk. dn. On the king as judge, see Aubrey R. Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1955), pp. 3-5.

• - After Baal has won his victory over Yam, his fertility


12

The Meaning of SufferingDeath as Suffering.— In Aqhat Dan*el suffers quite

obviously because of the threat of the loss of progeny- immortality with an attendant fear of not receiving filial attention. However, death does not appear to be a source for human suffering except when it comes prematurely. The thoughtof never-ending life is absurd for Aqhat? therefore, the offer

12by Anat is spurned as an impossibility. If death per se proved to be no source for suffering and fear, then Anat would

function is impeded for he has no palace; thus, he cannot be sovereign. Thus, the world still suffers from the drought of Mot; Baal V v 16-17; Driver, CML, pp. 90-91.? the appeal to El for permission to build is again based upon the relationship between Baal, who still suffers for lack of a palace, and the natural realm; Baal II v 6-9, ibid., pp. 96-97. Cf. Ps 18:14.As Baal is under the dominion of Mot, life on earth failed,Baal III ii 17-19, 24; Driver, CML, pp. 110-111. The broader contexts will be included as the motif is discussed below.

Âqhat II i 1-16; ibid., pp. 50-51. Gaster notes within the passage references to the basic filial duties of son to father in the ancient Near East: erecting memorialsas a kind of immortality rite (II Sam. 18:18); guarding the home; defending the reputation? care in the state of inebriation; proxy religious services; home repair and comfort: Thespis, pp. 333-338.

Âqhat II vi 24-37? Driver, CML, pp. 54-55. Here the idea of resurrection in cyclical fashion is referred to in connection with Baal. This divine immortality is offered to Aqhat. The concept of resurrection seems to derive from fertility in its seasonal orientation which is, in turn, attached to the deities, and ultimately reaches humanity. At the time of the writing of Aqhat the possibility is clearly dismissed on the basis of the essential difference between men and gods, the latter of which are primarily symbols of natural processes. Deities possess immortality because nature seems to demonstrate it, but men grow old and die. Thus, the Canaanite distinguished between a cyclical philosophy of nature and a linear philosophy of human existence. Cf. Gray, "The Legend of Aqhat Son of Dan'el," in Documents from Old Testament Times, ed. by D. Winton Thomas (Har- - per Torchbooks: New York: Harper and Row, 1961), pp. 125,


13

have to find that source in catastrophic death out of season. Consequently, when Aqhat was stricken by Yatpun in the prime of life, great suffering on the part of all corporately associated with Aqhat resulted. In essence, then, life, lived actively and continued through one's progeny, was the great treasure; and any threat to either dimension was a cause of suffering. This this-worldly emphasis seems ideologically akin to the nationalistic understanding of Isaiah 25:8 and 26:19.

Loss of Sovereign Status.— In the realm of deity, the chief treasure was not life, but sovereignty.^ The gods suffered when they, personally, or their sovereign leader, experienced defeat. The assembled gods lowered their heads to display their fear and anxiety when their sovereign was threatened by the messengers of Yam.15 The leitmotif throughout the

127, n. 20. At least the possibility of human resurrection does ideologically surface in this myth. Cf. Aqhat III i 39- 41, Driver, CML, pp. 58-59.

13Aqhat I i 27-46; ibid., pp. 58-61. .The death of Aqhat brought loss of fertility which was explained in conjunction with the failure of Baal. Here the anthropocentric orientation is obvious within Canaanite religion. The gods are anthropomorphic explicatives for natural events which could occasionally be affected by ritual activity.

^Baal III vi 1-35; ibid., pp. 114-115 (Mot suffers); Baal III ii 1-23; ibid., pp. 110-111 (Mot); Baal III v 1-6; ibid., pp. 112-113 (sons of Athirat); Baal V ii 1-41; ibid., pp. 84-85 (enemies of Baal); Baal III * A 1-5; ibid., pp. 80- 81 (Baal suffers due to Yam); Baal III * A 27-351 ibid., pp. 82-83 (Yam). Cf. Fred G. Bratton, Myths and Legends of the Ancient Near East (New York: Thomas Y. Cromwell Company, 1970),pp. 113-114.

15Baal III * B 21; Driver, CML, pp. 78-79.


Baal cycle is the struggle for sovereignty between the main contenders— Baal, Yam, and Mot; and with every oscillation in the progress of the struggle, suffering is experienced on the part of the vanquished alliances.'*'®

It does appear that one motive for the writing of Isaiah 24-27 was to address hopefully the despair which had resulted from what was misunderstood as a loss of divine sovereignty. The true crisis to which the poet spoke was at its deepest level theological and psychological with the historical catastrophe having served only as the catalyst.This concurs with the thoroughgoing emphasis throughout the booklet on the sovereignty of Yahweh.

Infertility.— In contradistinction to the Hebraic concern with divine sovereignty as it related to Israelite thought and identity, the Canaanite seems to have been concerned with divine sovereignty only because of its essential relationship to fertility. In the Legend of Keret the remorse of the farmers over the illness of the king is substantially an expression of concern not about the king nor his divine patron but over the infertile ramifications of that event.

The ploughmen did lift up (their) head(s) towards them that prepared the corn?

(for) the bread had failed [in] their bins, the wine had failed [in] their skins, the oil

lÛlf Oldenburg, The Conflict Between El and Baal in Canaanite Religion; Supplementa ad Numen, Altera Series (Leiden E. J. Brill, 1969), pp. 122-142. Oldenburg includes in the struggle for divine sovereignty the head of the pantheon, El, who is presented as the real motivator for the opponents of Baal.


15

had failed in their cruses. _(So) they entered the house of Keret.

In Isaiah 24-27 the reverse of this priority is evident. Themajor emphasis is divine sovereignty with fertility being onlya tangential, descriptive concern.

The Causes of SufferingFor the Canaanite, the fortunes of nature and man were

vitally tied to the happenings of the deities. All sufferingwas immediately attributed to the activities of the gods. Sincethe king functioned as the mediator between the natural and

18divine realms, his behavior was always significant.In the Legend of Keret crisis and suffering occur

because the king failed to fulfill a vow made to Athirat and Elat. His personal illness had the effect of involving his

I Qpeople and nature in the calamity of a drought. In the Baal

l^Keret II iii 11-16; Driver, CML, pp. 42-43. The ploughmen in despair enter the house of Keret, which is followed by their entreaty for relief and aid before El. The sacral significance of the royal building appears; Keret II iv 2-3; Julian Obermann, Ugaritic Mythology; A Study of Its Leading Motifs (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1948), pp. 1-3.Obermann sees the building motif as the central one around which all else in the texts cluster. Building a palace for Baal is not only necessary for fertility, but is prerequisitely necessary in aiding Baal to vanquish Mot, which, in turn, has its implications for fertility. Further instances of the fertility orientation of divine sovereignty are: Aqhat I i 28-31; Hadad ii 40-44; Baal III ii 24-37; Baal II vii 52-58; CML, pp. 58-59; 72-73; 110-11; 10 0-103, respectively.

18E. 0. James, The Ancient Gods (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1960), p. 87. Sidney Smith, "The Practice of Kingship in Early Semitic Kingdoms" in Myth, Ritual, and Kingship, pp. 27-28; Gray, Legacy, p. 149.

19Keret I iv 31-43; III iii 25-30; Driver, CML., pp. 32-33, 36-39.


cycle agricultural suffering in the form of unremitting drought is encountered. The cause lay in the fortunes of Baal. The earth suffers because Baal has been vanquished for an interim by Mot, who displays his sovereign status in the form of a life-threatening d r o u g h t ,

Thus, for the Canaanite, suffering was understood as divinely ordained. As to the reasons behind this ordination, either divine struggle or the misfortune of the earthly monarch was taken as the most likely alternative. Such causality contrasts directly with the ethical thrust of Isa 24

The Remedy for SufferingThe concern of the Canaanite over suffering was not

intellectual and theodicean but primarily remedial. Thisderives from the nature of a capricious polytheism and thelack of direct relationship between divine and historic realms

21both of which emphases characterize Canaanite religion.Ritual Lamentation.— The most common form attendant to

the motif of world suffering is lamentation. In the Legend ofKeret, in response to the illness, Thitmanat is summoned.

Call thy sister Thitmanat, my daughter Whose affection is strong

20Baal III ii 24-25? ibid., pp. 110-111. Cf. Isa 25:8 below. JljOfl has frequently been pointed to as a Canaanitism. However, in view of the lack of fertility emphasis in the b booklet and the heavy theological and national emphases, the relationship should not be pushed beyond etymology,

2^Walter Harrelson, From Fertility Cult to Worship,CGarden City, New York: Doubleday & Co., 1970), pp. 10-15,


17

That she may weep And lament for me.22

Though a casual reading of the passage and the following lines leaves the impression that Keret is ailing and, therefore, calls for his most beloved daughter who proceeds to lament with great emotion, closer inspection reveals a ritual more than an emotional basis. Keret has repented for his broken vow and is taking the necessary steps to rectify that cultic wrongdoing and cure his illness. Therefore, ritual lamentation by his most skilled attendant must be employed along with the appropriate sacrifice. Thitmanat and Elhu formally carry out self-debasement, praise of the king, complaint, sacrifice, praise to El, and petition issued with a degree of certainty. All of these elements display a close connection with cultic ritual.

In the Legend of Dan'el and Aqhat, ritual magic and cultic lamentation are the basic remedies. The resurrection of Aqhat is sought by fertility ritual carried out by the reigning king.2^ The professional services of lamenteuses were also

Keret II i 1-40; ibid., pp. 40-43; wtd[m] from the root dmm, — Keret II i 26, 30, 32; dm* (shed tears)Aqhat I i 33; iv 12, 16; Keret I i 27, 32, a cognate of the Accadian damamu, "to mourn" and the Hebrew 1307; Cyrus H. Gordon, Ugaritic Textbooks: Glossary Indices (Rome: PontificalBiblical Institute, 1965), p. 385. Thissense is chosen by^ Mitchell J. Dahood to explicate the lamentation parallel and ) 17 Tin Isa 23:1,2. He notes also Isa 38:10; Lam 2:10a;Pss 137:1; 6:7. A lamentation ritual is intended in all cases; "Textual Problems in Isaia," CBQ, XXII (1960), 400-404.

23Aqhat I i 34-42; ibid., pp. 58-59. Pughat weeps and sobs. Dan'el rends his cloak and prayes for fertility which exhibits the close relationship between the king and the natural and divine realms. A fertility connection with the thought of resurrection is also suggested. Schaeffer notes the close connection between the fertility cult and the cult of the


• xo

e m p l o y e d . T h e basic cause of this catastrophe lay in the failure or defeat of Baal.2^ Therefore, all ritual and lamentation must be directed toward aiding Baal in his divine conflict for divine sovereignty.

The conflict-ridden Baal cycle further amplifies this remedial use of cultic lamentation. Of all the instances of lamentation over the ill fortunes of Baal, perhaps the mostinstructive appears when Baal is vanquished by Mot, and El

26responds in ritual lamentation to that defeat. El certainly laments not out of emotional remorse, for throughout the myth an underlying struggle between the two may be sensed. Out of necessity El resorts to lamentation. Without Baal the earth would perish, and without the earth and its inhabitants the

dead in Canaan, Cuneiform Texts, pp.„46-50.2Âqhat I ii 12-25; Driver, CML, pp. 60-61. Gaster

suggests the kissing of grain as possibly a mythologization of ritual "connected with the reaping of the last sheath," Thespis, p. 359; Frazer notes the presence of ritual lamentation over a spring harvest in Egypt, the general pattern of which coincides with Gaster, New Golden Bough, pp. 331-335. He also notes that when lamentation is associated with harvest, the underlying emotional joy must be hidden. Aqhat I iii 9-23; Driver, CML, pp. 64-65. Gaster discusses thoroughly the three lamentation rituals carried out by professional mourners: (1) the initialactions of the professional wailers, both women, mshsp[djt, and men, p-ts-gh-mgh-r; (2) sacrifice, d-gh-sh; (3) the funeral dance, mr[qjdm.

25Aqhat I ii 34-37; Driver, CML, pp. 60-61."'If only victory was in the hand of Zephon

if only my triumph was assured."12®Baal I * vi 11-25; Driver, CML, pp. 108-109. Olden

burg pictures El as indecisive and senile in the Ugaritic texts. El laments over the death of Baal without any decisive action because, according to Oldenburg, he is basically passive; The Conflict between El and Baal, pp. 23-24. However, if lamentation is purposeful action in itself, and if the struggle with


19

gods would have no raison d 'etre. El, as Lutpan responds.'Verily Baal has fallen

'to the ground, the victor Baal is dead 'the prince lord of earth has perished.Thereupon Lutpan kindlygod came down from (his) throne, he saton a stool, and (coming down) from the stool he saton the ground; he strewed strawof mourning on his head, dust in which a man wallows on his pate; he tore the clothingof his folded loin-cloth; he set up a bloody pillar on a stone, two pillars in the forest; he gashed his (two) cheeks and (his) chin, thrice harrowed the upper part of his arm, ploughed (his) chest like a garden, thrice harrowed (his) belly like a vale. He lifted up his voice and cried:'Baal is dead. What (will become of) the people of Dagon's 'son, what of the multitudes belonging 'to Baal? I will go down into the earth.

Anat follows with the identical ritual but adds the elements of sacrifice, appeal to Mot, and active conflict.2® The extensive and external use of lamentation to effect relief by establishing divine sovereignty is contrasted greatly by the Klagelied of Isa 24:4-13 which is descriptive and diagnostic.

Building Ritual.— The Baal cycle provides still another remedial element— a sacral building dedication. In order for

Mot is mythologically accepted as being that of Baal and Anat, the claim that El is submissive is not warranted.

27Baal I * vi 8-25; ibid., pp. 106-109; Gray recalls the direct relationship to the Tammuz rites of early summer" (Legacy, p. 85); Frazer, The New Golden Bough, pp. 285-286, pictures the Tammuz ritual as necessary for rebirth which is, in turn, necessary for world survival. The "necessity" attitude of El appears to be of the same type.

28Baal I * vi 25-31; I i 1-29: III i 1-15; III ii 9-37; Driver, CML, pp. 108-111. Gray evaluates all of the texts associated with the Mot conflict as united and seasonal. "It is functional rather than simply aesthetic, it relates to one single ritual occasion." Gray suggests a septennial or annual observance, the latter being the autumnal New Year. Gray


20life to be renewed on earth and sterility defeated, Baal hadto be established in his sovereignty. In that establishmenta temple-palace was essential, the building and dedication of

29which, proved to be difficult and full of conflict. A hint of such an ideological background may be found in Isa 25:6-10a. However, Yahweh is shown there in stark contrast as being the effector rather than the effected, and the Zion establishment is not to produce divine sovereignty but is to herald its efficacy.

The Motif of Mythological ConflictThe Ras Shamra religious texts display frequent instances

of mythological conflict. To affect a world understood asexisting in cyclical conflict was the very raison d 'etre of thetexts and their accompanying rituals.

That a kind of universal duality existed for theCanaanite mind is evident in the allegiance/opposition orien-

30tation of the texts. In light of the inimical figures of Isa 27:land the opposing entities of 24:21-23 and 25:8 (?) a

suggests the latter for the whole Baal complex based on the centrality of the kingship of Baal, Legacy, p. 86.

29Obermann, Ucraritic Mythology, p. 3; Gray recognizes the building ritual as part of the larger enthronement festival as they both appear related to late autumn. He parallels these two elements with the Israelitic relationship between the Enthronement Psalms and the New Year Festival which he sees as monarchical on the basis of Nahum 2:1; Isa 52:7; and Zech 14: 16-17 .

onObermann, p. 4- "an alliance-enmity motif appears to dominate the building saga and indeed Ugaritic mythology as a whole."


21perusal of the major conflictive characters within the Canaanite texts may prove instructive.

ParticipantsYam.--Baal, who always appears as the patron of

fertility and order, is frequently opposed by the god Yam,who represents the vast, chaotic subterranean waters. Onthe philosophical plain this conflictive pair represent thetension between sufficiency and overabundance, while in therealm of nature the struggle demonstrates the anxiety felt bythe farmer as he contemplated the blessings of sufficient rainover against the threatening possibility of violent floodings.

The issue of sovereignty was the basis of the strugglebetween Yam and Baal. Several interlocked episodes are includedin the Baal cycle which demonstrate the nature of the conflict:the initial resistance of Baal to the threats of Yam delivered

32before the assembled gods; the discomfiture of Baal under the

31Gaster, Thespis, pp. 125-126. Gaster identified Yam with the Dragon, p. 116.” While the figures of ltn and tnn appear synonymous with Yam as extensions of his personality, a distinction is warranted between them. Ideologically, Yam appears in the broader context of the pantheon as having both positive and negative connotations. In monstrous form Yam is always in conflict and always vanquished. Thus, for purposes of discussion they will be separated though essential identity should be kept in mind. Yam vies with Baal for kingship and wins for a season. Ltn never wins and is never acclaimed king. This suggests the theriomorphism of Yam was due to cultic ritual.

32Baal III * B 22-31; ibid., pp. 78-81.


2233sovereignty of Yam; the combat,with Baal receiving aid from

Kathir-and-Khasis;34 and the victory and royal acclamation ofBaal as king.35 After Yam has been vanquished by Baal, onefragmentary reference implies that Yam has not been silencedpermanently. A renewed struggle looms in the established

3 6patterns of life.Mot.— Death and drought are reified in the divine figure

of Mot (cf. Isaiah 25:8). The conflict between Baal and Mot was integral to the fertility cult of Canaan and signified agriculturally the struggle between fertile rain and drought. The conflict instances are several: the challenge by Baal to combat over the issue of sovereignty;3 a brief recitation of

opprevious conflicts; the submission of Baal and the exaltation of Mot;29 the death of Baal;40 the lamentation ritual by El and Anat;4^ the destruction of Mot by Anat;42 the resurrection

"^Baal III * A 5-7; ibid., pp. 80-81.34Baal III * A 7-30; ibid., pp. 80-83.

35Baal III * A 30-40; ibid., pp. 82-83.S^Baal II vii 1-4; ibid., pp. 100-101.

2^Baal II vi 45-50; ibid., pp. 100-101.33Baal I * i 27-35; ibid., pp. 104-105; here a close

relationship between Yam and Mot appears. Baal is given credit for destruction; cf. destruction by Anat, Baal V iii 53-62; V iv a 1-4; bid., pp. 86-87.

39Baal I * 11-12, 19-20; ibid., pp. 104-105.40Baal I * vi 6-10; ibid., pp. 106-107.41Baal I * vi 11; I i 1-29; ibid., pp. 108-109.42Baal III ii 30-37; ibid., pp. 110-111; Gray recognizes


23

of Baal and consequent return of f e r t i l i t y t h e complaint of Mot concerning his inflicted reproach;^ and finally, the renewed conflict, this time directly between Baal and Mot, resulting in the ruination of Mot and a promise that El would eventually destroy his complete dominion.^

Lotan/Tannin.— In addition to Yam and Mot, a serpentine-like extension of Yam appears in the conflictive scheme. Anat, Baal, and possibly El-*6 are pictured as victorious protagonists in relation to Yam as ltn/tnn. In

a desacralizing of the new grain crop as in Lev 23:14 (cf. Mishnah, Menahoth X, 3-4); Legacy, p. 57.

^Baal III iii 2-3; Driver, CML, pp. 112-113.^Baal III v 11-29; ibid. , pp. 113-115. Note the ver

batim repetition of the destruction of Mot; see note 42. Gray sees in this renewed combat a cultic sabbatical observance related to a custom in Canaan of allowing the land to lie fallow one year in seven (cf. Ex. 23:10-11; Lev 25:3-7); Gray, Legacy, p. 63. In ancient Israel religious reasons are also given for the observance, i.e. the land belongs to God; Roland de Vaux, Ancient Israel; Its Life and Institutions, translated by John McHugh (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1961), pp. 173-177.

^Baal III vi 12-29; Driver, CML, pp. 114-115. El, the static, transcendent deity, ordained the victory of Baal; thus, opposition to the divine plan is fruitless. This shows that El is capable of carrying out the responsibilities of Baal, contra Oldenburg, p. 24. Gray's distinction between the social provenance of El and the nature provenance of Baal remains valid; Legacy, p. 118.

46ibid., the apotropaism may have been a fashioning in draconic form of the life-threatening force which was causing chaos in the land. Textual mutilation prevents further investigation though contextually tnn appears twice, but illness is subsequently vanquished. Gordon, Uqartic Literature, p. 49 n.l, 81 (126:v 31-32), recognizes the magical use of the motif of the destruction of the sea dragon, noting a continued use of the motif among the Jews up to the time of the Babylonian


24

the recitation by Anat of past victories over the enemies of Baal, these monstrous epithets find mention. She recalls having muzzled the dragon (tnn), and, in parallel construction, having smitten the slippery serpent (ltn), in addition to several other conquests. ^ Baal also is cited for having vanquished this draconic extension of Yam. The description of the conflict and victory parallels the recitation of Anat almost verbatim. Either continual conflict is implied, as was earliernoted with regard to Mot and Yam, or Baal and Anat are to be

48visualized as a kind of male-female corporate unity. Lotan,

Talmud. Ginsberg identifies the dung object with Sha'taqat,The Legend of King Keret, p. 148. Gray, The Krt Text in the Literature of Ras Shamra, p. 79, opposes this identity and prefers a female sorceress for Sha'taqat. Gaster proposes a common act of envoutement magic, and sees Sha'taqat as deriving from the saf'el of the verb 'tq (Accadian etequ) and signifying "one who removes illness;" "The Canaanite”Epic of Keret,"JQR, XXXVII (1947), p. 287.

A *7"Yam/Nahar and Ltn/Tannin are different names of one god," Oldenburg, p. 33. The dramatic verbs associated with the latter designation suggests it as the designation and focus of Yam for cultic vanquishment. Perhaps Yam is smitten through ritually muzzling a serpentine figure. Kapelrud notes the close association of Mot and Lotan and suggests that Lotan represents "destruction and death as did serpents and dragons in New Eastern mythology and cult (Cf. Is 27:1, Rev 12:9)." Kapelrud cites Obermann (in conversation) as doubting the identification of Lotan and Yam (Baal in the Ras Shamra Texts, p. 119, n.2).The suggestion that Yam is the all-inclusive mythological chaotic force and Lotan the theriomorphic ritual extension which appears always vanquished seems to resolve the debate.

^^Baal I * i 1-3, 27-35; Driver, CML, pp. 104-105. Note the relationship between defeat of ltn/tnn and cosmological consequences. Both chaos and sterility died, thus leaving order and fertility. The ancient Near East used the defeat of the dragon motif, often associated with seasonal ritual, to demonstrate creative power as superior to destructive power and to call upon that superiority for community benefits. Hence, the motif exhibits myth and ritual dimensions. Examples are:Sumerian Ninurta over a dragon-like figure (Kramer, Sumerian


25

therefore, serves as a type of suffering effigy which represents with its demise re-instated fertility. This is considerably removed from climactical use of Leviathan and Tannin in Isa 27:1.

The participants in the struggle between life and death, cosmos and chaos, fertility and sterility are almost entirely within the divine realm. The only exception is the earthly king.*®

The rather strict bifurcation of the divinities into allegiance/opposition parties manifests an underlying cosmological dualism. Each deity represented a natural entity and was conflictively assigned according to the judgment of the mythographer as he evaluated benevolent and malevolent forces.^® Indeed, the deities appear predestined to function within a fixed oscillational-conflictive pattern. The benevolent deities

Mythology, pp. 8 0-86); Babylonian Marduk over Tiamat; Hittite weather god over Illuyankas (Gaster, Thespis, 245-269);Canaanite Baal over Yam as ltn; and Israelitic Yahweh over Leviathan, Rahab, and Tannin (Isa 27:1; 51:9; Hab 3:8; Ps 74:13- 14; 89:9-10; 93; Job 7:12; 26:12-13). Gaster holds that thismythological primeval motif was cast into the future, becoming an eschatological motif. This thought will be evaluated in the concluding chapter; Theodor Gaster, Myth, Legend, and Custom in the Old Testament (New York: Harper and Row, 1969), pp. 575-576.

49The king is essential because he represents the earthly community as it contacts and affects the divine realm. Gaster suggests this as a dimunition of the entire community which originally functioned ritually to cause the desired effect; Thespis, p. 17; Stanley A. Cook, The Religion of Ancient Palestine xn the Light of Archaeology, Schweich Lectures, 1925 (London: Oxford University Press, 1930), pp. 43, 137.

^Nature as paradoxical required subtle divinity distinctions. Water could be both helpful and destructive, and thus, two deities of water appear in opposition, Baal and Yam. Canaanite mythology is functional and pluralistic rather than philosophical and monolithic.


26

inevitably are depicted as nearly vanquished, but at the climax of the episode they suddenly gain strength or assistance which enables them to re-engage the enemy and emerge victorious. Clearly, these myths and legends were not created to explain the significance of a historical event, a purpose to which similar traditions were most often put within the Hebraic setting. Rather, these Canaanite myths with their attendant rituals, are better understood as attempts to affect reality rather than explicate it. Again a contrast with the use of similar motifs in Isaiah 24-27 is evident. There, a crisis had occurred which necessitated explication. The crisis had ended because of the activity of Yahweh. The mythical motifs were used to describe the sovereign action of Yahweh not to catalyst it. Thus, the parallelism evaporates when pressed beyond the areas of etymology and vague heritage.

Conflict MotivationWhen the instances of the conflict motif are surveyed,

three possible motives appear. First, on occasion, conflict begins for no apparent reason other than the presence of essentially antagonistic personalities. This illustrates how conflict was viewed as an established pattern inherent within the pantheon. According to their a priori allegiance, whenever an opposition representative was encountered, battle erupted. Thus, whenever Baal or Anat encountered Lotan, conflict was inevitable. There could be no final state of peaceful coexistence. Anat, being allied with Baal, was personality-bound


27

to begin conflict when any opponents appeared. Such was hernature, and she appears to have enjoyed her ordained plight.^

Secondly, vengeance is obviously a motivating factor.Mot displays this emotion in relationship to previous losses

52to Baal. The motive of vengeance is even more apparent in the dismemberment destruction of Mot by Anat. Anat appears dramatically and emotionally distraught over the death of

Neither of these motives is in any way reflected in the conflict strophes (24:21-23; 25:7-8; 26:11-15; 26:20-27:1) of Isaiah 24-27. However, a closer relationship does exist in the third type of conflict motivation, the desire for s o v e r e i g n t y .^4

^ Baal V ii 17-35; V iii 53-61; Driver, CML, pp. 84-87. Conflict and judgment fall upon any opposing force. In this case they are part of the hosts.

52Baal I * i 26-28, 32-33; ibid., pp. 104-105. Despite the conflict necessity which corresponds to the seasons, the human emotion of vengeance is definitely apparent in the deity. Tiamat displays this same conflictual motive; Kapelrud, Baal in the Ras Shamra Texts, p. 99.

^2Baal III iil2f; Driver, CML, pp. 110-111. The psychological dimension of ritual appears here.

54In the Legend of Keret the issue underlying the conflict between El and deathly sickness is one of kingship; Keret II v 25ff; ibid., pp. 44-45. Baal III * A 9-10; ibid., pp. 80- 81; Gray recognizes in the conflict between Baal and Yam a cosmic myth through which kingship was established. Gradually other lesser conflicts were associated with this cosmic theme. Gray judges that this cosmic conflict concept was easily adopted into the Old Testament around the kingship ideology and later became the kernel of apocalyptic (Legacy, p. 91). The concept of God establishing His sovereignty through conflict is integral to "the Enthronement Psalms and kindred passages in the Psalms and Prophets of Israel and in Jewish and Christian apocalyptic" (p. 89);cf. Kapelrud, Baal in the Ras Shamra Texts, pp. 98-99.


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When Baal enters into conflict with Yam, the issue is notvengeance or mere natural struggle, but kingship.

Hal thou Baal; ha! (thou shalt smite) thy foes.Thou shalt still thine enemiesThou shalt take thy everlasting kingdom,Thy dominion for ever and e v e r . 55

After the battle is completed, and Yam is declared dead, theimmediate exultation is one of royal acclamation— "'Verily Yamis dead- (and) Baal shall be kin[g].'"56 This "sovereignty"

C *7motivation is the most frequent of all. Indeed, as will be shown below in the exegetical section, the destruction of the opponents by Yahweh was connected with His sovereignty. However, the difference is striking in the role which sovereignty plays. For the Canaanites sovereignty is a status to be gained and lost continually. For the poet of Isaiah 24-27 sovereignty is the sole possession of Yahweh which need not be grasped but only demonstrated.

Unique Implications of the Canaanite Conflict Motif

The motif of mythological conflict has several uniquephilosophical implications, when they are surveyed, the degree

^5Baal III * A 9-10; Driver, CML, pp. 80-81.56Baal III * A 32; ibid., pp. 82-83* cf. Kapelrud

sees this conflict as of the type used to defeat enemies "supported by the former head of the pantheon;" Baal in the Ras Shamra Texts, p. 106. However, throughout the base issue appears to be kingship, mlkn. aliyn. b '1. tptn. in d 1 In evidences tha.t the issue is kingship with its judgment implications.

57Baal II vi 49-52; Baal III i 25-37; Baal III vi 20-22; Baal III vi 26-29; Driver, CML, pp. 100-101; 110-111; 114-115.


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of relationship between the motif in the Canaanite texts and the motif in Isaiah 24-27 is highlighted considerably.

A Philosophical Necessity.— The conflict motif displays clearly the underlying alliance/opposition schema of the Canaanite pantheon which logically implies a type of theological dualism. However, the struggle is always weighted in favor of the good (fertility) alliance. Yet, never within these texts is there the desire expressed for the resolution of all conflict. The deepest concern is with insuring the continuing triumph of the benevolent f o r c e s . This orientation is hardly coincident with the eschatological use of the motif in Isaiah 24-27.

Furthermore, the conflict motif in the Canaanite texts seems consistently free of fear, anxiety, and despair. Rather, a kind of subdued hope seems subliminally present in the stylized repetitions. Even while the hero suffers to the brink of defeat, and lamentation is offered, thoughts of recovery and victory are ever more imminent. This coincides with the emphasis of cyclical fertility and may be ideologically related to

C Qthe concept of resurrection (cf. Isa 26:19). Conflict

58See the necessity for conflict continuance in the relationship between Baal and Mot in Kapelrud, Baal in the Ras Shamra Texts, p. 118.

C Q Although the concept of human resurrection never appears, the thought of affecting the divine realm for human good may have led to the transportation of the idea to the king and then eventually to the people. The former is evidenced in Aqhat, and, while the latter never appears in the extant Canaanite literature, the idea may have been democratized in Israel


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is accepted as the way of the universe, the discovery of which aids in its proper handling. If divine conflict could be affected, as was the cultic presupposition, then that conflict could be used as an instrument of earthly blessing. Even the life-threatening forces were not seen as essentially negative since they were necessary conflictive participants. In contradistinction, the opposing figures of Isaiah 24-27 are by no means treated as necessary evils who, while conceding for the moment, will rise to fight another day. The impression conveyed is rather one of final annihilation. Indeed, conflict has given way to judgmental destruction.

A Prescribed Means for Effecting Sovereignty.— Divine kingship was the central concern of this motif. The conflict motif was used ritually within the Canaanite enthronement festival.*’® In sharp contrast the motif within Isaiah 24- 27 never functions as a means to establishing the sovereignty of Yahweh but, rather, as a result of that sovereignty.61

after the fall of the monarchy. Certainly in Canaanite literature the concept of triumphing over death is encountered without the further application to humanity. Death was accepted as inevitable and, progeny immortality appears even within the divine realm, viz., the mating of Baal with Anat in the form of a heifer prior to accommodating Mot. Cf. Gray, Legacy, p. 70-71 where the cultic cry of resurrection is discussed.Also note the individualizing tendency of the Israelites; Cook, op. cit., p. 51.

®®Gray, Legacy, p. 86. Cf. Pss 47, 93, 97, 98, 99;Nah 2:1, Isa 52:7, Zech 14:16-17.

^Below will be shown that even though cultic concepts and forms have been employed by the poet of Isaiah 24-27, the composition should be handled as solely a literary production


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Thus, as with the suffering/judgment motif, the parallelism ceases at the formal and etymological level.

The Motif of the Coronation Banquet Within the Ras Shamra texts feasting is almost as

ubiquitous as the conflict m o t i f . T h e most frequent and most significant occasion on which a banquet was held was that of a coronation.

The coronation of Baal within a banquet setting is evident in what remains of Rephaim. The shades are summoned

C Oto the palace of El, the setting of a great banquet. Baal is to be honored and anointed king.®^ The feast is described as including oxen, sheep, bulls, rams, calves, lambs, olives, dates, intoxicating wine, and bread.^ The overall mood of the passage is that of hope, even for the dead, based upon the implications of enthroning in sovereignty the "victor"

without the accompanying ritual which would lend itself to mimetic conflict.

®3Both conflict and feasting are essential to the fertility cult as it utilizes homeopathic magic through ritual to produce the desired results; Eliade, p. 350. Both elements are still present in the celebration, as is evidenced in the Canaanite exemplars.

®3Rephaim II 1 1-4; II i 9-12; III i 4-6; ibid., pp. 66-69.

^Rephaim III i 8, 16; ibid., pp. 68-69.^Rephaim III ii 12-27; ibid. , pp. 68-71. Note the

fourfold repetition with reference to wine. Wine does appear in Ras Shamra as a fertility cult motif. Lamentation is marked by lack of wine and exultation by its abundance; Arvid Kapelrud, Joel Studies (Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1948),pp. 17-18.


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Baal.®** The hope of Isa 26:19 when considered in the "sovereign" context of 26:13-15 and 26:21-27:1 reflects a similar ideological complex. The banquet motif and its derivative resurrection sub-motif are the areas most closely akin to Isaiah 24-27.

67Even more helpful than Rephaim is the Baal cycle.The most inclusive banquet scene takes place after the completion of the temple-palace, a task accomplished not without

68considerable difficulty on the part of Baal.The banquet convenes for three reasons. First, the

banquet is a means by which the victory of Baal can be celebrated. Baal is presented as "victor," which implies past conflict. Indeed, the banquet is located within the myth immediately following the victory of Baal over Yam, whose vanquishing is mentioned in the midst of the exultation. Mot is also conflictively mentioned in the midst of this victory celebration, though the conflict is only anticipated. A similar setting is apparent for the banquet scene of Isa 25:6-10a in light of 24:21-23. The same relationship between destruction and exultation appears in 25:7-8 and 25:9d.

**®The concept of resurrection for the dead human beings, though not stated here, may be implicit from the aspect of hope. Thus, individual resurrection may have arisen conceptually from observing the drama enacted by the king in the cult.

67Baal VI iv 30-32; V i 1-25; I i 12-25; III i 27-37; Driver, CML, pp. 76-77, 82-85, 108-109, 110-111.

68Baal II vi 35-61; vii 1-52; ibid., pp. 98-101.


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A second purpose was the dedication of the temple-palace of Baal (II vi, 36-38}. This is reflected in the Zion

\imagery of Isa 25:6, 7, 10a though in a cosmic vis-a-vis institutional guise.

Finally, the enthronement of Baal as divine sovereign is certainly the primary occasion of the celebration. Though tediously and courageously earned, kingship may now be claimed by Baal. With great confidence Baal triumphantly states, "I alone (am he) that shall be king over the gods" (vii, 49-50). The idea of sole sovereignty occurs repeatedly throughout Isaiah 24-27, the banquet scene being a climatic moment in the expression.

The location of the banquet is quite clear. The temple-palace of Baal which has been lavishly constructed on his mountain "in the heights of the north" is the scene for the celebration.70

The basic activities of the banquet are eating and drinking. Choice meats and wine in great abundance constitute

^Baal ii vii 41; ibid., pp. 100-101. Jet, a heavy object made of precious metal for a god; Gordon, Ugaritic Textbook, p. 424. Both royalty and victory are implied; cf. R. T. 0*Callaghan, "The Word ktp in Ugaritic and Egypto-Canaanite Mythology," Orientalia XXI (1952), 27-46.

7®Baal II v 23, II vii 6; Driver, CML, pp. 96-97, 100- 101. mrym ?pn. "summit"; "name of a holy mountain, i ) 3 iv. ; Gordon, Ugaritic Textbook, pp. 438, 475. Thus, the mountain is the location of Baal; his battle, victory, and enthronement all appear in this setting. Kapelrud offers an extensive treatment of “*3 \ S > n in his Joel Studies, pp. 93-108.


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71the banquet cuisine. These matters of setting are characteristic of the general ancient Near Eastern festive cult and are not unique to the Canaanite motif. As such it is not striking to find the mountain motif and a similar menu in Isa 25:6-10a. What is striking is the aspect of temporal finality, and the historic significance of the event which will have everlasting ramifications. What is further striking by way of contrast is the inclusiveness of the Biblical motif and the exclusiveness of the Canaanite exemplar.

Conclusion as to Canaanite Reflections It now appears that some degree of relationship does

exist between Isaiah 24-27 and the Canaanite materials, though to a much lesser extent than has formerly been proposed. In the areas of world-suffering/judgment and mythological conflict the relationship must be seen as limited to form and etymology rather than concept. The Canaanite motifs is influenced thoroughly by a cyclical, natural historiography and an ultimate concern with fertility. Neither of these are coincident with the urban and eschatological emphases of Isaiah 24-27. A closer relationship has been established for the banquet motif, though even here the universality and finality of the Isaianic booklet,together with the total concentration being put on the activity of Yahweh without a human counterpart,display the basic difference that exists. Indeed, the relationship between the Canaan texts and Isaiah 24-27 must be seen as more indirect

^Baal II vi 40-61; Driver, CML, pp. 98-101.


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than direct and is most easily explained on the basis of the Israelitic royal cult which synthesized considerably these two religious perspectives.

The Babylonian Use of the Motifs Besides Canaan the only other major culture which

appears to have exerted considerable influence on Isaiah 24-27 is the Assyro-BabyIonian culture. This is understandable from a historical perspective. As noted earlier, the majority of proposed datings for Isaiah 24-27 reflect, in the main, periods in which either Assyria or Babylonia was in control of or strongly influential in the affairs of Palestine. When the Mesopotamian texts are surveyed, which include those from ancient Sumer up through the Persian empire, many generalized parallels with Isaiah 24-27 appear. However, it is with the Babylonian religious texts, especially as they were developed in the Neo-Babylonian empire cf 612-539 BC, that the booklet reveals the closest relationship. This Babylonian material provides the most helpful data for the theological-historical study of Isaiah 24-27, and will be considered below.

World Suffering/Judgment in the Babylonian Texts The Sumerian Legacy

Helpful in determining the uniqueness of the Babylonian7 7use of the motif is an understanding of its Sumerian heritage.

Two rather lengthy compositions are instructive in this regard:

72Thorkild Jacobsen, "Mesopotamia," in The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man, ed. by H. and H. A. Frankfort, et al. (.Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1946), pp. 127ff.


"Inanna's Descent to the Nether W o r l d , "^3 and the "Lament over the Destruction of Ur."^4

Inanna's Descent to the Nether World.— Here, world suffering is causally related to destiny-determining me's. The me's were regarded as the divine power and will behind the established patterns and functions of city life. They could be expected to have the desired effect as long as the deity of the city maintained his or her sovereignty through the temple.When the deity abnegated his responsibility, the me's were made to be ineffective, and the security of the city was thought to be in serious jeopardy.^5 Thus, catastrophe was understood by the Sumerian as more due to the removal, impotency or transformation of the impersonal, though objectively conceived, m e 1s than to the intention of the deities. This coincides with the idea of strict separation between the divine and human realms in Sumero-BabyIonian theology as well as with the capriciousness of the deities. In direct contrast is the depiction of Isa 24:1 13, 16b-23, etc. where Yahweh is directly and judgmentally

7 S. N. Kramer, "Inanna's Descent to the Nether World," in ANET, pp. 52-57; Kramer, MAW, pp. 107-117; Thorkild Jacobsen, "Inanna's Descent to the Nether World," JCS, XII (1958), 165f; A Leo Openheim, The Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near East (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1956),p. 246ff.

*7 A S. N. Kramer, "Lamentation over the Destruction of Ur, in ANET, pp. 455-463. Kramer dates the poem in the first half of the second millenium, perhaps some time shortly after the fall of Ur III. Cf. Jacobsen, "Mesopotamia," pp. 194-197; Kramer, The Sumerians, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,1963), pp. 142-143.

^Samuel N. Kramer, From the Tablets of Sumer, (Colorado The Falcon's Wing Press, 1956), pp. 91-94.


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involved in the experienced crisis.*^8Lamentation over the Destruction of Ur.— In this

lengthy lament the same causality appears. However, mosthelpful are the refinements which appear here. Songs I and IIdisplay the urban focus of the suffering, an emphasis continuedand developed in the Babylonian texts, and more directly par-

77allel to Isaiah 24-27 than the fertility focus of Canaan. InSong V the tragedy is further described in the imagery ofcessation of celebration (cf. Isa 24:7-11), storm (cf. Isa 24:6), and the veil of darkness (cf. Isa 25:7).

The storm ordered by Enlil in hate, the storm whichx wears away the land,

Covered Ur like a garment, enveloped it like linen.Song VI emphasizes the inescapability of the approaching crisis,a key aesthetic element in Isa 24:1-3. All levels of society

7*>In this way the poet of the booklet could explain crisis without recourse to the standard Babylonian alternatives— that the patron deity was absent or ineffective. Further, the poet also pointedly contrasts the "Destiny-Resolving" activity of Yahweh (25:6-10a; 27:12-13) personally accomplished with the impersonal m e 's and the necessity for a royal mediator. Nothing which could minimize the divine sovereignty of Yahweh is allowed to stand.

^Kramer, "Lamentation," 1-70; pp. 455-456.0 thou city of name, thou has been destroyed;0 thou city of high walls, thy land has perished.0 my city, like an innocent ewe thy lamb has been

torn away from thee;0 Ur, like an innocent goat thy kid has perished.0 city thy rites unto inimical dread and awe,Thy ordinances-unto inimical ordinances, have

been transformed. (40-73)The urban-nature orientation and the poetic use of reversal is akin to the thrust of Isa 24:1-13.

^8Ibid., 203-204; p. 459. Here history has been mythologized in order to explain the suffering, but more so, to remedy the crisis.


38would be punished Ccf. Isa 24:21. Though they would flee,no escape would be possible Ccf. Isa 24:18}. Even the lastbastion of security, the temple, would be destroyed.^ Indeed,the fall of the temple meant that the patron deity had also

80fled. This deus absconaitus explanation is clearly unacceptable to the poet of Isa 24:4-13. In fact, in the Biblical section below, it will be demonstrated that one motive the poet possessed in the creation of the booklet was to counter this crisis explanation. Because the nation had suffered defeat should not imply that Yahweh had departed or had His sovereignty diminished. They had suffered because of the sovereign justice of Yahweh.

81"The Exaltation of Inanna." — In this mid-thirdmillenium text one final aspect is helpfully highlighted whichbecomes characteristic for the Babylonian concept of suffering.Here clearly is an instance in which suffering is understoodas divine judgment on the sin of the people. Most importantis the understanding of sin as solely vertical in orientation.Sin here is shown to be cultic neglect in the areas of estab-

g olishing and enhancing divine sovereignty.

^Kramer, "Lamentation," 242-243; p. 459. The temple is presented as "the lofty unapproachable mountain." Cf. below and Isa 24:13.

80Ibid., 244-250, p. 460.®^William H. Hallo and J. J. A. Van Dijk, The Exalta

tion of Inanna (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), p. 6.The work is dated in the Sargonid era.

82Ibid., pp. 17-23.


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Prom this brief perusal of selected Sumerian documents it is clear that indigenous to Babylonian thought on suffering were the elements of mediational "destinies," an urban focus, and a cultic remedy. These became integral and characteristic to the Babylonian development of the motif and are reflected in Isaiah 24-27.

The Babylonian Development^^The Assyro-Babylonians were greatly concerned with

84their precarious relationship with nature. Many of their religious texts and rituals were created either to ward off or to find relief from natural calamity. Other productions focus more directly on political and national crises.

Dimensions of Suffering/Judgment.— By the era of the Old Babylonian Kingdom the scope of suffering/judgment had been considerably broadened so that when the city was threatened the entire cosmos vibrated in fear. Therefore, the Babylonian texts abound in natural and urban ramifications of suffering.

Although several of the Akkadian texts will be used in this section to display the various ramifications of the motif, the enuma elis will provide the major literary focus. Within its scope the motif in question appears in its most complete form and in closer relationship to the other two motifs being considered than in any other extant text. The cultic setting of the Creation Epic as well as the other Akkadian exemplars will be utilized in the study since the ritual texts often clarify the vagueness of the mythical passages.

j. Gadd, "Babylonian Myth and Ritual," in Myth and Ritual, ed. by S. H. Hooke (London: Oxford UniversityPress, 1933), p. 44. Gadd recognizes "nature worship as the religion of the people." Many of the religious festival texts display hints of fertility orientation without stipulating their ritual use.


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The following are characteristic of the Babylonian motif, and they also appear essentially in the depictions of Isaiah 24- 27.

CL) Infertility. Agricultural and human infertility were common threats to the Babylonian. This threat, with its

85numerous ramifications, was the focus of seasonal lamentation.In the "Atrahasis" epic, unanticipated infertility is en-

86countered. In the Babylonian version of "Ishtar's Descentinto the Nether World" sterility is again the crisis, and lamen-

87tation is the cure. Certainly, for the Babylonian, infertility was a major category of world suffering. *

(2) Earthquake. Earthquake was another feared calamity. Besides having its own detrimental effect, the earthquake functioned as a foreboding ensign of approaching judgment.This is its primary function in the "quaking" imagery of thejudgment oracles of the prophets, and is clearly evident in_ -,88 Isa 24:1-3.

85Henri Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948), p. 314. The Babylonian Akitu festival in the spring was observed primarily to guarantee seasonal renewal of natural life.

86S. N. Kramer "Atrahasis," ANET, pp. 104-106. The impression of divine displeasure along with the verb tenses indicate a momentary crisis vis-a-vis the anticipatory mood in the summer laments, the Tammuz rites, and the New Year1s Festival.

87s . n . Kramer, "Ishtar's Descent into the Nether World," ANET, Obverse 76-79; p. 108; repeated on Reverse 6-10; p. 108.

88Cf. Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, p. 262.


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(31 City Desolation. The most characteristic element in the Babylonian motif of suffering/judgment was the destruction of the basic nucleus of their society, the city. Here was the basic identity and greatest value of the Babylonian.The extremes of hope and despair were integrally related to

89the city. Indeed, the city was the center of the entire Weltanschauung of the Babylonian. All other suffering could be only preliminary and peripheral in relationship to the fall of a city. This impression of a climactic focus on the suffering of the city is reflected in Isa 24:4-13.

The significance of the city was derivative from its sacrality, which centered in the temple of the tutelary deity.The destruction of the temple was regarded as the cause of

90infertility and a return to chaos. Thus, for the Babylonian the city needed its god; but, at the same time, the god was dependent upon the city. The poet of Isaiah 24-27 seems to be directly challenging this conceptualization. A city had fallen. Despair had been the result. The message of the booklet is,

®^Thorkild Jacobsen, "Mesopotamia" in The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man, ed. by Henri Frankfort, et al. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1946), pp. 141-142.

^®An integral relationship exists between the temple, the god and the fortunes of the people. For the god to exist his temple and city must exist; and for good fortunes to be guaranteed the god must exist in a sovereign state. Ivan Engnell, Studies in Divine Kingship in the Ancient Near East (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1967), p. 32. Here Engnell interprets the rite of royal mourning over the ruin of a symbolic temple as related to the seasonal dying off of vegetation. The lament ritual is followed by a building of a reed hut (a symbolic temple-city) and a hymn of exultation.


"Your hope lies not in a city but in the sovereignty of Yahweh. " The sovereignty of Yahweh is not dependent on the existence of a city but rather exists on the basis of His demonstrated sovereign nature.

Causality.— The Babylonian texts display several causalities. Indeed, their greatest concern was not description but remedy. Without prior consideration of causality the appropriate remedy could not be ascertained. This relationship between cause and remedy is evident in Isa 24:4-13 and 24:14- 16a. However, the Isaianic passage is highlighted even more by the contrast it presents with the several causal explanations presented in the Babylonian materials.

(1) Worldly Suffering as a Correlative of DivineSuffering. Often Tammuz, Ishtar, and Marduk were presented assuffering some misfortune, most often in the form of eitherimprisonment in the Nether World or premature death. In every

91case the world ramifications were noted. The Tammuz texts also indicate that he was on occasion portrayed as having been murdered, whereupon the complete stagnation of natural life began and continued until his consort, Ishtar, effected his

91A. Leo Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait ofa Dead Civilization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,1964), p. 196. This correlative relationship is especially evident in the case of Tammuz. James, Myth and Ritual in the Ancient Near East (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1958),pp. 44-45; Gadd, "Babylonian Myth and Ritual," in Myth and Ritual, ed. by S. H. Hooke (London: Oxford University Press,1933), p. 45. Oppenheim, p. 270, who connects "Ishtar's Descent into the Nether World" with the Tammuz cycle. Cf. Zenaide A. Ragozin, Chaldea From its Earliest Times to the Rise of Assyria (2nd. ed. rev.; New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1901),p. 324; O. R. Gurney, "Tammuz Reconsidered, Some Recent Developments," JSS VII (1962), pp. 147-160.

with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission

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release which subsequently allowed his power to be activatedon behalf of the world. The hieros gamos was the means forthis activation. Nowhere was Tammuz regarded as having been

92actively responsible for the crisis. World suffering was not due to Tammuz, though it was explained in terms of his presence or absence. The other primary deities were more actively involved.

Ishtar, goddess of the regenerative force in nature and mankind, was one of the primary movers in the Babylonian understanding of suffering. She was basic to explaining world suffering and in effecting its reversal, which could not occur without the potency of the presence of Tammuz. If Tammuz was gone, she had to seek him out, which often necessitated her

Q Osubmission to imprisonment. J As she suffered, so did theworld. Sexual libido ceased and the ordained benevolentsimtu was suspended. Thus, agricultural and urban life was

94jeopardized. Thus, Ishtar was the indispensable link between the beneficent power of the sovereign deity and the related community.

92T. Jacobsen, "Toward the Image of Tammuz," History of Religion, I (1961),190-191.

93A very different motivation for her trip into the Nether World is evidenced in the Babylonian version of the myth. Here she goes for the purpose of recovering Tammuz rather than for gaining additional sovereignty, as is indicated by the affirmative ending in "Ishtar's Descent" as contrasted with the tragic Tammuz ending in "Inanna's Descent." Cf. "Ishtar's Descent," Reverse 46-59, ANET; p. 109; "Inanna1s Descent,"ANET, p. 52, n.6.

94"Descent of Ishtar," obverse, 76-79, ANET, p. 108; Oppenheim, p. 270.


44QEMarduk was also presented in the Babylonian texts as

having suffered in battle and in imprisonment. The ritualtexts of the Akitu festival make it clear that Marduk didsuffer, nearly to the point of defeat, under the attack of

96Tiamat. With the discomfiture of Marduk urban chaos resulted.

In the "Epic of Irra," the absence of Marduk, who hasbeen tricked into visiting the Nether world, results in

98worldly travail. In his absence the evil Irra has free reign. The city, nature, animal and human life are devastated. Most basically the causality of worldly travail was not simply the absence of the patron deity but what was implied by his absence, e.g., the disestablishment of his sovereignty, and

V Q Qsubsequently,the benevolent simtu.

95Langdon, p.155; Engnell, p. 24. Engnell explains how Marduk assimilated the basic vegetation connotation of Tammuz in the Akitu festival.

9 8 E. Ebeling, Tod und Leben (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag,1931), pp. 24ff. He is pictured as being imprisoned in the mountain of the dead, smitten, wounded, and having his royal vestments removed.

97Gadd, pp. 58-59. Cultic lamentation and mock battle appear here as remedial activities. Both the lament form and the mythological conflict appear in Isaiah 24-27, but a great difference exists in the orientation. In neither case are the people prerequisite to the success of Yahweh. The account communicates information to the people but does not call for their ritual cooperation.

9 8 S. n. Kramer, Mythologies of the Ancient World, pp. 127-135. This epic will be further discussed below in relation to malevolent deities.

99Here the evolution of the older Sumerian understanding of Tammuz as passive transcendence into the figure of the active Marduk is evident. Marduk further is made immanent


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In light of the preceding discussion, it does appear that, for the Babylonian, suffering was directly connected to the fortune, presence, and sovereignty of the patron deity.This causal schema is directly refuted in the Isaianic booklet being considered in the present study. Whether this is related to Babylonian thought or to similar ideas within Israelite understanding, it is clear that this kind of causality is well rebutted.

(2) The Result of Evil Entities. The explanation of crisis as the result of the activity of evil powers is a corollary to the former explanation in that the disestablishment of patron sovereignty is prerequisite to inimical activity. However, when the exercise of the powers of divine sovereignty is impeded, the demonic forces are quick to actualize theirinimical potential. In the "Epic of Irra," after having gainedroyal ascendency, Irra announced his intentions.

I will put an end to all habitationsAnd turn them into mounds,

I will devastate all the cities And make them into ruins,

I will destroy the mountains And wipe out their flocks,

I will convulse the seas.And destroy their bounty. . . .

This inclusive imagery is strikingly similar to that of Isa 24;l’-lS. It does appear to be the intention of the poet to showthat these activities do not imply that Yahweh is out of control,

through the human king. Indeed, the king functioned primarily to establish the sovereignty of the patron deity and to set in motion the divine simtu through the means of temple dedication and the sacred marriage.

■^^Kramer, MAW, p. 130.


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or less sovereign,and that evil, divine opponents are established. Rather, Yahweh could act harshly if the occasion necessitated it. He could devastate His own and, at the same time,annihilate the opponents (Isa 24:21-23; 26:13-14; 27:1). Both actions would be demonstrative of divine sovereignty.

(3) Divine Judgment. Even though Babylonian religion\was basically magical and cultic vis-a-vis legal and ethical,

occasionally, a crisis was understood as having come as judgment upon sin. Enlil was the god most often depicted as acting judgmentally. His judgment was carried out through his "word" which proceeded from Ekur . 1 0 1 The sin Enlil characteristically attacked was human failure to provide cultic service to the gods . ^ ® 2 Sin in this context was vertical, ritual, and based on omission; and atonement was therefore made by the performance of ritual,tinged with m a g i c . T h i s emphasis contrasts with that of Isaiah 24-27 where sin is related to covenant violation (24:5),and atonement is brought about by the grace and sovereignty of Yahweh (27:7-9). Thus, even in regard to this third explanation of suffering, which most closely approaches the judgment emphasis of Isa 24:4-13, divergence is quite noticeable.

Ô^-Langdon, Semitic Mythology, pp. 99-100.■®2 Kramer, "The Creation Epic," in ANET, VI 106-120;

p. 69. This was the task for which man was created. Such service involved caring for the image and the larger context of the cult.

Sachs, "Temple Program for the New Year's Festivals at Babylon," in ANET, pp. 331-334. These atoning rites were closely associated with exorcisms.


47

C4L Divine Caprice. In spite of the logical nature of the previous three explanations, perhaps the most popular explanation was the mere acceptance of the inexplicability of suffering. This was completely in accord with the concepts of divine caprice and ultimate transcendence which characterized Babylonian theology. Unexplained calamity evoked from the community very little intellectual indignation. Their concern was not theodicy but remedy, which again highlights the magical nature of Babylonian r e l i g i o n . T h i s attitude contrasts strongly with Hebraic religion which interpreted historical events as having meaning in light of their being influenced by Yahweh. When an event did not fit with their understanding of God, either the theological concept had to be adapted or the situation had to be interpreted so as to reflect the theology.The latter is the objective of the poet of Isaiah 24-27. The crisis which had been experienced demanded reinterpretation so as to align with the concept of divine sovereignty.

Remedies for World Suffering.— The remedy for suffering/ judgment, experienced or anticipated, was the primary concern of Babylonian myth and ritual.

All of the suggested remedies have one common denominator. They have been created and utilized in the cult. The remedies

104Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, p. 278.What seems praise worthy to one's self is but contemptible

before the gods.What to one1s heart seems bad is good before one's god IWho may comprehend the mind of gods in heaven's depth?The thoughts of god are like deep waters, who could fathom

them?How could mankind, beclouded, comprehend the ways of gods?


48were Basically ritually accomplished. By way of contrast, the remedy for the suffering of the Israelites in Isaiah 24:4-13 lay in the sole activity of Yahweh. Yet the poet did help dismiss despair by communicating this information. In this sense the theodicean thrust of the booklet is r e m e d i a l .

The uniqueness of the solution to the crisis within Isaiah 24- 27 appears clearly when viewed in light of the ritual remedies of the Babylonian materials. All find reflection in the booklet in Isaiah, though greatly adapted to the impression of divine sovereignty.

(1) Mimetic Conflict. The Babylonian believed tliat suffering could be averted if the malevolent deities could be defeated or imprisoned. In the context of ritual magic such

ian objective is evident in the construction and subsequent destruction of malevolent images on the sixth day of the Akitu festival.-*-0® The recitation of the conflict-based enuma elis with its accompanying ritual reflects the same intentions.107

The ritual conflict had the negative objective of warding off the evil powers and at the same time the positive

^ 5In the Biblical section below it will be demonstrated that while the booklet utilizes motifs which were cultic in origin, the actual creation of Isaiah 24-27 was not within the cult nor was the booklet intended to be utilized in ritual format. Cultic materials were selected by the poet because of their inherent meanings in order to communicate theological information.

^^Gadd, p. 48. The figures were connected with the foreboding images of the serpent and the scorpion and were to be destroyed by decapitation and burning. According to Gadd, these represented the enemies of Marduk.

lO^This concept is more fully discussed in the following section.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission

49

objective of establishing and catalysting the sovereign power of the patron deity. However, without the prescribed ritual of the cult and the person of the human king, neither objective could be a c h i e v e d . A g a i n the contrast with Isaiah 24-27 is striking. There the poet shows that evil forces are to be destroyed, and the sovereign power of Yahweh is to be unleashed in unprecedented fashion. However, both are to be accomplished without king and cult and solely under the direction of Yahweh. The obvious intention of the procession is to affirm,and ritually impart,sovereignty which will be so vital in the impending combat with the Festival House. *

(2) Building Rite . ^ 9 Another essential to the remedy was often the erection of a symbolic building. The building corresponded to the mythical E-sagila, and often took the form of a reed hut. This rite was deemed necessary in establishingsovereignty and channeling its power into the world.

(3) Person and Role of the King . 1 1 1 The remedial process would have been totally ineffective without the function of the human king. He was necessary to establish and catalyst divine

1 0 8 Gadd, p. 57; the earthly king is essential in the procession for he leads the statue of Marduk by the hand.

109F. Thureau- Dangin, Rituels Accadiens (Paris;Lerous, 1921)., pp. 89-90.

1 1 0 H3 t 4 D :> (Isa 24:20) may reflect this imagery. Ifso, still another Babylonian disparagement is present. The poet would be showing that temple security was false at best and that the sovereignty of Yahweh did not require its existence as the Babylonian system did for Marduk.

■^Ôppenheim, pp. 184-186.


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sovereignty. Indeed, he was the most essential element in the entire scheme. In his personhood it was thought that he had the capability to identify with and synthesize the attributes of different high gods, e.g., Enlil, Asshur, Marduk,

112Tammuz, et al. At the same time he was also versatileenough to identify with the natural realm and the people. Hismediational status is attested by his association with the"tree of life motif. Establishing favorable destinies washis greatest responsibility. This was accomplished rituallythrough activities solely reserved for the king: banqueting inprivate behind a veil with the deity, and performing the hierosgamos.-*- Therefore, a major role of the king was that of

115magical functionary. This emphasis on the role of the kingis greatly contrasted by the omission of a monarch figure in the booklet of Isaiah and by its emphasis on the healing efficacy of Yahweh solely. Benevolent destinies are established

^-■Êngnell, p. 24; Langdon, pp. 158, 326-327; James,p. 54.

1 1 3 S. H. Hooke, "The Babylonian New Year Festival," Journal of the Manchester Egyptian and Oriental Society, pp. 29- 38; The Labyrinth (New York: Macmillan, 1935), p. 226.

•^Ôppenheim, pp. 186, 265. Oppenheim sees a very close relation between istaru and simtu, and concludes that Ishtar was the divine personification of the agency through ■which the good simtu was established. In the sacred marriage, the King, having already received simtu from the sovereign deity, imparts £imtu into Ishtar who then becomes activated as the agency of distribution for mankind.

l - ^ F r a n k f o r t , Kingship and the Gods, p. 259, states,"the King was manipulated almost like a talisman— or he became the scapegoat, charged before the gods with all the sins of the community. Hence his time was largely taken up with penitence and prophylatic magic. "


51

due to the nature of Yahweh not to the ritual functions of a monarch.11®

The Babylonian Motif of Mythological Conflict

The Sumerian BackgroundThe Sumerian motif of conflict which was adapted by

her Babylonian successors focuses upon the destruction of variousdraconic figures. Samuel Noah Kramer recognized the destructionof a monster as a characteristic and frequent motif within

117Sumerian mythology. The episodes of draconic conflict clusteraround the figure of Ninurta, god of the south wind, who is oftenpictured as a kingly protector against the enemies of Sumer,

118depicted on occasion in serpentine form. In this dragon-119slaying activity Ninurta prefigures the Babylonian Marduk.

1 1 6 Infra., pp. 122-127.'1^Samuel Noah Kramer, "Review of Alexander Heidel's

The Babylonian Genesis; The Story of Creation," JAOS, LXIII (1943), p. 73, n. 9. Kramer was so convinced of the popularity of this motif that in his classic Sumerian Mythology he used the motif to isolate a separate myth category— "Myths of Kur;" pp. 76-96; Cf. Thorkild Jacobsen, "Sumerian Mythology: A ReviewArticle," JNES, V (1946), 145-148, where Jacobsen differs with Kramer's choice of draconic referents while agreeing with the general nature of the motif. The challenge by Jacobsen over the identity of the figure Kur was later accepted by Kramer in his From the Tablets of Sumer, p. 196.

11®Stephen H. Langdon, Semitic Mythology, Vol. V of The Mythology of All Races (New York: Cooper Square Publishers,Inc., 1964), pp. 119-124; Jacobsen, "Sumerian Mythology," p. 147.

1 1 ®Langdon, Semitic Mythology, pp. 115-118; Gaster, Thespis, pp. 138, 150. For the same motif cf. A. K. Grayson,"The Myth of Zu," in The Ancient Near East: Supplementary Textsand Pictures Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton University Press, 1969), pp. 514-517; S. N. Kramer, "Sumerian


52/

The central concern of the instances of conflict wasthat of divine sovereignty. If Ninurta could annihilate alldraconic pretenders, then all would be in order. The favorabledestinies could be actualized. Historical threats and crisescould be repelled, an emphasis far more cosmopolitan than thefertility orientation of the Canaanite form of the motif. Thisurban-historical emphasis continued in the Babylonian materialsand is more akin to Isaiah 24-27, and, especially in the presentcontext, Isa 27:1.

The study now turns to the Babylonian development ofthe motif. By far the most extensive use of the motif was

vfound in the Akitu rites and the Enuma elis.

CombatantsMarduk and Babylon.— Marduk is the obvious hero of the

myth. He is presented as a lesser deity who gains the sovereign120position by virtue of his outstanding prowess m battle.

Being the tutelary deity of Babylon, Marduk prospered as the city prospered. Because of the unification policy of Hammurabi, in the mythological realm, Marduk was able to assimilate the collective power of the other urban deities. Indeed,

Vone motive of the creation of the Enuma elis was to produce a type of Marduk apologetic which was historically the result of the hegemony of the city of Babylon. Thus, in the myth Marduk

Literature," PAPS, LXXXV (1942), 293-323; "The Myth of Zu":S. N. Kramer, ''Fragments of Epics and Myths, No. 41," AASOR XXIII (1943-1944), 19.

120e . o . James, The Ancient Gods (New York: G. P.Putnam's Sons, 1960), pp. 74-76.


53

becomes the champion and sovereign of the gods, and Babylon, focused in the Esagila, becomes the center of the earth from which all blessings flow. This reciprocal relationship between city and deity with its diminished concept of sovereignty is strongly contrasted by the singular status of Yahweh in Isaiah 24-27.

The form of Tiamat fluctuates in the myth. In the beginning she appears as a vast amorphous,though personified, body of salt water. By the time the conflict scene appears, she is depicted more explicitly as a draconic figure./Tiamat is regarded by the mythographer as the primeval dragon of chaos who must be defeated in order that divine sovereignty can be established, and subsequent terrestrial order and blessing can come about.

Allies and Weapons.— There were lesser deities who were allied to Tiamat. Kingu, her selected spouse, was made leader of lesser allied gods and the host of dragons. His authority and power lay in his possessing the Tablets of Fate.

Essential to establishing the power of Tiamat's hosts122was the corporate authorization of an assembly. The same

prerequisite was evident in regard to the arming of Marduk forbattle. This is contrasted with the judgment-destruetion

■2 ^S. G. F. Brandon, Creation Legends of the Ancient Near East (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1960), pp. 100-102.Here Brandon sees the amorphous nature of Tiamat as being due to the mixture of two motifs based upon the Sumerian myths dealing with Ninurta and Kur, and the general mythologicalhandling of Enlil as the separator of heaven and earth.

■2 2 E. A. Speiser, "The Creation Epic," ANET, I, 131;p. 62.


-54activity of Yahweh in Isa 24:21-23; 26:13-14; 26:20-27:1.Yahweh needs no corporate authorization. Neither does Ee require the assistance of either allies or weapons. 1 2 2

The ConflictThe Challenge of Sovereignty.— Tablet IV contains the

brief lines of challenge. The two-fold challenge, first by Tiamat and then by Marduk, follows upon the account of the disbursement of the inimical forces.12 In Isa 24:16b-23, a similar trapping and incarceration of the hosts is presented.

The challenge of Tiamat makes it quite plain that the issue over which the battle would be fought was that of

■joesovereignty. “ Alexander Heidel interprets this challenge tomean— "Have the gods ascended to your level or have they de-cended to your level? " 1 2 6 Sovereignty is also the basis of the

127rebuttal challenge of Marduk. Sovereignty is also the central thrust of the imprisonment and destruction of all those who might detract from the recognition of the sovereign status of Yahweh in Isa 24:21-23; 26:20-27:1. Never is it implied in

. 1 2 3 n n of 27:1 will be shown below as an emblem of sovereignty rather than a necessary weapon. This is clear when the extensive armaments of Marduk are surveyed: bow and arrow,mace, lightning, fire, a net, the four-fold and seven-fold wind, the storm chariot with four ferocious horses, a cloak of terror and an awesome halo; Ibid., IV, 35-64; p. 6 6 ; Brandon, p. 99.

124gpeiser, "The Creation Epic," IV, 67-70; p. 6 6 . The enemy forces having been scattered, the conflict has been narrowed to two combatants.

1 2 5 Ibid., IV, 71-74; pp. 66-67.^2Âlexander Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis (Chicago:

University of Chicato Press, 1951), p. 39, n. 63.*2 ^Speiser, "The Creation Epic," IV, 75-86; p. 67,


55the booklet that the sovereignty of Yahweh is to be earned.It need be only demonstrated.

Results of the Conflict.— The results of the conflict are particularly helpful in visualizing the relationship to Isaiah 24-27 and the uniqueness of the latter. There are eleven direct results of the conflict, all of which center upon the establishment of the sovereignty of Marduk;128

i OQ(1) Imprisonment of the opposing hosts.(2) Trampling of the demonic monstrous creatures.3-30(3) Kingu bound.3-31(4) Taking of the Tablets of Fate.

133(5) Mutilation of Tiamat and creation of the universe.(6 ) Establishment of the divine d o m a i n s . 134

135(7) Creation of the luminaries. J

128gpeiser, "The Creation Epic," IV 105-VII 157; pp. 67-72.

1 2 9 Ibid., IV 107-114; p. 67.130lbid., IV, 115-118; p. 67.131ibid., IV 119-120; p. 67.l3 2 ibid., IV 121-122; p. 67; Oppenheim, Mesopotamia,

pp. 201-204. Oppenheim shows that possession of the Tablets of Destiny, or simtu, was prerequisite to effecting divine sovereignty .

l^^Speiser, "The Creation Epic," IV, 128-140; p. 67.The description of the creation is tangential and simple. The epic is more centered in sovereignty and historical destiny than in creation. This is also true of Isaiah 24-27, though below is demonstrated the way in which a creation has been adapted eschatologically in Isa 25:6-10a.

134 Ibid., IV 14- V 10; p. 67.^•35gpe^serf "The Creation Epic," V, 11^22; p. 6 8 . This


(8 ) Creation of mankind . 1 3 5

(9) Establishment of the domain of the Anunnaki. 1 3 7

(10) Erection of the Esagila. 1 3 8

(11) The Coronation-Dedication banquet in which the destinies were established. 1 3 3

All eleven direct results point clearly to the major mythological purpose of the conflict, i.e., to demonstrate the ability and right of Marduk to possess the sovereign position within the Babylonian pantheon. They further helped produce and continue that sovereignty.

For the poet of Isaiah 24-27 a similar purpose was envisioned behind the judgmental sections in which Yahweh punishes and annihilates the highest eschalons of those who oppose His sovereignty. His activities in this regard demonstrate His sovereign status. Thus, in 24:21-22 the hosts are imprisoned; in 24:23 the luminaries are confounded; in 27:1 the

act was understood as the fixing of the destiny of the terrestrial realm; cf. Brandon, p. 103. The luminaries were not created to give light to the earth but as regulators for the divine activities, as a calendar of events insuring normal progression; cf. Frankfort, The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man, p. 181.

1 3 5 Speiser, "The Creation Epic," VI, 1-38; p. 6 8 .1 3 7 Ibid., VI 44-48; p. 6 8 .1 3 8 Speiser, "The Creation Epic," VI 51-70; pp. 68-69.

The sovereignty of Marduk could be established without theerection and dedication of a building.

1 3 9 Ibid., VI 71-VI 157; pp. 68-70; See the discussion of the banquet motif below.


57draconic figure is mutilated, and in 25:6-10b in a sacral mountain setting a banquet is held to recognize the sovereignty of Yahweh and to initiate the full realization of the benevolent destinies which derive from His enthronement. The similarities and differences are striking when viewed in light of

. Vthe Enuma elis. The consistency of the borrowing and adapting pattern suggests that the poet of the booklet purposely reflected the Babylonian myth in order to refute its basic thrust. Yahweh, not Marduk, was sovereign. Indeed the sovereignty of Yahweh far surpassed that of Marduk, an emphasis made through the unique adaptation of the Babylonian motif.

The Babylonian Motif of .the Coronation BanquetFeasting appears frequently within the Babylonian texts

and most often in a royal c o n t e x t . H o w e v e r , as with theconflict motif, the most comprehensive and representativedescription of the banquet motif appears in the Enuma elis.After the food had been offered to the image of the god, thefood remaining was treated as sacred and could be eaten onlyby the king. The sacral, sovereign significance of the king

141was thereby affirmed.

140Qppenheim, pp. 1Q5, 147, 328. Oppenheim describes the large banquet halls which were a necessary part of every royal palace along with texts devoted entirely to the procedures to be followed in royal feasting, e.g. the banquet text of Assurnasirpal II.

141e . Sollberger, "The Tummal Inscription," JCS, XVI C19621, 40-67. Here Sargon was accepted as monarch of Babylon by such a banquet. This was both a recognition of his sovereignty and an appeal for his being a blessing in their midst.


58As significant as the king was in the banquet, the

major focus was upon the image of the deity which was constructed ritually in order that it would be thought of as possessing real life.^4 The image was always treated with royal reverence, and therefore, did not eat in a corporate setting. In fact, when his meal was presented, a veil was drawn to shield him from the rest of the world.

This exclusive emphasis obviously contrasts with the universal setting of Isaiah 25:6-10a. The veil is removed, and no mediator is necessary.

Mythological EnthronementvIn the Enuma elis the royal banquet motif appears at

two specific points. The first banquet scene is immediatelyprior to the c o n f l i c t . A n s h a r called for the banquet forthe purpose of ensuring the victory of Marduk over Tiamat andKingu through acclaiming Marduk sovereign on the basis of the

144corporate authority of the Assembly. Enthronement was the primary objective. Marduk had been chosen to be the hero of the gods, but his success had to be guaranteed by the investment of corporate power. Thus, Marduk agreed to fight only if he were first acclaimed divine sovereign. Such designated

•*-4 Â. M. Blackman, "The Rite of Opening the Mouth in Ancient Egypt and Babylonia," Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, X (1924), 47-59; S. Smith, "The Babylonian Ritual for the Consecration and Induction of a Divine Statue," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, XXXII (1925), 37-60.

1 4 3 Kramer, "The Creation Epic," III, 1-9; p. 64.1 4 4 Ibid., III-Iv 34; pp. 65-66.


59

sovereignty on the part of the assembled deities was absolutely essential for the conflict with Tiamat and Kingu, who already possessed the Tablets of Fate. The ceremony began with the construction of a throne on which Marduk was to sit at the head of the Assembly. A hymn of praise was employed to focus upon his honor and unrivaled status. He was further honored by stressing the efficacy of his word. They had elected him to the kingship of the universe, and they appealed to him to use that sovereignty for their benefit.

To test the effectiveness of their ritual efforts the gods asked to see Marduk cause, through his word, a piece of cloth to vanish and then return. Marduk was successful and thus received the acclamation by the assembly, "Marduk is King." He was further invested with the sovereign objects of sceptre, throne, and vestment.^4 All of these prerequisites to sovereignty are contrasted significantly in Isaiah 24-27 where the sovereignty of Yahweh simply exists.

# VThe other banquet scene presented in the Enuma elis147appears subsequent to the victory of Marduk over Tiamat.

The purpose of this banquet was not to acclaim Marduk king but to set in motion the benevolent effects of the sovereignty of Marduk which had been demonstrated in conflict. This time the

1 4 5 Ibid., IV, 14-18; p. 65.1 4 6 Ibid., IV, 28-31; p. 6 6 .1 4 7 Ibid., VI 67- VII 157; pp. 69-72.


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focus was on extolling the nature of Marduk, who had proven his right to be king.148

The setting for this royal banquet was the temple- palace, the Esagila, the mountain house of Marduk. This had been built to give further homage to Marduk and to catalyst the effects of divine sovereignty into the world. 1 4 9

The creative acts of Marduk are striking by their absence. The emphasis was not on the beginning of creation but upon its ordering and continuance. Thus, at this point, the epic was concerned with enumerating the cultic duties of human beings to their sovereign gods and, especially, to Marduk . 1 5 0

This "recognition" and "destiny-resolving" banquet most closely parallels Isa 25:6-10a. However, again the difference lies in the focus. The Babylonian motif centered upon the action of the assembly which tried to produce beneficent results through affecting Marduk. The poet of the booklet focused on the action of Yahweh. The people were merely the recipients of His blessing.

1 4 8 Ibid., VI 81-90; p. 69.1 4 9 Ibid., VI 74-80; p. 69.1 5 0 Ibid., VI 108-120. Marduk is here referred to as the

shepherd of the black-headed people. The cultic duties include: food offerings, furnishing and tending sanctuaries; burning incense; and constructing replicas of the divine realm— "a likeness on earth of what he had wrought in heaven."


ConclusionOn the basis of the striking parallels and the

consistent adaptation pattern used by the poet of Isaiah 24- 27 in relationship to the Babylonian motifs, it appears that the ideological background of the booklet is more Babylonian than Canaanite. In the theological analysis of the booklet this relationship will be further investigated.


CHAPTER II

TRANSLATION, TEXT, AND FORM ANALYSIS

A Translation of Isaiah 24-27^

Isaiah 24 1 Behold! Yahweh is about to devastatethe earth and desolate it.

He will twist severely her surface and scatter her inhabitants.

2 And it shall be like people, like priest,like servant, like master, like maid servant, like mistress, like buyer, like seller, like lender, like borrower, like creditor, like debtor.

3 Utterly devastated will the earth be;yea, utterly desecrated will it be.

For Yahweh has spoken this word.4 It mourns, the earth withers;

it languishes, the world withers; the most exalted people of the earth

languish.*5 And the earth is profaned

under its inhabitants,Because they transgressed laws,

they violated statutes, they broke the eternal covenant.

6 Therefore, a curse devours the earth,and its inhabitants are appalled.*

Therefore, the inhabitants of the earth have dwindled; and few people remain.

7 The new wine mourns,the vine languishes,and all the merry-hearted groan.

^•Where the translation reflects a departure from the MT an asterisk appears. Justification for the translation is found in the textual section which follows.

62


638 Ceased is the joy of the tambourines;

at an end is the din of the celebrants; ceased is the joy of the lyre.

9 They drink wine with no singing;strong drink is bitter to those who

drink it.10 Destroyed is the city of emptiness;

shut up is every house, no one enters.11 A cry over the wine is heard in the streets;

gone* is all joy;the joy of the earth is banished.

1 2 emaining in the city is devastation;the gate is shattered to ruins;

13 For thus it is in the heart of the earth,among the people;

Like the striking of the olive,like the gleaning when the vintage is

over.14 Let them lift up their voices!

Let them celebrate the majesty of Yahweh! Cry out* from the west!

15 Also in the east,"Glorify Yahweh!"

In the coastlands,"the name of Yahweh,

God of Israel!"16 From the end of the earth

we hear songs;"Glory to the Righteous One!"

And I say, "I have a secret, I have a secret — Woe*to the treacherous ones,

they have been treacherous;Treachery to the treacherous ones,

they have been treacherous.17 Terror and pit and snare

upon you, 0 dweller of earth.18 He who flees from the voice of terror

shall fall into the pit, and he who climbs out of the pit

shall be caught in the snare!"The windows from on high have been opened,

and the pillars of the earth tremble.19 Breaking, breaking* is the earth,

crumbling, crumbling is the earth, shaking, shaking is the earth,

20 Staggering, staggering is the earth, like adrunk;

it sways like a hut;and its sin weighs it down;and it will fall;

and will rise no more.


64

21 And it will come to pass on that daythat Yahweh will punish

The host of heaven in heavenand the kings of the earth on the earth.

22 *They violently collected* prisoners into apit,

But now they will be locked in prison;at long last, they will be punished.

23 And the moon will be confounded,and the sun will be shamed.

For Yahweh Sabaoth reignson Mount Zion and in Jerusalem,

and before his elders gloriously.Isaiah 25 1 0 Yahweh, you are my God;

I will exalt you; your name I will praise; For you have performed a wonder.

Counsels of long-standinghave been steadfast and faithful.

2 For you have made the city a heap of stones,the fortified town, a ruin;

The palace of foreigners from within the city will never be rebuilt.

3 Therefore, refugees will glorify you;cities*of terror-striking people

will fear you.4 For you have been a refuge for the poor,

a refuge to the needy in his distress, a shelter from the storm, a shade from the heat;

For the fury of the awesome ones is like a a storm which twists*

and devastates Zion.*

5 You subdued the roar of the strangers,*like heat with the shade of a cloud; the fury of the awesome is controlled.

6 And Yahweh Sabaoth will makefor all people on this mountain

A banquet of rich meats,a banquet of choice wines,

Rich pieces of meat full of marrow, choice wines, well refined.

7 And He will destroy on this mountainthe presence of the veil which covers

all the people, the screen which shades all the nations.

8 He will destroy death forever;and Lord Yahweh will wipe away the tears

from every face; and the reproach of His people He will

remove from all the earth. Thus Yahweh has spoken;


65

Isaiah

9 And you* will say on that day-"Behold, Yahweh* is our God-

He is the One; we have waited forhim;

and He will save us.This is Yahweh; we have waited for

him.Let us rejoice and celebrate his salva

tion I"10 For the hand of Yahweh will rest upon this

mountain.* * *

26 1 On that day the song shall be sungin the land of Judah.

"The city is our refuge,he establishes salvation by walls and

bulwarks.2 Open your* gates,

that the faithful nation of the RighteousOne may enter.

3 His* purpose is sustained.You will maintain perfect peace,

for in you is security."4 "Trust Yahweh forever,

for in Yah* there is an everlastingfortress.

5 For He has humbled the dwellers of theheavens.

A lofty city he has laid low,* humbled it to the ground.

He hurled it into the dust.6 The* feet of the poor will trample* it,

the steps of the needy."7 The way of the Righteous One* is upright deeds;

the path of righteousness,* you makesmooth.

8 Indeed, the way of your judgments,0 Yahweh, we await.*

Your name and your memoryare the delight of our souls.*

9 With all my being I desire you in the night;yea, with all my might*do I seek you,

For when your judgments are enacted on theearth,

the inhabitants of the world learnrighteousness.

10 If the wicked receives favor,he does not learn righteousness;

On the earth he will oppose upright deeds,and he disregards the majesty of Yahweh.


6611 Yahweh, your hand is lifted up;

they will not see!*Let them see, and be ashamed by the zealous

nessconcerning your people;

Indeed, let the fire of your enemies consumethem.

12 Yahweh, establish peace for us;for you have already requited* us for

our misconduct.13 Yahweh, our God,

lords have ruled over us;other than you,* we have not known;we have caused Your name to be remembered.

14 They are dead, they will not live.They are shades, they will not rise up.

For this reason you did punish and annihilatethem,

and you did away with every memory ofthem.

15 You have acted for the nation again, 0 Yahweh!You have acted for the nation again—

You have been glorified.You have gone beyond every boundary

of the land.16 Yahweh, in distress we* have sought You;

in anguish we have whispered spells for your judgment upon them.

17 As a pregnant woman approaching the time ofdelivery

writhes, screams out in her pains;So have we been before You, 0 Yahweh.

18 We have conceived, we have writhed,we have brought forth wind.

We have not been victorious on the earth;the inhabitants of the world do not fall.

19 Let your dead ones live!Let their* bodies arise!

Let the dwellers of the dust arise and singfor joy!

For the dew of light is your dew,and you cause it to fall on the land

of shades.20 Go, my people, enter your chambers,

and lock your door behind you.Hide for a little while

until the wrath passes* over.21 For, behold, Yahweh is about to go out from

his placeto punish the inhabitants of the earth

for their iniquity; And the earth shall display its blood;

it shall no longer cover up its slain.


67

Isaiah 27 1 In that day Yahweh will punishwith his relentless, great, and strong

swordLeviathan, the fleeing serpent,

Leviathan, the twisting serpent;Yea, he will kill the dragon which is in the

sea.2 In that day (there will be) a pleasant vine

yard!Sing of it!

3 I, Yahweh guard it;I water it continually;

lest it* be harmed,*day and night I guard it.

4 I have no wrath—Whoever gives me briars and* thorn bushes,

In battle I will march against them;I will burn them up together.

5 But, if he takes hold upon my refuge,he will make peace with Me, he will make peace with Me.

6 The days are coming when Jacob shall takeroot,

Israel shall sprout and bloom,and their fruit will fill the face

of the world.7 Has he smitten* like the smitings of his

smiters,or has he killed like the killings of his

killers?*8 When she is swept clean,*

when she is divorced,she will call for a trial.*

He has removed them* with His mighty blast in the day of the east wind.

9 Therefore, by this will the guilt of Jacob beexpiated;

and by this will the removal of his sinbe accomplished,

When He : >akes all the altar stones into crushedchalk stones;

so that no sacral pole or incense altar isleft standing.

10 For the fortified city is solitary,an abode deserted and forsaken like the

wilderness.There the calf grazes,

and there he lies down,and consumes the boughs of its fruit

trees.


6811 When its boughs are dry they are broken;

women come and make fires with them. Because they have not been a people of

understanding, therefore, their Maker is not compassion

ate to them,and their Creator is not merciful to them.

12 And it shall come to pass in that day-Yahweh will strike the *olive bough

from* the Euphrates to the brook ofEgypt,

And you will be gleaned, one by one,

0 sons of Israel.13 And it shall come to pass in that day,

a great trumpet will be blown,And those who are lost in the land of Assyria

will come,And those who were scattered in the land of

Egypt;And they will worship Yahweh,

on the holy mountain in Jerusalem.

The Text of Isaiah 24-27În the textual explanation which follows only those

places where the MT has been amended will be noted. The

Otto Frocksch, Jesaia I in the KAT (Leipzig: ADeichertsche Verlagsbuchhandlung D. Werner Scholl, 1930), pp. 305-346; G. B. Gray, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of Isaiah. I-XXXIX (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1912),P£. 397-472; Georg Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja, Bd. II in the Zurcher Bibelkommentare (Stuttgart: Zwingli Verlag, 1967),pp. 1-4 3; Bernhard Duhm, Das Buch Jesaia (Leipzig: S. Ilirzel,1922), pp. 172-194; August Dillmann, Per Prophet Jesaia (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1890), pp. 217-245. Individual treatments dealing with the text of Isaiah 24-27 are: PaulLohmann, "Das Lied Jes 25:1-5,” ZAW, XXXIII (1913), 256-262; "Die selbtstandigen lyrischen Abschnitte in Jes 24-27," ZAW,XXXVII (1917), 1-58; Ernst Liebmann, "Der Text zu Jesaia 24- 27," ZAW,XXII (1902), 1-56, 285-304; XXIII (1903), 209-236; XXIV (1904), 51-104; XXV (1905), 145-171; G. R. Driver, "Linguistic and Textual problems: Isaiah I-XXXIX," JTS ,XXXVIII (1937), 36-50; Edward Robertson, "Isaiah XXVII 2-6," ZAW.XLVII (1929), 197-206; and more recently, Georg Fohrer, "Der Aufbau der Apokalypse des Jesajabuchs (Is. 24-27)," CBQ, XXV.i (1963), 34-45; and the textual discussions in the dissertations by March and Redditt who both update the textual


general reliability of the MT is here affirmed.^69

Notes on Chapter 24Verse 4

adapted to its singular form on the evidence of the Peshitta, Vulgate and DSIa. This allows all of the verbal forms to coincide in number with their objects.'*

Verse 6•> o iii x .7 > is adjusted by the removal of the ,\f and

repointed to ‘)Ol4*) . DSIa and the Targum support such achange.^ The root is not TQ but 13 0 0] with the A,'

rbeing explained as a vowel letter.

study of this material in light of DSIa. Cf. J. Lindblom,Die Jesaja-Apokalypse in der neuen Jesajahandschrift (DSIa) (Lund: C. W. X. Gleerup, 1951), pp. 87-97.

3The basic texts used for the textual study were: Karl Elliger and Wilhelm Rudolph, eds., Liber Jesaiae V$l. VII of Biblia i-Iebraica Stuttgartensia (Suttgart: Wurttembergische Bibelanstalt, 1968) and Rudolph Kittel,et al., Biblia Hebraica (7th ed., New York: American BibleSociety, 1937).

4March, p. 12, amends the text from 'TlinOto n o o n with no textual evidence but solely uponthe basis that such a shift dismisses the confusion. However, the expression is quite readable as it stands in the MT when the singular verb is utilized along with an adjectival superlative rendering of -q n o

^March, p. 12, n. 1; Lindblom, JADSIa, p. 90; cf.MT and DSIa on Isa 40:11 (TTit!) • <9 ) ; 55:12 (XinO'’ WHO'’) 744:17 (.inu ( jrnx'ui )•

Êrnst Wurthwein, The Text of the Old Testament, trans.by Peter R. Ackroyd (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1957),p. 74.


70

)~l)n replaces I'ill • DSIa supports thisemendation. n r i / in the Qal, appears only here, and the

7active sense presents a problem. However,with the waw inserted,Otranslation is facilitated, and the root becomes “IIfl •

Verse 11The MT reads Cliny . Even metaphorically the word

is problematic and must be considered sui generis. The LXX,Peshitta, and Targum suggests which provides a'suitableparallel with the following line. A scribal transposition of

gletters is the probable explanation for the MT reading.

Verse 14A change in the pointing of * ^ 0 ^ renders it an

imperative which removes the problem of the perfect tense with no waw consecutive.^-® When 14b is taken as part

^Francis Brown, " m n " i n A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, ed. by Francis Brown, S. R. Driver, and S. R. Briggs (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1913), p. 359.

®Lindblom, JADSIa, pp. 90-91, sees tha DSIa rendering as greatly coincident with the eschatological nature of the passage. "Wegen der Shrecken der eschatologishen Katastrophe stehen die Menschen erblasst vor Entsetzen . . . Die Vorstel- * lungen folgen einander allerdings ziemlich abrupt; das ist aber in einem eschatologischen Text ganz stilgemass. Die Lesart der neuen Handschrift ist ernsthaft in Betracht zu ziehen."Cf. Isa 29:22. The LXX, tit<o x o \ fioovxai , approaches the meaning of n n • c^* Redditt, p. 15.

®James Kennedy, An Aid to the Textual Amendment of the Old Testament, ed. by N . Levinson (Edinburgh: T & T Clark,1928), p. 124.

10 . March, pp. 13-14, n. 3; BHS; Wilhelm Rudolph,"Jesaja 24-27*," BWANT,IX-X (1933), 11, cited by March, p. 13;Lindblom, DJA, p. 22; Duhm, p. 175.


71

of verse 15, as DSIa indicates, the thought and verb forms are readily paralleled. With the removal of 14b, the remainder of verse 14 divides easily after 0$)|? into a 3 + 3 parallel bicola, and verse 15 becomes a direct quotation as a call for universal praise.**

Verse 1613 **7 A l ''i is adapted to read 13 on

the evidence of the Targum and the Greek, OCal xotc AdexoOoiv. The shift in mood from celebration to judgment upon the evildoers also recommends the textual change. * 2

Verse 19The MT il V ) is better read y H with the

H being explained on the basis of dittography. Thisslight deletion removes the grammatical difficulty in rela-

13tion to its double ayin root.

Verse 22Here great difference of opinion exists among

scholars over the problematic phrase..."MlV V 6>t 'IS d tf •

**March, p. 13.*2Edward Kissane, The Book of Isaiah (Dublin:

Browne and Nolan, 1941), pp. 266-270; Procksch, pp. 309, 312. Procksch amends the text on the evidence of the LXX, Theodotian and the Targum. He argues that such a change accords well with "der Geheimnis" of the- prophet which Procksch([has taken "auf des aramaisch-persische Lehnwort, rax (a). Fur ^ 'MX ist,. . . nach LXX zITlesen . . ." Prockschtranslates the passage— "Und ich sprach: Mein Geheimnis, MeinGeheimnis! 'Weh 'den Treulosen," "Treue die bracken."

*2 March, p. 51; Lindblom, DJA, p. 25; Duhm, p. 177;


72DSIa omits the initial vaw prefized to along with theentire word, " P A X . The LXX indicates the legitimacy of omitting X by its rendering, kol crjvc5£ouolv mol dnoKAefoouoiv etc 6xupcjya xou. etc fieopwrtotov. The Targum further complicates the matter by transposing T'6*' to a position behind

"I) 1 and by allowing a Qal form of the verb— "O > 9&V) T A V Jii” *|AX • March and Procksch both suggest the Pu’al form for )9&)0 However, Lindblom demonstrates that

will bear an infinitival interpretation as it stands. He also suggests deleting "PAX- in view of DSIa and the LXX on the argument of simplification.15 The change suggested here departs from all of these suggestions and allows the CT to stand with the exception of the minor deletion of the initial waw on ) 9&X in light of DSIa and the prefixing of i\ from d X • This allows the verb to remain in theperfect (Qal), and X to remain as an infinitive absolute.

also remains though in a definite form.15 The waw prefixed to )"\JL& becomes the waw consecutive. The phrase

Kissane, p. 270; Karl Marti, Das Buch Jesaia, Kurzer Hand- Kommentar zura Alten Testament, Vol. X (Tubingen, Freiburg: J. C. B. Mohr, 1900), p. 186; Redditt, p. 23.

1^March, p. 68; Procksch, p. 314. Both suggest that because H 9 A X is a hapax legomenon it is advisable to remove the final He from and attach it as the articleto , thus making the infinitive absolute form for

15Lindblom, JADSIa, p. 91, states, "sie werden zuhauf in die Abyssos versammelt und in den Verschluss eingeschlossen werden." Redditt, p. 24, regards "PAX. as a gloss.

16 Supra, n. 14.


73as amended appears— -oa. 'feX fl °fi> < )$d

: \ : - • -r t » -r « x

■YLd<V6D.*i i • ••


J P T p is retained but read ^'IJ) ^ on tbe basisof its agreement with the plural ) X "V**1 and because the LXX reading is n6A.eic

Verse 4The MT T'p -s repointed as "V|7 • When this is

done, the awkwardness in both grammar and thought is allevi- ated.~

Kautzsch and A. E. Cowley, eds., Gesenius'Hebrew Grammar (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1910), 87; p. 242.

18Some have resolved the problem by deleting or H "MX , but neither deletion seems defensible in

light of their inclusion in the MT, DSIa, the Targum, and the LXX. G. B. Gray, "Critical Discussions: Isaiah 2:6;25:1-5; 34:12-13," ZAW, XXXI (1911), 120, suggests delection of on the basis of the LXX which he sees as never using

dvdptimov as its Greek equivalent in Isaiah. The Greek equivalent for 'U'MJl is always fidvg which is noticeably lacking in this passage-h c u t u SAe l c dvSptJiiov 6 6 i h o u p £ v &cw e O A o Y i f a a u o C v o s *

However, the LXX phrase is by no means the exact equivalent of the Hebrew as is evidenced by the verbal form, eOAoyifcxJOkv. Thus, to amend on this evidence is highly questionable.

^Procksch, p. 318; March, p. 84. Gen 8:22 is the only instance of "T*p as a noun. Using it in adjectival form as March does is still problematic. However, when the word is taken as a Qal participle from the root ^H) , "totwist,"the difficulties dissolve. Cf. II Kings 19:25; Isa 37: 25; 22:5, where "digging" and "tearing down" are the connotations. Brown, Driver, Briggs, A Hebrew and English Lexicon, pp. 881, 903.


74Verse 5

V y y j -vo* iy n o y'ajjn tnt i»>fiu Vrsa. a-Vno’* * T * . T *• i V - A • ; - • r * \ < T ; ;m u ' 1 has been often amended by either the replacing of the

20 21 yodh with a taw, or by changing the pointing to a Niph'al.The LXX rendering is greatly divergent and affords very little textual assistance. The Qal form may be maintained with a passive sense.

As the text appears in BHS m n o is intentionally separated from >L id and obviously connected with 14c.On the basis of the confused nature of the passage, the following changes appear to be feasible and clarifying. They also reflect the sense of the LXX. The caesuras and metrical considerations stand as in the MT. The soph pasuq is moved to follow '|)',X.l • The D prefixed to ;l~\ n is removed andprefixed to the second instance of 3.1 H • is adjusted by one mater lectionis to read "in Zion," a reading reflected in the LXX.22 Finally, *V 01 is amended to I .The repetition of "t t” in 25:4, along with the appearanceof X I i n the line directly above make such a scribal

23transposition highly probable.

2^Lindblom, DJA, p. 33, translates it "den Gesang der Tyrannen dampfst du"; cf. Procksch, p. 313.

2Hlarch, p. 85, n. 3; the Syriac is also a witness for the passive sense.

22The MT records only two instances of the word , here and in Isa 32:2. Both are rendered Eiwv in

the LXX.23Cf. Lindblom, DJA, pp. 32-33; John P. Peters,

"Notes on Some Difficult Passages in the Old Testament," JBL,


75Verse 9

Two minor changes are made in this verse. 1 0 X ) in the MT is adjusted to a 2nd., masc., sg. form

A <based upon DSIa and the Peshitta.

Verses 10b-12These verses are omitted here from the text.2® The

specificity in the naming of Moab contrasts 10b-12 with the nebulous and mythical reflections throughout the rest of the booklet. The vindictive tone hardly fits the context set by 25:6-10a. Indeed, the lack of poetic style is still another contrast.2® When 10b-12 is omitted, the form alternation is consistent, i.e., hymn (25:1-5), pronouncement oracle (25:6- 10a), and hymn (26:1-6). The continuance of the message is consistently maintained when the omission is made. The eschatological banquet is announced and is followed immediately by the appropriate eschatological hymn. The connection is

XI (1892), 46; Redditt, p. 31; Melville Scott, Textual Discoveries in Proverbs, Psalms, and Isaiah (London: Societyfor Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1927), pp. 195-196.

2^Lindblom, JADSIa, p. 92 states, "Die dritte Person ist wohl als ursprunglicher anzuschlagen." Even though the Niph'al sense is often formulaic,Isa 12:1, 4 displays the active sense.

25For an excellent survey of the many scholarly treatments of this Moab oracle see March, pp. 103-104, ns. 1-3.The majority of critical studies have concluded that 10b-12 is a later addition. Redditt, p. 178, objects on the basis of the way it continues the alternation schema of song and prophetic announcement. A hypothetical schema is a limited criteria at best.

26Lindblom, DJA, p. 39, states "Das Stuck ist eine Prosa und erweist sich sowohl dadurch als auch durch seinen ganzen Inhalt als Zusatz."


76further suggested by the occurrence in both 25:9 and 26:1 of "on that day." It is highly probable that a later editor placed the passage here in order to illustrate the results of having the sovereignty of Yahweh established and being among his children.

Notes on Chapter 26Verses 2-3

The MT reads Tj n v iu >0j\9 . However, the LXX presents "walls" with the second person singular suffix. 2L"1in 26:3, directly below , is very often amended by adding a waw for obvious grammatical reasons, though suggestions as to the reason for its being omitted in the first place are lacking. It is here suggested that the waw immediately above was mistaken by the scribe for the necessary ending of .The textual reconstruction is

ly iy u i ) n 3i 9 21^)06 3

Verse 4The repetitious tetragrammeton after the more ancient

form is here deleted. The verse is readable, and Yahweh is28considered a gloss.

27Lindblom, JADSIa, p. 93. "DSIa hat eine Tendenz, durch Suffixe den Sinn zu verdeutlichen."

^®Most often the shortened form has been deleted, e.g., Lindblom, DJA, p. 43; Lohmann, p. 8. March omits the complete form on the evidence of the versions.


77Verses 5-6

DSIa and the LXX at several points both differwith the MT. Both indicate that and $ should be

29deleted. When f»"*3 m i s omitted, the parallelism is easily achieved. Dittography is the most appropriate explanation.The deletion of 5l~\ may be explained on the same basis. However, with the removal of the singular verb is problematic.^® Without affecting the consonantal text, the word is easily repointed as a plural— flJ<bO"17l .31 The LXX reflects this reconstruction— xol nnxifoouoiv cc& t o u c ndfies T ip g & o w h c x l l a n e c v a w .

Finally, '•ay is adapted to its plural form on the basis of both DSIa and the versions.

Verse 7"HM is deleted on the bases of the LXX, its awkard-

ness, and since dittography seems so very likely. While by no means the decisive argument, the metrical pattern is much improved by its deletion. p ' T ^ i s also adjusted to read P T * *

^ T h e LXX omits the entire phrase However, since DSIa and the MT both include i/-}<{ - -jv , at least this much must be retained. *

^°March, pp. 114, 116, suggests further emendation of ill0 D U in the exchange of a waw for a nun and a plural repointing— il>b0!7l . However, his suggestion is neither grammatically correct, since the 2nd., masc., pointing would not align with ■* m , nor with his translation, "unto the dust will they trample it."

^Lindblom, DJA, p. 44, suggests that the singular verb with is appropriate; cf. Mic 4:11; Gesenius 145 n and k.

^^Lindblom, JAPSla, p. 93.


Verse 8The second person suffix is deleted from )V )p . The

suffix is unnecessary in view of the appositive and its appearance with TpOduiD . The pronoun is omitted in DSIa, the LXX, the Peshitta, and the Targum.

Verse 9Here DSIa departs from the MT by substituting 'J5n)715>

33for • Thus the MT must be allowed to stand, andthe LXX confirms this judgment. However, ui9i is amended here

V xto in light of the Syriac, npsn, and the LXX,fj iK>XT) fpSv .

Verse 11Two minor changes are made in this verse on the basis

of DSIa which make the verse more readable. becomes) t I V ) by adding the waw copulative. 34 11 t> becomes U Drtby the simple addition of the article.

Verse 12The phrase "a A ’d is slightly problematic.

The LXX is instructive-ndvxa yap dndScoxaQ fiy-tv. Based upon the LXX use of 6.n£6(0HaQ and the Syriac, a recompense significance

*5 Cappears in the translation.-’-’

33Lindblom, JAPSla, p. 94. "In den Kreisen, denen diese Handschrift entstammt, stand die Thora in Zentrum der Frommigkeit."

34Lindblom, JADSIa, p. 94.35Edwin Hatch and Henry A. Redpath, A Concordance to

the Septuagint, Vol I (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892), p. 127.Cf. this connotation in H. L. Ginsberg, Harry M. Orlinsky, et al. eds., The Book of Isaiah; A New Translation (Philadelphia: TheJewish Publication Society of America, 1973), p. 59.


79

Verse 13

JtJoua _v? n ^3 .-7 1 U'1-t.s: O Y J w x w n s * flui*'jVfl'j IJHiH is problematic from the standpoint of meaning. BHSsuggests "JTl^ *J71 ia with the first two words being added in light of the LXX renderingfeHxdg oou fiAAov ouk oCScqiev.The insertion is unnecessary when ~J3~ 71$ is amended to i>71“ $3. . Such a reconstruction is easily visualized in view of common scribal errors. The sense of the passage is improved considerably. The potentiality of scribal error is quite evident in light of the letters used.3®

Verse 16; j 0-1 pp.* 1^3. rt)*V .

l > 7 p is here adjusted to read as a first person plural. The entire context utilizes the first person. The LXX displays the first person singular, while the Arabic, the Ethiopic Greek versions, the Old Latin, and the Syro-Hexaplaric recension of Origen all indicate the first person plural. fiuCv is used by the LXX at the conclusion of the verse which would correspond with the Hebrew )}$ - These minor changes, - jurpa...

) ] 5 , which are easily explained in view of scribal omission

36Gray, p. 448,would adopt this rendering except for the lack of a plural antecedent for verse 14— "QT'Ouj'H. However, H seems quite suitable. Procksch, p. 324 ,suggests an emendation which is much more radical to the MT, while conveying the same meaning as the change suggested in the present study— \Jjp3 h i n V . Procksch states, "Diesen Zwangsherren gegenuber gilt, dass ausser Jahve kein andrer Herr als Gott (Ex 34:14) in Israel ist, wobei_ man LXX aAAov o u k oCdcqiev sowohl mit D 73 als mit y 7 1 ink wiedergebenkann." T


80and confusion of letters, make the passage considerably morereadable. The awkward reP°inte<3 here as •

as reflected in the LXX, the Syriac, the Vulgate, and the 37Targum.

Verse 19is deleted by some scholars as a gloss on

• T •• •.38TjTjO . Others utilize the Syriac and Targum rendering which present a plural suffix. The third person plural suffix is suggested here— TiJViin. ') 1 ! “ and ,

T t • • — • I • T

both imperatives, appear as imperfects in DSIa, LXX, Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion— feYepOtfoovxai and eOtppavdtfaovxai.The issue has divided scholars largely because of the grammatical influence on the temporal orientation of the passage. The imperfects convey a future orientation which would make the passage eschatological. Imperatives would allow the passage to

37G. R. Driver, p. 43, suggests the construct relationship here between and W Q 7 . He translates as"constraint" and, on the basis of the Akkadian root, translates

as "humiliating." Cf. March, p. 143; Redditt, pp. 36,40-45.

38March, p. 145, n. 1; Lohmann, pp. 53-55. The LXX is claimed as a witness, though this is questionable as Gray indicates, pp. 448-449.

^^Procksch, p. 330, suggests ?J 7 3.1 which correlates with both the plural verb and the suffix of the parallel .Gray, p. 448, suggests 13T as the appropriate ending. Cf. Bleddyn J. Roberts, The Old Testament Text and Versions (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1951), pp. 274-278, ishighly skeptical in regard to the use of the Peshitta and the Targumim.


81remain within the area of a prophetic command or pronouncement.^® Thus, the MT rendering is here retained.

Verse 20▼PJIffT is simply adjusted to concur with the Qere I : r v

“D X y becomes “Vzui^ for the same reason.


7j)>'rP is repointed in the Niph'al. The Vulgate and the LXX reflect such a reading. Also if the word remains in the Qal, an appropriate antecedent is lacking. rP6l> is ren-

t •• r42dered fl for obvious grammatical reasons. couldT •; T T ... T

easily have developed as a result of having been preceded by T | > 9 .43

Verse 4Here the waw copulative is accepted for TP Ui . DSIa

44and the versions reflect this change.

40Duhm, p. 187 and Procksch, p. 330 take the eschatological position. G. HylmS, De s. k. profetiska Liturgienas rytm, stil och komposition. I Jes 25:1-26:21 (Leipzig: LUA,1929), pp. 53ff, cited in G. W. Anderson, "Isaiah XXIV-XXVII Reconsidered," VTS IX (1963), p. 120, chooses the imperative sense.

4 -Gesenius, 48g, p. 131, demonstrates the jussive use of the imperative.

^Gray, pp. 453, 455-456; Procksch, p. 336-338, who suggests,more radically,on the basis of the Targum,that the phrase be amended to read "P£9\' ‘119 . Ginsberg, The Book ofIsaiah, p. 60, suggests the same sense; cf. Redditt, pp. 51-52.

4â conflate reading error may be present in which a scribe substituted the anticipated word; cf. Kennedy, An Aid to the Textual Amendment of the Old Testament, pp. 158-16"3^

44i,indblom, JAPS la, p. 96.


Verse 7Two minor changes allow the sentence to become readable

and parallel in its two divisions. The passive participle is adapted into an active participle, a change supported by the readings in DSIa, the LXX, and the Syriac. Thus, the word becomes Also, the suffix is deleted from-)nail .r ;The lack of a predicate object in the LXX recommends the deletion, and a dittography error is easily visualized.

Verse 8f l X & X f c ^ i s problematic not only in its vocalization

t : -but in its meaning. Professor Brown, recognizing it as a hapax legomenon, attempts to render it as parallel to flHlnUlLf

T ; — ;

though he recognizes the precarious nature of this method ofderiving meaning.4*’ The LXX is of no assistance in reaching a

47possible solution.BHS wisely suggests additional pointing, i-l N' O s' 0 1 »

which allows the word to be pronounceable and in parallel relationship with the following word. However, the text is better amended on the basis of a possible scribal error in transmissionof letters. The somewhat more frequent word X 0 X l9 r which«• — •«

in the Pilpel would utilize the identical pointing as the MT,

4Îbid., "Die Form der neuen Handschrift ist von neueren Auslegern oft knojiziert worden (Procksch, Fisher, Lindblom, Bentzen, Kissane, u. s. w.)."

4^Brown, Briggs, and Driver, Hebrew and English Lexionp. 684.

4 viax6uevog xai, 6vei6££cov . The LXX does not support the retention of contrary to BHS.


is the most likely candidate for the identification of the word. Thus, the amended word is ft X (£)>( (9 3L • ft 3 H ? I B

T I J " • V V * •is also adapted to a third, feminine, singular form of the Qal, ( to bring the subjects into correlation.Finally, the pronominal suffix is adjusted in ft 1*0 on the basis of parallelism and readability. These minor changes are all easily explainable as common scribal errors.

Verse 12As is suggested in BHS, the mem is here removed from

5‘lLui and transposed to "^0 3 0 . The transitive verb demands an object which is easily accomplished by this minor adjustment.

Unit Isolation and Form AnalysisThe poet of Isaiah 24-27 has highlighted his message

43through the selection and arrangement of specific forms. On many occasions his staccato use of forms and brief units has caused many to conclude that the booklet is only a collection of separately composed elements. However, when the arrangement is studied,and when the forms are allowed to reflect the content, both the unity of the passage and the method of the poet appear.

48Since the form-critical work of Lohmann, many have emphasized the disunity of the materials. Thus, the booklet was seen as basically a loose collection of originally independent forms; Paul Lohmann, "Die selbstandigen lyrischen Abschnitte in Jes 24-27," ZAW,XXXVII (.1917) , 22; Lindblom, DJA, pp. 15-25, 62-63; Procksch, p. 309. However, the uniquenesses of the individual units,as noted by Lohmann, Lindblom, and Procksch, can well be appreciated while recognizing their


84

Delimitation of Units To discover the forms used by the poet, first, the

unit limits must be established. The following chart describes the units and sub-units which appear in the booklet.

SUB UNITS

24:4-624:7-13

24 :16b-18 24 :19-20 24:21-23

26:7-1026:11-1526:16-19

24:1-3Most often 24:1-3 has been treated as a sub-unit of a

larger division, e.g., 24:1-13; 24:1-20; etc. However, in order

integral relationship within a larger structural and content pattern. Cf. Sigmund Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship, translated by D. R. Ap-Thomas, Vol I (Nashville: Abingdon Press,1962), pp. 75-77, where he shows how many diverse elements could

BASIC COMPONENT 24:1-3 24:4-13

24:14-16a (through )24:16b-23

25:1-5 25:6-10a 26:1-6 26:7-19

26:20-27:127:2-627:7-1127:12-13


85to highlight its significance for the entire booklet,for which it serves as a heralding preface, a separate handling is proposed here. The close relationship with 24:4-13 should not be minimized by such a treatment, for, indeed, 24:1-3 does set the stage for the depiction which follows immediately. The point is that it also sets the stage for the rest of the booklet especially when 24:4-13 is seen as not being the appropriate referent for the immanent eschatological judgment heralded in 24:1-3.49

The bases for making the division after verse three are obvious. The 3 + 2 metre changes considerably at that point. More significant is the striking shift in verb tense from imperfect to perfect.'*9 Finally, the formulaic conclusion

i n n "linn-UN' flMV ^ argues for the self-containedliterary nature of the strophe.

be seen as having become a part of the larger psalmic unit, without seeing the psalm writer as merely a Sammler; Vol II, 75-78. Cf. also James Muilenberg "Isaiah 40-66," The Interpreter’s Bible, Vol. V, ed. by George Arthur Buttrick, et al. (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1956), pp. 389-392, who shows suchan eclectic prowess as a stylistic uniqueness of Deutero- Isaiah. It is significant that strophic limits were set by Deutero-Isaiah in much the same way as they appear in Isaiah 24- 27. Cf. Isa 24:1a, 3b; Isa 52:13; 55:1; 45:13.

49Cf. Ginsberg, The Book of Isaiah, p. 56; Bewer, The Book of Isaiah, p. 62.

59William F. Stinespring, "The Participle of the Immediate Future and Other Matters Pertaining to Correct Translation of the Old Testament, "in Translating and Understanding the Old Testament; Essays in Honor of Herbert Gordon Hay, ed. by Harry Thomas Frank and William L. Reed (Nashville: AbingdonPress, 1970), pp. 64-70.


8624;4-13

A unity of thematic content appears here centering in the experienced judgment of Yahweh upon the earth. In the two strophes, 24:4-6 and 24:7-13, their developmental relationship is shown in that in the former the judgment is described in wider dimensions and in the latter the focus has narrowed to the city. Their distinctness appears when viewed from the standpoint of causality. The reason for the tragedy is the focus of 24:4-6 while the response to it on the part of the people and the world is the matrix of 24:7-13. The language and style indicate a homogeneous unit with two emphases.

The end of this unit is verse 13. Verse 13 is connected to 24:4-12 on the bases of similar stylistics and the thought continuum. Further, the shifts which occur with verse 14 and continue through the strophe in mood, person, and basic metrical pattern confirm this delimitation.

-^Kissane, The Book of Isaiah, Vol. I, pp. 273-274, while extending the passage through 16a, does recognize a strophe division between 13 and 14; so also March, pp. 17-21, who extends the limits of the larger unit to verse 20; cf. also Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja, p. 3. Others suggest dividing strophes between 12 and 13: Lindblom, DJA, p. 20; Procksch, p. 309.Both Procksch and Lindblom1s limits are prejudiced by their form analysis, Danklied, and their historical presupposition that the verses aepict the fall of an enemy. March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," p. 11, sees a strophe division at verse 13 within the larger unit 24:1-20. He suggests that the booklet is composed of two separate compositions: 24:1-20, a propheticannouncement of judgment, and 24:21-27:1, a prophetic liturgy.He rightly shows an interlacing of forms in 24:21-27:1 and to a lesser extent in 24:1-20. It is suggested in the present study that the same alternation of forms was used throughout the entire booklet,all integrally related to the unfolding of the message.In this way the basic unity of the booklet is evident along with the uniqueness of the strophes.


87

2 4 :1 4 -1 6 a

p’,_r ^ u m nvow jn o r pxn p a o . . . >xur non.An easily recognizable unit appears in 24:14-16a.52 The shiftin person from iXO\X (24:14) to 1 0 x' ) (24:16b) signals a

53limit. The brief staccato metre and the mood of praise and exaltation further argue for verses 14-16a being regarded as a self-contained unit.

24:16b-23The fourth basic unit is 24:16b-23. It, like 24:4-13

is further divided into sub-units (16b-18, 19-20, 21-23).^ Fohrer, Kessler, and Lindblom, all of whom limit the strophe at verse 20, argue from what they understand to be differences in form and content, i.e., 24:16a-20 (Eschatologisches Gedicht) and 24:21-23 (Eschatologischer Zusatz).55 However, the eschatological nature of both sections argues for the unity of 16b-23. Indeed, the distinction between Gedicht and Zusatz is not sufficient enough to warrant so precise a separation.

^2Ludwig, pp. 99-100; Kissane, pp. 273-274; Kessler, p. 133; Fohrer, p. 3.

^March, p. 19, recognizes the close relationship 14- 16a has with the following verses, as does Ludwig, pp. 99-100. Thus, they do not propose a separate unit, while allowing strophe division. However, while the close relationship of all the strophes is admitted for Isaiah 24-27, sufficient stylistic and content differences exist to isolate 24:14-16a as a contained unit.

■^Duhm, p. 147; Kissane, p. 261, extends this unit through 25:5 on the basis of similarity of the content— "the downfall of the oppressor."

** Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja, p. 3; Kessler, Gott geht es um das Ganze, p. 136; and Lindblom, DJArpp. 23-24, 62-63.


88This delimitation is pivotal for March since it is here, between 24:20 and 24:21, that he makes the separation of the two distinct compositions. In defense of his separation he states,

The subject is no longer the same, a new vocabulary appears, the tone becomes a little less immediate, and . . . some of the material in 24:1-20 is given a new interpretation . . . . This third poem, 24:16-20, clearly picks up themes developed in the two preceding poems and brings them to a climax . . . . Thus, because 24:16-20 is brought to a well-defined climax and because the following material introduces new themes controlled by a different purpose, 24:20 is properly regarded as the conclusion of this poem and the whole literary construction encompassing 24:1-20.56

However, his conclusions with regard to the climactic process and the new themes are based upon circular reasoning. Certainly 24:21-23 is a more fitting climax for the immediate context (24:16b ff) and for the entire chapter in light of the eschatological opening of 24:1-3. March feels that new themes are introduced because he envisions all of 24:1-20 as reflecting judgment on Jerusalem, which is by no means certain. Indeed, in light of the alternating forms within chapter 24 and throughout the booklet, a single focus for 24:1-20 is highly unlikely. March demonstrates in his second major division that the prophet turns to a message of hope in view of the victory of Yahweh over His and Israel's enemies. He renders no reasons why the entire composition of 24-27 should not be taken in this light. In light of the two foci, the enemy and Israel, no separation is necessary when 24:16b-23 is seen as a total judgment upon all elements of the enemy society.

S^March, pp. 53-54 (underlining mine).


8925:1-5

Readily accepted by all as a distinct unit is 25:1-5. The style, content, and contrast with its surroundings all demonstrate its self-contained nature. However, in its contained state, it functions well with the determined movement and message of the poet.

25:6-10aThis passage is also clearly distinguishable from its

surroundings. The terminus ad quern is sufficiently different in language and content from the oracle against Moab (25:10b- 12) to allow making the division after H f\ .57

26:1-6Based upon the analogy with 25:1-5, 26:1-6 is easily

c ovisualized as a separate unit. Lohmann and Kissane furthersubdivide the passage based upon what they consider to be the

59presence of two different forms. However, the verses appear united and contained. The style throughout, with the predominant 2 + 2 + 2 metre and the frequency of holem and shurek, indicates literary unity. Further, the verses are connected

S ^ F o h r e r , p. 21; March, pp. 103-104; Procksch, pp. 318- 319. Cf. Ginsberg, p. 58, who includes 10a with the oracle, which in its entirety is presented as a distinct unit.

■^Fohrer, pp. 23-24; March, pp. 116-117; Gray, p. 435. Gray extends the limit of the total unit to verse 19, while seeing a strophe division after verse 6.

•^Lohmann, p. 38; Kissane, p. 279; 25:lb-3, an entrance song, and 25:4-5a, a "religious victory song."


in content with verses 1-3 praising Yahweh for his salvation, and verses 4-6,proclaiming the victory of Yahweh over His enemies.

26:7-19Here three interrelated strophes,7-10, 11-15, and 16-

19,are included. The extremities of this pericope have beengenerally accepted as easily identifiable.®® In 26:7-19several themes are presented: the righteous nature of Yahweh(26:7-8); the distressful seeking by the persecuted people forYahweh (26:9; 26:16-18); the vindication of the righteousnessof Yahweh and the re-establishment of His people (26:12-15).Thus, the passage demonstrates thematic unity. While thesethemes are closely related to the emphasis of 26:20-27:1, thedifference of mood exists. In 26:7-19 the mood is one ofreflection, petition, and anticipation. In 26:20-27:1 a moodof immediate expectation is evident. Further, the shift fromthe second and third person in 26:7-19 to the first person in

6126:20 further signals a boundary.

26:20-27:1The eschatological conflictive thrust of 27:20-22:1

highlights the unity and l i m i t s . T h e end of the unit is

G^March, pp. 146-155, provides an excellent summary of the critical scholarship concerning the questions of unity and genuineness of the material.

®^Kessler, pp. 153-154; Gray, p. 435.®^Hylmo, cited in Anderson, p. 120, and Lindblom, pp. 51-

52, both argue for ending this unit at v. 2 1 based upon the preliminary conclusion as to the apocalyptic nature of 27:Iff.


91clearly marked by the shift that occurs with 27:2. Even the presence of the formulaic "in that day" (27:2) which parallels 27:1 does not leave the impression that the unit ought to be extended.

27:2-6There is general agreement that a new unit begins in

27:2. The formulaic )( )i\(\ T I P I , the shortened stichi,and the vineyard metaphor all indicate a new beginning.®^

6427:2-6 is easily recognizable as a self-contained unit by its style and its content. 3 In light of the vineyard imagery

While March, p. 171-172,includes 27:1 in the final unit of the liturgy of praise and promise, no more of chapter 27 is considered genuine. March argues that since the people are shown as having been gathered in Jerusalem in 24:1-27:1, that 27:12-13, which calls for a gathering from a diaspora must be a later expansion. However, because Zion is the focus of 25:6-10a by no means necessitates the conclusion that Jerusalem is the setting in which the account is written or that the gathering has already occurred. Deutero-Isaiah and Ezekiel could focus on Jerusalem, its destruction and its restoration, from afar. March, p. 172, dismisses 27:2-11 because in his judgment it has "no apparent relationship with all that has gone before," and because he considers 27:1 as the most fitting climax of the prophetic liturgy. March has neglected to utilize fully his own rightly perceived alternating schema. Certainly, 27:2-6 is a hymnic song in praise of Yahweh for His deliverance of the people. This parallels the form and content of 26:1-6, even to the key wording, e.g., "refuge" and "peace." A similar parallelism exists with 25:1-5. Yahweh is again presented metaphorically as a refuge. So a real relationship can and must be seen to exist with the preceding elements. Further, 27:2-6 and 7-11 reflect the alternating movement between hymn and prophetic judgment speech followed throughout the rest of the booklet. March's statement that 27:1 is the most appropriate climax is far too subjective. Certainly 27:12-13 would appear more ultimately climactical in that in it is presented the greatest hope, the historical actualization of the results of 27:1.

^Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja, p. 34, links 6 with 5 on the basis of form.

^^The major difference of opinion is concerned with


92within 27:6 it is most appropriately included with verses 2- 5.

27:7-11The limits of this strophe are obvious.®® Verse 6 has

been attached to the preceding verses. Verse 7 signals a change of subject and form. Throughout verses 7-11 the central focus is the expiation of the sin of Israel. A precise change is noted in verse 12 with the formulaic, eschatological CA "* il)

x >n n n r:L •27:12-13

The limits are clearly established. However, even if they were not,the internal coherence would be sufficient to isolate the strophe.

Form AnalysisA Prophetic Announcement of Judgment Against the Nation (24:1-3)

Most significant is the way in which 24:1-3 aligns with what Claus Westermann describes as the "Judgment against the Nation. " ® 7 Redditt posits that the poet has universalized

where to attach verse 6 . Kessler, pp. 164-165, links verse 6

with 7, and describes 6-11 as "Verheissung und Mahnung fur Jakob und Israel mit Hineoeis auf die einsam gewardene Staelf." Kissane, pp. 191-192, treats v. 6 as a transitional, singular, verse; cf. Ginsberg, The Book of Isaiah, p. 60.

^^Fohrer, pp. 40-42; Lindblom, pp. 56-60.®7Claus Westermann, Basic Forms of Prophetic Speech,

trans. by Hugh C. White (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press,1967), pp. 171-172. The element of "intervention" is here


93COan "oracle against the nation." However, the universal

thrust need not be taken as descriptive of the arena but rather of the cosmic significance of Yahweh. It must be admitted that

v

a "Judgment against the Nation" form, still with its basic significance, is present.8®

A Communal Lament (24;4-13)The most inclusive form used for the total unit was the

communal lament. All of the basic characteristics of this Gattung are evident, cf. Pss 12, 60, 85, 144.78 With regard to verses 4-6, Ludwig identifies it as a Klagende Anklage.7^ Redditt along with Wilhelm Rudolph refuse to see a lament but prefer respectively "a threat with motivation" or "an eschatological prediction."72 However, both Redditt and Rudolph demonstrate how their form judgments have been conditioned by a priori conclusions with regard to the future and universal orientation of the booklet as a whole. The simpler conclusion is less presuppositional and must be allowed to stand. The

with "result" "accusation" and "development" appearing in later prophetic announcements throughout the booklet.

88Redditt, p. 70, n.3.^March, pp. 6-7, sees the form as having been adapted

to Israel since he unites all of 24:1-20, but such a position is unnecessary, cf. infra.

70March, pp. 25-26.7^Ludwig, p. 107.72Redditt, p. 74; Wilhelm Rudolph, Jesaja 24 bis 27,

BWANT, Vol. IV, (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1933), p. 28.Redditt is forced to posit a considerable amount of adaptationto the form in order to support his designation.


94poet has thus focused upon the judgment against some nation and the suffering and sorrow of his own people. Indeed, the forms greatly assist in the discovery of the appropriate

n n 74referents. ' - 3 Ludwig recognizes 7-12 as a "bitter lament." Both March and Redditt recognize the cultic Sitz im Leben of the genres used here . 7 5

A Hymnic Exaltation Fragment (24;14-16a)Lindblom has focused on this pericope as the basis for

deriving the entire form of 7-16a, which he designates as a 7 6Danklied. However, Fohrer is more nearly correct as he sees

within the passage,24:1-20, the remnants and adaptations ofseveral forms, especially the Klage and what he carefully

77qualifies as a hymnische Jubel (24:14-16). It does appear that the poet chose a form which would cause his hearers to

7 In the exegetical section below the alternating foci of the enemy and Israel will be further discussed.

7 ^Ludwig, pp. 107-108; Lohmann, pp. 9, 22-27, recognizes the hints of a secular victory or taunt song. Because he sees a past event reflected, the fall of an enemy, the designation appears appropriate, but the identity of the past event is far from established. As it stands, the lament seems the real expression of sufferers, and thus the suffering of Israel is suggested. Redditt, pp. 82-88,sees the connection between the "curse" of 24:4-6 and 24:7-13, but he suggests that they are both integral to the future-oriented "prophetic malediction."The tense problem is obviously dismissed with the grammatical panacea, the prophetic perfect. Certainly, the relationship between verses 4-6 and 7-13 is clear, but the necessity of a future orientation can only be the result of forcing the strophe into a previously chosen pattern.

"^March, pp. 59-61; Redditt, pp. 81-82.7 5 Lindblom, DJA, p. 62.7 7 Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja, p. 9.


reflect upon a recent experience with Yahweh that had broughtblessing with it. The hymn was the most appropriate choicebecause of its ability to focus attention upon the benevolentprospects of relationship with sovereign Yahweh. Thus, byplacing the hymn at this point, following a lengthy lament,the poet is able to affirm the majesty and goodness of Yahwehin spite of the recent tragedy. In this way he could callforth the desire to again encounter Yahweh, and out of this

78encounter would come hope. Thus, by using the "judgment against the nation" the poet could engender hope. Yet, hope would be difficult in light of the lamented tragedy of 24:4- 13. However, the poet enjoined his hearers to hope through a hymnal fragment. The justification of that injunction was forthcoming in 24:16b-23, and the hymnal fragment would be further developed throughout the booklet as more and more reasons were given for recognition of the sovereignty of Yahweh.

An Announcement of Judgment Against the Nation (24:16b-23)

As in 24:1-3, the "Judgment against the Nation" once again appears. Here all of the elements attend: (1) "accusation" (16b, 20c); (2) "intervention of God" (13-21); (3) "result(18c, 20c, 22, 23); (4) "development" (21, 23).79 There are hints of other forms within the larger unit. Through such

78pius Drijvers, The Psalms: Their Structure and Meaning (New York: Herder and Herder, 1965), p. 51.

7 9 3UX3-£. “pO' ‘‘b . Cf Isa 7, 8 , 10:5-15; Westermann,p. 204.


96synthesizing and adapting, the prophet could better communicate. Ludwig has noted that behind 24:16 lies an

o n"incantation" Gattung. Gunther Wanke prefers the more general81designation, Angstruf. But the content argues for a magical .

8 2form analysis. Ludwig designates 24:17-18 as a Drohwort.Even if the legacy of 24:16b-23 does lie in magical (16b)traditions, the original forms have been adapted to the overallthrust of judgment; cf. 18b-20? 21-23. Thus, the unifyingform of 24:16b-23 is here identified as the prophetic "Judgment

81against the Nation," and the alternating pattern is revealed. J

A Hymn of Praise (25:1-5)Hylmo^ identifies this unit as a "solo hymn. " Lohmann

designates it as a "religious victory song," which stresses itsO Crelationship with the preceding verses. Lindblom posits a

^Ludwig, "Die Stadt," pp. 100-101.S1Gunther Wanke, " ’ V X und ; ZAW, LXXVIII

(1966), 216-217; cf. I Sam 4:7, 8 ; Is 6:5; Jer 4:13, 31 for examples of the Angstruf; cf. Redditt, pp. 93-94, who concurs with Wanke on this form designation on the bases of the presence of the formulaic 'Y X followed by both a preposition and a first person pronoun.

8 2Ibid., p. 101, notes how it has been adapted from a Sprichwort; cf. Jer 48:43-44; Redditt, pp. 97-99, n. 71, concurs with this "prophetic" rather than "wisdom" designation.

^Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja, p. 14 categorizes 24:21-23 as a prophetic announcement of promise because it opens with the threat to the enemies and closes with the acclamation of Yahweh as King. The same impression results with the judgment form especially when the alternating pattern, judgment on the enemy and hymn of exaltation to Yahweh, is envisioned.

^^Cited in Anderson, p. 120.^Lohmann, "Die . . . Abschnitte," pp. 19-20.


97"communal thanksgiving song."®** The form is best understoodin the terminology of Westermann as a "declarative psalm of

87praise." Like 24:14-16a the hymn here is specifically related to context. The hymn reflects a redemptive experience with Yahweh which had recently occurred. The form itself is well suited to the intention of the poet which is to call for his hearers to look back to an experience of deliverance and vindication, and because of this experience, to take hope in the present and the future.

A Prophetic Pronouncement of Hope (25:6-lQa)88This prophetic form appears most often in the prophetic

elements of the Psalter. It was used by the cultic prophet inconjunction with the enthronement festival,®® which coincideswith the emphasis of the enthronement of Yahweh here.®®

A Hymn of Praise-(26:1-6)®^Like 24:14-16a and 25:1-5, 26:1-6 is a hymn of praise

which follows a prophetic pronouncement. Lohmann has seen two

®®Lindblom, DJA, p. 30.®^Claus Westermann, The Praise of God in the Psalms,

translated by Keith R. Crim (Richmond: John Knox Press, 1965),p. 31.

88Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja, pp. 18-19; Lindblom, DJA, pp. 34, 63.

®®Mowinckel, Vol. II, pp. 61-62; Alfred Haidar, Associations of Cult Prophets among the Ancient Semites (Uppsala: Almqvist and Wiksells Boktryckeri, 1945), pp. 64-65, 101-102.Cf. Pss 2, 45, 89, 110.

®®March, p. 122; Lindblom, DJA, pp. 41-42.


98other form adaptations in this pericope: lb-3, an entrancesong; 4-5a, a religious victory song.^ Thus, again the poet appears to have synthesized varying forms to convey his message. By beginning with a typical hymn of praise (Zion) in 26:1, and then moving into the processional image in 26:2, and finally, by emphasizing the motif of trust in Yahweh based upon his vindication over his enemies, he was able to call to mind glimpses of the enthronement festival, an intention already evident in 25:6-10a. The message is thus formally underlined. The people are urged to put their trust in the kingship of Yahweh without regard to either a human king or a city (.Cf. Pss 24:7, 9; 98:lb-3; 149:4-9).

A Communal Petition (26:7-19)The lament form of this unit has been noted by the

Q pmajority of scholars. Though many elements appear within the three strophes, viz., 7-10: instruction; 11-15: nationalvindication; 16-19: a call for trust and an appeal to Yahweh,

9 3the structure of the national lament welds the strophes together. It is significant that the motif blend is similarly found in the process of re-establishment after the exile. In two of them a prophetic oracle or response is included, i.e., Pss 60:6-8;

^Lohmann, "Die . . . Abschnitte," p. 38.^^Hylmo, cited in Anderson, p. 120; Lindblom, DJA,

pp. 47-48; Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja, pp. 27-29; Procksch, p. 325; March, pp. 154-155; Redditt, p. 131.

9 3 Cf. Pss 44, 60, 74, etc. The eclectic nature of the communal lament is evident throughout the exhibits of the genre.


998 5 : 8 - 1 3 . What is further significant for understanding the nuances of the forms used in Isaiah 24-27 is the fact that the national lament had an integral relationship with the pre-

Q Cexilic enthronement festival. What is even more important for the purposes at hand is the continued use of this form after the exile,even when the festival was no longer held.9^

A Prophetic Announcement of a Favorable Hearing (26:20-27:1)^7

This form is naturally linked to the national lament.The exilic Ps 85 emphasises through such a prophetic response (85:8-13) that the people of Yahweh could be certain of steadfast love and faithfulness on the part of Yahweh. In Ps 60:6- 8 the vindication of Yahweh over His enemies and over the fortified city is the major focus. The imagery parallels with Isa 27:7-11 are striking. In the same category is Ps 74, where a prophetic announcement of hope is sounded in response to the preceding national petition. The note of hope is further enhanced by the description of the destruction of the mythological monsters by Yahweh. The account continues in 74:16ff.to sketch the results of the divine benevolence of the sovereignty of Yahweh in the areas of creation and fertility. Echoes of Isa 27:2-6 are heard.

^Drivers, pp. 247-250; Redditt, p. 131.9 9 Mowinckel, Vol I, p. 221.9 6 Cf. Pss 137, 126, 85.9 7 Kissane, p. 290? Procksch, p. 332; March, pp. 175-177.


100A Song of Exaltation (27:2-6)

goLindblom designates this unit as a Jubellied. It has obvious kinship with the previous hymnic units used by the poet in praise of Yahweh. Yahweh was praised in 24:14-16a for anticipated vindication, in 25:1-5 for past vindication, in 26:1-6 for being the basis of hope and confidence vis a vis the temple-city and the king. Here, Yahweh is praised for his guardianship over his people and for his productivity. The most obvious parallel to 27:2-6 is Isa 5:1-7, though the ironic sense of the earlier song has been reversed.

A Prophetic Pronouncement of Promise (27:7-11)93

This passage is paralleled by Ps 6 6 , where praise for Yahweh because of an act of deliverance is the focus. A theodicean passage, w . 10-12, is included. In the same way,Ps 138:4-6 incorporated the vindication motif over the kings of the earth. It appears that the prophet-poet of Isaiah 24- 27 adapted the cultic form of communal thanksgiving to proclaim a message of hope.*®®

An Eschatological Prophetic Pronouncement (27 :12-13) mi"

Here the form is pointedly that of a pronouncement, andthe temporal orientation is the future. A cultic form lies

^Lindblom, DJA, p. 63.^Kessler, Gott geht es um das Ganze, p. 168.

1 0 ®Lindblom, DJA, p. 63.IQ -Ibid., p. 63; Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja, pp. 38-39.


101102behind this unit. The connotations of the enthronement

psalm have been used so as to emphasize the sovereign power ofYahweh over all which opposes him. 1 £) Ul 3. and >0(1 “Q )"• 3,

103signal the presence of a prophetic doom oracle. However,the poet has reversed the ominousness by having the attack of Yahweh focus on the oppressing nations. In this way the typical oracle of doom against Israel was reversed. Such an adapting of form was a familiar technique within the prophetic consciousness. The booklet ends as it began with a focus on the judgment of the enemy, but the mood of the Israelites has completely shifted from one of deep despair (24:4-13) to one of ultimate hope (27:13).

ConclusionBy now the schema of the prophet of Isaiah 24-27 is

obvious. He was eclectic but selective in his choice of forms. By alternating pronouncement and hymn, the message is carefully and artistically developed, and his hearers are moved from despair to hope. Throughout the work, the prophet shows a propensity for using cultic forms, and especially for those attached to the enthronement festival. Since no Israelite king is mentioned, the emphasis placed upon the enthronement festival must be understood as the attempt of the poet to assimilate its theological content without its necessary worldly accompaniments of king and temple.

102Redditt, "Isaiah 24-27," p. 141, locates this within the Jerusalem cultus.

103Cf. Hos 5:8; 8:1; Am 2:3; 3:6.


CHAPTER III

ISAIAH 24-27: A THEOLOGICAL-HISTORICAL ANALYSIS1

The objective of the present chapter is to determine the theological message and uniqueness of the booklet. The relationship between Isaiah 24-27 and the Babylonian materials will be highlighted and used theologically and, ultimately, historically. Also used in this way are the relevant Biblical parallels.

The Historical Focus As with the twofold nature of the central salvation/

judgment motif, the historical focus is also twofold and shifts continually between the oppressed Israelites and the oppressors In this way the poet develops the concept of the sovereignty of Yahweh in terms of blessing for Israel and judgment upon the enemy.

To systematize Isaiah 24-27 into the three motif categories which have been utilized in the preceding surveys would be to impose external patterns on these chapters. Such a schema fails to recognize the uniqueness and unity of the booklet. The most central concept is that of divine sovereignty which is continually presented in terms of a judgment/ salvation motif. World suffering, conflict, the banquet, and other motifs are all descriptively related to the judgment/ salvation motif though clearly subsidiary to it. Because of the theological emphasis of the present study, the standard verse by verse method of exegesis is not utilized here. Rather the exegetical remarks will be rendered in regard to key

102


103

Apparent. Universalisra and Apocalypticism Because of the frequency of cosmic terminology within

the booklet, it has often been assumed that the worldly scope of the poetic vision was literally universal. From this assumption, in addition to observations with regard to the varied forms, shifting foci, and mythical imagery many concluded that an apocalyptic classification for the entire four chapters was appropriate.

This universal assumption was premature. The use of cosmic terminology for the purpose of highlighting the significance of divine sovereignty was a frequent literary deviceemployed by the prophet, especially in the prophetic announce-

3ment of judgment, and m the communal lament.In both cases the universal impression is rendered for

theological purposes within a much more narrow historical

ideological complexes, a method better suited for highlighting the distinct theology of the booklet.

oDillman, p. 220; Procksch, p. 307; Gray, p. 408, who states representatively, "The object of Yahweh's judgment is the world, not the northern kingdom of Israel, nor at least exclusively, Judah. . . . " Gray identifies himself with the position of older scholars: R. Kittel, C. Vitrings, F.Delitzsch, B. Duhm, T. K. Cheyne, and Karl Marti. Cf. T. H. Robinson, Prophecy and the Prophets in Ancient Israel (London: Gerald Duckworth & Co. Ltd., 1953), pp. 198, 202. More recently, this position has been espoused by Otto Ploger, Theocracy and Eschatology, trans. by S. Rudman (Richmond: John Knox Press, 1968), p. 55.

Westermann, Basic Forms of Prophetic Speech, pp. 186- 187, recognizes this universal imagery as being part of an expansion of the prophetic judgment speech, and more precisely linked to "the dramatic description of the approach of the enemy." Westermann notes that this description must be seen as an expansion of the form with very little precedent in the


104focus. Both Gattungen are integral to Isaiah 24-27. And in light of the centrality of the concept of divine sovereignty, the presence of an apocalyptic universalism must be challenged.

It appears that the blending of cosmic terminology with the judgment motif, as in Isa 24,was characteristic of prophetic descriptions of the judgmental approach of Yahweh

4against sin. Indeed, the universal activity of Yahweh could be accepted along with his working specifically through historical agencies, e.g., invading Assyrians, Scythians, or Babylonians. Most often these depictions have focused on Judah and Jerusalem. That possibility must also be admitted for Isaiah 24-27.5

The Shifting Focus In light of the form utilized and the central thrust

of the booklet, the cosmic within 24:1-3 is here understood as

pre-exilic prophets (Isa 5:25; Jer 4:23-28). He further notes that this expansion later became a part of the imagery of apocalypticism.

4Cf. Jer 10:10; 12:10-15; 25:8-14; Isa 5:24-25; 10:10- 13, 20-23.

5March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," pp. 9, 27-29, argues that a universal interpretation is inappropriate for 24:1-20. Rather, Judah and Jerusalem are the referents. He sees 24:1-20 as a single composition focusing in the judgment of Judah. Due to the shift in mood at 25:1, March concludes that a second composition is evident, more loosely connected than the first. However, this bifurcation of the booklet is unnecessary in light of the twofold historical focus, Israel and the oppressors, which March allows for 24:21-27:1, but denies for 24:1-20. This forces him to explain 24:14-16 from the standpoint of irony, an interpretation in no way intimated within the verses. If the shifting focus had been allowed for the entire booklet, its unity would have been apparent.Cf. Redditt, "Isaiah 24-27," p. 4 who suggests a type of proto- apocalyptic thought.


105a stylistic device used to proclaim Yahweh's immanent approach in judgment. However, the recipients of the divine wrath are not those depicted in 24:4-13. A different focus for 24:4-13 is suggested for several reasons. First, the obvious change in verb tense from the imperfect to the perfect at verse 4 suggests a shift in context.® Secondly, in 24:4-13 is more easily rendered "land" in contrast to its obvious

7cosmic connotation in 24:1-3 and 24:18c-20. Thirdly, in 24: 4-13 the natural world appears to suffer because the “□ )~lO

il ’ HUJ n ~TJ AJ (24:4,5) have suffered under thejudgment of Yahweh. In light of the exalted description of the sufferers in 24:4 and the reciprocal causality of the suffering, and in light of the focus on the violation as a breach of the

there is no reason to deny the possibility that Israel is the appropriate referent rather than mankind in

Ogeneral.By way of contrast, the cosmic wrenchings and quakings

of 24:1-3 and 24:18c-20 indicate only the immanent approach of Yahweh in judgment. Finally, the call to rejoice in 24:14-16a

®This shift between verses 3 and 4 has been noted by most scholars. However, arguing from the standpoint that a single referent is intended, they have interpreted verses 1-3 as a general prediction and verses 4ff.as the more specific portents of the approaching judgment. Cf.Gray, p. 410; Kissane, 271; Kessler, p. 132; et al. This requires the exegete to interpret verses 4-13 in eschatological or apocalyptic fashion. Neither is grammatically or contextually necessary.

^March, pp. 27-28.Q Israel, used generically, is taken as the referent of

24:4-13. Cf. Kissane, pp. 271-275; March, pp. 27-47; Redditt, pp. 323-328. Supra, in regard to the 'teternal covenant".


106is contextually inexplicable in light of the sufferingdepiction which precedes and the renewed judgment which followsin 24:16b-23. However, if the object of divine judgment is seen as shifting from Israel in 24:4-13 to the enemy in 24: 16b-23, then the call to rejoice in 24:14-16a is contextually

9appropriate. Thus, it is here proposed that the object of the immanent judgment forecast in 24:1-3 is not to be identified with the object experiencing judgment in 24:4-13 but rather withthe anticipated recipient of judgment which is the focus of 24:16b-23 and other related strophes throughout the booklet.^®

Q^Lindblom, DJA, p. 69, recognizing a shifting focus throughout the booklet, states, "und die Jesajaapokalypse ist meiner Meinung nach eine Kantate, die bei einer gewissen Festfeier in der judischen Gemeinde aufgefuhrt worden ist."

^24:13 is problematic because of the imperfects used in contrast to the perfects throughout 24:4-12. John Bright, "Isaiah-I" in Peake's Commentary on the Bible, ed. by Matthew Black and II. H. Rowley (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, Ltd.,1964), p. 506, notes that 24:1-13 is made up of an oracle, begun in 1-3, interrupted by an eschatological poem in 4-12, and taken up again in verse 13. If verse 13 is connected with 1-3 rather than 4-12, then, according to the proposed shifts in objects of divine judgment, verse 13 would apply to the enemy and not to the Israelites. n p i would have to referto a foreign city and cult, an identification which certainly has been suggested in light of the same terminology being used for the central cults of Babylon and Assyria; cf. Georges Conteneau, Everyday Life in Babylon and Assyria, trans. by K. R. and A. R. Maxwell-Hyslop (London: Edward Arnold, 1954) ,p. 226. However, such an attributive would be highly unlikely for a Hebrew poet who was well versed in cultic thought, which is obviously true of the poet of Isaiah 24-27 in light of his selection and synthesis of forms. Further, the n o n in verse 14, which most logically refers to verse 13 for its antecedent and which is part of a call for the people of Yahweh to rejoice argues against a brief shift in referent for verse 13. Finally, the use of imperfects with preceding perfects conveys well the thought that the past has affected the present but that a change would be forthcoming; Gesenius, 107h, p. 316.This accords directly with the intention of the poet throughout the booklet to transform despair into hope. Thus, verse 13 is here included with 4-12 and is translated in a present sense.


107The verbs PP"*" 24:1-3 are

characteristically the ones used to describe the judgment of Yahweh against idolatry. The iconoclastic emphasis is implied again in 24:18c-23 and in 27:9. The sufferers, judged in this study to be the Israelites, are presented throughout the booklet as oppressed, weak, and persecuted, but as having remained faithful to Yahweh (Isa 26:13). Thus, 24:1-3 refers best to the enemy, and thus, judgment upon them brings hope to the oppressed. Therefore, in 24:1-3 and 24:19-20 the cosmic dimensions of Yahweh's approach are depicted not only because they forbode judgment but because they primarily disclose His sovereign nature. The divine sovereignty of Yahweh is the chord which resounds throughout and unites the entire booklet.In summation, the schema of the poet employs a continual shift of referent, so as to communicate the central message of judgment upon the oppressing nation and release and restoration for Israel. In 24:1-3 it is announced in cosmic terms that Yahweh is just about to arrive in judgment. The prophet describes in 24:4-13 the suffering which already exists due to an encounter with the wrath of Yahweh. Since they have already experienced judgment, they can respond to the herald of Yahweh's approach without fear but with rejoicing. Now, they are not due to suffer but to be exonerated (24:14-16a). The scene again shifts to the foiling of the enemy (24:16b-18b), and the cosmic ramifications of Yahweh's approach are again displayed in 24:18c-20. Finally,

lllnfra; in the exegetical section the idolatry nuances will be discussed.


10824:21-23 further explains why the cosmic significance of Yahweh has been so intensely stressed. Yahweh is about to judge and destroy the most powerful human and divine elements of the enemy. From this point on,the booklet emphasizes the cosmic beneficence of Yahweh toward his people and the malevolent effects upon his enemies.

The Judgment of Yahweh and the Suffering of Judah (Isa 24:3-13)

As has been suggested in the previous section, the judgment of Yahweh upon the sins of Israel is depicted in 24: 4-13. A Judaic referent for this passage has been suggested by Isaiah scholars from the earliest period of critical study.^ However, the proper identification cannot be made simply by polling past scholarship. Indeed, the proponents of this position differ so widely in their results that the identification of the sufferers of 24:4-13 must rest upon the internal evidence. There are several reasons why a Judaic choice seems most appropriate. First, the object of judgment in 24:4-13 is to be distinguished from those about to be attacked in the other doom strophes throughout the booklet. This is evidenced by the marked difference in mood between 24:4-13 where suffering is manifest and 24:16bff. where judgment is happily anticipated. Instructive with regard to the identity of the sufferers is the lamentation etymology, and particularly the formulaic

^ F e r d i n a n d Hitzig, Per Prophet Jesaja (Heidelberg:C. F. Winter, 1833), pp. 293-297; S. R. Driver, Isaiah, His Life and Times, and the Writings which Bear His Name (New York: Anson D. F. Randolph and Co., 1388), pp. 119-125; M. A.


109H X . In every instance in which ^ 1 X is the predicate

used with a non-human subject, i.e., land, earth, gates,(cf. 24:4) the context is the judgment of Yahweh upon the sins of the "chosen" nation.

Furthermore, the fact that the suffering has came as the judgment of Yahweh enacted against the breaking of a covenant relationship argues for an Israelite referent.^ Nowhere else in the Old Testament is a foreign nation described in this covenantal-forensic fashion. Also, nowhere in the Old Testament is the natural order depicted in travail over the suffering of a foreign or enemy nation. Isa 24:1-3 and 24:19- 2 0 displays the earth quivering and quaking due to the judgmental approach of Yahweh, but the language of natural lamentation is noticeably absent vis-a-vis 24:4-13. This further strengthens the case for recognizing a Judahite referent for 24:4-13 and an "enemy" focus for 24:1-3 and 24:19-20. Finally, the focus of 24:4-13 is more precisely Judaic in light of the

Beek, "Ein Erdbeben wird zum prophetischen Erie an (Jesaja 24- 27)," pp. 31-33; March, pp. 38-40; Walter Harrelson, Interpreting the Old Testament, pp. 245-246; Redditt, p. 326.

13Isa 3:26; 33:9; Jer 4:28; 12:4; 12:11; 14:2; Hos 4:3; Am 1:2. It is significant to note that in every case except one the prophet referred to the worldly or urban travail in the imperfect tense. The only exception is Isa 33:7-9 where the perfect was used to reflect the fact that the disaster had already occurred, yet it was described in the traditional terms with which it had been forecast. The same phenomenon appears in Isa 24:4-12.

14Infra, pp. 176-177.


110

probability that )fl J\ JT*~lp and refer to Jerusalem and its cult.^

Therefore, the lamentable situation described in 24:4- 13 is taken here to refer to the conditions in Judah, and more precisely, in Jerusalem, after some grave historical catastrophe had occurred, a catastrophe which had been forecast by the prophets. The similarity in terminology, form and grammar with Isa 33:7-9 and all of Isa 13 suggests at least a similar engendering Sitz im Leben. In fact, the similarity extends beyond surface literary observations into the selection of motifs, the eclecticism in form and content, the mood of rebuilding hope after a great catastrophe, and even to their similarities with Deutero-Isaiah. On the basis of all of these parallels a direct relationship between Isa 24-27, Isa 33, and Isa 13 appears which aids in establishing with more probability the historical provenance for the former. Thus, the Babylonian exile after the fall of Jerusalem in 536 appears to be the most appropriate setting.

^March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," pp. 37-41.^For a very excellent consideration of the style,

motifs, and thought of Isa 33, see Brevard S. Childs, Isaiah and the Assyrian Crisis, Studies in Biblical Theology, Second Series-No. 3 (London: SCM Press, Ltd., 1967), pp. 112-117.His comments could just as easily have been written in reference to Isa 24-27 which indicates the degree of parallelism present. While recognizing an exilic setting, Childs identifies the crisis as the Assyrian invasion of Jerusalem in 701. He states, p. 116, "The impact of the Assyrian invasion on the growing tradition can be clearly discerned in this oracle. . . . Older motifs have been formed into a new constellation, and newer elements have been introduced which continue in a stable form throughout the ensuing period. Still the reverse process is equally at work. Particularly, cultic tradition has provided a


IllA Cultic Description

Now that Isa 24:4-13 has been identified in terms of length and referent, the description of the judgment upon Judah may be considered. The impression of a narrowing focus is evident through the stanzas. Suffering is depicted as it affects the earth (24:4-6), the land (24:5, 7), and the city C24:10, 12) .

Cultic Terminology-March pointed out that throughout the description of

24:1-20 the language used derived from the cult.^ Cultic nuances are germane to the words used to focus upon the ravaged city (24:10-13).

.— The great majority of the Biblical instances ) fl Jl fall within the poems of Deutero-Isaiah, and more

framework into which the past is understood. A new context has been provided in which the past event serves a new function.The Assyrian crisis has become a type of recurrent threat. The need has been incorporated into a liturgical celebration which is ongoing. The deliverance has been placed within the eschatological framework of prophetic hope." However, Childs cannot be so certain about the historical crisis, for he admits that one of the characteristics of the oracle is its lack of specificity. Even the cultisms and the stylistic devices of a generalized nature do not disguise the urgency and immediacy of the passage. Surely the crisis has occurred, but it is more recent than 701. Indeed, some of the imagery may derive from the eighth century, especially in light of the theological emphases on Zion and divine sovereignty, which reflect kinship with Isaiah himself.But the crisis to which the liturgy speaks is surely that of the fall of Jerusalem in 586, as Harrelson suggests, Interpreting the Old Testament, p. 246. Harrelson incisively connects Isa 33, 24-27, and 40-55. Cf. also the imagery of Isa 13, the "massa" against Babylon, where an exilic provenance is also evident; K. Budde, "Jesaja 13," BZAW, XXXIII (1918), 55-70.

l^March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," pp. 34-37.


112precisely they cluster in the passage in which is presentedthe theological polemic against the idolatrous Babylonian cult,i.e., Isa 24:11; 41:29; 44:9, 45:18-19.*® In the polemicaland apologetic context of Isa 45:14-21, the use of isquite appropriate. The prophet could reflect the inefficacyof the Babylonian cult (verses 16-18) while at the same timehe could call the attention of his readers to the insignificanceof the destruction of their own institutional cult. In thisway the message could be clarified. Yahweh and nothing else issovereign! Thus, there was no need for despair.^ It doesappear that the prophet of Isa 24:10 is referring to Jerusalemin the same fashion. The institution had fallen for it had

20become nothing but vain externality. Furthermore, it is likely that even in the polemical sense a parallel exists with Isaiah 24-27. One of the basic thrusts of the booklet was the

James Muilenberg, "Isaiah 40-66," pp. 463, 532.Claus Westermann, Isaiah 40-66; A Commentary, trans. by David M. G. Stalker (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1969),pp. 172-173, notes that both >0 Jl and the mood of Isa 45: 18-19 indicate that Deutero-Isaiah was purposefully trying to counter the despair and skepticism being voiced by those who had lost hope in the efficacy of their own cult which lay in ruins. A similar motivation seems to be evidenced throughout Isa 24-27.

l^John L. McKenzie, S. J., Second Isaiah, The Anchor Bible (Garden City, New York, 1968), p. 83,states, "The word is a favorite of Second Isaiah; it describes the ruined land of Edom, and several times it designates the nothingness of the worshippers of false gods. Jer (iv 23) sees the land a tohu after the wrath of Yahweh has scorched it"; cf. also Muilenberg, "Isaiah 40-66," p. 532, states "The world was not created a chaos, neither do men find God in chaos, e.g., in the 'wind and chaos' of idol worship (cf. 41:29) or of meaningless and empty forms."

20March, pp. 40-41, refutes well the argument that such a term could never be used by a loyal Israelite for the holy city of Zion.


113

destruction of the enemy deities. 2 1 For Deutero-Isaiah, divine sovereignty implied two hopeful concepts. The exiles could have hope because it was their God who was truly King.They could also be encouraged because the sovereignty of Yahweh signaled the demise of the enemy cult. The complex of motifs in Isaiah 24-27 is highlighted considerably when viewed from the same perspective. 2 2

JD-X ) H 1 .— By itself 2L would bear nospecial cultic significance. But in the context of ,

»1 H O W , and lU) k) O it reveals the imagery of the festal streets of Jerusalem on which the cultic processions regularly traveled. 2 3

~\ \J iu .— Likewise, in the present context y UA servesas a cultic metonym. The role of the gate within the cultic festivities is well attested, viz., Ps 100:4; 118:20; Jer 26:10; 7:2; 36:10.2 In reconstructing the Israelitic enthronement

21Isa 24:21-23; 27:1, 9; cf. infra. Julian Morgenstern, The Message of Deutero-Isaiah in Its Sequential Unfolding (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press, 1961), pp. 103-106,observes this aggressive emphasis in the thought of Deutero- Isaiah, whose attack imagery seems to have been derived from adapting traditional royal theology. In fact, Morgenstern sees in the intention of Isa 45:18-19, 20-23 a subtle polemic against the Babylonian Akitu festival. The same emphases appear in Isaiah 24-27.

22This twofold connotation of the concept of divine sovereignty coincides well with the judgment/salvation motif around which the booklet clusters.

23Israel W. Slotki, Isaiah with Hebrew Text and English Translation (London: The Soncino Press, 1949) , p. 112.

2Êlmer A. Leslie, The Psalms, Translated and Interpreted in Light of Hebrew Life and Worship (Nashville: Abingdon Press,1949), p. 191.


festival Mowinckel emphasized the role of the "Gate ofRighteousness." Passage through the gate was limited to therighteous who had participated in the festal procession andwho had accepted the ethical challenge which was read prior toopening the gate (cf. Isa 26:12). Psalm 118’ well exhibits theritual of the opening of the gate. Before the gate was opened,Yahweh was praised for delivering the people from their enemies.They had suffered, but they had not been given over to death.They had been surrounded by their enemies, but Yahweh, as King,had defeated those oppressors. At that point in the festivalthe request was made to open the "Gate of Righteousness" sothat the righteous, trusting, and dependent people might enter(Ps 118:19-24). Passage through the gate was regarded as aguarantor of the protection of Yahweh. Throughout the liturgyintermittent thanksgiving hymns were utilized which acclaimedthe sovereignty of Yahweh and the dawning security of His

25people. The unique combination of the motifs of nationaltravail, covenantal relationship, and divine sovereignty, allwithin a festal context highlights through parallelism the

26same motif complex within Isaiah 24-27.

2 5 Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship, Vol. 1,pp. 180-181.

26Th. C. Vriezen, "Essentials of the Theology of Isaiah, in Israel's Prophetic Heritage, ed. by Bernhard W. Anderson and Walter Harrelson (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1962) , pp. 128146. Here Vriezen presents an excellent precis of the royal theology of Isaiah which produced the emphases of sovereign holiness on the part of Yahweh and utter trust on the part of the people. In fact, these emphases are so echoed in Isaiah 24-27 as to make the authenticity position appear to be tenable. However, the two are too distinctly different in their


115_y 1 X n n n p X ." T h e phrase p)<fl 0 . 1 \)1 reveals a

cultic connotation. In every other instance of the phrase the Jerusalem cultus is reflected, i.e., Ps 74:12; Isa 5:8; 6:12; 10:23; 19:24; Gen 48:16.27

The Imagery of the Royal CultThe poet of Isaiah 24-27 consciously calls to mind the

ritual and ideology of the royal cult which had recently become defunct (24:11-13). Its ritual was no longer functional, but the royal ideology was deemed to be extremely relevant for countering the despair of the present crisis. The poet, then, in 24:4-13 signals the death of festal ritual, but in the next breath (24:14-16a),and throughout the rest of the booklet, he calls for the renascence of festal ideology. Indeed, one of

attitudes toward Zion, the gentiles, and the royal messianic figure as to preclude any such identification, though a developmental relationship may well have existed. The royal theology of the Zion cult is one of the common denominators between Isaiah of Jerusalem, the poet of Isaiah 24-27, and Deutero- Isaiah. The last two are more nearly parallel in their adaptations of royal imagery. Cf. Bernhard W. Anderson, "Exodus Typology in Second Isaiah," in Israel's Prophetic Heritage, ed. by Bernhard W. Anderson and Walter Harrelson (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1962), pp. 181-183. Images of the "New Exodus" appear also in Isaiah 24-27, i.e. 25:6-10; 27:1, 12-13; et al.

27Gen 48:16 is especially instructive. The phrase completes a cultic hymn which bears a Judean stamp. The thrust of 48:15-16 is the redeeming activity of Yahweh, who is described with the royal cultic term, fl ynft , cf. Ps 23:1; 28:9. This type of redeemer motif is clearly reflected in Deutero-Isaiah (Isa 41:14, 42:22, 43:1, 43:20) and occurs specifically in connection with Mount Zion in Ps 74:2. Cf. Gerhard von Rad, Genesis; A Commentary, trans. by John H. Marks (Philadelphia:The Westminster Press, 1961), pp. 411-413. Thus, the cultic nature of the phrase manifests itself consistently by its use in cultic contexts, and Jerusalem is the most likely candidate. For others who have recognized p as a cultic


116

the major objectives the poet reveals throughout the booklet was to convey the message that royal ritual was no longer necessary to insure national security and survival. That hopeful end could and would be accomplished because of the established fact that Yahweh was King.

In regard to the role of royal ideology within Isaiah 24- 27,28 ps n g provides even more parallel data. Artur Weiser feels that the primary participant in both the litany and the ritual accompaniment to Ps 118 was the king, who was depicted as having confronted the enemy and as having suffered because of the confrontation (verses 10-12). However, he had been successful in defeating the enemy because of his status as the representative of Yahweh (verses 13ff.). A myth/ritual,mimic battle may have been the appropriate background for these verses. The deliverance of the king produced hope and confidence on the part of the people, as is evident in their victory- hymn response in verses 15 and 15.29

All of the royal motifs reflected in Ps 118, including the destruction of the enemy in divine battle are to be found

reference to Jerusalem, see Redditt, "Isaiah 24-27," pp. 86-87; Konig, Das Buch Jesaja, p. 229; March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," p. 45. Cf. infra., pp. 119-120 for a fuller discussion.

^®No king is mentioned in the booklet though royal znOuXf3 occur* continus.! • This is explicable when the destruction of the royal cult is envisioned as the background and the motive of the prophet of restoring hope in spite of this crisis is considered.

^^Weiser, The Psalms, pp. 722-730, concurs with the liturgical nature and motif analysis of Mowinckel but prefers to call the festival background the autumnal Feast of Tabernacles, whose major significance was that of covenant renewal.


117in Isaiah 24-27 with the exception of the human king. What was said of the king by way of suffering in Ps 118 is said of the people in Isaiah 24-27. What was said of the king in regard to sovereignty and power is said of Yahweh in Isaiah 24- 27. In Isaiah 24-27 the people suffer and are called upon to recognize the sovereignty of Yahweh and place their trust in it. In the absence of both cult and king, the poet of Isaiah 24-27 was able to convey the message of hope through emphasizing the kingship of Yahweh, and through democratizing the understanding of relationship to Yahweh.

Hermeneutical Implications of a Cultic Provenance

In view of the cultic nature of the language used to describe the anonymous suffering city (24:4-13)^ and the communal lamentation form utilized, the exegesis of the passage must give ample consideration to its cultic orientation. In light of the many prophetic nuances also exhibited, that the author emerged from the ranks of the cultic prophet or at least was well immersed in their heritage is evident. The uniqueness of the booklet derives from the synthesis of the cultic and prophetic emphases. That synthesis is a blending of royal

30cf. Aubrey Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1955), p. 116/states". . . the people themselves, as forming a psychical whole with its focus in the king and, what is more, as being dependent upon the justice of his rule for the right ordering of society, have also been delivered from 'Death' and proved righteous (

3*March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," pp. 34-37, further demonstrates the cultic relationship of the t e m s used in the depiction of natural suffering.


118theology, cleansed of its mundane institutionalism, and the prophetic motif of cleansing judgment, used here in an explanatory rather than predictive setting. The blending of these two adapted traditions ingeniously facilitated the basic objective of the author, to produce hope through reinterpreting traditional ideologies, e.g., inviolability of Zion, the meaning of national defeat, Davidic theology, etc., all of which had become the bases of the despair.

Urban/National Rather Than Cosmic/Universal As with the booklet as a whole, because of the universal

language, 24:4-13 has often been interpreted within the context of apocalyptic universalism. Such a conclusion fails to appreciate the nature of the ancient Near Eastern cultic Weltanschauung which macrocosmically envisioned the universe in direct connection with its nucleus, the central cult, "the navel of the earth.

■^Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja, pp. 7-10; Kessler, pp. 131-134.

Êric Burrows, "Some Cosmological Patterns in Babylonian Religion," in The Labyrinth, ed. by S. H. Hooke (New York: TheMacmillan Co., 1935), pp. 46-55, shows the relationship between Babylonian and Israelite thought in regard to the centrality of the temple. It appears that because of the institution of Zion the Weltanschaaung along with its mythology of the ancient Near East made definite inroads into the Hebraic thought and practice. H. G. Hamilton-Kelly, "The Temple and the Origins of Jewish Apocalyptic," VT,XX (1970), pp. 1-15, delineates well the history of temple-Tdeology in relationship to historical, prophetic, and apocalyptic thought. He recognizes that it was through the royal cult that the concept became known in Israel that the earthly realm was merely a shadowy model of the heavenly. "The tradition of the heavenly temple and its relationship to the temple on Zion reaches far back into the history of Israel and of the ancient Near East. The temple of Solomon inherited the


119

The Navel of the EarthThat the concept of the navel of the earth was well

known in Israel in relationship to the central cult is indicated by Ju 9:37. 3 4 Historically, Shechem, one of the mostancient and most important of the central sanctuaries, acquiesced

35in this status to Zion. In spite of the shift in terminology from ~UH(£> , mentioned only in Ju 9:37 and Ezk 38:12, to

U n p I L , the word most characteristically used in Zion contexts, the imagery is i d e n t i c a l . T h u s , the summary verse, Isa 24:13, coincides well with the cosomological narrowing focus common throughout the cultic world views of the ancient Near East.

mythology which attached to Zion when it was the holy place of the Jebusite cult." (pp. 6-7) However, Hamerton-Kelly points out the thoroughgoing nature of the idea in Sumerian and Babylonian settings as well. The point is that in the image of the temple in Isa 24:13 a clue is given not only to the historical situation to which the booklet speaks but also to the source of the mythological images utilized throughout the booklet.

34Theodor H. Gaster, Myth, Legend, and Custom in the Old Testament, p. 428; Eliade, pp. 231-232; G. Ernest Wright,"Shechem, the Navel of the Land," BA, XX (1957), 2.

3 3 B. w. Anderson, "The Place of Shechem in the Bible,"BA, XX (1957), 11, states— "Long before Jerusalem achieved this centrality, however, the expression 'navel of the land' was applied to a mountain overlooking Shechem, undoubtedly Gerizim." Anderson further shows that Jerusalem and Shechem were considered the navel of the land because of their cultic significances.

36Ezk 38:12; cf. Isa 2:2-4; Mic 4:1-4. Walter Harrelson, "The Significance of Cosmology in the Ancient Near East," in Translating and Understanding the Old Testament; Essays in Honor of Herbert Gordon May, ed. by Harry Thomas Frank and William L. Reed (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1970), p. 248, states,"Jerusalem is to become the city on the mountain, the center of the universe (Ezk 38:12), raised up above other hills. The nations will be borne back to this city . . . ."

3 James Muilenberg, "Ezekiel," in Peake1s Commentary


120Intimations of Jerusalem

That Jerusalem, envisoned in universalistic significance,is the focus of 24:4-13, is manifested when the most directlyparallel passages are considered. In Isa 1:2-9 the doom ofJudah and Jerusalem is depicted with similar cultic i m a g e r y .

Similar allusions to Jerusalem appear in Jer 4:5-7, 20, 23-28;8:16-17; 10:10; 10:11; Ezk 6:14; 12:20; Hos 4:3; Joel 2:10-11;

393:16? Amos 8 :8 ; and Zeph 1:18; 3:8. Isa 33 and Ps 74, both of which depict the city of Jerusalem in terms of its central cult, and both of which utilize the communal lament form, further parallel Isa 24:4-13, expecially in the synthesis of nationalism and universalism. The relationship goes beyond that of form into the area of content. Isa 33:7-9 and Ps 74:13-18 both express sorrow over the destruction of the Temple in the recent past.That crisis is depicted in its significance by way of the natural ramifications. Further, both of these compositions display a noticeable shift in mood from lamentation to hope as a direct result of the recognition of the divine sovereignty of Yahweh. The same mournful tone is sounded in Isa 24:4-13 in

on the Bible, ed. by Matthew Black and H. H. Rowley (London: Thomas Nelson Ltd., 1964), p. 573, demonstrates that even during the exilic period Jerusalem was still thought of as the center of the earth, Ezk 38:12. Cf. Ps 74:12, Isa 5:8; 6:12; 10:23.

■ ®Cf. Isa l:2d and 24:5; 1:9 and 24:5; Kissane, The Book of Isaiah, Vol I. pp. 3-13; Otto Kaiser, Isaiah 1-12, The Old Testament Library (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press,1972), pp. 5-11.

■Ârvid S. Kapelrud, Joel Studies, pp. 66-67; Walther Eichrodt, Ezekiel, The Old Testament Library (Philadelphia:The Westminster Press, 1970), p. 98.


121similar imagery; and, with 24:14 the transition of mood in thedirection of hope is noticeable. Here also, the basis for themood shift is directly connected to the recognition of divine

40sovereignty. Two further instances are instructive in regardto this unique blending of nationalism, divine sovereignty, andcultic universalism. The first is the royal cult of Jerusalem.

AOThe second is within the poems of Deutero-Isaiah.In light of these cultic and eschatological parallels,

an apocalyptic handling of Isa 24:4-13 is obviated. Rather, the cult of Jerusalem, and more specifically, the Temple, is the most appropriate historical choice. The description, thus, conveys the impression that the Temple had fallen. The ramifications of that crisis had been externally and physically

40This parallelism between Isa 24-27 and Isa 33 and Ps 74 is exegetically helpful in both historical and theological dimensions, i.e., the destruction of the Temple as the situation reflected in 24:4-13, and the concept of divine sovereignty as the basis for hope.

41Pedersen, Israel III-IV, pp. 441-442, demonstrates the presence of all of these in the enthronement festival of pre- exilic Israel.

^2The nationalistic tint of the universalism of Deutero- Isaiah has been studied by several outstanding scholars in recent years, i.e., Ivan Engnell, A Rigid Scrutiny, trans. by John T. Willis (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 1969),pp. 108-109; D. E. Hollenberg, "Nationalism and 'The Nations' in Isaiah XL-LV," VT, XIX (1969), 23-36; Harry M. Orlinsky, "Nationalism-Universalism and Internationalism in Ancient Israel," in Translating and Understanding the Old Testament; Essays in Honor of Herbert Gordon May, ed. by Harry Thomas Frank and William L. Reed (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1970), pp. 227-228.Orlinsky states, "And so, the God of Israel is at the same time the sole God and Master of the universe without being the God of any other nation but Israel: the national God of biblical Israel is a universal God, but not an international God."(p. 213)


122catastrophic. However, the deepest tragedy occurred on the areas of faith and national identity. ^ 3 It is to these areas^ that Isaiah 24-27 most directly speaks, which further supports an exilic dating.

A Past but Continuing Crisis The verb tenses of 24:4-13 indicate that the crisis has

occurred but is being experienced in a significant dimension at the time of the writing. The use of the lament form and the consistent use of perfect tenses apprizes the reader of this temporal continuum. Even the imperfect of verse 13 is appropriate as it conveys the idea that past suffering still exerts present consequences. However, considerable diversity exists among Isaiah exegetes with regard to the proper handling of the tenses throughout 24:4-13.

^3This relationship between theology and national identity and the Temple was the common cosmological pattern of the ancient Near East, particularly significant within the Mesopotamian cultures. Walter Harrelson, "The Significance of Cosmology in the Ancient Near East," p. 240,states, "The vast collection of mythological materials from the Sumerian, Babylonian, Assyrian, and late Babylonian cultures makes abundantly clear that heavenly existence is the prototype, or the archetype, for life on earth. The temple Esagila in Babylon is a model of that built by the gods in heaven. It is a point of connection between heaven and earth." It will be shown below that the poet of the booklet had to counter this cosmological pattern in order to restore hope. This he accomplished through universalizing the Zion concept.

^Peter R. Ackroyd, Exile and Restoration; A Study of Hebrew Thought of the Sixth Century B. C ., The Old Testament Library (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1968), pp. 5-12,49.


123

Apocalyptic FuturistsThose scholars who have assessed the booklet as an

apocalypse have traditionally treated the tense shift at 24:4 in two ways. Dillmann representatively translates the entire passage in a predictive sense. The prophetic perfect is the standard grammatical justification.^ in a somewhat more complex fashion others have accepted a predictive sense for 24:1-3and a present sense for 24:4-13. Again, the prophetic perfect

46is utilized. However, to utilize the translational panacea of the prophetic perfect a strong argument from the context is necessary. An apocalyptic identification, the justification most offered, is certainly insufficient in light of recent studies. ^

Exilic and Post Exilic FuturistsMarch and Redditt, both of whom dispute the apocalyptic

nature of the passage, acknowledge the tense shift from futureA Qto present in 24:4ff. in their translations. March translates

45Dillmann, Per Prophet Jesaja, p. 221.^6Procksch, Jesaja I, pp. 307-309; Fohrer, Das Buch

Jesaja; Gray, Isaiah I-XXXIX, p. 410.^Kissane, The Book of Isaiah, Vol. I, pp. 262, 271, opts

for prophetic perfects, and is on firmer grammatical grounds since he apprises from the position of the authenticity of the booklet. However, the argument from context still suffers since the materials have been so widely challenged in regard to authenticity. Further, Kissane argues that 24:13 confirms a future translation for the entire pericope. However, the imperfects of 24:13 can be translated with similar syntactical justification as conveying the continuation of the effects of a recently past event into the present; cf. Gesenius1, 107h, p. 316. However, the imperfects are quite appropriate and convey well the time continuum from past to present; p. 316.

^®March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," pp. 1-3, 10-11;


124the verbs in 24:4-12 as presents, which is certainly syntactically permiSsable, but because he takes all of 24:1-20 as a unified prophetic doom oracle aimed at Judah, he, like Redditt, is forced to hypothesize a historical setting which might make such a prophecy meaningful. The fall of Jerusalem in 587 is his choice for the crisis behind 24:4-13. However, since this crisis had already occurred, and since the passage in its entirety was understood in a future sense, March is forced to suggest an appropriate occasion in the post-exilic period in which Yahweh could be seen as coming in judgment against the Jews for their sins of cultic idolatry. The early exilic cultic experience of 587-575 is his choice, but no historical data is mustered in support of such a Judean situation.^® If 24:1-20 had not been handled as a united structural composition, the degree of historical speculation could have been lessened considerably. March recognizes the hopeful mood of 24:21-27:1 for the Israelitic audience along with the alternating scheme of doom on the enemy and hope for Israel. If he had

Redditt, "Isaiah 24-27," pp. 9-10. Redditt, earlier opts for a predictive continuity. Because of this and his post-exilic dating of the passage, he, like March is forced to hypothesize a probable historical circumstance which might motivate the author to write the booklet. He thus infers with very little evidence a post-exilic tension between the views of the inviolability or conditionality of Zion. This is justified, Redditt feels, because of the existence of such a tension in pre-exilic and exilic times. Because of his future assessment of the passage, 24:4-13, and because he focuses the entirety of 24:1-20 upon Israel and never the enemy, his exegesis is historically unconvincing .

49March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," p. 272, posits an exilic date for this first prophetic composition due to its similarity in tone to the message of Jeremiah. With the pre-fall Jeremiah the judgmental tone would be consistent but certainly not with the period selected by March.


125

allowed the same insights to become operative for 24:1-20, the unity of the booklet would have been apparent and the historical nuances much more verifiable. Indeed, in the purposeful use of alternating moods, variant forms, and shifting tenses, a unique, though eclectic, style emerges which evidences a single creative hand.

Past Judgment and Present Suffering

It is the position of the present study that Isaiah 24- 27 displays unity of authorship. The impression of diversity of authorship derives from the use of varied elements, but when the two foci of the composition, Israel and the enemies of Israel, are kept in mind, the central message of salvation/judgment emerges. In this regard 24:1-3 becomes a separate unit which serves as a prologue to the entire work and sets forth the herald that Yahweh is about to act in judgment. However, Judah is not the intended recipient of the divine wrath. Indeed, the purpose of the booklet was to give hope to suffering Judahites. Thus, the enemy is more appropriate for the central focus of 24:1-3.

The experienced suffering of the chosen nation is the focus for 24:4-13. This differentiation is further confirmed by the clear shift in verb tense and in form,from doom oracle to communal lament. A shift in mood from the indicative to the imperative signals the beginning of still another unit in 24:14- 16a where the focus remains Judaic. The transition to the indicative for 24:16b-20, and the subtle alternation of perfects and imperfects, indicate present temporality though the present


126

circumstances were soon to be changed in that the enemy was to be recompensed. Finally, in 24:21-23, the consistent use of imperfects indicates the presence of an eschatological event.Thus, through subtle and creative literary choices and arrangements the central message of salvation/judgment emerges. With this alternating design in view, it becomes apparent that 24:4- 13 depicts past crisis in Judah and Jerusalem, a crisis whose ramifications persist at the time of the composition of the booklet.

In light of the preceding, it is here suggested that the most appropriate backdrop for 24:4-13 is the fall of the Temple in 587/6 B. C. Such a setting suits the artistic contrasts between 24:13 and 27:13. In the former the note of deepening despair is most somberly sounded, while in the latter, the epitome of exultant hope resounds with an intermediate climax coming in 25:6-10a, the coronation banquet of Yahweh

H Y fi Till ( the "New Zion." The booklet ends on the triumphant "New Zion" note ( \Ul|?n "YOo.) . Recognizing the attitude of the poet to the Zion motif has still another benefit for the interpretation of the booklet in establishing both the classification and historical provenance. The same emphases appear in the eschatological messages of the prophets of the exilic period, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Deutero-Isaiah.5®

50Hamilton-Kelly, "The Temple and the Origins of Jewish Apocalyptic," pp. 8-9, sees the same intention in Ezk 34:11- 37; 39:17-29; Isa 41:19; 48:20; 49; 52:7-9, 11-12; Jer 24:5ff.; 32:4ff.; 30:18ff. Concurring with von Rad, Hamilton-Kelly states, "Von Rad explains this emphasis in Jeremiah, Deutero-Isaiah and Ezekiel as a response by these prophets to scepticism about


127The Suffering of Judah Described

A Mood of SolaceThe imagery of the prologue (24:1-3) was carefully

worded so as to produce an emotional response on the part of the suffering audience. A judgment theophany of Yahweh was recalled, a cipher evoking considerable dread for Judaic ears. The terms of 24:1-3 had been characteristic of the prophetic doom oracles.^ Upon hearing them any Judean in the exile would have winced at the anxiety they produced. Thus, the

Yahweh's ability or willingness to act in history in a time of crisis. When the great Mesopotamian powers were making ominous moves against Palestine (c. 600 B. C.), there were those in Jerusalem who said that 'Yahweh does neither good nor evil'(Zeph i 12). The exile obviously promoted such scepticism, and the tradition of the eschatological restoration of Zion was developed by Jeremiah, Deutero-Isaiah and Ezekiel to combat it." Cf. Gerhard Von Rad, Old Testament Theology, Vol.II, trans. byD. M. G. Stalker (New York: Harper and Row, 1965), pp. 239-240. Von Rad points out that the uniqueness of Deutero-Isaiah1s use of the royal Zion theology lay in the fact that the prophet did not simply reinstitute the old Davidic institutional concepts, but adapted them considerably. "Deutero-Isaiah1s relationship to the Davidic tradition is a very strange one. He mentions it once and, using a traditional description, grandly calls it the “m ■'Tfcn , 'the sure and gracious promises made to David' (Is.LV. 3; cp. II Chron.VI. 42). He does not, however, interpret Yahweh's promises concerning the throne of David and the anointed one of Israel in the traditional way, for he understands them to have been made not to David but to the whole nation. . . . Israel is to become the sovereign ruler ( I'Ll ) of the peoples (Is. LV.4). In thus 'democratizing' the tradition Deutero-Isaiah actually robbed it of its specific content." The identical approach is taken by the author of Isaiah 24-27 not only in relationship to the Zion image but to all of the ramifications of the Davidic covenant; cf. infra.

^ T h e verbal forms occur frequently in prophetic doom oracles: pPH. - Jer 19:7; Nah 2:3; Hos 1 0 : 1 ; Isa 19:3; Jer 51:3;

- Nahum 2:1; H W - Jer 3:21; 9:4; p 9 - Zeph 3:10;Je1' 52:8; Ps 68:2; Nahum 2:2; Hab 3:6, 14, etc; YT D. - Isa 17:14; Jer 30:16; Isa 10:6; Zeph 2:9; Am 3:1; Ez 38:12.


128

author has skillfully phrased and placed the prologue in order to strike the chords of memory, anxiety-producing memory, in his audience. They would recall forecasts of divine wrath upon Assyria, Nineveh, and Babylon, and most critically upon their own condition. In this way the poet prepared his audience for the description which followed, a description also familiar in the context of doom oracles. However, the shift in verb tenses eloquently communicated to the hearers that divine judgment had been forecast for them, but also,that it had passed. Thus, the futurity of the opening pericope communicated hope to the sufferers because surely the anticipated judgment could not be intended for them. On this occasion some other group would receive the divine attack. This hope in being bypassed for judgment was further confirmed in 24:14-16a. That hope was most intently focused throughout the remainder of the booklet on the retaliation against the oppressors. Thus, because of the preface, even the description of suffering had its hopeful connotation.

Natural TravailThe imagery of 24:4-13 does reflect a narrowing focus

from the earth or land, to the city, to the cult. The earth is portrayed as suffering but not sympathetically or empathetically with the Judeans, but rather as a result of the sin of those responsible for her. Such causality is unique in the ancientNear East where the natural order suffered either because ofthe activity of the deities who were experiencing travail or inorder to punish the human realm for cultic neglect.


129The words irlK • };xi • tJQX. appear often in the

prophetic materials in relationship to the natural realm. It appears that the state of the natural realm was an indicator to the prophet as to the obedience of the people in relationship to the demands of the covenant. Thus, when the prophet called attention to the travail of nature, his audience responded fearfully because such phenomena implied that they had sinned and would receive the judgment of Yahweh as retribution. Sin was understood as polluting ( °|m) the created order. The judgment of Yahweh was not executed through infertility. Yahweh was not regarded as a fertility deity. The judgment feared most was that of historical crisis. Fertility served basically as a spiritual barometer which could measure the degree to which man was fulfilling his responsibility in the created order. This is an example of the Hebraic desacralization of nature. Nature suffers due to the ethical failures of human beings. The Hebraic chain of relationship in Isa 24:4-13 was not deity- creation-man but rather God-man-creation. When the natural realm mourns, withers, and languishes, these actions amount to a direct appeal to God for relief and a vocal accusation against m a n . ^ By calling attention to natural suffering, the poet

52isa 24:4; Jer 4:28; 12:4, 11; Isa 19:8, where judgment is directed toward Egypt and is portended and related to nonproductivity in the natural realm, recognized first by the fishermen. The autonomy and regularity of nature were especially noted during and after the time of Jeremiah, and especially in the message of Deutero-Isaiah where the structured relationships of God, man, and world are used to demonstrate the continued sovereignty of Yahweh. Cf. Walther Eichrodt, Theology of the Old Testament, Vol. II, trans. by J. A. Baker, The Old Testament Library (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1967) , pp. 156-


130could not only communicate the reason for the crisis but at the same time he could stress clearly the concept of divine sovereignty. Both of these would have aided in the transforming of despair into hope.

The Terrified InhabitantsAs the judgment arrived the people are depicted as

shaking in fear and growing pale. ' H O / used here and in Isa 29:22 (in parallel construction with hi)3.)/ connotes both the appearance and attitude of one who experiences suffering precipitated by a judgment of some type. 13 0 1 1 4 is especially instructive. In the earlier pre-exilic prophetic traditions it is used most consistently of the inanimate objects which were victims of the judgmental wrath of Yahweh (Am 7:9; 9:14; Joel 1: 17; Zeph 3:6), i.e., Samaria and Jerusalem. A similar treatment is found in Jeremiah (2:12; 18:16; 19:8), Ezekiel (27:35; 35:12; 32:28) and Deutero-Isaiah (49:8; 61:4; 49:19), where "D Ooi is used to describe the devastation of Judah in 587/6.

This parallels the sense in which it appears in Isa 24:6. Most

160. Eichrodt states, p. 158, "Quite clearly this conception is at the opposite pole from the heathen world-view. In the latter the attitude of the deity to the world is always incalculable and capricious . . . . Among the Babylonians the reason for the cataclysm is the baseless rage of a god against creation. . . ."

5Ît is significant that u ouj appears only in Deutero- Isaiah and, in the first thirty-nine chapters, only in Isa 24:6 and 33:8. Isa 33:9; Hermann Gunkel, "Jesaja 33, eine prophetische Liturgie," ZAW, XLII (1924), 177-208. When Isa 33 is compared with Isaiah 24-27, a similar eclectic blend of woes, laments, oracles, and prophetic sayings is found. Isa 33 was also shown by Gunkel to be present oriented rather than predictive and polemically intended against the anonymous enemy. This highlights the motive and methodology of the poet of Isaiah 24- 27.


131significant is the fact that when inanimate objects are thefocus of "Q o lii , always the context is consistently that ofthe judgment of Yahweh against idolatry. When "Q oui is usedwith a living subject, the response is invariably one of dismay,e.g., Jer 4:9; Lam 1:13; Lev 26:32. In light of the frequencyof the word in the lament form, the possibility that a lamenta-

54tion ritual is reflected here must be admitted.In Jer 2:12 TIOui appears as a command addressed to

‘O '1 O H • Again the context is the judgment rib of Yahweh.And again the charge is syncretism (Jer 2:8, 11), and the evidence is the polluted land (Jer 2:7b).'’’’ Joel 2:10-11; 3:3 and 4:16 further parallel the imagery of Jer 2:12 and Isa 24:6.The integral relationship between divine theophany and popular lamentation is often demonstrated in the eschatological portions of the prophetic materials.^ Thus, in Isa 24:4-6 the people are described in lamentation. They suffer under the judgment of Yahweh (24:5). Their sin has polluted the earth. Destruction had been experienced (24:12-13). The only hopeful aspect throughout the morbid recitation is the past reference of the crisis.In 24:19ff. where the quaking motif is once again employed, an

54 -noui continually occurs in the context of the lament form, i.e., Ez 26:16; 27:35; 28:19; 32:9-10; 35:3-4; in addition to those cited above. Cf. the ideology and structure of the lament as depicted by Hans-Joachim Kraus, Worship in Israel; A Cultic History of the Old Testament, trans. by Geoffrey Buswell (Richmond, Virginia: John Knox Press, 1966), pp. 220-221.

^Cf. John Bright, Jeremiah, The Anchor Bible (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1965), pp. 10-11,15.

^^Kapelrud, Joel Studies, pp. 78, 137, 163-164.


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optimistic note is sounded in that the anticipated crisis would be directed against the enemy.

A further parallel is Isa 52:14. The verse has been problematic because of the second person pronoun which appears as the object of H o u i t viz., >OOUl • Westermann andothers have amended the text by changing the pronoun to the third p e r s o n . 57 This emendation is characteristically suggested in order to allow the verse to agree with the third person orientation of the fourth song which has been traditionally limited to 52:13-53:12. However, this delimitation is challenged by Harry Orlinsky. Orlinsky argues persuasively for allowing 52:13-15 an attachment with the preceding verses which focus upon the ensuing vindication of Yahweh and His people. In this way

C Othe second person pronoun is quite appropriate. The translation of the New English Bible communicates well the essential meaning when it is allowed to stand as Orlinsky suggests.

Time was when many were aghast at you, my people; so now many nations recoil at sight of him, and kings curl their lips in disgust.For they see what they had never been told,

and things unheard before fill their thoughts.Since the prophet is addressing the sufferers in exile, and inlight of the frequency of the lament form within his book, it is

57Westermann, Isaiah 40-66, pp. 258-259, states, "The verb 'to be horrified at' is used, e.g., in I Kings 9:8 of TiOlii horror at divine judgment pronounced on the temple at Jerusalem. Instead of 'at you' we should read 'at him.'" No textual evidence is suggested for the emendation.

^®Harry M. Orlinsky, "The So-Called 'Servant of the Lord' and 'Suffering Servant' in Second Isaiah," in Studies on the Second Part of the Book of Isaiah, ed. by Harry M. Orlinsky and Norman H. Snaith (SVT) Vol. XIV (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967),p. 2 2 .


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likely that 52:14 is reminiscent of the judgmental destruction of Jerusalem in 586, with 52:15 turning the thrust to the exaltation of Yahweh over the oppressors, who ought to be the ones to lament. 13 Q ui , with its lament ritual connotation, clarifies the passage without emendation. 9 9

In view of the preceding discussion of H O ui , it is here concluded that a lament rite lies behind Isa 24:4-6. It is significant theologically that this cathetic remedy is uniquely adapted here and elsewhere in the Old Testament in light of the concept of divine sovereignty.

The Cultic Dimension (Isa 24:7-13)Having pictured the general scope and significance of

the judgment, the passage turns in 24:7-9 to a description of the cultic ramifications of the crisis. and ViifVJlmostoften signal the context of cultic feasting. Their use here with the other cultic images conveys the impression that cultic celebrations have ceased. 6 0 Cl IX is also indicative of a cultic setting. It was formally used in entreaties within the cult for release from suffering, e.g., Job 3:24; 23:2; Lam 1:8;Ex 2:23; Ezk 21:11; Jer 45:3; and Joel 1:18.61 S ’ , a

^Westermann, Isaiah 40-66, p. 259, notes the relationship between 52:14 and I Kings 9:8, which further argues for the lament nuance of "□ o 1 4 ; cf. John Gray, I and II Kings; a Commentary (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1963), pp. 221-222.

6 0 March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," pp. 34-37, astutely delineates the cultic nuances within this passage. His discussion need not be reproduced here. Cf. Jer 31:12; Joel 1: 9ff.; Hos 2:10ff.; 4:llff.; 7:5.

6 1 Kapelrud, Joel Studies, pp. 63-67 incisively shows the


134characteristic designation for cultic celebrants (Ps 28:7?

CO68:5; 96:12; 149:3; Hab 3:18) " is frequently found in passages of lamentation focused upon the suffering of Jerusalem (cp.,Isa 22:2; 32:13; Zeph 3:11) . 6 3

cultic nature of many of the terms which appear in Isa 24:4-13. Because of the fact that these words appear in a similar conglomerate with similar nuances in both Joel 1 and Isa 24,Kapelrud accepts the traditional late dating of Isaiah 24-27, and, therefore,sees the poet as having borrowed directly from the imagery of Joel.

®Ît is significant that TP appears in both Ps 6 8

and Hab 3, both ancient cultic theophany hymns, and in the enthronement Psalm 96. Cf. Helmer Ringgren, Israelite Religion, trans. by David E. Green (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 19b6), notes in regard to these theophany hymns that the elements of the ancient covenant festival appear: Zion, rite, cloudof smoke rite (Lev 16:12f.; Isa 6:4), and the sound of trumpets. Cf. Isa 24:16a, 23; 25:7; 27:13'. Ps 6 8 , Hab 3, and Judg 5 all reflect a Canaanite origin in terms of mythological imagery.Cf. William Foxwell Albright, Yahweh and the Gods of Canaan,Anchor Books (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company,Inc., 1968), pp. 13, 139, 186-188, 275ee. Thus, here is an example of how Canaanitisms became a part of the religious imagery of Israel through the.royal cult. It is further significant for exegetical purposes that appears in a context of celebration tinted with dire threat. Harrelson comments in this regard (Hab 3), Interpreting the Old Testament, p. 379, "There is no more marvelous picture of triumphant faith in Yahweh in the midst of adversity in the entire Old Testament." Cf. also William Foxwell Albright, "The Psalm of Habakkuk," in Studies in Old Testament Prophecy Presented to T. H. Robinson (Edinburgh: T and T Clark, 1950), pp. 1-18.

®3Zeph 3:11-13 is instructive. Here, with the royal cult in the background, the prophet boldly suggests that Yahweh is coming to destroy Zion because the people had become haughty failing to remain dependent upon the sovereignty of Yahweh. Syncretism had to be swept away through cleansing judgment which would leave only a remnant. Hope rested in seeking refuge in Yahweh. All of these emphases are echoed throughout Isaiah 24- 27. Cf. J. Lindblom, Prophecy in Ancient Israel (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1965), p. 252; R. K. Harrison, Introduction to the Old Testament (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. EerdmansPublishing Company, 1969), p. 942, sees the eschatological hope of 3:11-13 as genuine and related to the same motif in Isaiah.The identical approach to hope is evidenced in Isaiah 24-27 even to the presence of the remmant concept (24:6); E. W. Heaton,


135Clearly, Isa 24:7-9 reveals that cultic paraphernalia

and personnel have met with a severe crisis. However, the deepest level of tragedy is the despair concerning cultic failure and inefficacy. When catastrophe threatened, traditionally, the Judean community would turn to the cult as the most potent means of averting it. This was certainly the basis forthe call to trust issued by Isaiah of Jerusalem in the face of

a acontinued crises. The cult provided not only the means for turning back approaching crisis, but the royal cult, with its yearly Zion festival, signified security for the people in its ability to ward off any anticipated evil.®^* It does appear in view of the many royal cultic motifs occurring throughout Isaiah 24-27 that the poet spoke out of and to such a tradition. His message in 24:4-13 was that the royal cult had failed and was defunct. However, the rest of the booklet emphasized the message that even though that institution had failed, the sovereignty of Yahweh had not. It was still operative, and in it alone should the people place their faith.

"The Root s'r and the Doctrine of the Remnant," JTS, III (1952), 27-31.

^Bernhard W. Anderson, Understanding the Old Testament (.2d. ed., Englewood Cliffs, N. J. : Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1965),pp. 264-270; Martin Buber, The Prophetic Faith, trans. by Carlyle Witton-Davies (New York: MacMillan, 1949), p. 135.

^Helmer Ringgren, Israelite Religion, pp. 195-200, summarizes well the debate between the "enthronement festival" position of Mowinckel and the "covenant renewal" position of Weiser. The real issue lies in the degree of relationship the festival had to its parallel in Canaan and Babylonia. That a New Year's festival was celebrated in pre-exilic Israel which celebrated specially the sovereignty of Yahweh and the Davidic covenant seems assured. In this way ancient Near Eastern mythology began its process of historicization. The mythological


136The Urban Dimension (24:10-13)

With no efficacious cultic nucleus, the surrounding city could not long e n d u r e . T h u s , this synthesis of a doom oracle and a lament (24:4-13) concludes with the depiction of the violent razing of the city (24:10-13). Here the common prophetic emphasis of ritual inefficacy in the face of the powerful judgment of Yahweh against a broken covenant relationship is evident.

The description of the city continues in the cultic vein of the preceding verses. 71 > > n 3 . ~|'*'*fl~reflects the streets of the city which had been used for the processions of festivals, festivals in which wine had played a significant part. In light of the numerous royal glimpses which appear in the booklet, the mention of the gates in 24:12 may bear appropriate reference to their role in the New Year's Festival. ^

motifs which appear throughout Isaiah 24-27 in the context of royal theology may derive from such a setting though with definite adaptation; see below.

C C Roland de Vaux, 0. P., Ancient Israel: Its Life andInstitutions, trans. by John McHugh (New York: McGraw-Hill BookCompany, Inc., 1961), pp. 271-330, discusses at length the way in which the ancient Near Eastern cultic ideology was adapted most directly in the Jerusalem cultus. In light of the building rite noted above in the Akitu festival, where the temple was an absolute essential for divine sovereignty to be activated, it is directly contrasted here. The poet shows that Yahweh's sovereignty cannot be so limited.

67Cuthbert C. Keet, A Study of the Psalms of Ascents (Greenwood, S. C.: The Attic Press, 1969), p. 167. Otherinstances in which the gate is used as a cultic metonym for the city are Ps 24:7, 9; 69:12; 87:2; 122:2; Isa 14:31; Isa 45:1; 60:11; 60:18. Psalm 24 is particularly significant because of its use in the Israelitic enthronement festival as a processional psalm; Helmer Ringgren, Israelite Religion, pp. 191-192.


13?The Judgment of Yahweh and the Suffering

of the Enemy (24:16b-23; 26:5-6;26:10-14; 26:20-27:1

The relationship of the prologue C24:l-3) and the judgment on the enemies, beginning in 24:16b, has been discussed above. Therefore, the remaining references both implicit and explicit, to the inimical oppressors may now be taken up.

The Enemy Depicted (24:16b-20)

The Treacherous Onesits substantival, participial form is

characteristically employed in the Old Testament to refer tothe Babylonians, specifically, or to the enemies of Israelgenerally. In Isa 21:2 and 33:1, where the same stylisticrepetition appears as in 24:16b, a Babylonian referent is cer-

6 8tain. It is true that both Jeremiah and Zephaniah employed the term to refer to Judah (Jer 5:1; 3:8, 11; 5:11; 9:1;Zeph 3:4). However, in view of their fondness for the literary device of irony, the use of a derogation previously applied to the enemy to refer to their own nation would be quite explicable. Deutero-Isaiah also utilized the term to describe the Judeans (48:4), but even there the context suggests that the word had been specifically chosen because of its previous association with the Babylonians. The exiles were at that time witnessing the fall of the treacherous Babylonians. The theodicean question with regard to the destruction of Jerusalem was still

Ôther instances in which the term is clearly connected with a Babylonian referent are Hab 2:5 and 1:13.


138uppermost in their minds. The answer suggested by the prophet communicated incisively because of the presence of this derogative Babylonian attributive. They had fallen because they too had been treacherous in their relationship to Yahweh. They had been idolaters through syncretism.6^ Especially significant are two psalmic laments which focus upon deliverance from the wicked enemy, specifically described as ‘'“riH.CPss 59:6; 25:3). Several characteristics which appear in these psalms also appear in Isaiah 24-27, i.e., an extant situation of persecution under treacherous enemies, a statement of innocence, a statement of trust, and an overall hope for vindication. 7 6 Further, according to Harris Birkeland, the treacherous in both Pss 25 and 59are best understood as referring to historical foreign enemies

71who have caused Israelite suffering. Thus, it is reasonable

6Îsa 48:4; cf. Smart, History and Theology in Deutero- Isaiah, pp. 144-145; Muilenberg, "Isaiah 40-66," pp. 556-557; McKenzie, Deutero-Isaiah, pp. 96-97. It is further instructive regarding Isa 24:16-23 that in Isa 48:1-5 the Judeans1 treachery is identified as their false security in Zion institutionalism with its incipient syncretism. It appears that Deutero-Isaiah and the poet of Isaiah 24-27 present similar appeals on their way toward eschatological hope. They call their hearers not to despair over the downfall of their royal cult. It is apparent that in Isa 24:16b-23 the poet is remonstrating this type of false security, though within the enemy cult, an emphasis clearly a part of the message of Deutero-Isaiah; cf. Bernhard W. Anderson, Creation Versus Chaos: The Reinterpretation of Mythical Symbolism in the Bible (New York: Association Press, 1967), Chs. 1and 3; Caroll Stuhlmueller, C.P."The Theology of Creation in Second Isaias," CBQ, XXI (1959), 429-467.

7 ®Weiser, The Psalms, p. 239, regards the treacherous ones as identical to the stylized evildoers of the psalms.Cf. Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship, Vol I. p. 197.

71 Harris Birkeland, The Evildoers in the Book of Psalms (.Oslo: I Kommisjon Hos Jacob Dybwad, 1955), pp. 34, 50-51.Birkeland further demonstrates the integral role of the


139

to conclude from the stylized usage of the word in the Old Testament that T P T J l ) H i s an appropriate designator for the enemies.^

The Fleeing OnesThe judgment of Yahweh upon the enemies was to be

violent and inescapable. The depiction of the enemy as i\ d f\T ‘

T n e > n H p o in 24:18 together with 24:16b reflects an "Oracle against the Nations" background. 0)1 appears primarily in Jeremiah (46:5-6; 48:6, 44, 45; 50:28-30), Amos (2:14,16; 5:19:9:1) Nahum (2:9), and Isaiah (13:14). In every one of

73these the basic Gattung is the "Oracle against the Nations.In the New Year's Festival, when the command to flee was given,the mood of the worshippers became one of excited anticipation.

74Yahweh was about to judge his enemies. Thus, 24:16b-18 gives

denouncing of foreign powers in the enthronement festival of Yahweh, a combination of motifs central to Isaiah 24-27; p. 94.

72Kissane, The Book of Isaiah, p. 274, recognizes the shift in focus at 24:16b to the oppressors. Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja, p. 11; Kessler, Gott geht es urn das Ganze, pp. 136-137; and Procksch, Jesaja I, pp. 311-312, all interpret the substantive in terms of "all sinners," which coincides with their apocalyptic handling.

73 . „Even the Amos references/m which the term is used ofIsrael,have been adapted from the perspective of the "Oracleagainst the Nations"; James M. Ward, Amos and Isaiah; Prophetsof the Word of God (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1969), p. 101;Aage Bentzen, "The Ritual Background of Amos i.2-ii.l6,"Oudtestamentische Studien,VII (1950), 85-99, stresses the formalrelationship with the Egyptian execration texts and agrees withMowinckel that the ritual was included in the yearly Feast ofTabernacles. Again, the forms and motifs within Isaiah 24-27seem to be highlighted as they are paralleled in the pre-exilicenthronement festival.

^Ringgren, Israelite Religion, p. 95; Weiser, The Psalms, pp. 31-42. Both Ringgren and Weiser see the element of


140

the reason behind the call to hope which had been issued in 24:14-16a. This coincides with the central thrust of the booklet, viz., to give hope to suffering Hebrews through sensitizing them to the actuality of divine sovereignty which would be demonstrated both positively in their regard (25s6-10a; 26:15-19) and negatively in regard to the enemy.

In striking contrast to the inimical 0)1 is the benevolent 0 of 25:4 where the focus is once again the Judeans.As the fleeing motif was characteristic in the description of the enemies, so the refuge motif was common in reference to the beloved of Yahweh.

The same expectancy is shown by Deutero-Isaiah in 52:7- 12. Here the incentive behind the imagery is the same as in Isa 24:16b-23, to give hope to sufferers. A further parallel appears in the use of royal, cultic elements to revive hope.'®

cursing the enemy as part of the festival. This coincides with the synthesis of doom oracle and Sprichwort which occurs in Isa 24:18, and the emphasis on the sovereignty of Yahweh as demonstrated against the enemy (24:16b-23) further suggests that the imagery of the New Year's Festival is being employed.

7 This refuge motif which appears throughout Isaiah 24- 27 when the focus is upon the Israelites was also a common motif of the psalms (Ps 14:6; 46:2; 61:3; 62:8, 9; 71:7; 91:2, 9; 94:22; 104:18; 142:6) and especially integral to the stylized description of the worshippers in the psalms attached to the annual covenant renewal festival. Cf. Kraus, Worship in Israel,pp. 208-222.

^Norman H. Snaith, "A Study of the Teaching of the Second Isaiah and Its Consequences," in Studies on the Second Part of the Book of Isaiah, SVT, ed. by Harry M. Orlinsky and Norman H. Snaith (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967), p. 194, states,"Here is a lyric declaring new life for Zion-Jerusalem . . . once more their God has triumphed and established His kingly rule. The phrase, (the LORD has become king)» is theCoronation cry. God has triumphed and has taken His seat upon


141

The announcement of 24:16b as to the revealing of a secret is reminiscent of the opening of the "Book of Comfort" in Isa 40:1. In the latter the people were offered comfort in the realization of the kingship of Yahweh, and the imagery of the Zion festival was utilized in this way. The same mood and motif selection appear in Isa 24:14-23.

The description of the judgment upon the enemies in Isa 24:16b-23 moves through several stages. The enemy is depicted generally as the one who flees helplessly in verses 17- 18. That the judgment is soon to come is the purpose of the earthquake theophany of 24:18b-20, a continuation of the theme of 24:1-3.77

The ultimate focus of divine judgment is climactically noted in 24:21-23. The highest levels of the enemy society are to be confronted, confounded and encarcerated in an eschatological cataclysm. Yahweh would attack the source of their power, the divine pantheon and the sacral kingship (24:21), though the author of the booklet is careful to use qualified terms which make it clear that no truly ultimate status is to be attributed to either level. The kings are clearly noTtffl o i o and the deities are mere H I O H X

His throne. He has comforted ( UIT11; 40:1) and redeemed Jerusalem." The same imagery is utilized by Deutero-Isaiah in 52:12. The context is the approach of Yahweh, with the anticipated results depicted in terms of the fleeing of the persecutors and the vindication of the oppressed children of Yahweh— HO) 101)

~\ • In both Deutero-Isaiah and the present booklet, *it appears that the motifs of the pre-exilic covenant festival have been adapted to engender legitimate hope and dispel despair; cf. von Rad, Theology of the Old Testament, pp. 239-246.

7 7 Pl6 ger, Theocracy and Eschatology, pp. 57-59.78Aubrey r . Johnson, Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel


Terrestrial Judgment142

The Kings of the Earth (.Isa 24 ;2l)~

H O T X n ’DJO was a well-known psalmic phrase.It was most often used of the leaders of oppressing or enemy nations. On occasion they functioned as the villainous focus of cultic attack so that the mythological realm could also be affected Cep. Pss 6 8 , 24, 47, and 6 8 ).

The iioixn ‘*0^0 are placed in parallel construction with -Q j'von xiii in 24:21. This parallelism is quite appropriate in light of the general understanding in the ancient Near East of the relationship between the tutelary deity and the earthly royal representative. The poet presents Yahweh as summarily deposing the highest powers of the enemy. Thus,Isa 24:21-23 presents an inclusive attack against all levels of the foreign cult.

The phrase iTiJT-N'il’iM') is a hapax legomenon as is u n o n X . n 0 7 ,\’ ft is utilized rather than the more frequent ^ 1 X il / as '0 )~\0 fl appears in place of the standard

Obi fl in the latter. In view of the implicit theological polemic throughout the booklet the use of flOTXH seems to have been a calculated choice so as to avoid attributing to the enemy kings any universal significance. The fact that

Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1955), pp. 77-81. Johnsonholds that in the enthronement festival, the "kings of the earth" represent the earthly power of the enemy regardless of their historical identification, and that they are the focus of cultic malediction. At the same time that the Hebrew king acts against the "kings of the earth," Yahweh is understood as attacking m 0 in the mythical realm.


143was the common cosmic term used throughout the booklet makes the repetition of H O t X iI in 24:21 all the more significant.The point made by this contrast between Yahweh's activity which effects and the "ilOTX' " domain of the kings is clear.Only Yahweh is sovereign, and no earthly king could ever be considered his counterpart. Such a note was doubly reassuring.The sufferers had been forced to live under the direction of other kings (Isa 26:13); the Hebrews could take heart in the impotency of those kings. Further, the complete absence of a king figure in their own setting implies that the Judeans had suffered the loss of their monarch. In spite of that, they could take heart for no king was necessary for the sovereignty of Yahweh to be operative.

The term iT o t K was chosen for obvious theological reasons, but the phrase was basically synonymous with the more familiar

/ the standard designation for foreign kings (cp.Jer 25:22, 26: Josh 12:1, 7: et al.). The expression occurs in Ps 2, a royal hymn, where the motif complex parallels informatively the complex within Isaiah 24-27. In both, the universal sovereignty of Yahweh is demonstrated by His victory over the rebellious and haughty yv\' rt . The identical thrustappears in Pss 68:13; 76:13; 89:28.

Of particular interest from the standpoint of relevant parallels is Isa 14:9, 18 where the emphasis is polemically directed against the king of Babylon. The king of Babylon is to be dethroned as a result of the sovereign activity of Yahweh. Therefore, the exiles can take hope, for Yahweh reigns and their


144vindication approaches. 7 9 Yahweh shows His sovereignty by casting the king into M X hi and the T)l, an image reflected

o nin Isa 24:17, 18, 22.A further reflection of these kings seems indicated in

Isa 26:13, though some have argued for a divine antecedent for 81H M T X ' • However, “C m X is here understood

as another reference to the oppressing kings. This is indicated by the justification for vindication given in 26:13b. Historically, they had been under the dominion of foreign rulers, but that the foreign deities had ever exercised any legitimate control over them is never intimated. Indeed, 26:13b shows that quite the opposite was the case. Even though deicide could be taken as the legitimate focus of 26:14, the picture throughout the booklet concerning the other deities is that they will be imprisoned rather than annihilated. ) O y rr * -so TPn O is certainly most appropriately spoken of human beings. Thus, theTS’lTX are the opposing kings who will be imprisioned (24:21),

79Gray, A Critical Commentary on Isaiah, pp. 254-255, recognized the relationship between Isa 14:9 and Isa 26:14, 19.

®®In both Isa 24:21-23 and in Isa 14:11-19 a mythical heritage appears which was utilized in both Canaan and Babylon. The tradition emphasized the struggle for divine sovereign status, and it appears that both of the references mentioned have used the motif to illustrate the inordinate strivings and inefficacy of the enemy cult. Cf. Kelly, "Isaiah," p. 239; William Foxwell Albright, Archaeology and the Religion of Israel (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1953), pp. 84-86; R. E.Clements, God and Temple (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1965),pp. 6-9; Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, p. 320, notes the relationship between the Babylonian king and the astrological bodies; cf. Isa 24:21, 23.

O 1 Kessler, Gott geht es urn das Ganze, p. 155; Procksch, Jesaja I, pp. 325-326; Lindblom, DJA, p. 46.


145punished and annihilated with no possibility of afterlife (26:14; cf. 14:20).82

The Oppressing City (26:5 ; 2 7 :T0)

The figure of the enemy city is still another key recipient in the terrestrial judgment of Yahweh upon the oppressors. As has been noted in earlier chapters, in the ancient Near East the king and the city constituted the basic mundane nucleus of power and protection. The best argument for connecting the "city" of 26:5 and 27:10 with the enemy is based upon the two qualifiers, HZLJlhil and . Both of theseconnote arrogance and independence which contrasts markedly with the dependent relationship between Yahweh and the sufferers.The message to the oppressed Israelites, who had suffered the fall of their city (24:10-13 and 25:2),was that only Yahweh was to be exalted. Only Yahweh was to be their fortress (26:4).That which sought to be exalted ( 1 3 ^ 0 ’HUT ; 26:5) andindependent did so in opposition to Yahweh and would receive his anger. On the other hand, the oppressing rulers and the oppressing city were presented as self-exalting and therefore, self-condemned. 8 2 Thus, it appears that the rulers and the city

8Îsa 26:11-19 is best understood as a pericope dealing with the exaltation of the kingship of Yahweh, and the anticipation of national restoration. Cf. Kissane, The Book of Isaiah, p. 288; Redditt, "Isaiah 24-27," pp. 371-375.

(PIP is obviously an affront to the divine sovereignty, whose name alone was to be exalted. This theme of the sole exaltedness of Yahweh was integral to cultic celebration. Cf. Ps 148:11-14; Weiser, The Psalms, p. 838, states,"the psalmist turns to mankind, in particular to the rulers of


146represent an elliptical motif throughout the booklet which focuses in opposition to the sovereignty of Yahweh. Therefore, the kings are presented as being finally destroyed (26:14) and the city as being razed (.27:8—11).

Supernatural Judgment The majority of references to the enemy center not upon

the terrestrial but upon the divine level. This accords with the theological-polemical nature of the booklet.

The Hosts of HeavenThe first specific instance of a hostile spiritual

entity parallels the "kings of the earth" in 24:21, theX I X • In the careful wording of this caption, the

impression of the sovereignty of Yahweh emerges. With its conquest heritage, IX AtiV characteristically connoted the conquering potential of Yahweh (Ex 15:3; Ps 24:8; cf. Isa 24:

the world of nations (v. 1 1 ) and to the whole cult community . . . . Verses 13 and 14 contain both the justification for andthe theme of the song of praise: to the cult community arerevealed both the name of God and his exclusive supremacy and majesty over heaven and earth; his nearness and presence convey to the people of God both assurance of salvation and new vitality (this is the meaning of the 'exalting of the horn'; cf. Pss 89:17; 132:17. That belief in salvation is the culmination of thewhole psalm and is of crucial importance to the whole world."The same emphasis of hope through recognition of divine sovereignty is apparent throughout the booklet of Isaiah 24-27. The other occurrences of 3-Xul further highlight the motif of the sole ownership of Yahweh to exaltation, for in every instance implicit disdain is evidenced for anything which claims this status which belongs singularly to Yahweh. In Isa 2:11, 17 not only disdain but outward aggression on the part of Yahweh is presented— » n f| u r n i i iinv1 amil ; cf. Kaiser, Isaiah 1-12,pp. 33, notes the cultic background of Isa 2:6-21 and the attack of Yahweh against the sin of idolatry. Here, as in 24:21 and


147

23). Even more significant in capturing the nuance of thetitle is the fact pointed out by Aubrey Johnson that rtnv*was the most frequent divine name used in the enthronementpsalms. It was a phrase especially related to the idea thatYahweh had proven to be sovereign in the face of all otheraspirants. 8 5 It is further significant for the interpretationof Isa 24:21-23 and for the entire booklet that jnx'lii OhV wasthe divine name used consistently by Deutero-Isaiah in contextswhere his intention was to reveal the sovereign nature of

86Yahweh demonstrated by an assault on idolatry. Thus,

26:1, the Day of Yahweh is the context and the underlying sovereignty conflict is evident. Cf. Isa 12:4; 30:13; 33:5, etc. i ' t w i ~v'J functions in the same way as a contrast to the picture of Jerusalem in 24:10-13.

8^Walther Eichrodt, Theology of the Old Testament,Vol. I, trans. by J. A. Baker (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press,1961), pp. 192-194, stresses the origin of the word as falling within the warfare traditions associated with the early Israelite cult with its focus in the ark. The word connotes for Eichrodt a kind of universalism after being developed in the prophetic tradition. Further, Eichrodt recognizes the appropriateness of the title in contexts in which the objective of the author was "to counter the heathen cult of the heavenly bodies" (p. 194), This appears to be the intention of the poet in Isa 24:23, another indication that a Babylonian setting is present.

OCJohnson, Sacral Kingship, pp. 51, 65, 94; cf. Pedersen, Israel III-V, pp. 613-615.

®6 J. L. Crenshaw, "YHWH Seba'oth 2^3: A Form-CriticalAnalysis," ZAW, LXXXII, no. 2 (1969), 156-175. Here Crenshaw analyzes the uniquely Deutero-Isaianic phrase— "Yahweh of Hosts is His name," of which there are twelve instances. He states that "Close examination of the contexts in which the refrain appears reveals four motifs: (1 ) judgment; (2 ) creation;(3) idolatry; and (4) an oath." Crenshaw's comments regarding Isa 51:9-16 highlight both 24:21-23 and 26:20-27:1. In both 51:9-16 and 54:5 Yahweh is presented as judging idolatry which is a corollary of His sovereign Creatorhood. The destruction of Rahab connotes a synthesis of the Exodus and Creation motifs. Especially significant is the fact that after the destruction


148

in 24:21 was an appropriate choice for a polemical depiction like 24:21-23. Further, allows the poet to refer to theopposing deities without using , a word which wouldconnote more status than was desired (cf. Zeph 2:9-10).

Further instructive regarding nn;fl tfiLX is the fact that in the instances in which is found as the object ofdivine judgment, the majority refer to the cult of Babylon, e.g., Isa 13:4; 34:2, 4; Jer 8:2; 19:13; Zeph 1:5; 2:9, 10. In Isa 40:2 Deutero-Isaiah uses the term in the same fashion to demonstrate the sovereign victory of Yahweh over the gods of Babylon.®^ Again, in Isa 40:26, the context is one of theological

of Rahab is depicted in Isa 51:9-10 there follows a hymn of praise, which parallels the relationship between Isa 24:21-23 and 25:1-6 and 26:20-27:1 and 27:2-6. More significant than the arrangement is the similar content presented in the hymns.Isa 51:12-16 "scolds the people for fearing mere men, having forgotten their maker, 'who stretched out the heavens and laid the foundations of the earth' (cf Am 9:6), and continues, 'ForI am the Lord your God . . . .' V. 16 is very significant . . . ; it reads: 'And I have put my words in your mouth andhid you in the shadow of my hand, stretching out the heavens andlaying the foundations of the earth, saying to Zion, You are mypeople.1" (p. 158) Cf. Isa 25:6-10a. In verse 17 and in Isa 54:5 the cup of wrath is present; cf. 26:20-27:1. In 54:5, further, the people of Yahweh are shown as being free of shame; cf. 24:23 in contradistinction to 25:8. Crenshaw concludes regarding the phrase that it had developed out of an exilic provenance and came to be part of the cultic worship in the later period. Its emphasis is polemical. "Against the claim that Marduk created the heavens and the earth the Israelite confessed Yahweh as creator, hence capable of rendering judgment upon all mankind, even His chosen people. The captivity was viewed as Yahweh's means of chastising His own, and Israel gladly submitted to her merciful punisher. Similarly, the oneness of God is emphasized by the attack against idolatry. 11 (p. 174). These comments greatly parallel and describe the significance of Isa 24:21-23.

87 n*' 3 . is unhappily translated in the RSV as"that her warfare has ended," which obscures the obvious conflict polemic. The phrase is better rendered, "her host have received their due." Westermann, Isaiah 40-66, p. 35, does


149polemic directed against the Babylonian cult. Yahweh is presented as sovereign, and the Babylonian deities are displayed as nothing more than subordinates who have been created by

O OYahweh to function as mere luminaries. 0 0 That a Babylo: Lanreferent is also appropriate for the hosts of Isa 24:21 isindicated not only by the similarity of motive, a theological

89polemic, but also by the astral entities specifically mentioned in 24:23.90

The verbs nain and una were consistently utilized in the prophetic materials to signal the approaching judgment of Yahweh, e.g., Jer 14:3; Joel 1:11. The same combination appears in many of the personal and national laments in the Psalms,

recognize this thrust by noting the objective of the statement, i.e., to explain to fallen Israel that her suffering had been deserved due to her sins of syncretism. Cf. also H. Wheeler Robinson, "The Council of Yahweh," JTS, XLV (1944), 151-157.

^®George A. F. Knight, Deutero-Isaiah; A Theological Commentary on Isaiah 40-55 (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 19 55) ,pp. 40-41; North, The Suffering Servant in Deutero-Isaiah, p. 8 8 states "Babylon was the home and centre of star-worship.The Babylonian gods were mostly star-gods. The Prophet of the exile makes bold to affirm that the God of his captive people 'created' the stars whom their captors worshipped as gods.Astra regunt homines, sed Deus regit astra. Never, except in the Cross, has there been such a victory over defeat and humiliation." Cf. also Eric C. Rust, Covenant and Hope; A Study in the Theology of the Prophets (Waco, Texas: Word Books, Publisher,1972), pp. 150-151.

OQCf. Helmer Ringgren, Religions of the Ancient Near East, trans. by John Sturdy (Philadelphia: The WestminsterPress, 1973), p. 53.

99This verse has been pivotal for those who classify Isaiah 24-27 as apocalyptic, e.g., Gray, A Critical Commentary in Isaiah, p. 423; Cheyne, The Book of Isaiah, p. 148, who parallels 24:23 with Zech 14:6, 7 and with Trito-Isaiah. That the confounding of the luminaries becomes a mark of late apocalypticism is certain; D. S. Russell, The Method and Message


150

particularly in the pleas for deliverance from the enemy, e.g., Ps 35:4; 35:26; 40:15; 70:3; 83:18.^ As the gods cowered in confusion over the threat of Tiamat in the Enuma

Velis, so the astral entities would respond to the approach ofYahweh. They realized that his sovereignty meant their

92destruction.The same stylistic conflictive combination appears in

Jer 50:12 which falls within a complex of oracles against Babylon (50:1-51:64). Here as in the nationalistic psalms attached to the covenant festival, the enemy is presented as exulting over its power demonstrated in the plundering of Yahweh's own people (Jer 50:11). However, the oracle focuses upon the approaching judgment of Yahweh. Now they would flee, but to no avail. Their land was doomed to become a desolation (Jer 5:8, 13). Yahweh was just about to debase these self- exalting ones. They will soon be shamed and confused (Jer 50: 2, 12). The parallelism with the depiction of the enemy as

of Jewish Apocalyptic (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press,T964), p. 91. However, its appearance here, without so many of the other apocalyptic elements, by no means demands such a judgment. The motif is quite appropriate without an apocalyptic handling.

9^-Weiser,The Psalms, pp. 41-42, 74, 564 . Here Weiser notes the connection between the divine title, Jitxax AMP, and the conflict motif as it falls within the context of divine sovereignty. Yahweh of Hosts was originally the title given to the deity who rode the ark into battle. It was later adopted as the cultic name of Yahweh used in the liturgy of the Covenant Festival; Pss 46:7; 48:8; 59:5; 69:6; 80:4, 7, 14, 19; 84:1, 8 , 12; 89:8.

oov Cf. Ringgren, Religions of the Ancient Near East, pp. 56-59.


151"haughty though doomed to fall" within the booklet of Isaiah 24- 27 is striking. Indeed, the entire juiD of Jer 50-51and its older parallel, Isa 13:2-14:23, reveal so close a relationship with Isaiah 24-27 as to be hermeneutically instructive. When considered in light of the other Babylonianisms mentioned previously, a Babylonian referent and background for the enemy of Isaiah 24-27 must be taken as the best choice.Such a referent is found in the closely parallel reference in Isa 54:4ff., where Deutero-Isaiah uses m a n and iU)3 _to convey a message of hope to those exiled in Babylon. They could be encouraged because no longer would they be confused and shamed. Their debt had been paid, and their reproach had been removed. The parallelism with Isa 24:21-25:10a is clear. The motif is clear in all of these referents. Whatever opposes

93The relationship between Isa 13-14 and Jer 50-51 has been recognized and studied by Seth Erlandsson, The Burden of Babylon; A Study of Isaiah 13:2-14:23, Coniectanea Biblica,Old Testament Series 4 (Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup, 1970), pp. 154- 159. Erlandsson notes that Isa 13-14 provided the general material for the more specific oracle in Jer 50-51. The motifs in Isa 13-14 were expanded in Jer 50-51 to precisely reflect the period after Nebuchadnezzar had made his first invasion into Jerusalem. Thus, in Isa 13-14, the plight of the Judeans is ommitted completely in the description, and the judgment upon the Babylonians is depicted in general, universal tones. In Jer 50-51 the imagery used to describe the Babylonians, their city, cult, and rulers, is vivid indeed, and the plight of the Judeans receives studied attention, especially in regard to the temple destruction. These same motifs appear in Isaiah 24- 27. However, the language is again general and universal when judgment is the focus, but more specific and complete in depicting the plight of the sufferers. This would be most appropriate for a setting in which the Israelites had suffered for some time in Exile. Thus, when these materials are compared it appears that Isa 13-14 has been used by the prophet of Jer 50-51, and the latter has influenced the prophet of Isaiah 24-27. Cf. further, Erlandsson, pp. 128-153.


152Yahweh and attempts to exalt itself and usurp his sovereign

94status must fall.In light of the judgmental context of 24:21-23, the

words mifMl and fionn bear a mythological rather than amere astrological interpretation. The discrediting predicatesand the forensic mood of the pericope accord with such anemphasis. In the parallel passages, those entities which areconfused and ashamed are those which oppose the sovereignty ofYahweh. Thus, rather than historical foes and disobedientchildren/ Yahweh here is shown disenfranchising the highest ofthe opposing deities. Such imagery accords well with the

9 5astrological orientation of Babylonian religion.

®Îsa 13:10-11; 33:9; Mic 3:7; Jer 50:2, 11, 24, 28, 32, 38, 44; 51:17-18, 25, 44, 47, 52, 53, 55.

^March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," pp. 79-80, notes in passing that the sun and the moon were "widely recognized as deities in the ancient world." However, he too easily dismisses the motif as merely a common prophetic device used to depict the approach of the day of doom (Am 4:13; 5:8; Isa 13:10; Joel 2:10; 4:15). However, in all of these instances the sense is one of cooperation with the theophany rather than a receiving of the divine attack which is the case in Isa 24:23. Gray, A Critical Commentary on Isaiah, pp. 422-4 23, who does approach the passage as apocalyptic, recognizes hints of Babylonian mythology. Neither March nor Gray do justice to the motif as it adds to the theological-polemic of the booklet most directly aimed at the cult of Babylon. In future apocalyptic works, the polemical nature of this motif would be used with its Babylonian specificity removed. Then the sun and the moon would no longer be the recepient of judgment but would rather be dispensable in contrast with the magnificent sovereignty of Yahweh; cf. Isa 60: 19; Rev 21:23; 22:5. Thus, the disparaging predicates and the parallel entities in 24:21 demonstrate that this astrological rubric was not a general stylistic device of either full blown apocalypticism or pre-exilic doom prophecy. Indeed, in later apocalyptic expression the motif would be very much generalized as a portent of the end. Cf. Russell, The Message of Jewish Apocalyptic, pp. 275-276, notes a continuation of the confusion connotation in Assumption of Moses 15:5, I Enoch 80:4-5;Rev 6:12-13; 8:12.


153

The cultic mythological sense of Isa 24:21-23 is most interestingly highlighted by the doom oracle of Jer 8:1-3 in which the Judeans are condemned for syncretism. Here the kings and the false prophets are decried. They are to be embarrassed when Yahweh judges them for their evil syncretism and emerges victorious over the Babylonian deities. In 8:3 i\ on H and

are presented as the highest of the T m O H Significantly, Yahweh is denoted as j'Dfl'* (cf. Isa 24:23).In isa 24:16b-23 the emphasis is not upon the judgment of the people for their sins. That judgment has already been accomplished (24:4-13). Rather, the emphasis of 24:21-23 is the judgment upon the oppressing nation and especially upon its deities. In this way the poet of the booklet skillfully addressed the problem of theological despair and set forth the divine victory of Yahweh in order to engender theological and national hope. All of these elements, the Babylonianisms, the mood, the central purpose and movement of the booklet further indicate an exilic provenance.

The Dwellers of the Heavens (Isa 26:57

In Isa 26:5 the ^ appear as recipients of divine judgment though labeled as 'ruil'’ . The phrase is againpolemically descriptive because of its unique nuance. is etymologically related to the Babylonian Ecliptic (Anu), "the highest point in the heavens regarded as the abode of the deity." The phrase is a hapax legomenon which is significant

K. Burney, "Old Testament Notes. III. The Three


chiefly since other instances of 13 H D make it clear that Yahweh is the only legitimate dweller on this height (cf. Isa 33 5; Ps 148:1). Implicit in the usage of "O is the idea that only Yahweh has the sovereign position because he had thwarted all attempted usurpations. Yahweh was indeed king of the mountain, viz., Ps 56:3; Isa 22:6; 57:15; Jer 49:16. The sovereignty of Yahweh appears to be directly connected with this cosmic location, and any power which would vie for this exalted position would suffer the judgment of Yahweh. The connection between the divine sovereignty of Yahweh and the establishment of Zion is readily apparent in the enthronement Psalm 93 in which verses 3 and 4 focus upon that sovereignty having been demonstrated.^

did not merely connote conflictive sovereignty.It also betokened blessing from above when Yahweh ruled from this place. Thus, when the u n D was in the possession of Yahweh, worshippers could anticipate deliverance from enemies (Ps 144:7), divine blessings (Is 32:15), justice (Jer 17:12;

q q25:30; Ps 71:19), and even fertility (Ez 17:23; 20:40; 34:14).

Serpents of Isaiah XXVII.1," JTS,XI (1909-1910), 446 . Cf.Isa 32:15; 33:5; 57:15; Mic 6 :6 ; Jer 35:30; Lam 1:13; Ps 7:8; 18:17; 68:19; 93:4; 144:7.

97Both Babylonian and Canaanite parallelism is evident here— 'h fP unoa. - v t * u i i u j o u ’ -p -rV x r m t p o / n ^ p o Weiser, p. 617 recognizes an enthronement festival Sitz im Leben (II Sam 15:10; II Kings 9:13) for Ps 93 with the major emphasis being the sovereignty of Yahweh as demonstrated by his victory over all usurpers.

^Walther Eichrodt, Ezekiel, Old Testament Library (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press,' 1970), p. 228, notes therelationship between the ancient Near Eastern world view with


155The implication of 26:5 was that the opposing deities would be dethroned (24:21-23; 25:2; 26:5-6; 26:13-14; 26:21-27:1; 27:10- 11), that Yahweh was still sovereign in spite of the razed condition of the earthly u n O , Zion (24:23; 25:4-5; 25:6-7; 25:10; 26:1-2), and that once again the people could and should reestablish their trust in him in anticipation of continued blessing (25:4-10; 26:11, 15, 18-19, 21; 27:2-6, 11, 13-14). Through a motif with a mythological origin the poet communicated theologically that Yahweh, and no one else, was the

. . 99reigning sovereign.

The Serpentine MonsterOne final supra-mundane category remains to be noted:

the draconic, serpentine figures of 27:1, m i liH] p

■\)JMpV) him 1)T)1 'P2->ul\' yijlfl . The apocalypticexegetes consistently interpret these depictions as separate

regard to the cultic mountain and prophetic eschatology. He states, "The high and towering mountain . . . is probably none other than Yahweh’s holy mountain (20:40) with the temple of Zion. . . . As in Isa 2:2; Ps 48:3 and Zech 14:10, we see the ancient Eastern conception of the world-mountain taken up and transferred to Jerusalem, so as briefly to state in a new way by a well-known term from the world of myth, the world-wide importance of the sanctuary in revealing the lordship of Yahweh." In this context Isa 25:6-10a and 26:5 are correlated. Yahweh will take possession of the cosmic mountain, which will result in the downfall of the enemy and the vindication of^his own.Cf. Hugo Gressmann, Per Ursprung der israelitisch-judischen Eschatologie (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1905) ,pp. 221-223.

^This mountain establishment contrasts directly with the struggle of Marduk for this position; cf. Ringgren, Religions of the Ancient Near East, pp. 77-79, 86; Lindblom, Prophecy in Ancient Israel, p. 364.


156

theriomorphic symbols representing world empires.^® This approach must be abandoned for several reasons. First, it is no longer a foregone conclusion that the booklet should be classified as an apocalypse. Secondly, the myriad of historical suggestions indicates the complete subjectivity of such a handling. Finally, to identify three world empires behind 27:1 fails to take into account the obvious poetic parallelism and the mythological background.

Ever since the form critical research of Hermann Gunkel and the religionsgeschichtlichs Schule, and since the uncovery of the Ugaritic materials, the mythological heritage of 27:1 has been recognized. This quieted to some extent the imaginative speculations of the apocalyptists in view of the inappropriateness of historicizing cultic m o t i f s . T h u s , several commentators have disregarded the historical thrust and have treated 27:1 as a mythological motif derived from the Canaanitecult used by the prophet to say simply that Yahweh had the

102power to destroy any and all opposing entities.While the cultic approach must be admitted as a definite

advance over the apocalyptic, it, too, is inadequate because it fails to recognize the truly eschatological nature of the

lOOGray, A Critical Commentary on Isaiah, p. 451, renders a helpful summary of the apocalyptic position; Kessler, Gott geht es um das Ganze, pp. 165-166, historicizes the reference but does at least recognize a mythological undertone.

^-Êngnell, A Rigid Scrutiny, p. 97.l Q2Kissane, The Book of Isaiah, pp. 290-291; Lmdblom,

DJA, pp. 52-53.


157verse and the booklet. Throughout the four chapters the poet is able to utilize mythological motifs while maintaining an historical focus. A real situation is being addressed, and the visions are carefully worded for the purpose of theologically interpreting the real e v e n t s . D e f i n i t e historical clues appear within the passage which must affect the exegesis. The poet clearly has not left the historical realm, lapsing completely into the visionary. Rather, his mythological nuances seem intended to direct the reader to a specific referent. To discover this referent, the historical thrust throughout the booklet must be considered. The question is simply this. What historical entity is being polemically attacked throughout the booklet that would fit as an appropriate villain for the imagery of Isa 27:l?104

In the most recent studies of Isaiah 24-27 the passage has been scrutinized in light of its relationship to the Ras Shamra religious texts. The obvious etymological relationshipbetween the Biblical and the Ugaritic ltn/tnn

ins . *was the springboard for such a tack. This Canaanite position

înfra., pp.^^Stanley B. Frost, Old Testament Apocalyptic; Its

Origin and Growth (London: The Epworth Press, 1952), p. 156,summarizes well the varied treatments of 27:1, and helpfully notes the Babylonian background of the motif and its connection with the "hosts of the height" in 24:21. He compares this rubric with that of Gog in Ezekiel.

105Julius Bewer, The Literature of the Old Testament, ed. by Emil Kraeling (3rd ed., New York: Columbia UniversityPress, 1962), pp. 420-421; March, p. 183; R. B. Y. Scott, "The Book of Isaiah; Chapters 1-39," IB, p. Ill; John Bright, "Isaiah I," p. 508; Redditt, "Isaiah 24-27," p. 378, states, "It seems


158is based upon the correct assumption that not three serpentsbut only one is presented in 27:1. Such a literary procedureis directly paralleled in the Baal cycle—

When thou has smitten Lotan, the fleeing serpent (and) hast put an end to the tortuous serpent, the mighty one with seven heads . . . (I AB 1:1)

Thus, it does appear on the bases of both form and etymology,that an image from the cult of Canaan is present.

Some degree of Canaanite influence upon Isaiah 24-27is undeniable especially in light of the obvious cultisms andfestal referents in the booklet. Certainly in the area ofcultic practice Canaan exerted its greatest influence inHebraic faith. However, that the Canaanite cult is the specificreferent attacked in the mythological motifs is by no meanscertain. The Babylonian nuances already mentioned, and theBabylonian-related parallels suggest such a background for 27:1.It appears that the Babylonian cult is the better candidate forthe figure symbolized by the mythological Leviathan. Leviathanis mythologically associated with Tiamat, and parallel in the

to me that the close parallel between 27:1 and the Baal cycle indicates a single mythological figure as the enemy of Yahweh." Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja, p. 34, points out the Canaanitisms and the Biblical parallels of the passage— Die kanaanischen Texte zeigen deutlich, dass Leviathan (Ps 74, 14; 104,^26; Hi 3, 8), Drache (51, 9; Jer 51, 34? Ps 74, 13) und die fluchtige oder gewundene Schlange (Hi 26, 13), aber auch das Meer und Rahab (vgl. zu 30, 7) miteinander gleichbedeutend sind."

^•^Gordon, Ugaritic Literature, p. 38.^■^Pierre Gimal, ed. Larousse World Mythology, trans. by

Patricia Beardsworth (New York: Prometheus Press, 1965), p. 93,further depicts the similar imagery used of Yahweh and Baal: rider of the clouds (Ps 68:4); giver of corn and oil (Hos 2:10). It should be noted however, that the parallelism breaks down in


159booklet with 24:21-23 and 26:5.^®® In the Biblical passagesreferring to Leviathan or Rahab, closer resemblance is exhibitedto the ferocious description of Tiamat than to the rather sub-

109ordinate handling of 1-t-n of the Baal cycle. In the Biblical usage of the motif, Yahweh's destruction of Leviathan is regarded as a major rather than minor act. Indeed, his sovereignty was considered to have been authenticated by the fact

the aspect of conflict, for in the Baal cycle, Baal is never presented as the destroyer of ltn/tnn.

^®C. k . Burney,"01d Testament Notes.III. The Three Serpents of Isaiah XXVII.1," p. 445, does regard the booklet as apocalyptic, but very keenly demonstrates that the imagery reflected in 27:1 is most directly related to Babylon. The relationship between 27:1 and 24:21, "anon is correctlynoted. March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," p. 183, differs with Burney from the standpoint that his evaluations were made prior to the 1929 discoveries of Ras Shamra. However, the obvious etymological and literary relationship between the references to Lotan/Tannin in the Canaanite texts and Leviathan in Isa 27:1 does not refute the view that a Babylonian referent, particularly the Babylonian cult, was the direct thrust of the theological polemic. When the content is considered in addition to the form, such a conclusion is most appropriate. Frost, Old Testament Apocalyptic, p. 156, affirms that the motif could well have been associated with the Tiamat myth. In view of the exaltation/debasement theme throughout the booklet, the poet would have used the height of irony to refer to the Babylonian cult in the person of its arch-fiend. Cf. W. 0. E. Oesterley and Theodore H. Robinson, Hebrew Religion; Its Origin and Development (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1930), pp. 228-229; Isa 45:20.

109Cf. Job 3:8; 40:15-24; 41:1-34; Ps 74:12-17; 104:26; Isa 30:7; 51:9-11; Speiser, "The Creation Epic," ANET, I 132- 143; p. 62; Driver, CML, I* 1-8, p. 103. Some Canaanite heritage is certain, as is evident from the motif connection between the destruction of Leviathan in 27:1 and the swallowing up of Mot in 25:8, a connection definitely made in the apocalyptic development which followed. There, the messianic banquet was to feast on the flesh of the destroyed Leviathan; cf. Russell, The Message of Jewish Apocalyptic, p. 124; Ez 32:4; II Baruch 29:3- 4. Cf. also the connection between the defeat of Lotan and the death of Mot in I* AB I, 1-8; Ringgren, The Religion of the Ancient Near East, p. 149.


160that he had vanquished such a formidable opponent with very little effort.-^®

Lotan did not possess the awesomeness of Tiamat. Yam would have been a better choice. Nevertheless, in the cases of both Yam and Lotan-Tannin, they are presented as easily bested by Anat. Lotan is merely a draconic, anti-fertility figure in contrast to Tiamat, who exemplifies cosmic chaos and rebellion. The latter is closer to the imagery of the enemies as presented in Isaiah 24-27. By connoting in the imagery of Leviathan the Babylonian cult, the polemic was made even more caustic. Not only was the cult being identified in the imagery of its worst villainess but even the ferocity of it had been diminished by adjusting the figure to a rather impotent draconic foil.^^ Finally, it is significant that the Biblical passages which include Leviathan are characteristically related to the

*| I OBabylonian period.

H 0 Cf. Job 41:1-34; Marvin Pope, Job, in The Anchor Bible, ed. by W. F. Albright, et al. (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 1965), pp. 269-270.

^^Mowinckel, Vol.I, p. 145; numerous scholars have seen a direct linkage between the Babylonian motif of divine struggle in the figures of Marduk and Tiamat and the Biblical images associated with Yahweh and Leviathan: Sir James GeorgeFrazer, The Dying God in The Golden Bough Part III (3rd ed.,New York: The Macmillan Company, 1935), p. 106, n.2^ HermannGunkel, Schopfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1895), p. 114.

•'■^Pss 74:12-17 and 104:26 both reflect images best understood in light of the Babylonian cult; Drijvers, The Psalms, pp. 179, 219; Weiser, The Psalms, pp. 518-520; Walter Harrel- son, Interpreting the Old Testament, pp. 433-436, dates the Book of Job in connection with the Babylonian exile; cf. Job 3:8, 40:15-24; 41:1-34. Bernhard Anderson, "Exodus Typology


161Theologically, then, Isa 27:1 parallels the other supra-

mundane verses in the booklet. The sovereignty of Yahweh isdemonstrated through attacking these opposing powers. However,the conflict motif has been adapted into one of judgment inorder to coincide with a monotheistic theological stance.In the disenfranchising of all levels of enemy power theeschatological hope so central to the booklet is catalyzed.In every case the punishing action significantly illuminatesthe sovereign status of the divine nature. Divine sovereigntywas the theological construct often used by the prophets toattack syncretism, viz., the relationship between the "Day of

114Yahweh" and the execration texts, and the cultic use of the "Oracles against the Nations. " H 5

in Second Isaiah," p. 193, states regarding the use of Babylonian mythology in polemical fashion by Second Isaiah, "The historification of mythological motifs is clearly evident in Second Isaiah. In 51:9-11 he cites the old creation myth about the victory over the chaos monster Rahab, in primeval time (cf. Isa 27:1; Ps 74:13) ."

113That a conflict motif underlies Isa 27:1 is certain according to Harrelson, "The Significance of Cosmology in the Ancient Near East," p. 248, where he states, "The conflict motifs from the old Near Eastern creation stories are found here and there in the literature (Isa 27:1; Job 26:12-13; Ps 89: 10, etc.) . . . . The Second Isaiah . . . goes even further in historicizing the conflict motif (51:9-10)." Again, the similar method must be noted between Deutero-Isaiah and the poet of Isaiah 24-27.

^•^Gerhard von Rad, "The Origin of the Concept of the Day of Yahweh," JSS, IV (1959), 97-99.

^'’Aage Bentzen, "The Ritual Background of Amps i,2-ii, 16," OTS VIII (1950), 85-86; Arvid Kapelrud, Central Ideas in Amos (Oslo: Oslo University Press, 1956), pp. 71-74; Ringgren,pp. 192-200; Sigmund Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien, Vol. II (Amsterdam: Schippers, 1961), pp. 229-230, suggests the enthronementfestival as the setting for the development of the concept "the


162Conclusion

A recognition of the poetic intention to use visionary motifs to communicate historical meanings reveals the nature of the booklet as prophetic eschatology similar to Deutero- Isaiahll^ as contrasted with the apocalyptic flavoring of Isa 56-66 and Zech 9-14. Eschatology uses myth as a tangential vehicle to interpret history hopefully. Apocalypticism uses myth as the primary medium and calls the reader to find meaning there rather than in the events of history. In an apocalypse the symbol is primary and the interpretation of the event is secondary, while for eschatology the priorities are reversed.In Isaiah 24-27 the myth is used in simply an illustrativefashion in order to communicate something about Yahweh, and

117not to camouflage the events of history. 'In a superb article, Paul Hanson discusses the origin

of apocalyptic in relationship to the mythology of the ancient

Day of Yahweh" through which the mythologies of the Babylonians and Canaanites were historicized.

^^Russell, The Method of Jewish Apocalyptic, pp. 265- 266, describes well the type of transitional eschatology presented in Deutero-Isaiah where the transcendent element is increased and yet not the extent of apocalypticism. His remarks about Deutero-Isaiah reflect strikingly the impressions of Isaiah 24-27. "In the writings of Deutero-Isaiah, however, the future hope became increasingly supra-terrestrial and transcendent. The hope of restoration was here viewed in terms of the miraculous intervention of God in such a way that the present world order would be completely transformed. He describes, in language associated with and no doubt derived from the cult, the victory of Yahweh over the powers of the universe and his enthronement as king" (p. 265).

117H . H. Rowley, The Relevance of Apocalyptic (Revised ed., New York: Harper and Brothers, Publishers, 1943), p. 23,n.3.


163118Near East and to the Biblical materials. Hanson demonstrates

astutely the difference between the world-views of Israel and the other cognate cultures as based upon their understanding of the relationship between the divine and human realms. For the other cultures of the ancient Near East, the focus was upon the divine realm. The historical realm was merely a vague image of the divine. But for Israel, with its covenant perspective, the divine realm and the historical were separate but communicative. As long as the covenant meaning was kept in view, the two realms could maintain their appropriate roles and balance.

With the rise of the monarchy and the royal cult which incorporated so much of Canaanite mythology into its practice and thought, and with the regalizing of the covenant concept, the balance was shifted like the cognate cultures to the mythological realm, and the role human action played was diminished to that of ritual. The mythological motifs were adapted through the royal cult at Jerusalem. It was the genius of the prophetic consciousness to restore the balance between myth and history, though most of the pre-exilic prophets placed their emphasis in the historical realm in order to bring the pendulum back to the center. Hanson demonstrates that Isaiah of Jerusalem is the highest example of the prophetic balance.

Only when we come to the prophet Isaiah do we find the cosmic vision thoroughly translated into the terms of the historical realm . . . . In Isaiah the dialectic between vision and reality found precise balance. A verse like VIII, 7, taking as it does the mythic image of the many

118paui Hanson, "Jewish Apocalyptic Against Its Near Eastern Environment," RB, LXXVIII (1971), 31-58.


164

waters and applying it to a specific historic figure illustrates the balance achieved by Isaiah. H 9

The balance was upset by the Deuteronomic History, which replacedthe historiography based on a dynamic, living covenant relationship and balancing vision and reality with an historiography based on a inflexible dogmatic principle drawn from temple legislation, the principle of retribution vis a vis the law of cultic c e n t r a l i t y . 120

With the visionary element sublimated, the crisis of 587/6 was a crushing blow indeed in light of the rigid legal causality of the Deuteronomic schema. On the popular level, the sovereignty of Yahweh could no longer easily be maintained in light of those events. Hebraic identity surely would have ceased had it not been for the creative genius of the revived prophetic consciousness within Second Isaiah. He restored the balance once again by calling to mind the visionary motifs which had been traditionally a part of the royal cult, but he adapted these motifs to reflect and interpret historical events. In short, Second Isaiah took history seriously. He utilized myths and symbols to bring to mind sovereignty which could in turn produce historical encouragement with regard to the historical predicament. Hanson sees in the historification of mythology, as presented in Deutero-Isaiah, the basic ground out of which apocalyptic would grow. All that would be necessary for the transition to occur would be to lose the balance again which would be catalyzed by a loss of hope in the historical process. Hanson points to Isaiah 24-27, Trito-Isaiah, and Zechariah 9-14 as examples of the shift from the eschatology

119Ibid., p. 45. 120Ibid., p. 47.


165of Deutero-Isaiah to apocalypticism. Here, Hanson is in error by his inclusion of Isaiah 24-27.121 In fact Isaiah 24-27 exhibits the same flavoring as Deutero-Isaiah. The historical situation reflected in the booklet does not align with either Trito-Isaiah or Deutero-Zechariah but rather with Deutero- Isaiah. The crisis has passed for Isaiah 24-27, and the poet attempts to engender hope for the future, hope that could be effective in reconstruction. The historical fortunes had reversed. Now Israel would prosper and the enemy would be

I O pcast down. In short, Isaiah 24-27 exhibits the very same

121 Ibid., p. 51. It is not even apparent why he does so because in the paragraphs which follow no exemplary reference is made in regard to Isaiah 24-27. Hanson delineates three basic characteristics of this transitional material:"a new type of prosody (with a development away from the simple bicolon toward long baroque prosodic units), a new prophetic Gattung (the salvation-judgment oracle), and tied to these a development toward a more visionary view of future restoration." (p. 51) In light of these formal elements, Isaiah 24-27 appears quite distinct from Trito-Isaiah and Zechariah. Even the salvation-judgment oracle is not to be found within the booklet (cf. Isa 59:9-11) though a salvation-judgment process is certainly evident, which is more closely akin to the methodology employed by Deutero-Isaiah.

All of these elements will be demonstrated m the discussion which follows, but they are mentioned here because of their bearing upon the classification of the material. Perhaps Hanson has missed the historical thrust of the booklet because he like many others has concluded that the mythology of the booklet is primarily Canaanite and therefore a mere vestige of the royal cult used by the poet for the purpose of becoming visionary. It has been shown here that the mythological motifs employed by the poet were intentionally utilized to polemicize Babylonian religion and culture. The Canaanitisms are present because of their past relationship to the royal cult from which the poet had gleaned the concept of divine sovereignty.


166tension between myth and reality, the same methodology, and the same setting as Deutero-Isaiah.^ 3

The Agencies of Divine Judgment

Directed Against JudahObviously, throughout the booklet Yahweh is presented

as the motivating power behind all instances of judgment. However, that judgment is exhibited as being enacted in various ways, both direct and indirect. In reference to Israel, Yahweh is presented inflicting punishment most directly through his word (24:3, 6) and secondarily through allowing the enemy to plunder the nation, the city, and the cult. Both of these themes are common to the prophetic judgment pronouncement.

Basically the only judgmental agency emphasized in the booklet against Judah was the devouring curse (24:6). i~\ Xwas especially suited for this judgmental context because of its characteristic use in passages where the reason for judgment is quite clear, i.e., the overthrow of all aspirants to sovereign status. Reflected also in was the culticsynthesis of magical practice and the concept of divine sover-

194eignty.

^■Ât most, the two authors are one and the same. At least, they have the same objective and utilized the same literary category.

"^^Walter Eichrodt, Theology of the Old Testament, Vol.II, trans. by J. A. Baker (Philadelphia: Westminster Press,1967), pp. 71-72, notes the magical background of the word and its frequency in the hymns of Deutero-Isaiah (40:26; 44:24;48:13; 50:2f.) and in the Psalms which focus upon the Creator- hood of Yahweh (Pss 33:6, 9; 104:7; 147:4f., 15ff.; 148:5f.). Cf.


167The curse, implying punishment to and power over the

enemy, directed by the patron deity, was a motif often found within the religious myths and rituals of the ancient Near East. It was especially frequent in the Babylonian cult as is evidenced by the Enem hymns.^25 Further, the conflict scene

y 1 2 6in the Enuma elis exhibits well the role of the cultic curse.In the Biblical prophetic materials the cursing of the enemywithin a cultic-magical context was also common, as is evidenced

127by their adaptation of the rites of execration. By use ofpoetic irony such execrations were directed toward the people

128of Yahweh as in Amos 1-2. In Isa 24:4-13, as in Amos, thecurse of God is shown as being directed against his people fortwo reasons: (1) to demonstrate sovereignty, and (2) to pun-

129ish them for covenant neglect or violation. Thus, it appears

Andrew F. Key, "The Magical Background of Isaiah 6:9-13," JBL, LXXXVI (1967), 201.

125Stephen Langdon, Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms (Paris: Geuthner, 1909), pp. xix-xx, nos. I-IV, VII-IX.

126Speiser, "The Creation Epic," IV; pp. 66-67; cf. Eichrodt, Theology of the Old Testament, Vol. II, p. 70.

127ceorg Fohrer, "Prophetie und Magie," ZAW, LXXXVIII (1966), 25-27; cf. Jer 7:16; 14:11; 15:10-13; 17:15-16; 18:20; 42:18; 44:12; Am 7:2-5.

128gentzen, "The Ritual Background of Amos i,2-ii,16," pp. 97-99, agrees with Mowinckel that the execration form was used in Israel within the celebration of the annual enthronement festival associated with the Feast of Tabernacles, and that a key aspect of the festival was the judgment of Yahweh upon the enemies of Israel. Thus, the eschatological Day of Yahweh, the judgment upon the enemies, and the purgation of the sins of the Israelites were all integrally related to the festival; and again this motif amalgam must be seen as keenly related to the motifs reflected throughout Isa 24-27. Cf. von Rad, Old Testament Theology, Vol. I, pp. 81-88, 110-111; Vol II., pp. 81-82.

^■^C. C. Fensham, "Common Trends in Curses of the Near


that in Isa 24:4-13, the poet has utilized a cultic construct, the curse, to convey to his suffering readers that their situation, pathetic though it was, should not indicate to them that their Divine Patron had failed. Their suffering was the deserved reciprocation for covenant violation. Such an explanation might appear far from helpful until it is remembered that those suffering were disheartened most from what was to them a theological and nationalistic loss. To have informed them that their God had caused the crisis would have implied both his existence and control. Greater encouragement would follow in the shift of referents in 24:18bff. As a curse had produced their suffering which had already been experienced on the part of the people of Yahweh, a curse could be directed against the enemy, i.e., the magical Sprichwort of 24:16b-18a.

Directed Toward the EnemyWhereas Yahweh punished Israel through the instrumen

tality of the curse and through the historical means of foreign oppressors, in the case of the enemy, Yahweh is presented as acting directly and personally upon their highest levels and, more indirectly, upon their city and its populace. In Isa 24: 21-23, 26:14-21, and 27:1 Yahweh himself is the agent of judgment. 6\J f|?0 , though used in regard to the national sin ofIsrael and her false leaders-^® is the formula utilized in

Eastern Treaties and Kudurru-Inscriptions Compared with Malediction of Amos and Isaiah," ZAW, LXXV (1963), 155-175; James M. Ward, Amos and Isaiah, pp. 101-112.

lÔin the former sense cf. Hos 2:13; 12:2; 4:9; Am 3:14


169contexts of divine action taken against the enemy in the "Oracle against the Nations."131 This is the sense in which it is used throughout Isaiah 24-27.

The Impotency of NatureIn Isa 24:18b-20 punishment is delivered indirectly

through the agencies of natural phenomena. The verbal forms of 24:19 were carefully chosen because of their sin nuances.In their Hithpo'lel forms V V , ~>~»9 , and <3 ) Q are hap ax legomena. connotes most often the consequences of sin,most frequently idolatry (e.g., Jer 40:4; Zeph 1:12; Ps 44:3;Isa 1:16; 9:16; Josh 24:20). I"l9 most often appears in relationship to the sin of a broken covenant relationship (e.g.,Isa 14:27; 24:5; 28:18; 33:8; Jer 33:20; Ps 33:10; 89:34). In its Po'el form it appears in Ps 74:13 where its object is the mythological ~C1 "* • C£) ) O presents the imagery of insecurity(e.g., Ps 38:17; 46:3, 7; 60:4; 93:1; 94:18; 96:10; 104:5; 115:1; Isa 40:20; 41:7; etc.). All of these verbs communicate well both the manner and reason for the judgment of Yahweh upon the enemy. Ths cosmic order quakes at the approach of Yahweh, who comes to judge. More descriptive, though, is the imagery of worldly inefficacy and impotency communicated by and causallyconnected with the honoring of the wrong deity (yv>~0. Without

3:2; Lam 4:22; Jer 8:13; 9:9; 21:14; 5:9, 29; 14:10; 27:8; in the latter sense; cf. Zeph 1:8, 9, 12; 2:7; Jer 6:13; 11:22;23:2; 29:32; 34; 36:31.

131Cf. in regard to Babylon: Isa 13:11; Jer 25:12; 50:18; 51:44, 47, 52; possibly in regard to Assyria: Isa 10:12;in regard to Egypt: Jer 44:13, 29; 46:25; in regard to "nations"in general: Jer 9:25; 30:20; Zech 10:3.


170the strength of their dieties, the land would lapse intochaos. This return to chaos is depicted in terms of thecaving in of a reed hut, which is especially instructive sincethe reed hut within Babylonian cultic practice symbolized thestability, power, and fertility of the temple. The polemic is obvious.

The Wrath of YahwehThe wrath of Yahweh also appears as a divine extension,

a type of instrumentality, through which punishment would be administered upon the enemy. Of the twenty-two times the word appears in the Old Testament, every instance of"H yt indicates that divine sovereignty is the focus. "Di)t is turned against all who oppose the ultimate status of Yahweh. As with the verbs of 24:19,1111^ is also part of the stylistic vocabulary of the "Oracles against the Nations."133 jsa 26:20appears. The nuance is the same. The people are to shut themselves in their houses until this extension of divine sovereignty acted against the oppressors (26:21-27:1). The

132Kissane, The Book of Isaiah, Vol. I, p. 275; Ringgren, The Religions of the Ancient Near East, pp. 77-79.

133Isa 10:25 (Assyria); 13:5 (Babylon); 30:27 (Assyria). In the last reference the sending out of the wrath against Assyria is immediately followed by an account of a royal victory feast in Zion, verses 29-33; cf. Isa 25:6-10a. Cf. Jer 10:10; 50:25, where Babylon is the target of the divine wrath and the ultimate purpose is to free the exiles to return to Zion that they might celebrate the sovereignty of Yahweh and the fact that their suffering had been avenged. Cf. also Hab 3:12;Zeph 3:8. The same development and thrust is obvious in Isaiah 24-27.


171similarity of the imagery with Exodus 12:13, 27 has been noted

134by Kissane. Further, Isa 29:5 and 10:5 indicate that the phrase in 26:20 was a stylistic designation for theexile. This exilic determination further coincides with the motif of 27:7-9 and would indicate that the exile was seen by the prophet of the booklet as the period of the expiation of Israel's sin; cf. Lam 2:6;Ezk 22:24, 31. The people of Yahweh had experienced the severity of the divine wrath as the prophets had warned, but at the time of the writing of the booklet, the wrath had turned toward the haughty enemy. Thus, both purgation and vindication were implied. Judgment upon Israel was interpreted redemptively as a surgical cleansing, while judgment upon the enemies was understood as vindication for Israel and demonstration of the sovereignty of Yahweh. This explains the choice and union of lament and victory hymn so frequently encountered.

The SwordIn Isa 27:1 another instrumentality of judgment is

mentioned, the Htilpfl n n i • Inprophetic literature n n appears as an instrument of judgment

135most frequently directed against the foreign nations. On occasion, however, the sword of Yahweh was also used to depict

^-^Kissane, The Book of Isaiah, p. 290. Thus, the booklet is not without a reminiscence to the Exodus tradition which further recommends its relationship to Deutero-Isaiah. Cf.James King West, Introduction to the Old Testament; "Hear 0 Israel" (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1971), pp. 340-343.

135Isa 13:15; 34:5, 6; Jer 12:12; 46:10, 16; 47:6; 48:2;49:37; 50:16, 35, 36, 37; 51:50; Joel 4:10; Nah 2:13; Zeph 2:12.


172judgment upon his own people for their sins (e.g., Jer 15:9;16:4; 19:7; 20:4; 24:10; 32:24, 36; 33:4; et al.). However, these prophetic utterances exhibit an ironical use of an inimical concept as in Amos 9:1 where an "Oracle against the Nations" is inverted to apply to Israel.

Because of its connection with the "Oracles against the Nations," it should not be surprising to see on occasion the sword-judgment motif of Yahweh exhibiting magical connections. This is indicated in the verbal sword imagery of the potency of the Servant of Yahweh in Isa 49:2.^^ Thus, the poet selected an image which conveyed to his audience impressions of both the sovereignty of Yahweh turned against his enemies and the magical efficacy of his word once uttered (cf. Isa 24:3).

The significance of 27:1 is further highlighted when compared with Joel 4:9-17. In the latter all of the following motifs appear closely related, in the same fashion as they appear in the booklet of Isaiah 24-27: sword of judgment, gathering ofthe enemies for judgment, the Day of Yahweh, darkening of the luminaries, quaking of the earth, and Yahweh as a refuge to his chosen p e o p l e . T h e pre-exi-lic prophets utilized the imagery

^•^Westermann, Isaiah 40-66, p. 208, recognizes in the sword and arrow imagery merely a reference to the power of the prophetic word (Jer 23:9; Rev 1:16). However, the close relationship between the prophetic word and the traditional blessing and cursing by no means rules out the magical orientation of the passage, but rather enhances such a connotation. Cf.Jer 20:4; Ps 31:14; Isa 31:9; 50:35-38; 47:6; Jer 50:35-38.

^^Kapelrud, Joel Studies, pp. 159-161; cf. Isa 17:12ff.; 29:7f.; Mic 4:11-13; 5:7; Zech 14:2; Pss 2, 110. Arvid Kapelrud concludes that this complex best suits a setting of the enthronement festival, a suggestion which is also relevant for a background understanding of Isa 24-27. Cf. Pedersen, Israel III-


173of the festival cult in an ironic fashion in order to shake the hearers from their complacency and apathy. However, it appears that the poet of Isaiah 24-27 reversed this prophetic method, and chose to stress the original sense of the enthronement festival, which had emphasized the sovereignty of Yahweh over and against the foreign nations, in order to communicateto his oppressed hearers that their time of vindication was at, . 138hand.

The Inescapable TrapFurther indicative of an underlying magical context is

the inescapable trap imagery of 24:17-18, fl9 ) Tins) ~rn31 O QNot only does this combination appear within an "incantation" 3

form, but also the fact that this imagery is found in psalmsseeking deliverance from personal illness reveals its nature as

140a magical sub-motif. This triple terror form appears verbatim in the oracle against Moab in Jer 48:43-44 and, in a different context, in Amos 5:19-20. An "Oracle against the Nations" is the larger Gattung of both, though in Jer 48:43-44 the context is an oracle against Moab, while in Amos 5:19-20

IV, p. 95; Redditt, "Isaiah 24-27," pp. 102-106, concludes that 2T:21-23; 25:1-5, 6-8; and 26:1-3 especially reflect the enthronement festival.

^®The same approach was taken by Deutero-Isaiah; Lindblom, Prophecy in Ancient Israel, pp. 316-322.

^•^Redditt, "isaiah 24-27," pp. 96-97; March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," p. 59.

140Pss 9:16; 10:9; 57:7; 140:6; 141:9; 142:4; Pedersen, Israel I-II, p. 448. Pedersen points out the direct relationship between the motifs of the destruction of the enemy by Yahweh and the cure for personal suffering.


174Israel is the focus. The magical heritage of the "Oracles against the Nations" parallels directly the form of Isa 24:17- 18. Thus, by using the trap motif, the poet not only recalled past cultic ritual directed against oppressors but set in motion a magical remedy within the adaptation of the prophetic word.141

Ritual TramplingOne final instrumentality is envisioned in ill 0 0*171

"*1^ of Isa 26:6. Here Yahweh destroys the opponents indirectly through his suffering followers. O O l is essentially a metaphorical word used for the act of killing anyone, i.e.,II Kings 7:17, 20; 9:33; 14:9. In II Kings 7:17, 20 the word is used to reflect the incursions into the Israelite cult of Babylonian magical practices.14 On one occasion (Isa 1:12) the word was used as a cultism.^42 Most often the word appears within the context of judgment upon the enemies of Israel (e.g., Isa 16:4; 28:3; 41:25; 63:3;Ezk 26:11; 34:18; Ps 7:6; 91:13).In all of the latter references the sovereignty of Yahweh was the focus, a sovereignty gained through overcoming the enemy.

, however, appears only here in Isa 26:6 in the sense of an agent of judgment.

l41Von Rad, Old Testament Theology, Vol. II, pp. 89-90.142John Gray, I & II Kings, The Old Testament Library

(Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1963), pp. 17-18, discusses the redactional unit, II King 17:7-20 in light of the late pre-exilic syncretism in Judah; cf. Mic 5:8.

14^Kaiser, Isaiah 1-12, pp. 13-15.


175In summary, the agencies through which Yahweh was

depicted as inflicting punishment upon the enemy are several. However, they are consistently tied together through their relationship with sovereign theology, ritual symbolism, and the "Oracles against the Nations" Gattung.

The Purpose of Suffering/JudgmentThe discussion now turns to a consideration of the basic

purpose for the suffering/judgment on the parts of both Israel and the enemy. The purpose of the judgment upon Judah is shown to be twofold. First, on the level of basic causality, the people suffer because of covenant violation. However, there is the deeper, and more redemptive, level of causality, that which is concerned with the ultimate result of that suffering. When Yahweh judges, he does so not vengefully but redemptively, on behalf of Israel, and, pedagogicallv, on behalf of the enemy.

The Significance of Judean Suffering

Basic Causation: Disregardfor the Eternal Covenant (Isa 24:5)

In comparison to the amount of material devoted to the condemned acts of the enemy, the indictment of Israel is scarcely apparent. Such a ratio would be expected in a booklet whose purpose was basically to lift the national hopes by declaiming the enemy. This tendency is further highlighted by the fact that far more is said concerning the remedy and the outcome of the suffering in behalf of Israel than with regard to the enemy.


176Throughout the entire booklet only one verse appears

as a direct indictment of Israel, Isa 24:5b, which begins clearly with the causative particle . 44 The forensic nature of the indictment is obvious. In the tradition of theprophetic rib m o t i f i n 24:5, Judah once again faces thedivine accusation. She has transgressed laws, violated statutes, and most serious of all, she has broken the D M *3 3VH1.

The juristic phrases p H 19^(3 and IHITI H H V suggest a prior covenantal obligation as having been in effect. Otherwise the indictment would be meaningless. The nouns 31~H3\ and |?ll were so frequently used that any singular significance is difficult to detect. However, when the verbs are considered along with the adjective D M 9 which precedes IT 13., an appropriate and unique background does emerge. “\IljJ most frequently connotes movement from one point to another. However, on several occasions the word does appear within a covenantal context (e.g.,Hos 6:7; Deut 17:2; II Chron 24:20). Most significant areNum 24:13 and Jer 34:18 where the meaning is obviously to gobeyond the covenant to transgress, to disregard it, to make it invalid through failing to recognize its significance. The same connotation is suggested by ^pfl .146 The verb 1 1 9

further highlights the basic thrust of Lhe indictment. It also

•44Gesenius1 , 158b; p. 492.^45Bernhard Gemser, "The RIB-pattern in Hebrew Mentality,"

SVT, III, pp. 120-137.^4^Ludwig Koehler and Walter Baumgartner, eds., Lexicon

in Verteris Testamenti Libros (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1958),p. 304.


177stresses the idea of making inefficacious vis a vis the far more frequently used "MHU and which reflect a rebelliousbreaking of the covenant. Thus, the meaning of Isa 24:5 is clear. Israel was accused not of disobedient revolt. Rather, her guilt lay in her disregard for the meaning of her covenantrelationship with Yahweh. Her sin was a lack of faith andcommitment.

The true significance of the passage hinges upon the identification of U ij)\) *5V~IQ.. Many have suggested the Noahic covenant (Gen 9:9-17) as the referent based upon the adjective. However, this view is derived in concert with the a priori conclusion that a universal audience is intended, a conclusion by no means warranted by the e v i d e n c e . R e d d i t t dismisses the Noahic option as unnecessary on the basis that "eternal" is attached to other covenants in the Old Testament (e.g., Gen 17:7; Num 25:13; Gen 17:13; Ex 31:16; Lev 24:8; Jer 50:5; Isa 55:3;and Isa 61:8). He prefers not to seek any historical connectionfor the covenant of 24:5, allowing it to be a general eschato-

148logical concept. Just because "eternal" finds several

Franz Feldmann, Das Buch Isaias (Munster: Verlagder Aschendorffschen Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1925), p. 290; Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja, p. 7, further defends the Noahic covenant on the basis of its connection with the prohibition not to shed blood. "Denn er hatte alien Menschen eine ewige Verpflichtung gggeben: die allgemein und fur immer verpflichtend ist . . .Wahrend Sach 9, 7 den Blutgenuss als Vergehen nennt, denkt dieser Prophet offenbar an Mordtaten (vgl. auch 26, 21), weil deren Blut das Land entweiht (IV Mose 35, 33f.; Ps 106:38)." When the different audiences are visualized, as has been demonstrated above, the blood-guiltiness has nothing to do with Israel, but rather with the enemy, and the Noahic covenant is by no means necessary for the indictment.

•^^Redditt, "Isaiah 24-27," pp. 323-324.


178instances does not necessitate the conclusion that historical identity of the covenant is hopeless or intentionally generalized by the author. Indeed, the philology of the verse together with the consistent royal emphases, the nationalism, and the eschatological thrust throughout the booklet, aid in the discovery of the type of covenant referred to in 24:5. March has departed from the traditional Noahic position in favor of the Mosaic covenant on the following bases. First, March feels that Jl"\\J\and p n are well suited to discussions in which the Sinaitic covenant is pivotal (e.g., Ex 15:25; Josh 24:25; Ps 81: 5; 99:7). Secondly, the cursing of 24:6 reflects a practice often associated with the Mosaic covenant. Thirdly, the breakable nature of the covenant seems hardly coincident with the priestly Noahic covenant, but is far more coincident with the conditional Mosaic covenant. Fourthly, if the Noahic covenant was in the mind of the poet, the following verses, especially 24:18, do not follow since in the Noahic covenant the stipulation was made that never again would Yahweh destroy the world

1 49by water.While the astuteness of March in denying the Noahic

covenant must be praised, his observations with regard to the Mosaic covenant must be challenged at every point. The juristic "Jl“|)J\and pH are far too frequent to imply a specific setting. Indeed, both terms are just as appropriate within the context of the Davidic covenant (e.g., Ps 81:5; 99:7; Isa 2:3; Mic 4:3; Isa 42:4; 51:4; 1:10; 5:24). Especially significant is Ps 2:7

•^^March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," pp. 31-32.


179in which pfl appears in the singular and reflects specifically the royal promise. It should be noted in this regard that the singular form is clearly used in Isa 24:5. Further, that cursing is used in close contact with the covenant concept by no means necessitates the Sinaitic conclusion since within the royal cult the "Oracles against the Nations" were characteristically associated with the ceremony of covenant renewal. The conditionality argument is likewise obfuscated when the message of Isaiah of Jerusalem is r e c a l l e d . F i n a l l y , the argument regarding the flooding of the world is by no means necessary from 24:18. Such imagery was frequent and generally stylistic within judgmental contexts.

Therefore, it appears that neither the Noahic nor the Mosaic covenants is the best choice. It is here suggested that the Davidic covenant (II Sam 7; 23:1; Ps 89:4; 132:12) coincides best with the etymology and the theology consistent throughout the booklet. Thus, 24:5 communicates that Judah had been judged because she had disregarded the meaning of her royal covenant.She had neglected it, and had failed to actualize its potential. The presence of a Davidic king-on the throne should have directed their attention to the divine sovereignty of Yahweh, but institutionalism had taken over. She had failed to trust in Yahweh through the Davidic covenant. Thus, she had fallen and suffered.

ISO-yon Rad, Old Testament Theology, Vol. II, pp. 149-152. Indeed, when the verbs used in Isa 24:5 are considered along with the many royal motifs throughout the entire booklet, it appears far more likely that the Davidic rather than the Mosiac covenant is envisioned.


180However, the fact that no new covenant is instituted in the booklet, and the fact that no king or messianic figure appears, demonstrates that the true meaning of the eternal Davidic covenant would be realized. Yahweh would be recognized as ultimate sovereign and the people would appropriately put their trust in him alone. With no earthly king, and no temple, the Judeans would be more able to visualize the true royal sovereignty of Yahweh, and the eternal covenant could be democratized and directly, vis a vis mediationally, experienced. In the fashion of exilic prophecy the poet of the booklet intended tc move his audience from despair to hope via an adapted royal eschatol-

Thus, the U ‘y) l) IL of 24:5 is taken here as reflecting most directly the Davidic covenant. The characteristic verb is used in connection with the royal tradition inJer 23:19-22. Even though the "eternal covenant" could not be broken, it could be made inefficacious. Such a situation lies behind Isa 24:5. When the covenant, the means through which

•■’iRinggren, Israelite Religion, pp. 119-120; G. Widen- gren, "King and Covenant," JSS, II (1957), 1-10; yon Rad, Old Testament Theology, Vol. I, pp. 308-310; Ludwig Kohler, Old Testament Theology, trans. by A. S. Todd (Philadelphia: TheWestminster Press), 1957, pp. 75-76; R. E. Clements, Prophecy and Covenant, Studies in Biblical Theology, No. 43 (London:SCM Press, Ltd., 1965), p. 118, notes the way in which the royal cult affected eschatology. Again the major exemplar is Deutero- Isaiah, and the similarity with Isaiah 24-27 is striking. "The ancient covenant promises were now expected to find their fulfillment when the judgment was passed, and a new beginning made. In particular the promises to the Davidic dynasty, and the glorification of Mount Zion in the cult, became themes which expressed the greatness and spendour which Yahweh would give to Israel. With Deutero-Isaiah there came the assertion that the judgment was passed, and that Yahweh was about to create a new Israel out of the survivors of the old nation in exile."


181Yahweh and his people communicated most significantly, was neglected, then disruption of life followed, which coincides with the lament of the natural order in 24:4-5a. When the people recognized their dependent relationship (cf. 24:14b- 16a; 25:1-5) then the covenant would become effective again, which was the significance of the banquet of 25:6-10a. However, that relationship has been democratized, an emphasis

152clearly a part of exilic eschatology. Again the relationship between Isaiah 24-27 and Deutero-Isaiah is apparent.

Ultimate Objective: ExpiationT26:12; 27:9)

When the covenant relationship was violated, the natural result was discord and suffering. This suffering was interpreted by the poet as the means by which Yahweh had cleansed them. However, in connection with this cleansing was the ultimate redemptive purpose of Israelite suffering, the expiation of that sin. Suffering could be assessed as redemptive when it was seen as a means by which the sin could be expiated.

In 27:7-11 the climax is clearly 27:9a where the central focus is the Pu'al form of the. verb . It most often appears

^■^Bernhard Anderson, "Exodus Typology in Second Isaiah," p. 191, in commenting upon the adaptation of the Davidic covenant by Second Isaiah, states, "Second Isaiah avoids mention of the Mosaic covenant (cf. Jer 31:31-34) and instead, with a theocentric emphasis, turns to the 'everlasting covenant' (berit 'olam) made with David (II Sam 23:5; cf. Ps 89:29), a covenant of grace with no conditions required. Here, however, the berit 'olam is not made with a member of the house of David, but with Israel (55:3), and is analogous to the permanent covenant made with Noah after the flood (54:9-10)." The same choice and adaptation is evident in Isa 24:5, which further argues for a direct relationship between the poet of the booklet and Deutero- Isaiah.


182in the Holiness Code, the Priestly strata of the Pentateuch,and in the latter portion of Ezekiel, (e.g., Lev 16:20, 33;Nunt 8:12; Ezk 4 3 :2 0 ).153 jn the Pu'al appears on onlytwo other occasions, both of which fall within genuine eighth-century Isaiah materials (Isa 6:7; 2 2 :1 4 ).154 in the majesticcall vision of Isaiah 6, the prophet is presented as havingrecognized his sinfulness and the sinfulness of the group withwhich he was identified (verses 5-7). Here 'j)VJ and K 0 D >used synonomously, signify a departure from the establishednorm. For Isaiah that norm was a relationship with Yahweh of

155utter trust m his sovereignty and holiness. Failure torecognize and call upon the divine sovereignty constitutes notonly a lack of discernment but sin itself. Further, Isa 6:7makes it plain that only Yahweh was capable of taking actionswhich could cover this sin of neglect. The efforts of man withinthe cult were useless. Yahweh had to act because he alone wassovereign. Man was to react in an attitude of utter dependence.If one did not assume this attitude, he was considered in oppo-

156sition to Yahweh and could anticipate judgment.

l^Kohler, old Testament Theology, p. 214, notes the cultic overtones of nso and its institutional nuance. Here (Isa 27:9) the poet again communicates that it is the historical activity of Yahweh that has expiated their sin and not a mechanical cultic process.

154Robert H. Pfeiffer, Introduction to the Old Testa- ment (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1948), pp. 430-431.

155Rust, Covenant and Hope, pp. 78-86.1560tto Kaiser, Isaiah 1-12, pp. 80-81, states, "By sin,

man departs from the form of existence which is his as creature. On his creatureliness is based the fact that by trust in God's


183Isa 22:14, while appearing within the larger complex

of "Oracles against the Nations," is undoubtedly authentic.157 Here, as in Isa 6, the sin was clearly a failure to recognize dependency. The populace of Jerusalem had instead learned to rely upon human initiative, foreign alliances, and cultic activity. Sheldon Blank concludes that Isaiah did recognize early in his ministry that because of this externalization and perversion of the essence of royal theology these very insti-

1 C Otutions could fall. In Isa 22:lb-14 the eschatological"Day of Yahweh" was presented in lamentation form for the purpose of rousing the hearers to discern both their sin and the ideal relationship. Because they did not need the warning, Yahweh could not act to cleanse their sin, which only he could do, and thus, the nation was doomed. Here the close connection between the cleansing of sin and national preservation is observable, which is the same relationship witnessed in Isa 27: 7-11.

unceasing presence he opens himself in service to the claim and obligation of the fellowship of God. Since every departure from this is guilt, there is no intermediate neutral position with regard to the demand of the will of God. At all times man stands either in the grace of God or under judgment. To 'cover' is a sacral, cultic word, which in the first instance signifies the process of atonement for removing bloodguiltiness. If God does not cover sin, then every human attempt to remove it is without effect (cf. Isa 22:14; Jer 18:23)." The concept of expiation in Isaiah is both cultic and royal, an emphasis reflected in Isa 27:9 in light of the rest of the booklet.

157Otto Eissfeldt, The Old Testament; An Introduction, p. 314, states, "It is a diatribe and threat with the title 'Oracle concerning the valley of vision'tv. 1, cf. v. 5), against Jerusalem, the 'tumultuous city, full of shoutings (v.2),'II• • • •

15®Sheldon Blank, Prophetic Faith in Isaiah (New York:


184" 1 9 ^ appears in active form in Isa 47:11 as part of

an "Oracle against Babylon." Here Deutero-Isaiah, in anobvious theological polemic, s iiruck out against the relianceupon magical activity within the Babylonian cult. All of thesorcery available would remain totally ineffective in coveringguilt, because only Yahweh was sovereign and he was not to bemanipulated. Their sin had contaminated the nation and had

1 59led to its downfall. J The unusual appearance of an "Oracle against the Nation" in Deutero-Isaiah is explained by the fact that Babylon was not only the oppressing nation but was also illustrative of national self-satisfaction, pride and power.In this way the prophet echoed the message of his eighth century predecessor, "Trust only in Yahweh, for He alone is Sovereign!" The difference between them lay in the use of the concept. For Isaiah of Jerusalem, divine sovereignty was usedas a threat. For Deutero-Isaiah it was used to motivate hope,

161which is the way in which the poet of Isaiah 24-27 uses it.Thus, the prophetic understanding of the expiation of

sin was integrally connected with divine sovereignty and

Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1958), p. 11. Blank feels that after the turning back of Sennacherib of 701, the inviolability concept flowered as is indicated in 36-39.

159John L. McKenzie, S. J. Second Isaiah; 40-66(Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1968) , pp". 90-92.

^°Charles Cutler Torrey, The Second Isaiah (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1928), p. 368.

•^^•This emphasis on the grace of God in covering sin is further indicative of the tradition of the Davidic cult; cf. Eichrodt, Theology of the Old Testament, Vol. II, p. 65.


185nationalism. Further, the concept is quite unique when compared with the expiational process of the ancient cults.There, the emphasis was ritualistic, external, and magical. In Hebraic faith, in its normative expression, expiation was a divine action of grace set in motion by the submission of the sinner to the divine will. Thus, the poet of Isa 27:9 was both condemning the enemy cult for its understanding of this sacral process, and at the same time, calling his audience back to a clearer comprehension of it. Both aspects would engender hope.'*'6 2

The same thrust is evident in Ps 79, a national lament,163directly associated with Ps 74. The setting was the after-

math of a national disaster. Judah had been devastated and the temple destroyed. The people are shown lamenting,which emphasized their utter dependence upon Yahweh (79:11). He is petitioned to expiate their sin and take vengenance upon the enemy, so as to corroborate his possession of the ultimate status (79: 9-10). This combination is keenly reflected within Isa 27:7-11 and throughout the booklet as a whole. Even the setting is parallel. Jerusalem had fallen, but hope could be had in the realization of the significance of their covenant relationship. Judgment had been experienced, but Yahweh had intended it not in a vindictive,but rather, in a purgative sense to call them to

•^Êdmond Jacob, Theology of the Old Testament, trans. by Arthur W. Heathcote and Philip J. Allcook (New York: Harper andRow, Publishers, 1958), pp. 294-295.

163A. Cohen, The Psalms, in SBB (London: The SoncinoPress, 1971), p. 260; Mitchell Dahood, S. J., Psalms II; 51-100;


186submission and dependency, which would allow Yahweh to cover their sin.

The Significance of the Judgment upon the Enemy

Basic Provocation; Judean Outrage and Divine Arrogance

Throughout the booklet the harassing nation is frequently depicted as the object of the wrathful punishment of Yahweh. The sin of the oppressor is not clearly designated in contrast to the treatment of Judah's sin in 24:5; 27:9. This is appropriate in view of the remedial concern of the booklet with regard to Judah. However, hints of indictments against the enemy highlight their sin.

They are shown to have sinned in their mal-treatment of Judah. The reciprocal way in which they are handled reveals through implication what they had done to Judah. In 24:22 a sense of retribution can be noticed. The enemy is to be imprisoned and punished. The treatment of Jehoiachin after the 597 invasion may be an appropriate historical example of the imprisonment policy of the Babylonians, and is particularly instructive in light of H O l K H "‘D 6 P .164 Further

in The Anchor Bible (Garden City: Doubleday and Company, Inc.,1968), pp. 249-253.

•^• Peter R. Ackroyd, Exile and Restoration, p. 31. Kissane, The Book of Isaiah, p. 275, while concluding nothing historically, does point out that the imprisonment of the hosts (24:22) is paralleled in the Enuma elis (Tab IV, 11. 110-114). Kissane connects 26:21 and 27:1 with 24:21-22 and sees the total context as mythological. A more consistent picture emerges when both history and mythology are admitted into the context. The poet of the booklet is speaking on both levels.


187descriptive of their sin is "Q'1 7 X3.(24:16). In Hab 1:13 T ( .3 .is "used in antithetical parallelism with p ’7^, as here. InHabakkuk the Babylonians are clearly the focus in contrast withthe righteous Israelites. In Ps 25:3 the same parallelismappears, and the "righteous" are defined as "those that waitupon Yahweh," which implies that the "treacherous" are those

165who are not in a dependent relationship with him. Theforeign nations are the appropriate candidates for the antecedent of "U "T J, 1 in Ps 59:6. Indeed, here the enemies are presented as utilizing magical spells to work havoc upon the worshipper of Yahweh, and Yahweh, designated by his conflictivetitle, THXlik H hV , is called upon to vindicate his own

. 166 people.On two occasions in the booklet the enemy is decried

for their killing (Isa 26:21 and 27:7). The eschatologicalpericope of Isa 26:20-27:1, which focuses upon the enemy,depicts spilled blood as the incriminating evidence. Murderwas an offense even for the foreign nations in light of the

1 fi7covenant. However, the Noahic covenant is by no means thenecessary covenant reference for the entire booklet. In light

1 C C Gray, A Critical Commentary on Isaiah, p. 418; Dahood, The Psalms, Vol. I, p. 156, concludes that the term as used in Ps 25 and in Ps 78:57, connotes proving faithless "to covenant stipulations." However, the use of the word in reference to the foreign nations would argue against such a conclusion.

^■^Weiser, The Psalms, p. 435. Cf. Isa 24:16b-18a.^^Fohrer, Das Buch Jesaja, p. 33; Lindblom, DJA, pp. 51-

52; Procksch, Jesaja I , p. 333; March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," p. 181. Cf. Gen 4:10; Num 35:33; II Sam 21;Iff.; Ezek 24 : 7ff .; 36:18.


188of the nationalistic tone throughout the booklet, the murder

168can be best understood in reference to the fall of Judah.169Such an understanding highlights the use of J\)Q in 25:8

along with the other oblique references to the destructiveness of the enemy in 26:13-14, and 27:1. In line with this vision of national destruction is Isa 25:4c. The enemy has devastated Zion.

Within the Weltanschauung of the ancient Near East, when a nation was attacked, it was taken as an affront also to the patron deity. In the same way, the enemy and its deities are shown to have challenged haughtily the sovereign status of Yahweh (e.g., 24:21, 23, 25:3-4, 26:5, 13, et al.). In Isa 26: 1 0 b, the enemy is further denounced for opposing the established patterns of righteousness. Failure to adhere to the established patterns was tantamount to rebellion (24:20) and divine usurpation. Yahweh then was bound by nature to vindicate his own honor. This idea was often used in lamentation. Often the worshipper would appeal beyond the mercy of Yahweh to his own honor. Thus, suffering would be depicted as an affront to the divine honor, in hopes that Yahweh would be encouraged to vindicate the sufferer in the process of defending his own status.

l^Kissane, The Book of Isaiah, p. 290; Redditt, "Isaiah 24-27," pp. 287-289; cf. infra.

169Christoph Barth, Introduction to the Psalms, trans. by R. A. Wilson (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1966), pp. 49-55,very incisively points out that Death and Leviathan and Rahab provided the Israelite cult with mythological constructs which could be attacked from a nationalistic standpoint. He further demonstrates that even though Death and Leviathan are etymologically found within Canaanite materials, they are just as closely aligned with the myths of Mesopotamia, a statement


189This is the intention in Ps 74, especially in verses 1 0 -1 1 . This is also the intention of Isa 26:8-11 (cf. Ps 74:11).

Ultimate Objective: Vindicationand National Restoration

The oppressing nation must be punished because of her despicable treatment of Israel and because of her haughty attempt to usurp the divine status which belonged solely to Yahweh. However, the purpose of the judgment on the enemies goes even deeper.

Faithfulness Rewarded.— Yahweh was about to destroy the enemy as a reward for Israel for her having remained faithful during her oppression (26:8, 9, 12, 13, 15). She had been severely tempted to place her allegiance in other rulers and other deities, but she had nobly chosen to suffer rather than to sacrifice her true relationship with Yahweh. That choice would generate her weal and her enemy's woe. The "other lords" (26:13) would be brought into submission, and the "other deities"

1 71(24:21-23; 27:1) would be completely annihilated.

which is significant for Isaiah 24-27 with its many Babylonian nuances.

1 7 nWeiser, The Psalms, pp. 517-519. The tone of Ps 74 parallels Isaiah 24-27 precisely, e.g., the fall of Zion, the essence of the Davidic covenant as the basis for hope, the derision of the oppressors, the call for vengeance, the complete control of Yahweh over the created order, the depiction of the people of Yahweh as poor and needy, the protestation of loyalty, the praise of the divine name, the appearance of Leviathan, the kingship of Yahweh in the center of the earth. These relationships aid in establishing the exilic provenance of the booklet. Cf. also Ps 35, 44:26-27; 46; 56:19-23.

171The mythological judgment passages have been understood as an indication that the booklet is an apocalypse. How ever, even here the vision is more eschatological than


190This approach to encouragement is strikingly similar

172to that used by Deutero-Isaiah. In recent studies of Deutero- Isaiah the traditional interpretation of the expiational suffering of the Judeans as being for the benefit of the enemy and the foreign nations has been challenged. The suffering, so valued in the poems, has recently been understood by D. E. Hollenberg as that of the loyal Israelites, rather than all exiled Judeans. Their suffering would have accrued benefits in behalf of those Israelites who had succumbed to the temptations of the exile. By the suffering of the loyalists the others would be drawn back into the family. This understanding of the relationship between pure Israel and the crypto-Israelites explains the strange combination of the motif of Israelitichegemony in the midst of missionary images, or better, nation-

173alism in the midst of universalism. Whether or not the

apocalyptic. This is indicated by the fact that the poet intended that his readers be motivated to hope and to action in this world by the vision. He also wished to polemicize the cult with which the figures would easily be connected. Leon Morris, Apocalyptic (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B.Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1972), p. 28, cites Paul Hanson's understanding of the relationship between prophecy and apocalyptic. "Prophetic eschatology is transformed into apocalyptic at the point where the task of translating the cosmic vision into the categories of mundane reality is abdicated." The poet of Isaiah 24-27 has certainly not abdicated that responsibility.

1 7 0 Yehezkel Kaufmann, The Babylonian Captivity and Deutero-Isaiah (New York: Union of American Hebrew Congregation,1970) , pp. 159-164 .

e . Hollenberg, "Nationalism and 'the Nations' in Isaiah XL-LV," VT, XIX (1969), 27-29; R. Davidson, "Universalism in Second Isaiah," SJT, XVI (1963), 166-185; Norman Snaith, "The Servant of the Lord in Deutero-Isaiah," in Studies in Old Testament Prophecy (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1950), pp. 187-200; H.M. Orlinsky, "A Light to the Nations: A Problem in BiblicalTheology," JQR, 75th Anniversary Volume (1967), 409-428.


191message of Deutero-Isaiah is as totally nationalistic as Hollenberc suggests, the nationalistic aspect of his message must be admitted. The same mixture of nationalism and universalism appears in Isaiah 24-27. In both, national restoration is presented as related to the tenacity of a faithful nucleus and the destruction of the political-theological authority of the enemy.

Prerequisite to Restoration.— Yahweh attacks the oppressing nation because its demise is prerequisite and coincidental to the national restoration. The resurrection of the

1 7 cnation (26:19) is integrally related to 26:13-15, in which the political leaders of the enemy are presented as having been totally annihilated, and to 26:21-27:1, in which the destruction of the opposing deities is eschatologically anticipated. Thus, in 26:13-15 the poet skillfully called his audience to recognize the significance of a recently past historical shift. The oppressors had suffered a national catastrophe. The despairing Israelites needed to understand the significance of this event.

17 4 J. L. Crenshaw, "Popular Questioning of the Justice of God in Ancient Israel," ZAW, LXXXI (1969), 390-394.

175E. F. Sutcliffe, The Old Testament and the Future Life (London: SCM Press, Ltd.), pp. 128-130. Cf. also Kaufmann,The Religion of Israel, pp. 384-385, who notes the nationalistic significance of 25:8 and 26:19 and their parallels in ancient near eastern thought. "That God makes the dead live again is a theme of ancient doxologies (Deut 32:39; I Sam 2:6; Ps 30:4).The antiquity of this theme is vouched for by its occurence in Babylonian literature (cf. I Will Praise the Lord of Wisdom, end). Sick, suffering, and persecuted persons are said to 'have descended into the pit' (Pss 88:4ff.; 143:3; Lam 3:6, 54f.); the nation too may be covered with 'deep darkness' (Ps 44:20). . . . Ezekiel depicts the exile and restoration of the nation in terms of death and revival (chap. 37) . . . . The revival of


192Yahweh had brought the reversal about. Yahweh was about to act to restore his nation to its rightful place in creation C25:6-10). Those dispersed would be gathered (27:12-13).^^

A Demonstration of Sovereignty.— One further level of ultimate causality is evident. Yahweh punishes the enemy to the point of virtual extinction in order to demonstrate his sovereign status. Throughout the booklet, all which opposed or failed to recognize his sovereignty were denounced and punished. This theme is further enhanced by the frequency of royal motifs and the consistent use of the title, "Yahweh of

i 7 7H o s t s . Y a h w e h is never presented in conflict with other deities or powers but rather judging and punishing them. However. a conflict motif is subliminally evident. In the royal, pre-exilic cult this "sovereignty demonstrated through judgment on the enemy" motif had been central to the New Year's

1 7 RFestival. It was adapted through the deletion of a royal

the dead and the shades of 26:19 is but a figure for the deliverance of those who are in dire distress, who have come down to dust. Upon these 'the dew of light' will descend and redeem them from darkness (cf. 9:1)."

^^Theodore M. Ludwig, "The Traditions of the Establishing of the Earth in Deutero-Isaiah," JBL, XCII (1973), 349, demonstrates the same ideological complex for Isa 40-55.

17 7 . . .These royal motifs appear explicitly m the followinginstances: 24:1-3, 14-16a, 23b; 25:1-5, 6-10a; 26:3-5, 8 , 10,11, 13, 19b, 20-21; 27:1, 13. "Yahweh Sabaoth" appears characteristically in the eschatological sections. Cf. A. B.Davidson, The Theology of the Old Testament, InternationalTheological Seminary (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1906),p. 165; von Rad, Old Testament Theology, Vol. II, pp. 18-20;Jacob, Theology of the Old Testament, p. 55.

^^Harrelson, Interpreting the Old Testament, pp. 122-127, 422.


193mediator by Deutero-Isaiah. The mythological themes were continued though historicized polemically against Babylon. 1 7 9

The same motifs, tendency, and adaptation are evident within Isaiah 24-27.180

The Remedy of Suffering/JudgmentThroughout the preceding discussion, the alternating

focus has been evident. The portrayals of suffering and judgment were fuller when the enemy was the center of attention.

181However, in the area of remedy, Israel was the singular focus. Indeed the basic purpose behind the creation of the booklet was not to comment on history or theology but to affect the sufferers on the psychological level. The poet intended to inspire hope in suffering Judeans first and only secondarily to communicate a universal message. Thus, it is neither the enemy nor the world that is addressed. It is the suffering community, and the booklet is their remedy.

Ultimately the remedy for suffering was the activity of Yahweh within the historical and mythological realms. However, within Hebrew consciousness man was never a mere spectator relegated to the role of waiting for God to act. Human actions were

1 7 9 C. Stuhlmueller, "Yahweh King and Deutero-Isaiah,"BR, XV (1970), 43-44.

188The significant mass of parallels make it increasingly difficult to evaluate the relationship between Isaiah 24-27 and Isa 40-55 as mere coincidence or borrowing.

181In the concluding exegetical section it will be shown that in the final resolution the enemy was to be allowed to participate to some extent. However, she had nothing to do with effecting that resolution and only profitted because of the fortunes of the Judeans.


194integral and often preliminary to divine action. Thus, the poet of the booklet was concerned both with sensitizing his hearers to traces of divine activity in the past and present and with motivating them to take the necessary actions which unleash the redemptive power of Yahweh in the future. This concern accounts for the keen mixture within the booklet of didactic and liturgical elements.

The Experiential Dimension To aid the sufferer to experience his own plight and

the divine movement in history, the poet selected carefully the most appropriate liturgical forms which would stimulate specific emotions as well as convey information. By employing reflections from the "Oracles against the Nations" in combination with the Sprichwort in 24:16a-18a, he fanned the embers of nationalistic fervor. Within the Hebraic understanding of the efficacy of the uttered word, a remediable significance can be attached to these Gattungen. More directly remedial are the lamentations and hymns used alternately and incisively to emotionally punctuate the booklet from despair to exaltation.The use of lamentation rites for relief of suffering was well- known throughout the cults of the ancient Near East. In their ritual form they are quite magical. However, in Isaiah 24-27 the magical heritage has been greatly sublimated, for the poet used the lament to communicate that suffering had come as divine judgment upon their sin. Thus, suffering had had a cleansing effect. The lament was further a remedy in itself in view of its ability to express an inner attitude of dependence upon


195Yahweh (25:4; 26:1; 27:2-6). When the people established their submissive and cooperative relationship with Yahweh, he could then expiate their sin and vindicate their suffering.Thus, the cries for refuge must be seen as far more than simple groanings but precise formulaic demonstrations of repentance and of a re-established relationship. In this way lamentation was a statement and act of trust, in contrast to its mechanical nature in the cognate cultures.

The Theological DimensionThe hymn was a major vehicle used by the poet to remedy

despair on both intellectual and emotional levels. The hymn had been traditionally the basic cultic means for expressing the credo fidei in the kingship of Yahweh. No other form was more suited to communicate the central theological tenet, the sovereignty of Yahweh. It should be no surprise then that whispers of the New Year's Festival are frequent within these passages (Isa 24:14-16a; 25:1-5; 26:1-6). The poet intended that his hearers should join in proclaiming the kingship of Yahweh (24:23) in order that they might be enabled to call to memory past demonstrations of divine sovereignty which, in turn, could sensitize them for recognizing his present and future actions (cf. 26:15; 27:11).

However, these hymns were more than mere vehicles for communicating intellectual truth to the people. They also were understood as being capable of affecting Yahweh. By cultically acclaiming him Sovereign, the people believed they could actually


196participate in his activity. Obviously, on a lower level, this thought could easily degenerate into manipulation of the deity, as was the explicit purpose of Babylonian r i t u a l . I * 52

Thus, the basic remedy for suffering is simply the activation of the sovereignty of Yahweh. Every liturgical element used points in that direction. Indeed, the entire booklet echoes the poignant exclamation which occurs as the climax of the first glimpse of hope in the four chapters (24:14-16a)— p "*.111.183 The very fact that the poet never presents

^8 2 Harrelson, "The Significance of Cosmology in the Ancient Near East," p. 246, states, "Mesopotamian hymns, prayers, and laments have been found in abundance. Many of the hymns praise the gods in the most extravagant language, but before they conclude they state the petition of the worshiper— which seems to be the whole point of the hymn of praise to the gods.The gods must be 'softened up,' helped to see that it is a good thing to grant the requests of petitioners . . . the gods must be prevailed upon to alter conditions on earth . . . . Communication between heaven and earth is indeed open, but the life of man has meaning, and the fate of man can be altered only on the basis of the establishment of contact between heaven and earth. Man must share in the divine life if he is to live at: all; man must live and work on the basis of heavenly archetypes of life and work; the gods may be gracious to man, but they must be persuaded to be so." It should be noted that relationship with Yahweh was seen to be just as pivotal for the Israelites. Indeed, elements of cultic paraphernalia indicate that in some cases the same objective lay behind worship experiences. However, it is evident that the poet of Isaiah 24-27 recognized that hope through renewed relationship with Yahweh could be received not by attempted manipulation of him, but through an acceptance of his sovereignty and will. Here the paradoxical relationship between transcendence and immanence is evident.The more the people recognize the sovereignty of Yahweh, the more they are able to experience his presence.

^82Walter Harrelson, "Nonroyal Motifs in the Royal Eschatology," in Israel's Prophetic Heritage, ed. by Bernhard W. Anderson and Walter Harrelson (New York: Harper and Brothers,1962), 10-11, depicts well the "victorious" connotation of jVT^, . It is in Deutero-Isaiah that the word receives this connotation most characteristically.


197

Yahweh in contention with the foreign leaders or deities is in itself a statement of faith in theological sovereignty. It must be remembered that when the worshippers exalted Yahweh with royal hymns their ultimate objective was to make kinetic, and then cooperate with, the divine sovereign power. The problem of the sufferers of Isaiah 24-27 was despair. The remedy lay in recognizing and experiencing the sovereignty of Yahweh. Therefore, the poet attempted to communicate this vision in every way possible. Intellectually, he taught them through calling to mind the most appropriate images. Emotionally, he called them to remember past experiences of worship. Divine sovereignty is indeed the theological kernel of the entire booklet. In its ramifications lay relief from present despair and continued hope for the future.

The Resolution of Suffering/Judgment There remains only one final theological area to be

discussed. Again the portrayal distinguishes between the enemy and Judah.

The Destiny of the Enemy Most of the eschatological glimpses are related to the

chosen nation. This is in accord with the basic purpose of the booklet, to give hope to suffering Judeans. However, the enemy nation does receive some attention.

DestructionThe perfect tenses of 26:13-15 make it apparent that a

shift in circumstances had occurred. The parallelism of


198TT!*! X with ! } 1 O and t'TX'S"') indicates that the enemy leaders

184had been either killed or disenfranchised. In the worldlydimension the prophet presents the vindictive hope that soontheniUill tVl would be razed and they, t h e a n d theTT b 1 »would participate in its destruction. The mention of tramplingdown the enemy reflected the ritual trampling, or dancingwhich had become associated with festival activities, especiallythe Feast of Tabernacles, which many have identified as the

185New Year's Festival of pre-exilic Israel. The use ofis particularly instructive. In Ps 91:13, the word is used in

-^^Kissane, The Book of Isaiah, pp. 281-288, correctly understandsH131 \ to be referring to the human oppressors. However, his conclusion that all of 26:13-15 relates to the distant past rather than to the very immediate past is sheer conjecture. Even though 26:13-14 is a recitation for purposes of stimulating the historical sensitivities of the sufferers, 7^35’’ (used twice and preceded by indicates that asalvific event had once again occurred. Otto Ludwig, Die Stadt in der Jesaja-Apokalypse, pp. 125-127, recognizes in 26:11-15 a reflection of an event in the recent past, though his historic identification as Jonathan in the mid second-century is surely mistaken. In light of the many similarities noted throughout the previous sections with Deutero-Isaiah, a Babylonian provenance shortly after the invasion of Cyrus is the most likely choice. Reflecting on the motive and situation of Deutero- Isaiah, Anderson, "Exodus Typology in Second Isaiah," o. 139, says, "The prophet's intention is to awaken their confidence by proclaiming that Yahweh is the only Lord of history. Israel's redemption will surely come, for Yahweh's historical purpose surely runs consistently from the remote past to the present and on to the future which is yet to be." The same tenor is evident in Isaiah 24-27 along with the same motif complex and the same adaptation of Davidic theology. The deduction that the same setting exists for both is thereby strengthened.

■^■’John H. Hayes, Introduction to the Bible, (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1971), pp. 94-95; Norman K.Gottwald, A Light to the Nations (New York: Harper and Row,Publishers, 1959), sees the nationalistic use of the imagery of the festival in regard to the destruction of Assyria (cf. Nah 1: 14 with Isa 26:14; 27:9), but even more directly reflected in


199a magical-ritual sense to connote the destruction of foreign

1 fifiastrological-deities. 0 0 In Isa 26:6 the same motif appearsthough with a historical rather than mythical referent. Thepoet makes it clear that only Yahweh can destroy the divinelevel of the enemy. However, in 26:6 the people can celebratein their being used in the historical level. 1 ® 7 In an earlypost-exilic prophetic liturgy, Micah 7:8-20, O O l (7:10)appears where it is pointedly used to engender hope for Israel

188at the expense of the ritual destruction of the oppressors.Finally,0 O is particularly instructive for the high

lighting of Isa 26:6 in view of its use in Isa 41:25, which falls within the singular "Oracle against the Nation" (Babylon). Cyrus had been commissioned by Yahweh to "trample" the enemy.Yet, even in view of this delegation of authority and human

Deutero-Isaiah's polemic against Babylon and her New Year's Festival (pp. 404-407). The parallelism with Isaiah 24-27 is obvious.

186Weiser, The Psalms, pp. 611-612. Ps 91 is directly related to Ps 46, which clearly emphasizes a Heilsgeschichte context and an eschatological thrust. Professor Dahood, The Psalms II, p. 333, places Ps 91 within the royal cult and sees verse 13 as a polemic against Canaanite mythology.

i^Further indicative of the New Year's Festival themes used here is the processional imagery within the hymnic unit, 26:1-6. March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," p. 134, states, "The picture in the Old Testament is not completely clear, but it may well be that, as in Babylon, a procession, to which this song possibly makes allusion, was part of the enthronement celebration."

^^Harrelson, Interpreting the Old Testament, p. 362, describes this liturgy in terms which closely also highlight the thrust of Isaiah 24-27. It is further significant that Mic 7:8-20 is deemed exilic. Harrelson also recognized a magical connotation for Mic 7:10 (pp. 370-371). The same antagonistic attitude toward the enemy and the use of similar themes are


200participation, the destruction of the enemy was understood asa demonstration of divine authority and sovereignty, whichparallels its role m 26:6. Therefore, the final outcome ofthe enemy was to be destruction due to the sovereign power ofYahweh which had been channeled through human agencies. Themeshing of the human and divine coincides with the cultic

190themes used in historicized fashion.

Divine AnnihilationAs indicated above, the enemy in its historical form

was to be vanquished, and on the transcendent level annihilation was to occur. This was to take place in the future, most

found in Isa 26:1-6, Mic 7:8-20, Ps 137, Isa 33, 40-66, Pss 74, 79, and Joel 2:17.

^ 8 ^Westermann, Isaiah 40-66, pp. 36-87; Smart, History and Theology in Second Isaiah, pp. 93-94, helpfully sketches the setting of Isa 41:21-25, which parallels directly the themes within Isaiah 24-27. "Undoubtedly there were severe deprivations and oppressive conditions for many of the Jews both in Palestine and in other lands . . . . Some of the psalms such as Ps 42 and 137 reflect the mockery to which the exiles were exposed . . . . In v. 23 the prophet turns directly upon his countrymen with the searching question: 'Have you understood the meaning and purpose of all you have been enduring?' Again the distinction is made between the events of the past and the events of the future. 'This' signifies what has happened and is happening, the whole painful era of Israel's discipline, what is called 'the former things' in chs 41:22 and 42:9, in contrast to the happier 'things to come.' An Israel that has no understanding of its past will have no right anticipation of its future. It must look backward to see what God has done if it is ever to look forward in faith and hope. Thus, listening to the word that explains the past is a 'listening for the time to come,' since the word that shaped the past will shape the future." Cf. Isa 26:15-19.

^•^Be Vaux, Israelite Religion, pp. 495-497, notes the way in which the cyclical New Year's Festival was historicized and continued into the post-exilic period.


201appropriately in the eschaton, through the direct action of Y a h w e h . H o w e v e r , victory had already been foreshadowed by the historical reversal, though it would not be considered total until all pretenders to the divine throne had been annihilated.

A mixture of two eschatological types appears. In the ruination of the historical oppressors, with their leaders and their city, a type of realized eschatology is evident. Yet, in the overthrow of the mythological powers a more distant, though connected, eschatology attends with a focus that is pointedly supraterrestrial, transcendent, and emphasizing totally the divine action. In the passages which reflect this more transcendent eschatology, the booklet reveals a linkage with apocalypticism, but the historical concern throughout,which is primary, shows that the relationship is still considerably removed. VThen the historical situation became hopeless, the divine sovereignty in the mythological realm would become the centralfocus for future hope. Only in such a setting could apocalyp-

1 Q?ticism develop. ^

In light of the numerous glimpses of the New Year's Festival that appear throughout in the context of mythological themes, Isaiah 24-27 appears to be a clear example of prophetic, post-exilic eschatology. Indeed, the book seems to demonstrate the origin of that expression as it developed out of a festival setting into a more historical, progressive message. Cf. G.W. Anderson, "Hebrew Religion," in The Old Testament and Modern Study, ed. by H. H. Rowley (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1961),pp. 304-305. Cf. infra, p. 204, n. 196.

1 9 2 R. H. Charles, A Critical History of the Doctrine of a Future Life in Israel, in Judaism, and in Christianity, Jowett Lectures of 1898-1899 (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1899),pp. 174-175, notes the way in which apocalypticism answered through divine determinism to historical pessimism.


202Potential Survival

In the preceding paragraphs the result of the judgment upon the enemy has been surveyed. Generally, the poet presented the results as catastrophic. However, on two brief occasions the intimation is heard that the enemy on the human level might escape destruction i£ the divine sovereignty of Yahweh (27:5) was recognized, and if they would become a kind of acceptable parasite on the exalted status of Israel (25:6-7). This would require for the enemy national death. Further they would have to surrender their theological basis. However, survival and even blessing could be gained through the mediated relationship with Yahweh.

Again, echoes of Deutero-Isaiah are heard. Deutero-Isaiah democratized the means of relationship with Yahweh. No

193longer was a Davidic king necessary. For both Deutero-Isaiah and Isaiah 24-27 the universalizing of Yahweh's relationship with the whole world seems to have emerged from this democratization. What the king had been for Israel, Israel had become for the w o r l d . 194

^9Ôtto Eissfeldt, "The Promises of Grace to David in Isaiah 55:1-5," in Israel's Prophetic Heritage, ed. by Bernhard W. Anderson and Walter Harrelson (New York: Harper and Brothers,1962), pp. 196-207, demonstrates by comparing the pre-exilic royal Psalm 89 with Isa 55:1-5 the way in which Isaiah of the Exile raised the hopes of the sufferers through the imagery of the enthronement cult. Eissfeldt states, "the promises of grace bestowed upon David are found among words of encouragement and promises proclaimed by Second Isaiah to Israel— or more precisely, to the Jews who were languishing with him in the Babylonian exile." (p. 138) The same emphasis and setting is reflected in Isaiah 24-27, and the case for identifying the author of the booklet with Isaiah of the Exile is further strengthened.

194^13 concept is certainly germane to the corporate image of the suffering servant in Deutero-Isaiah.


The Destiny of the Judeans203

In the Immediate FutureThe result of Israel's suffering in the short term

was the cessation of suffering and the expiation of her sin (25:1-5; 26:1-6; 27:9). The immediate expectation following upon the shift in historical fortune was national restoration (26:19), the vanquishing of the enemy (26:18; 27:7, 9b), and the vindication of their honor.

In the EschatonMost of the pleas cited in the booklet for divine inter

vention had a temporal orientation of immediacy. However, more distant eschatological glimpses are also included, clearly identifiable as such by the presence of the following characteristics: the consistent use of the imperfect; the introductory XllVD urif and the major focus on the mythological realm and the sole activity of Yahweh (25:6-10, 24:21-23, 27:1-6, 12-13).Thus, it is clear that the poet interspersed amidst hopeful glimpses of the present situation sections depicting the ultimate hope in order to emphasize the idea that the sovereign power of Yahweh had only just begun to be realized. The best was yet to come. They had suffered national disgrace and destruction, but now their period of disgrace had ended. Israel could rebuild, but throughout the reconstruction she must remember that Yahweh, not their walls and institutions, was ultimately the one through whom final victory would be won and national establishment eternally gained. Without this higher eschatology


204clearly in view, which would energize the interim process, the present good fortune could lead them into a life of self- satisfied neglect and institutionalism. They could and should have hope in the present and the future if they could continue to celebrate their good fortune,always within the context of the ultimate sovereignty of Yahweh.

This "kingdom" eschatology is well depicted in the royal banquet scene of 25:6-10a. The purpose of the banquet was not to establish Yahweh as divine sovereign, but rather to receive and unleash into the world the results of His sover-

1 Q Ceignty. The descriptive elements reveal clearly that eschatology not apocalypticism is present, and more precisely, an

196eschatology of the same nature as presented by Deutero-Isaiah.

195% This is evident from the passivity of the celebrantsvis a vis the role of the assembly in the banquet scene presented in the Enuma elis.

196Th c. Vriezen, "Prophecy and Eschatology," in Supplements to Vetus Testamentum, ed. by G. W. Anderson, et al., Congress Volume, Vol. I (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1953), pp. 199-229, calls to mind the relationship between Isaiah of Jerusalem and Deutero-Isaiah, demonstrating how the same motifs (royalty, Zion, etc.) could appear in both and still be uniquely different in emphasis, with Isaiah reflecting prophecy and Deutero-Isaiah, eschatology. Vriezen delineates several periods in the development of eschatology which are quite helpful in aligning unspecified passages such as Isaiah 24-27. First, Vriezen points to the "pre-eschatological period" in which "Israel's hopes are. . . mainly political-national (Gen. xix; Numb, xxiv; Deut.xxxiii, Yahweh-King-Psalms) . . ."(p. 226) This observation suggests then that the origin of eschatology and thereby also of apocalyptic can be traced back to the cult and most significantly the royal Zion cult. His second period is that of "Awakening eschatology." This is the period of Isaiah: "It is the period in which the vision of a new people and a new kingdom is beginning to play a part, a kingdom that will embrace the whole world . . ."(p. 227). The third period is mostsignificant for visualizing the thrust of Isaiah 24-27. It isthe period of "actualizing eschatology." It is also the period


205The Kingdom of God was arriving but had not yet culminated.

Dependent upon the Sovereignty of Yahweh

The eschatological banquet (25:6-10a) is presented in197images of the Royal Zion Festival. A lavish feast was part

of the coronation festivals of earthly monarchs, as stated in the case of Saul (I Sam 11:15) and Adonijah (I Kings l:9f, 25).^® In fact, according to John Gray, it was at such a feast that the human king became the channel through which the divine power would reach the terrestrial realm. Thus, the purpose of the coronation etiquette (Gunkel's 'Hofstil') was to communicate the divine vitality through the king. 7j6Di\ 1 iV / the

characterized by the imprint of Deutero-Isaiah. "The kingdom of God is not only seen coming in 'visions,' but it is experienced as coming. The world is going to be changed. Israel is now called upon to be a light to the world, and the'nations are called upon to listen, and people feel certain of the glory of Zion, the mountain of God's temple, where every knee shall bow and all kings shall pay true homage to Israel."(p. 277) "The last period in the development is the apocalyptic period in which the eschatology is characterized hv a definite dualism which, Vriezen feels, derives from Persian and Hellenistic incursions. Very little insight is needed to select the third period as the one directly descriptive of Isaiah 24-27 as a whole, and especially of the banquet scene in Isa 25. This judgment is echoed by G. W. Anderson, "Isaiah XXIV-XXVII Reconsidered," p. 126. Anderson concludes, "I submit, then, that in these chapters we have a composition which, with all its variety, is essentially a unity, reflecting and addressed to a particular situation, to be assigned to the earlier rather than to the later post-exilic period, a writing which is prophetic rather than apocalyptic in character, yet belonging to that phase in prophecy in which the sharp contours of the here and now begin to be lost in more spacious visions of a transformation of all things."

1 9 7 Redditt, "Isaiah 24-27," pp. 349-350; March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," pp. 108-112; Lindblom, DJA, pp. 34-35.

lÂ. Johnson, "The Psalms," in The Old Testament andModern Study,ed. by H. H. Rowley (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1961), pp. 190-191; Kelly, "Isaiah," pp. 263-264.


206cultic cry, should then be understood as "May the divine vitality be particularized in the king."-^® The conspicuous absence of the earthly king in 25:6-10a effectively accentuates the kingship of Yahweh, andTTOyfl ysi discloses the democratization of the divine vitality.20®

The Establishment of Cosmic Zion

The banquet scene further depicts the effects of thefull establishment of the kingship of Yahweh. Fertility and

201abundance will appear (25:6). Zion is to become the universally acclaimed and fully effective "nave?- of the earth"(cf. Isa 2:2-4; Mic 4:1-4). Indeed, the Endzeit pictured by the poet has taken on the imagery of the Urzeit in nationalized fashion. 2 0 2

^°°John Gray, I and II Kings, p. 8 8 .2 0 0 jqi people are going to be able to see the sovereignty

of Yahweh, but it will be "His people" who will be most directly blessed. This is the identical imagery presented in Isa 55:1-5. Otto Eissfeldt, "The Promise of Grace to David in Isaiah 55:1- 5," pp. 202-203, states, "the people who now languish in exile will achieve high honor, in that they will find friendly reception and grateful recognition among people hitherto unknown."

2 0 ^Gaster, Thespis, pp. 232-234, offers a very helpful discussion on the place of the banquet within Old Testament eschatology and in relationship to the Baal cycle. However, Gaster is incorrect in suggesting that this eschatological view of the end is nothing more than "projecting into eschatology the circumstances which were thought to attend the annual renewal of life." (p. 232) Such a theory of origin deletes the Hebraic eschaton of its uniqueness. If the ideal of the end has been seen before, it has been seen only once, in the themes of creation; cf. Zeph 1:8-9; Joel 4:18-21.

202This approach is also central to the eschatology of Deutero-Isaiah; cf. Anderson, "Exodus Typology in Second Isaiah," p. 185.


207Removal of Reproach

Coincident with the institution of Zion is the restoration of the chosen nation to its privileged position. The

was to be finally removed (25:8} and the people would be enabled to joyously celebrate.2®"

Death DestroyedBehind the "removal of reproach" motif lies the polemic

against the occult practices of the enemy. They had been divested of power by the active sovereignty of Yahweh.20

Closely allied with the removal of reproach is the destruction of Death in 25:8a.

Destruction of National Deathto o n , rather than indicating the general concept of

human death, was the most appropriate symbol for both national2 05death and the conglomerate of opposing deities. Even though

2 0 *5The removal of the reproach is a motif integral to the national lament and is ritually connected to the king. Cf. Ps 22:7; 31:12; Ps 74:22; 79:4; 89:42;44:14; Lam 3:30; 5:1;Isa 51:7; Zeph 2:8. In I Sam 17:26 and 25:29 a nagical nuance appears. To remove the spell of the enemy may have been an earlier intention of the motif. Thus, when the king cried out in travail in Ps 22:7, he may have been signaling his direct confrontation with the opposing powers. His expression of utter trust in verse 9 then represents his moving toward redemption through the power of Yahweh; cf. Weiser, The Psalms, p. 222; Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship, Vol. I, p. 206.

2 ®^Ringgren, Israelite Religion, pp. 99, 102-103.2 ®^Kissane, The Book of Isaiah, pp. 277-278, incisively

argues for interpreting RID as national death. He states, "This clause is generally interpreted quite literally, and as foreshadowing St. Paul's teaching on immortality (I Cor XV. 54; cf. Apoc. 21:4). This is one of the passages which is supposed to prove the late origin of the section XXIV-XXVII. But it is


208w o n has definite etymological connections with the Ugaritic mtf it is by no means necessary to restrict its significance to the Canaanite deity. From the use of 7\\0 in the Psalms, particularly within royal settings, it is clear that "Death" symbolized often the deities of the enemy. Christoph Barth understands "Death" in its mythological sense to include figures such as Leviathan (74:13) and Rahab (Isa 51:9).^®^ Even if the word does connote a Ugaritic background, its stylized nature would by no means require that the polemic of 25:8 be understood as against Canaanite religion. It has been shown throughout the preceding discussion that a majority of mythological parallels most reflect the Babylonian cult which further coincides with the general exilic provenance exhibited here.

extremely doubtful if immortality in the Pauline sense was in the prophet's mind, a) Verse 9c implies that what has been stated in 8 is but the realization of Israel's hopes, namely, deliverance from the yoke of the oppressor; b) according to 8 d-e Jahweh has taken away 'the reproach of His people'; c) in XXVI.9, 21; XXVII. 7, the treatment of Israel at the hands of the oppressor is described as murder or its equivalent; d) in the next strophe . . . the reference is apparently to the removal of all danger of invasion or oppression." Kissane correctly challenges the immortality explanation of the verse in favor of a nationalistic focus, but he fails to recognize the very obvious mythological nuance. Cf. March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," pp. 109-110, emphasizes the relationship between 7\|OF\ and the Canaanite mt. He further sees in 25:8a a reference to the corporate body of the opposing gods, which he sees represented in mt and slyt (the latter being the result of a textual emendation). Even without amending the text, is quite capable of a corporate designation for those powers hostile to Yahweh, and, as noted above, a Babylonian referent is even more specifically reflected; cf. Lindblom, Prophecy in Ancient Israel, p. 414.

206Barth, Introduction to the Psalms, pp. 49-55; Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship, Vol. I, p. 75 et jkL.; cf. Pss 49:15; 89:48; 18:5; 30:3.

Ô^Barth, introduction to the Psalms, p. 50.


209The Removal of the Veil

With both minor and major powers overthrown, all thatremained for the sovereignty of Yahweh to be recognized by allpeople was for the "veil" to be removed (25:7). The veil hasusually been interpreted in a general fashion as the symbol of

20ftmourning. uo However, other more basic connotations appear.One such connotation is that of a polemic. This is hinted atin the conflictive verb 43. (25:7) which is used in verse 8

where TMDrt is the object. In light of the polemical thrustevidenced in 25:6-8 and throughout the booklet 0 ) ‘j f\ isappropriate, in light of its magical nuance. 2 0 5 5 The same nuanceis attached to , 2 1 0

In view of the nuances of the words, the veil motifcommunicates that Yahweh has removed and demolished the spellsof the enemy, i.e., the efficacy of the enemy cult. In theBabylonian context this would be understood by the Judeans asa definite assault against the magical practices of the Baby-

91 1Ionian cult.

2 0 ^Gray, A Critical Commentary on Isaiah, p. 430;Lindblom, Prophecy in Ancient Israel, p. 414, n. 232.

209In its noun form 0)4 is a hapax legomenon but the magical nuance is obvious from its verbal root, O ) i . and closest cognate, 0Ti . Cf. Ex 7:22; 8:13, 14 where 0 - 7 is used in the sense of "enchantments." Cf. also the magical action of Elijah in I Kings 19:13; John Gray, I and II Kings, p. 366.

2 ^®As with 0)4H , H a o o appears rarely, (here and in Isa 23:20). More frequently it signifies the molten idols associated with the pagan cults; cf. Deutif9:12, Ju 18:17; II K 17:16, Isa 42:17, Hos 13:2, Ha 2:18; cf. Kohler and Baumgartner, Lexicon, p. 542.

211The Babylonian cult could well have been intended, for incantations and belief in demons were prevalent in addition


210However, the veil motif conveys still another message,

especially when viewed in contrast with the veil ritual utilized within the Babylonian cult. After the festal sacrifice the king banqueted with the deity. Only the king was permitted this relationship. To separate this communion experience from the rest of the people, a veil was used. The relationship of the people to the deity was entirely mediational. Thus, in 25:7 a mild polemic against the mediational scheme of the royal cult of Jerusalem was expressed. At the same time the Babylonian practice was brought to mind and criticized.

No single explanation is adequate. Indeed, the veil motif was appropriate because it conveyed all of the following connotations: (1 ) the end of despair and lamentation; (2 ) therelease from enemy domination aided by magical means; (3) the

to the obvious magical nature of the rituals of the major festivals; Helmer Ringgren, The Religions of the Ancient Near East, pp. 90-92, describes on the basis of the £urpu and ilaqTu handbooks some of the magical practices. Especially interesting in light of the veil removal motif is the method for removing a curse in which a rite was performed in a special sanctuary, called "the pure ablution-house." A few lines from the incantation are particularly instructive—

. . . may oath, curse, . . . sickness,weariness, guilt, sin, wickedness, transgression,the sickness that is in my body, my flesh or my limbs,be peeled off like this onion;may the fire consume it entirely today;may the curse be taken away that I may see the light, (p. 91)

Here both the connotations of antidote and illumination appear which also attend the veil motif in 25:7-8. Cf. Harrelson,"The Significance of Cosmology in the Ancient Near East," p. 243, who further displays the magical orientation of Babylonian religion. The poet of the booklet attacks the magical thrust of Babylonian religion, and at the same time, seeks to expurgate any magical elements from Israelite thought and worship.


211democratization of the covenantal relationship; and finally,(4) a direct revelation from Yahweh.

Nationalistic UniversalismOne final characteristic of the eschatological royal

banquet remains to be mentioned— its universalism. D'D'J il andTr)ki\~i)3 (25:6, 7) have usually been used as evidence for theexistence of a more developed and extended universalism. Inthe case of Isa 25:6-10a, the presence of )OD (25:8) coupledwith the obvious Hebraic imagery, 9 pj , make it plain thatthe poet has envisioned the world through the telescope of thesignificance of Israel. At best the view is one of nationalistic

213universalism.The relationship with the thought of Deutero-Isaiah is

evident, for the same kind of synthesis is found there. However, an even more telling resemblance exists in the note of conflict which attends subliminally the coronation scene whispered in the nuance of Here, and throughout the rest ofthe booklet it is evident that the ousting of the other gods has extended divine sovereignty. As that theme is heightened, the more transcendental monotheism emerges with its universal corollary. It was during the time of Deutero-Isaiah that this

212pr0 cksch, Jesaja I , 318-320; Cheyne, The Prophecies of Isaiah, Vol. I (3rd. ed., rev., New York: Whitaker, Ray, &Wiggin, 1884), p. 151, interprets the veil as mortality and connects it with JHOfl in verse 8 , as does Redditt, "Isaiah 24- 27," p. 350-351. In view of the mythological and nationalistic nuances of mentioned above, this understanding appears fartoo general. Rudolph, Jesaja 24 bis 27, does recognize a reversal of a curse in the motif. However, the curse he sees being reversed is that of Eden.

2 1 3 March, p. Ill, while recognizing the existence of


212

specific theological development seems to have occurred according to Denis Baly.

In the early years of the sixth century Jerusalem was destroyed by the Babylonians and the leading citizens carried into exile by the Euphrates. Here they had to begin all over again, utterly unable in the date groves of Babylon to repeat the patterns of society they had known in Canaan, or to continue those religious practices which until then they had understood to be divinely required. This is the meaning of that heartfelt cry, "How can we sing the song of Yahweh in a strange land?" Once more they had found themselves in a situation which spelled death to everything they had previously understood to be life.

It was in their effort yet. again to comprehend in one inclusive system seemingly irreconcilable opposites that they made the great intellectual leap which dethroned the gods entirely and cast them forever into nonexistence. But this was not finally achieved, it would appear, until Babylon had fallen . . .

Thus, it appears that, for both Deutero-Isaiah and the poet ofIsaiah 24-27, out of a royal, conflictive, cultic backgroundemerged the hopeful concept of the supreme and unchallengeddivine authority of Yahweh, the God of Israel. And out of thiskind of sovereignty concept developed a world view which wasnationalistically universal.

both elements fails to see the connecting synthesis. He states, "The note of universalism is unmistakeable, and is perhaps all the more striking because it stands side by side with a more nationalistic theme, the removal of the reproach heaped on God's people."

^l^Denis Baly, "The Geography of Monotheism," in Translating and Understanding the Old Testament; Essays in Honor of Herbert Gordon May, ed. by Harry Thomas Frank and William L.Reed (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1970), pp. 274-275. Baly goeson to credit,far too extensively,the conflictive dualism of the Persians for this theological advance in Hebraic thought. Certainly, the conflict imagery had become common to the Jerusalem cult. All that was necessary for the sovereignty concept behind the conflict imagery to mature was for the cult to be destroyed. Then the ideology it had represented, which also had been disguised, would be.glaringly hopeful.


213This, then, is the kind of universalism which is

presented in the banquet scene. "The nations are allowed to attend the banquet, but it is held on Zion, and Israel is exalted above them all." Thus, universalism, as every other motif within the banquet scene, is the logical deduction resultant from the recognition of the ultimate sovereign status of Yahweh.

The other implication of the recognition of this sovereignty was the democratization of the relationship to that sovereignty. Israel had,in addition to an exalted status,the responsibility of mediating the efficacy of divine sovereignty for the rest of the world. This is evident both in the banquet scene of Isa 25 and in the eschatological poems of Deutero- Isaiah.

ConclusionIn conclusion, the coronation banquet served two pur

poses. First, it allowed the people to concretize their eschatological hopes. Yahweh had demonstrated already that he was Sovereign, but before long that sovereignty would be more fully revealed. All opponents would be ousted, and their cause vindicated. The images of the ideal Zion and the harmonious creation had been joined. More important though, the image of the banquet gave the people who would live in the interim a ritual means of helping to bring about this desired resolution of history. Never did the banquet image suggest,here,or in its development within late apocalypticism,that the sovereignty of Yahweh could be

^■^Redditt, "Isaiah 24-27," p. 363.


2 1 4

effected by such an occasion, but rather, that such a banquet could aid in revealing the significance of divine sovereignty. Veritably every motif of the booklet points to these ends— a recognition of and cooperation with divine sovereignty. On this note the booklet ended.

ConclusionIn the present study the theological motifs within

Isaiah 24-27 have been highlighted through comparison with not only Biblical parallels but also the cognate cultures of Canaan and Mesopotamia. Based on this comparative analysis the following conclusions are suggested.

MethodologyThe methodology used here departed from the traditional

"historical-theological" approach in which the exegete searches for historical hints in order to determine the appropriate setting, only after which can theological analysis begin. The amorphous nature of the booklet precluded this hermeneutic. On the other hand,form and redaction criticism have failed to capture the underlying historical message. The approach developed here seeks to utilize the evaluative aids of literary criticism, and especially those of form criticism, which contributes so much in areas of unit isolation, forms, settings, and moods. This study seeks to go beyond these general theological observations produced by form criticism. By discovering the extra- Biblical and Biblical parallels which are more historically definable, the historical provenance of the booklet begins to


215emerge as the more direct relationships emerge. When the Biblical parallels reflect with the amorphous passage the same level of theological development and the same type of relationship to the extra-Biblical parallels, the case for a similar setting is strengthened. And when the potential setting explains passages otherwise confusing, inexplicable, or irrevocably vague, and when that setting is consistently appropriate throughout the total passage, the suggested setting is further confirmed. Finally, when the style, selection and arrangement of form, and unique theological emphases also correspond, then identity of authorship is quite probable.

All of these agreements appeared in the study of Isaiah 24-27. The results of these similarities are evidenced in the following historical conclusions:

(1) The poet of Isaiah 24-27 addresses the exiled Judeans in whose memory the fall of the temple, Jerusalem, and the monarchy was still vivid.

(2) The purpose of the booklet was to comfort the people and restore hope. This was accomplished through explaining that the reason Zion had been destroyed was the judgment of Yahweh upon their sins of covenant disregard (Davidic covenant), but that that suffering had been redemptive. It had caused them to once again place their trust in Yahweh alone. This act of faith had further allowed Yahweh to expiate their sins.

Hope was also inspired by the prospects of national restoration. Judah would once again hold a prestigeous place in the order of creation, and all the other nations would


216recognize the status of both Yahweh and his chosen people. Their honor would be vindicated in the same instance that the sovereignty of Yahweh was demonstrated by the destruction of the enemy on both mundane and divine levels.

Further, the sufferers could rejoice immediately because the enemy had suffered a historical defeat. However, greater blessing could be anticipated in the eschaton as well.

(3) The polemical thrust of the booklet was directed against Babylon and its royal cult. The Canaanitisms in the booklet were the natural incursions into the Judaic cult, especially the festal cult of Jerusalem.

Reflections of the royal Zion cult appear in order to say to the sufferers that Yahweh is sovereign and would make ineffective the Babylonian cult. These royal reflections also conveyed the thought to the exiles that Yahweh was sovereign even without a king, and that all of them could and must now be the mediators of his sovereignty. As "Israel" was restored the Gentiles would see the majesty of Yahweh (25:7-8). In this way they would be a light to the nations.

(4) The author of Isaiah 24-27 was identical with Lhe anonymous prophet of Isaiah 40-55, who spoke his message of comfort after the fall of Babylon. The booklet of Isaiah 24- 27 certainly does not attain the heights of the "Ebed Yahweh" songs, but is no more discordant with them than the rest of Isaiah 40-55.


217Relationship to Apocalypticism

Isaiah 24-27 occupies the position of a link between prophetic eschatology and apocalypticism. Many of the motifs which became stylistic for apocalypses appear, but they are used in historical fashion. They are used to give hope to people concerning the historical realm, rather than to call for the end of that realm (26:15). Even the mythological motifs are not employed to veil historical personalities and events but rather to reveal clearly theological truths. All that would be necessary for apocalypticism to flower would be for the sufferers to lose hope in the redemption of the historical realm. Then the concept of divine sovereignty and the polemical mood of this eschatological vision would develop into fullblown determinism in the midst of vindictiveness, but such is not the case for Isaiah 24-27.

Development of MonotheismThe centrality of the concept of divine sovereignty,

especially as it was directed against the divine level of the enemy, displays a very close linkage to the development of the doctrine of monotheism. Interestingly, this step toward complete monotheism was occasioned by the fall of the Judean cult. To maintain their theology without king and cult, the sufferers in exile had to ideologically extend the boundaries of the divine domain at least to Babylon. Further, the mediational basis had to be democratized. All that remained to extend the concept of sovereignty to truly universal proportions was the


fall of the enemy cult (27:9). All of these developments appear in both Isaiah 24-27 and Isaiah 40-55.


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the Book of Isaiah. I-XXXIX~! 2 vols. The International Critical Commentary. Edinburgh: t . & T. Clark, 1912.

Gray, John. I and II Kings: A Commentary. The Old TestamentLibrary. Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1963.

_________. The Krt Text in the Literature of Ras Shamra: ASocial Myth of Ancient Canaan. Leiden: E. J. Brill,1964.

The Legacy of Canaan: The Ras Shamra Texts andTheir Relevance to the Old Testament. Supplements to Vetus Testamentum, Vol. V. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1957.

Gressmann, Hugo. Per Ursprung der israelitisch-judischenEschatologie. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1905.

Gunkel, Hermann. Genesis: ubersetzt und erklart. 4th ed.Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1922.

Schopfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit. Gottingen:Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1895.

Hahn, Hubert. The Old Testament in Modern Research. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966.

Haidar, Alfred. Associations of Cult Prophets among the Ancient Semites. Uppsala: Almqvist and Wiksells Boktryckeri,1945.

Hallo, William H., and Van Dijk, J. J. A. The Exaltation of Inanna. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968.

Harrelson, Walter. From Fertility Cult to Worship. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Co., 1970.

Interpreting the Old Testament. New York: Holt,Rinehard, and Winston, Inc., 1964.

Harrison, R. K. Introduction to the Old Testament. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1969.

Hatch, Edwin, and Redpath, Henry A. A Concordance to theSeptuagint. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1892.

Hayes, John H. Introduction to the Bible. Philadelphia: TheWestminster Press, 1971.

Heidel, Alexander. The Babylonian Genesis. 2nd ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951.

Hitzig, Ferdinand. Der Prophet Jesaja. Heidelberg: C. F.Winter, 1833.


Hooke, S. H., ed. The Labyrinth; Further Studies in theRelation Between Myth and Ritual in the Ancient World. London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge,1935.

_. Myth and Ritual: Essays on the Myth and Ritual ofthe Hebrews in Relation to the Cultic Pattern of the Ancient East. London: Oxford University Press, 1933.

Origins of Early Semitic Ritual. Schweich Lectures, ””1935. London: Oxford University Press, 1938.Gunnar. De s. k. profetiska liturgiernas: rytm, stiloch komposition. I Jes 25:1-26:21. Lund: C. W. K.Gleerup, 1929.

Edmond. Theology of the Old Testament. Translated by Arthur W. Heathcote and Phillip J. Allcook. New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1958.

E. 0. Myth and Ritual in the Ancient Near East. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1958,

The Ancient Gods. New York: G. P. Putman's Sons,1960.

Johnson, Aubrey R. Sacral Kingship in Ancient Israel. Cardiff University of Wales Press, 1955.

Kaiser, Otto, Isaiah 1-12: A Commentary. Philadelphia: TheWestminster Press, 1972.

Kapelrud, Arvid S. Baal in the Ras Shamra Texts. Copenhagen:G. E. C. Gad, 1952.

________ . Central Ideas in Amos. Oslo: Oslo University, 1956________ . Joel Studies. Uppsala Universitets Arsskrift,

Vol. IV. Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1948.________ . The Ras Shamra Discoveries and the Old Testament.

Translated by G. W. Anderson. Norman: UniversityofOklahoma Press, 1963.

________ . The Violent Goddess: Anat in the Ras Shamra Texts.Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 196 9.

Kaufmann, Yehezkel. The Babylonian Captivity and Deutero-Isaiah. New York: Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 1970.

________ . The Religion of Israel. Translated and abridged byMoshe Greenberg. Chicago: The University of ChicagoPress, 1960.

Hylm8,

Jacob,

James,


225Kautzsch, Emil Friedrich, ed. Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar. Trans

lated by A. E. Cowley. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1910.Keet, Cuthbert C. A Study of the Psalms of Ascents. Green

wood, S. C.: The Attic Press, 1969.Kennedy, James. An Aid to the Textual Amendment of the Old

Testament! Edited by N. Levinson. Edinburgh: T & TClark, 1928.

Kessler, Werner. Gott geht es urn das Ganze: Jesaja 56-66 undJesaja 24-27. Die Botschaft des Alten Testaments,Vol. XIX. Stuttgart: Calwer Verlagf i960.

Kissane, Edward J. The Book of Isaiah. 2 vols. Dublin: Richview Press, 1960.

Kittel, Rudolph, et al., eds. Biblia Hebraica. 7th ed.Stuttgart: Priviligierte Wurttembergische Bibelanstalt,1952.

\

Knight, George A. F. Deutero-Isaiah; A Theological Commentary on Isaiah 40-55. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1965.

Knobel, August. Der Prophet Jesaia. Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1872.Kohler, Ludwig, and Baumgartner, Walter, eds. Lexicon in Veteris

Testament Libros. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1948-1953.Koniq, Eduard. Das Buch Jesaja. Gutersloh: C. Bertelsmann,

1926.Kramer, Samuel N. From the Tablets of Sumer. Colorado: The

Falcon’s Wing Press, 1956.________ . Sumerian Mythology. Revised ed. New York: Harper

& Row, Publishers, 1961._________. The Sumerians. Chicago: University of Chicago

Press, 1963., ed. Mythologies of the Ancient World. Anchor Books. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Co., 1961.

Kraus, Hans Joachim. Worship in Israel. Translated byGeoffrey Buswell. Richmond, Virginia: John Knox Press,1966.

Langdon, Stephen H. Semitic Mythology. The Mythology of All Races, Vol. V. New York: Cooper Square Publishers,1964., Si-tmerian and Babylonian Psalms. Paris: Geuthner,

' "1909.


226Tammuz and Ishtar. Oxfords The Clarendon Press,1911:

Leslie, Elmer A. The Psalms: Translated and Interpreted inLight of Hebrew Life and Worship. Nashville: AbingdonPress, 1949.

Lindblom, J. Die Jesaia-Apokalypse. Jes 24-27. Leipzig: OttoHarrassowitz, 1938.

________ . Die Jesaia-Apokalypse in der neuen Jesaiahandschrift(DSIa). Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup, 1951.

________ . Prophecy in Ancient Israel. Philadelphia: FortressPress, 1965.

Ludwig, Otto. Die Stadt in der Jesaia-Apokalypse. Koln: WalterKleikamp, 1961.

Marti, Karl. Das Buch Jesaia. Kurzer Hand-Coramentar zum Alten Testament, Vol. X. Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1900.

McKenzie, John L. Second Isaiah. Vol. XXI of The Anchor Bible.Edited by William Foxwell Albright and David Noel Freedman. 38 vols. Garden City, New York: Doubleday &Co., 1968.

Morgenstern, Julian. The Message of Deutero-Isaiah in ItsSeouential Unfolding. Cincinnati: Hebrew Union CollegePress, 1961.

Morris, Leon. Apocalyptic. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B.Eerdman's Publishing Company, 1972.

Mowinckel, Sigmund. Psalmenstudien. 6 vols. Oslo: Dybwad,1922-1924.

________ . The Psalms in Israel's Worship. 2 vols. Translatedby D. R. Ap-Thomas. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1962.

Mulder, E. S. Die teologie van die Jesaja-apokalipse. Jesaja 24- 27. Gronigen (Djarkata): J. B. Wolters, 1954.

North, Christopher R. The Second Isaiah. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1964.

________ . The Suffering Servant in Deutero-Isaiah. Oxford:The Clarendon Press, 1956.

Obermann, Julian. Ugaritic Mythology; A Study of Its Leading Motifs. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1948.


227Oesterley, W. 0. E. and Robinson, Theodore H. Hebrew Religion:

ItsOrigin and Development. New York: The MacmillanCo.', 1930. ' ' ‘ ' 1

Oldenburg, Ulf. The Conflict Between Elv and Baal in CanaaniteReligion, Supplementa ad Numen: Altera Series. Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1969.

Oppenheim, A. Leo. Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a DeadCivilization" Chicago: University of Chicago Press,1M T .

_________. The Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient NearEast^ Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,nnnr.

APallis, S. A. The Babylonian akitu Festival. Copenhagen:Danske vid.-Selsk, 1926.

Pfeiffer, Robert H. Introduction to the Old Testament. Rev. ed. New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1948.v

Ploger, Otto. Theocracy and Eschatology. Translated by S.Rudman. Richmond, Virginia: John Knox Press, 1968.

Pope, Marvin. Job. Vol. XV of The Anchor Bible. Edited byWilliam Foxwell Albright and David Noel Freedman. 38 vols. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Co., 1965.

Pritchard, James B., ed. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. 3rd ed. Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press, 1954.

_________. The Ancient Near East: Supplementary Texts andPictures Relating to the Old Testament. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969.

Procksch, Otto. Jesaja I. Kommentar zum Alten Testament,Vol. IX. Leipzig: A Deichertsche VerlagsbuchhandlungD. Werner Scholl, 1930.

Rad, Gerhard von. Genesis: A Commentary, Translated by John H. Marks. Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1961.

_________. Old Testament Theology. 2 vols. Translated byD. M. G. Stalker. New York: Harper and Row, 1965.

Ragozin, Zenaide A. Chaldea From Its Earliest Times to theRise of Assyria. 2nd ed., rev. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1901.

Reuss, Eduard. Die Geschichte des heiligen Schriften Alten Testaments. Braunschweig: C. A. Schwetschke undSohn, 1890.


228Ringgren, Helmer, Israelite Religion. Translated by David E.

Green. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966. ________ . Religions of the Ancient Near East. Translated by

John Sturdy. Philadelphia: The Westminster Press,1973.

Roberts, Bleddyn J. The Old Testament Text and Versions. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1951.

Robinson, T. H. Prophecy and the Prophets in Ancient Israel. London: Gerald Duckworth & Co., 1953.

Rowley, H. H. The Relevance of Apocalyptic. Rev. ed. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1943.

Rudolph, Wilhelm. Jesaja 24 bis 27. BeitrSge zur Wissenschaft vom Alten und Neuen Testament, Vol. IV, Book 10. Stuttgart: W. KoMhammer, 1933.

Rust, Eric. Covenant and Hope: A Study in the Theology ofthe Prophets. Waco, Texas: Word Books Publisher,1972.

Russell, D. S. The Method and Message of Jewish Apocalyptic. Philad e l p h i a T h e Westminster Press, 1964.

Schaeffer, C. F. A. The Cuneiform Texts of Ras Shamra-Ugarit. Schweich Lectures, 1936. London: Oxford UniversityPress, 1939.

Scott, Melville. Textual Discoveries in Proverbs, Psalms, and Isaiah. London: Society for Promoting ChristianKnowledge, 1927.

Seeligmann, Isaac Leo. The Septuagint Version of Isaiah: ADiscussion of Its Problems. Leiden: E. J. Brill,1948.

Skinner, John. The Book of the Prophet Isaiah. The Cambridge Bible. Cambridge: The University Press, 1897.

Slotki, Israel W., ed. Isaiah with Hebrew Text and EnglishTranslation. Vol. V of The Soncino Books of the Bible. Edited by A. Cohen. 14 vols. London: Soncino Press,1949.

Smart, James. History and Theology in Second Isaiah. Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1965.

Smith, George Adam. The Book of Isaiah. Rev. ed. Garden City, New York: Doubleday, Doran, & Co., 1927.


229

Soper, Edmund Davison. The Religions of Mankind. New York: Abingdon Press, 1921.

Sutcliffe, E. F. The Old Testament and the Future Life. London: SCM Press, 1953.

Thomas, D. Winton, ed. Liber Jesaiae. Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, Vol. VII. Stuttgart: Wttrttem-bergische Bibelanstalt, 1968.

Thureau-Dangin, F. Rituels akkadiens. Paris: Leroux,1921.

Torrey, Charles Cutler. The Second Isaiah. Edinburgh: T.& T. Clark, 1928.

Tromp, Nicholas J. Primitive Conceptions of Death and theNether World in the Old Testament. Rome: PontificalBiblical Institute, 1969.

Ward, James M. Amos and Isaiah: Prophets of the Word ofGod. New York: Abingdon Press, 1969.

West, James King. Introduction to the Old Testament: "Hear 0 Israeli". New York: The Macmillan Co., 1971.

Westermann, Claus. Basic Forms of Prophetic Speech. Translated by Hugh C. White. Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1967.

Isaiah 40-66: A_Commentary. Translated by DavidM. G. Stalker. The Old Testament Library. Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1969.

The Praise of God in the Psalms. Translated by Keith R. Crim. Richmond, Virginia: John Knox Press,1965.

Witzel, M. Tammuz Liturgien und Verwandtes. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1935.

Wttrthwein, Ernst. The Text of the Old Testament. Translated by Peter R. Ackroyd. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1957.

Young, Edward. J. The Book of Isaiah. 3 vols. The N e wInternational Commentary on the Old Testament. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans, 1965.

Ziegler, Joseph, ed. Isaias. The Gflttingen Septuagint:Septuaginta, Vetus Testamentum Graecum auctoritate Societatis Litterarum GOttingensis editum. Gflttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1939.


230B, Articles

Anderson, Bernhard W. "Exodus Typology in Second Isaiah." Israel's Prophetic Heritage. Edited by Bernhard W. Anderson and Walter Harrelson. New York: Harper& Brothers, 1962.

________ • "The Place of Shechem in the Bible.” BiblicalArchaeologist, XX (1957), 11-16.

Anderson, George W. "Isaiah XXIV-XXVII Reconsidered."Supplements to Vetus Testamentum, IX (1963), 118- 126.

________ . "Hebrew Religion." The Old Testament and ModernStudy. Edited by H. H. Rowley. Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1961.

Baly, Denis. "The Geography of Monotheism." Translating and Understanding the Old Testament: Essays inHonor of Herbert Gordon May. Edited by Harry Thomas Frank and William L. Reed. New York: AbingdonPress, 1970.

Beek, M. A. "Ein Erdbeben wird zum prophetischen Erleben (Jesaja 24-27)." Archiv Orientalni, XVII (1949),31-40.

Bentzen, Aage. "The Ritual Background of Amos i.2-ii.l6." Oudtestamentliche StudiSn, VII (1950), 85-99.

Blackman, A. M. "The Rite of Opening the Mouth in AncientEgypt and Babylonia." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology,X (1924), 47-59.

Bright, John. "Isaiah-I." Peake1s Commentary on the Bible. Edited by Matthew Black and H. H. Rowley. London: Thomas Nelson & Sons, 1964.

Budde, Karl. "Jesaja 13." Beihefte zur Zeitschrift ftLr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, XXXIII (1918), 55-70.

Burney, C. K. "Old Testament Notes. III. The Three Serpents of Isaiah XXVII. 1." Journal of Theological Studies,XI (1909-10), 446-452.

Burrows, Eric. "Some Cosmological Patterns in BabylonianReligion." The Labyrinth. Edited by Sidney H. Hooke. New York: Macmillan Co., 1935.

Crenshaw, James L. "Popular Questioning of the Justice ofGod in Ancient Israel." Zeitschrift fflr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, LXXXI (1969), 380-381.


231________ . "YHWH §eba'oth Sô: A Form-Critical Analysis."

Zoitschrift fttr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, LXXXII, no. 2 C1969), 156-175.

Cross, Frank Moore, Jr. "New Directions in the Study ofApocalyptic.11 Journal for Theology and the Church,VI (1969), 157-165.

Dahood, Mitchell J. "Textual Problems in Isaiah." Catholic Biblical Quarterly, XXII (1960), 400-404.

Davidson, R. "Universalism in Second Isaiah." Scottish Journal of Theology, XVI (1963), 166-185.

Driver, G. R. "Linguistic and Textual Problems: IsaiahI-XXXIX." Journal of Theological Studies, XXXVIII (1937), 36-50.

Eissfeldt, Otto. "El and Jahweh." Journal of Semitic Studies, I (1956), 25-37.

________ . "The Promise of Grace to David in Isaiah 55:1-5."Israel's Prophetic Heritage. Edited by Bernhard W. Anderson and Walter Harrelson. New York: Harper& Brothers, 1962.

Fensham, C. C. "Common Trends in Curses of the Near Eastern Treaties and Kudurru-Inscriptions Compared with Maledictions of Amos and Isaiah." Zeitschrift ftir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, LXXV (1963), 155-175.

Fohrer, Georg. "Prophetie und Magie." Zeitschrift fttr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, LXXXVIII (1966),25-27.

"Der Aufbau der Apokalypse des Jesajabuchs."Catholic Biblical Quarterly, XXV (1963), 34-45.

Freedman, David Noel. "The Flowering of Apocalyptic."Journal for Theology and the Church, VI (1969), 166- 174.

Gadd, C. J. "Babylonian Myth and Ritual." Myth and Ritual.Edited by Sidney H. Hooke. London: Oxford Univer-sity Press, 1933.

Gaster, Theodor H. "New Light on Early Palestinian Religions;More Texts from Ras Shamra." Religions, XVIII (1937), 7-36.

"On a Proto-Hebrew Poem from Ras Shamra." Journal of Biblical Literature, LVII (1938), 81-87.


"The Canaanite Epic of Keret." Jewish Quarterly 'Review, XXXVII £1947) , 287-293.

Gemser, Berend. "The RIB-pattern in Hebrew Mentality."Supplements to Vetus Testamenturn, III (1955), 120- 137.

Goetze, Albrecht. "A Review of Cyrus Gordon’s The Loves and Wars of Baal and Anat and Other Poems from Ugarit." Journal of Biblical Literature, XVIII Cl944), 430-

Gray, George Buchanan. "Critical Discussions: Isaiah 2:6;25:1-5; 34:12-13." Zeitschrift ftlr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, XXXI :(1911), 120- 127.

Gray, John. "Cultic Affinities between Israel and Ras Shamra. Zeitschrift fttr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, LXII (1949), 207-220.

"The Hunting of Baal, Fratricide and Atonement'inthe Mythology of Ras Shamra." Journal of Near Eastern Studies, X (1951), 146-155.

"The Legend of Aqhat Son of Dan'el." Documentsfrom Old Testament Times. Edited by D. Winton Thomas. New York: Harper & Row, 1961.

Gunkel, Hermann. "Jesaia 33, eine prophetische Liturgie."Zeitschrift ftir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, XLII (1924), 177-208.

Gurney, O. R. "Tammuz Reconsidered; Some Recent Developments. Journal of Semitic Studies, VII (1962), 147-160.

Hamilton-Kelly, H. G. "The Temple and the Origins of Jewish Apocalyptic." Vetus Testamentum, XX (1970), 1-15.

Hanson, Paul. "Jewish Apocalyptic Against Its Near EasternEnvironment." Revue Biblique, LXXVIII (1971), 31-58.

Harrelson, Walter. "Nonroyal Motifs in the Royal Eschatology. Israel's Prophetic Heritage. Edited by Bernhard W. Anderson and Walter Harrelson. New York: Harper &Brothers, 1962.

"The Significance of Cosmology in the Ancient NearEast." Translating and Understanding the Old Testament: Essays in Honor of Herbert Gordon May. Edited by Harry Thomas Frank and William L. Reed. New York: Abingdon Press, 1970.

Hollenberg, D. E. "Nationalism and 'The Nations' in Isaiah XL-LV." Vetus Testamentum, XIX (1969), 23-36.


233Hooke, Sidney H,, ed. "Myth, Rxcual and Kingship in the Ras

Shamra Tablets," Myth, Ritual and Kingship. Edited by Sidney H. Hooke. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1958.

■Jacobsen, Thorkild. "Inanna's Descent to the Nether World." Journal of Cuneiform Studies, XII (1958), 165-166.

«_______ • "Mesopotamia." The Intellectual Adventure ofAncient Man. Edited by H. and H. A. Frankfort,et al. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1946.

_______. "Sumerian Mythology: A Review Article." Journalof Near Eastern Studies, V (1946), 145-148.

„_______ . "Toward the Image of Tammuz." History of Religion,I (1961), 189-213.

■Johnson, Aubrey R. "The Psalms." The Old Testament and Modern Study. Edited by H. H. Rowley. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1361.

Hey, Andrew F. "The Magical Background of Isaiah 6:9-13."Journal of Biblical Literature, LXXXVI (1967) , 201-innn ~

Hramer, Samuel Noah. "The Feats and Exploits of Ninurta."Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research, XXIII (1943-1944), 13-14.

_______ . "Fragments of Epics and Myths; No. 41." Annualof the American Schools of Oriental Research, XXIII (1943-1944) , 19.

^_______. "Review of Alexander Heidel's The BabylonianGenesis: The Story of Creation." Journal of the American Oriental Society, LXIII (1943), 73-77,

,________. "Sumerian Literature." Proceedings of the AmericanPhilosophical Society, LXXXV (1942), 293-323.

Lagrange, M. "L'apocalypse d'Isaie (24-27)." Revue Biblique, III (1894), 200-231.

Landsberger, Benno. "Lexicographal Contributions." Journal of Cuneiform Studies, IV (1950), 10-18.

tiiebmann, Ernst. "Der Text zu Jesaia 24-27." Zeitschriftfttr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, XXII (1902), 1-56, 285-304; XXIII (1903), 209-286; XXIV (1904),

. 51-104; XXV (1905), 145-171.Lohmann, Paul. "Das Lied Jes 25:1-5." Zeitschrift ftir die

alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, XXXIII (1913), 256- 262.


234________ . "Die selbst&ndigen lyrischen Abschnitte in Jes

24-27." Zeitschrift f-flr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, XXXVIII (.1917), 1-58.

Ludwig, Theodore M. "The Traditions of the Establishing of the Earth in Deutero-Isaiah." Journal of Biblical Literature, XCII (1973), 349-356.

Muilenberg, James. "Ezekiel." Peake * s Commentary on the Bible. Edited by Matthew Black and H. H. Rowley. London: Thomas Nelson, 1964.

"Form Criticism and Beyond." Journal of BiblicalLiterature, IX (1959), 1-18.

_. "Isaiah 40-66." The Interpreter's Bible, Vol. V.Edited by George Arthur Buttrick, et al. 12 vols.New York: Abingdon Press, 1956.

Obermann, Julian. "How Baal Destroyed a Rival.” Journal of the American Oriental Society, LXVII (1947), '205-207.

O ’Callaghan, R. T. "The Word ktp in Ugaritic and Egypto-Canaanite Mythology," Orientalia, XXI (1952), 27-46.

Orlinsky, Harry M. "A Light to the Nations: A Problem inBiblical Theology." Jewish Quarterly Review, 75th Anniversary Volume (1967), 409-428.

_. "Nationalism-Universalism and Internationalism inAncient Israel." Translating and Understanding the Old Testament: Essays in Honor of Herbert Gordon May.Edited by Harry Thomas Frank and William L. Reed.New York: Abingdon Press, 1970.

"The So-Called 'Servant of the Lord' and 'SufferingServant’ in Second Isaiah." Studies on the Second Part of the Book of Isaiah. Supplements to Vetus Testamentum, XIV. Edited by Harry M. Orlinsky and Norman H. Snaith. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967.

Pedersen, Johs. "Canaanite and Israelite Cultus." Analecta Orientalia, XVIII (1939), 3-14.

Peters, John P. "Notes on Difficult Passages in the OldTestament." Journal of Biblical Literature, XI (1892), 79-93.

Roberts, B. J. "The Jerusalem Scrolls." Zeitschrift fflr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, LXIX (1949-1950), 233-234.

Robertson, Edward. "Isaiah XXVII 2-6." Zeitschrift fttr diealttestamentliche Wissenschaft, XLVIII (1929), 197-206.


235Rudolph, Wilhelm. "Jesaja 24-27." Beitrflge^ zur Wissenschaft

you Alten (und Neuenj Testament, IX-X (1933), 1-16.Scott, R. B. Y. "The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 1-39." The

Interpreter's Bible, Vol. V. Edited by George ArthurButtnck, et al. 12 vols. New York: Abingdon Press,1956.

Smend, Rudolf. "Artmerkungen zu Jes 24-27.” Zeitschrift fflr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, IV (1884), 181- 184.

Smith, S. "The Babylonian Ritual for the Consecration and Introduction of a Divine Statue." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, XXXII (1925), 37-60.

Snaith, Norman H. "A Study of the Teachings of Second Isaiahand Its Consequences." Studies on the Second Part of the Book of Isaiah. Supplements to Vetus Testamentum , XIV. Edited by Harry M. Orlinsky and NormanH. Snaith. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967.

________ . "The Servant of the Lord in Deutero-Isaiah." Studiesin Old Testament Prophecy. Edited by H. H. Rowley, Edinburgh: t 7 &. T. Clark, 1950.

Sollberger, E. "The Tummai Inscription." Journal of Cuneiform Studies, XVI (1962), 40-67.

Stinespring, William F. "The Participle of the ImmediateFuture and Other Matters Pertaining to Correct Translation of the Old Testament." Translating and Understanding the Old Testament: Essays in Honor of HerbertGordon May. Edited by Harry Thomas Frank and William L. Reed. New York: Abingdon Press, 1970.

Stuhmuelier, Caroll. "Yahweh King and Deutero-Isaiah." Revue Biblique, LXXVII (1970), 43-54.

_. "The Theology of Creation in Second Isaias."Catholic Biblical Quarterly, XXI (1959), 429-467.

Virolleaud, Charles. "Les poemes de Ras Shamra." Revue de l'histoire des religions, CLXXXV (1939), 1-15,

Vriezen, Th. C. "Essentials of the Theology of Isaiah."Israel's Prophetic Heritage. Edited by Bernhard W. Anderson and Walter Harrelson. New York: Harper& Brothers, 1962.

_. "Prophecy and Eschatology." Supplements to VetusTestamentum, I (1953), 199-229.


Wanke, Gunther, "HX'und Vfl." Zeitschrift filr die ,L x . * „ I. . ™ _ X_ "I _1_ _ f.T. . M MU « £i. ' T VVT 7 T T T /I ft /* ,«* \a x t t e a x - c u u e i i t j . n ; » e n i B s c i i o u i a i L , j j < v X » X I I ( . 1 3 6 6 , , 215-218.

Wright, G. Ernest. "Shechem, the Navel of the Land." Biblical Archaeologist, XX (1957), 2-3.

Ziegler, Joseph. "Die Vorlage der Isaias-Septuaginta,LXX, und die erste Isaias-Rolle von Qumran, IQIsa." Journal of Biblical Literature, LXXVIII Q959) , 34-59.

C . Uiijjublxsheu MaterialsMarch, Wallace Eugene. "A Study of Two Prophetic Compositions

in Isaiah 24:1-27:1." Unpublished Th.D. dissertation, Union Theological Seminary, 1966.

Redditt, Paul Lewis. "Isaiah 24-27: A Form Critical Analysis.Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Vanderbilt University, 1972.

Wakeman, Mary Katherine. "God’s Battle with the Monster:A Study in Biblical Imagery." Unpublished Ph.D.

O O J. L U L X U i i f J J A . U U U C X O u u x v u x a x w j « i J O ? .
