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Simandiraki-Grimshaw A. 2015, ‘The Body Brand and Minoan Zonation’ , Cappel S., Günkel-Maschek U., Panagiotopoulos D. (eds.), Minoan Archaeology: Perspectives for the 21 st Century, UCL Presses universitaires de Louvain: 267 282.

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  • Simandiraki-Grimshaw A. 2015, The Body

    Brand and Minoan Zonation, Cappel S.,

    Gnkel-Maschek U., Panagiotopoulos D.

    (eds.), Minoan Archaeology: Perspectives for

    the 21st Century, UCL Presses universitaires

    de Louvain: 267 282.

  • 267

    The Body Brand and Minoan Zonation*

    Anna Simandiraki-Grimshaw

    The human body abounds in the inoan excavation record, from seals to frescoes to igurines to human remains. Nevertheless, it is usually approached mainly as an art object or as a collection of bones, and occupies the inter-

    pretational margins of inoan archaeology, with the exception of its role in religion or society. Few luminous exceptions have attempted to go beyond such constraints, into thematic territories such as gender and embodiment.

    This paper, based on the authors current research, advocates an integrated approach to the human body in the Cretan Bronze Age. According to this, the combination of diverse somatic datasets can reveal very interesting and hitherto neglected social and other patterns. ne such pattern, presented here, regards the role of the human body in the construction of geographical and perhaps social zones. In effect, a new way of looking at the human body in inoan Crete is proposed by using speciic examples.

    Introduction

    Research on the human body beyond its medical potential has progressively come into focus in the Humanities and Social Sciences in the later th and early 1st c. CE. The constellation of debates on the human body is already rich and has covered several topics. These have included gender,1 osteoarchaeology,2 identity,3 ethnog-raphy,4 visuality,5 the body in space,6 social conditioning and discipline,7 relativity of perception,8 sensoriality,9 fragmentation,10 religion,11 as well as wider approaches.12 Such already substantial and promising research has opened new horizons beyond previously established Western-centric, Cartesian bodily dualisms. However, inter-pretation in Aegean Bronze Age and inoan archaeology largely continues to underprivilege the human body. uminous exceptions paving the way for joining wider debates of corporeality, embodiment and agency include the work of e.g. Wedde,13 Morris,14 orris and Peatield,15 Goodison,16 Malafouris17 and Voutsaki18 on somatic coniguration, transience and agency Rehak,19 Alberti,20 Mina21 and Hitchcock22 on gender Adams23 and Preston24

    * I would like to thank irst of all the organisers of the conference, for their acceptance of my paper. I would additionally like to thank the Department of Classics, University of Cincinnati, whose argo Tytus Research Fellowship enabled me to access several relevant materials in . A previous version of this paper was delivered at the ycenaean Seminar in (see Simandiraki-Grimshaw 1c) I thank all colleagues who provided valuable feedback. Finally, I thank Fay Stevens, who, during one of our fruitful discus-sions, suggested I use the term zonation. 1 E.g. Cooey 14. 2 E.g. Sofaer .3 E.g. eskell 1, 1, , 1.4 E.g. Csordas 1.5 E.g. Gombrich 1, 11 Turner 1, .6 E.g. Turnbull .7 E.g. Bourdieu Fraser .8 E.g. erleau-Ponty .9 Hamilakis Shilling .10 E.g. Chapman Chapman and Gaydarska Fowler .11 Cooey 14.12 E.g. Bori and Robb Tarlow , 4 Fraser and Greco , 4.13 Wedde 1.14 orris 1, .15 orris and Peatield .16 Goodison 1, 4.17 Malafouris .18 Voutsaki 1.19 Rehak 1.20 E.g. Alberti 1, .21 Mina .22 Hitchcock 1.23 Adams 4.24 Preston 4a, 4b.

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    The Body Brand and Minoan Zonation

    on regionalism German25 on performativity etesson and Vansteenhuyse26 and Fox27 on perceptual and sensorial issues afplioti28 on biosocial conditions and especially Hamilakis29 on consumption and multimodal reconcep-tualisations.30

    In order to approach the inoan human body anew, we should collapse the distinction between human re-mains and representations.31 bjects (which may bear depicted bodies) can have their own cultural biographies,32 shifting agency and multi-sensorial affordances,33 as argued by e.g. Appadurai,34 Kopytoff,35 Hoskins,36 Sofaer,37 Hamilakis,38 Gosden and Marshall,39 Joy40 etc. bjects may have represented personages that we usually assume (e.g. a Snake Goddess), but they may also have been personages themselves, contra prevalent indexical interpre-tations.41 Artefacts could have served as extensions and shapers of the physical body, not just as tools, adornment, utilitarian objects etc.42 So, objects could have been subjects depicted bodies could have been treated as physical ones.

    Biological bodies, on the other hand, also had cultural biographies and shifting agency. Sofaer convincingly argues43 that the human body, made of chemicals itself just like an artefact, displays plasticity it can be altered and conditioned by materiality beyond its genetic predisposition.44 The use of an artefact has consequences for both it and the corresponding part of the biological body. Furthermore, biological bodies may also have been treated as objects, i.e. receptors of action, e.g. during disposal andor disarticulation.45 So, physical bodies could have been objects, although I would not necessarily treat biological and represented bodies as homologous.46 Instead, I want to highlight that the interface of physical body and artefact was not necessarily a distinguishing boundary, as the body is the nexus between biology and culture.47 To take this further, as each person was a unique constellation of dimensions of difference and networks of sociability, it is the very relationality of hisher existence that became the foundation of hisher agency.48

    For the purposes of my argument, I take the human body to mean not only the skin containing organs, muscles, bones etc. or the materially inite bodily depiction, but also the socially constructed aspects which may extend it or reshape it despite its biological or artefactual boundaries.49 Indeed, as eskell50 puts it, an embodied body represents, and is, a lived experience where the interplay of irreducible natural, social, cultural and psychical phenomena are brought to fruition through each individuals resolution of external structures, embodied experi-ence and choice. Building on much of the aforementioned research, therefore, and inluenced by further works

    25 German also see German and, to a lesser extent, cGowan .26 Vansteenhuyse .27 Fox also see Tsamis .28 Nafplioti, this volume.29 Hamilakis 1, , . This cursory list is by no means exhaustive, of course.30 See also e.g. ina, afplioti, Peters, Soar, Zeman-Winiewska, this volume.31 Kopytoff 1.32 E.g. Kopytoff 1 Gosden and arshall 1 Joy .33 alafouris , esp.11 Whitley Voutsaki 1, esp. .34 Appadurai 1.35 Kopytoff 1.36 Hoskins .37 Sofaer .38 Hamilakis .39 Gosden and arshall 1.40 Joy .41 Cf. Hamilakis , 1 also see Hamilakis et al. , 11.42 Cf. alafouris , esp.1 Fowler , 4.43 Sofaer , , esp. 4, .44 See also Fowler , 4.45 Cf. Sofaer , 4 Betancourt et al. aggidis 1 Hamilakis et al. , 11.46 Cf. Shilling , 1, who makes a similar point.47 Sofaer , . Also see Hamilakis 1, 11.48 Voutsaki 1, . See also eskell 1, 1 Tarlow , alafouris , 11 Bori and Robb , and Joy , 4 for an application of the relational approach to object biographiesidentities.49 y deinition overlaps, but does not coincide, with Grosz 1, 4 (as cited in Joyce , 141).50 eskell 1, 1.

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    of e.g. eskell,51 Joyce,52 Rautman et al.,53 Sofaer,54 Gosden and Marshall,55 Joy,56 and Voutsaki,57 I want to take a closer look at the human body as a node of entangled materialities, concepts and interactions.58

    There is a multitude of inoan human beings available to us. An examination of their luctuations per area (and through time) is not a new phenomenon in specialist studies, e.g. in discussions of igurine types,59 glyptic60 or burial assemblages,61 not to mention non-somatic ields, such as pottery studies62 or demographic and urbanization research.63 y paper draws examples from the combination of such a variety of data about the prehistoric human condition from mobile artefacts (e.g. seals, sealings, furniture, pottery), immobile artefacts (e.g. architecture), ecofacts (e.g. osseous material) etc.64 Examination of this inoan corporeal dataset has been conducted in part through electronic cataloguing of bodily occurrences65 and has taken into consideration, among others, area, era, status, medium, iconography, pathology, bodily treatment, fragmentation, nutrition etc. But it is not my intention here to provide an exhaustive account of stratiied inoan corporeal networks.66 Instead, having previously dis-cussed bodily consumption,67 animal-human hybridity,68 religious exchanges from a corporeal perspective69 and the human body in inoan religious iconography,70 my general intention with this paper is to work through further potential bodily concepts within the chronological and geographical limits of Bronze Age Crete.

    In order to navigate through a potentially vast exploration of the relationality of inoan human beings, I pro-pose the notion of zonation the gamut of states of difference between bodies.71 These states of difference may be geographical, social, sensory etc., perhaps visually conceptualized as a series of cross-cutting ripples. The speciic aims of my paper are, therefore, to

    1. highlight the largely elusive andor underplayed diversity of biological and represented72 humans in Minoan Crete through a combination of data from different sources . and, in turn, point out the bodys consequentiality for inoan identities.

    The future outcome of such investigation, of which only examples are selected here, would result not necessarily in a quantiiable corpus of data, but, rather, in a multimodal description of the shifting inoan human condition.73

    51 E.g. eskell 1, 1, , 1.52 E.g. Joyce .53 Rautman .54 Sofaer .55 Gosden and arshall1.56 Joy .57 Voutsaki 1.58 See also Simandiraki-Grimshaw 1c.59 Rethemiotakis 1, 1 Pilali-Papasteriou 1 Rutkowski 11 Sakellaraki 1.60 Krzyszkowska Weingarten 1 Tsagaraki 2006.61 aggidis 1.62 E.g. van de oortel 1.63 Branigan 1.64 This is in direct response to the caveat expressed by Boyd , 1 (quoted in Joyce , 11) for combining examinations of food consumption, treatment of the dead body, treatment of the living body, and body representation.65 Simandiraki-Grimshaw 1c, 1, on the Minoan Body database cf. Jasink et al. .66 This is the overall, and long-term, aim of the project, which I have been conducting since .67 Simandiraki .68 Simandiraki-Grimshaw 1a Simandiraki-Grimshaw and Stevens 1.69 Simandiraki-Grimshaw 11.70 Simandiraki-Grimshaw 1b.71 Cf. Joy . As Voutsaki (1, 1), again, rightly puts it each person consisted of a unique combination of intersecting vectors of difference, had different allegiances, had a unique biography engaging with different groups and communities in different stages of hisher life, and hence positioned him-herself differently regarding cultural traditions and social obligations. Each person contained the potential for change.72 E.g. orris , 1, states the diversity of the igurines is only imperfectly glimpsed through the currently published material. I would add that this is true for most somatic occurrences, from igurines to skeletal remains. Cf. eskell 1, 14 on experience conlation. 73 Cf. alafouris , 11 Hamilakis et al. , . y approach is an explicit, positive response to Hamilakis 1, 11 we should try and comprehend humans in the past as embodied social relationships, with sensory and emotive properties.

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    Minoan Bodily Zonation

    ne obvious concept of difference might be the zones arising from a textual reading of the human body. E.g. the constriction of the waist in elite eopalatial representations for both sexes can be read as a dissection of the human body in two halves, the upper half often (half)naked, the lower half often (half)dressed.74 Another example, where-by biological indicators of sex, such as genitals and breasts, are absent, might be read as an indication of sexual immaturity or crudeness or partiality of representation. The zones implied by such an analysis would juxtapose sexually mature vs. immature bodies, or crude vs. detailed bodies75 or completely preserved vs. partially preserved ones. Yet another example might be the reading of attire as an indicator of status the more elaborate the attire, the mightier the persons inances. In this case, attire might also be seen to emphasise biosocial zones on the body (hats on heads, bodices around breasts).

    All these readings may indeed be correct and valuable indicators of biological, economic and social stratiica-tion. But they have two common, limiting assumptions a) that the representation or interment of a body is a relec-tion of its biological and social realities rather than aspirations, b) that the surface of the body, the social skin,76 is just that, a canvas onto which culture is projected, bypassing the persons more complex experience within hisher body.77 In order to take the concept of zonation further, therefore, we need to build upon, but go beyond, textual readings. We can also consider other somatic conigurations beyond the bodys surface and physical location its biological and sensory manipulation, its boundaries, its scaling, its partibility and its audiences.78

    et us take zones arising from a biological and sensory experience and manipulation of the human body. Going beyond the aforementioned textual readings as a springboard, we can focus on the human body itself. The human condition, as it emerges from the limited osteological publications, is that of diverse treatment, aflictions and conditions. ur preconceptions of Bronze Age Cretans as disembodied actors creating social complexity through artefactual production (architecture, pottery, administrative devices) frequently overlook the short lifespans, angst and suffering they would undoubtedly have endured, according to their osteoarchaeology. Growing up in various eras and places in inoan Crete seems to have often been fraught with (seasonal) malnutrition, physical stress (perhaps child diseasesmalariafeverscurvy) and arrested growth,79 chiely resulting in tooth enamel hypoplasias and Harris ines, or even dwarism.80 ife expectancy was ca. years for women and 1 for men, with peak female mortality between the ages of years,81 i.e. core reproductive ages.82 If inoan women did not start their menstrual life until ca. 1 years, as had been the case with many European populations until the last century,83 the window of reproduction for many was perhaps very narrow indeed. During adult life, pain, suffer-ing and death may have been caused by e.g. bone fractures,84 tuberculosis,85 osteomyelitisperiostitis,86 brucello-sis,87 aneurisms,88 anaemiathalassaemia,89 osteoporosis,90 cancer,91 ight wounds (by sword, sling stone, axe),92

    74 Younger n.d.75 E.g. Kyriakides 4 Polinger Foster 1.76 Joyce , 144 alafouris , 11.77 Joyce , 14.78 Cf. Voutsaki 1, 1.79 iston in Tsipopoulou and Vagnetti 1 Arnott in Betancourt and Davaras , 1 cGeorge 1, 41 1, 4.80 cGeorge in Betancourt et al. , .81 cGeorge 1, 4 1, 4 , 111.82 But exceptions did exist, e.g. some septuagenarian occurrences, cGeorge 1, 4.83 cGeorge 1, .84 cGeorge 1, 41 1, 1 Arnott 1, .85 E.g. cGeorge 1, .86 Arnott in Betancourt and Davaras , 1, 1.87 cGeorge , 14.88 cGeorge 1, Arnott 1, .89 Arnott in Betancourt and Davaras , 1 Gowland in Preston , 1 for examples from Chania and Armenoi.90 cGeorge 1, .91 cGeorge , 1.92 E.g. cGeorge in Betancourt et al. , 1 these occur in both men and women.

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    mouth abscesses,93 caries94 and tooth loss,95 which got progressively worse through the Bronze Age,96 sensory disturbances97 and various other aflictions.98 The treatment of such ailing bodies, from the applicationinternaliza-tion of prayers and herbs99 to the castingimmobilization of limbs100 to tooth extraction101 to skull surgerytrepana-tion,102 was unpredictable, painful103 and differentially available. To these states we may add waist constriction,104 parturition, occupational health hazards105 etc. Such might have been the becoming of a inoan biological body.106

    But what if we try to read between the biological and representational lines The aforementioned example of the constriction of the waist was probably not just fashion. It would artiicially change bodily proportions with the intention of accentuating the size of the torso and hips, both erogenous and reproductively signiicant zones.107 This, in turn, was perhaps meaningful in a demographic context of short lifespans and aflictions, which would necessitate early reproduction and therefore emphasise early fertility. It is also enticing to view elaborate attire, particularly that depicted on the Knossos and Hagia Triada frescoes,108 as a manipulation of corporal labour and time. The wearing, or at least the representation of the possession, of an elaborate piece of clothing may indicate the commanding of the temporal and physical aspects of all those working bodies who were accommodated, fed, instructed, specialized, ordered and regulated in order to clothe the one, elite body. Indeed, the elaborate wearing of several of the depicted garments could have implied an additional helping human body, who could perhaps be construed as an extension of the attire.109 Furthermore, in eopalatialFinal Palatial depictions of humans, inger and toe nails,110 as well as feet,111 appear groomed and clean. Hair is untangled, coiffed, adorned or even shaven,112 often shaped by laborious head gear.113 But a very small proportion of the population contemporary to these bodies would have had clean and groomed nails, clean and non-chapped heels, could have sustained long hair, or afforded razors.114 Teeth are to be seen on only three quasi-caricature frontal faces carved on sealstones115 among the thou-sands of human representations in the inoan microglyptic corpus.116 If we combine this with the dental deteriora-tion of e.g. Zakros bodies117 or the caries, abscesses, attrition and tooth loss in Knossos bodies,118 we may conclude that tooth depictions were deliberately avoided because they would jar with the rest of an image which was meant to project health and grooming. So, we see here the creation of a range of implied biosocial zones, separating those with the time and means for grooming and medical attention from those without, emphasizing fertility and youth by somatic alteration, turning garments from textile pieces into condensations of bodily labour. And all this before we even tackle the social complexity and intentional antagonism displayed in the mortuary arena, as highlighted e.g. by the work of Preston on the micropolitics of II Knossos.119

    93 E.g. Gowland in Preston , 11 see also cGeorge 1, 411, for an individual with a long-term habit of chewing food on the less painful side of hisher mouth.94 Arnott in Betancourt and Davaras , 1 cGeorge 1, 4 1, Gowland in Preston , 11, also citing parallels. This is commonly attributed to the consumption of more carbohydrates.95 cGeorge 1, 4 1, 4.96 cGeorge 1, .97 cGeorge in Betancourt et al. , .98 cGeorge 1, 4, 41 1, 4 cGeorge in Betancourt et al. , .99 cGeorge 1, 414.100 cGeorge 1, 41 1, 4 cGeorge in Betancourt et al. , 4 Arnott 1, .101 cGeorge 1, .102 cGeorge 1, 4141 cGeorge in Betancourt et al. , , 1, 4.103 Cf. Arnott 1, 1.104 Younger n.d.105 Arnott .106 Cf. Joyce , 144.107 Younger n.d.108 E.g. ilitello 1, pl. 4.109 Cf. Younger n.d.110 Evans 1, pl. B, ig. .111 acGillivray et al. , pl.1.112 Evans 1, pl. V, ig. 4.113 Rethemiotakis 1, col.pl. .114 Cf. Wells , .115 E.g. CS VI, no. 11a.116 I thank . Krzyszkowska for this reference.117 Becker 1.118 Carr 1, 11 Wall et al. 1 Gowland in Peston , esp.111 afplioti, this volume.119 Preston 1.

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    f course, in order to fully appreciate the construction of physical and social zonation, we also need to approach bodies as internally manipulated experiential loci. Diet,120 especially diacritical feasting, the use of aromatics in foodstuffs and cosmetics, the synaesthesia of commensality121 also created zones:

    1. zones of social strata e.g. from those who could afford exotic commodities to those who afforded substitutes to those who did not . sensual zones:122 e.g. from those who experienced processed aromatic foodstuffs regularly to those who ex-perienced raw versions occasionally . perceptual and performative zones:123 e.g. from those who may have used imported processed hallucinogens to get speciic entopic results, e.g. poppies, to those who relied on self inlicted, different hallucinations by the manipulation of their blood low and brain waves.124

    That brings us to the type of zones arising from somatic boundaries and scaling. Apart from the differential consumption of foodstuffs and other commodities, we also have evidence of the differential access to spaces and concepts.125 A very good example is the distribution of represented and perhaps physical bodies on the two terraces of the Atsipades peak sanctuary,126 whereby at least two zones of behaviour are attested. Yet another example is the layout of the Shrine of the Double Axes,127 with its stepped structure and some visually accessible but physically inaccessible parts. The Knossos iniature Frescoes from the Early Keep area128 also provide a good idea of body boundaries and their transcendence. These frescoes, possibly fallen from an upper loor,129 were found scattered in an area of the Palace abutting the Central Court. They were designed as perhaps more than visual renditions of far-away humans. If the room(s) they adorned waswere crowded in real life, with all the body heat, smells, lickering lights and echoes this may have entailed, these frescoes would have created a compelling spatial, syn-aesthetic illusion of a much bigger indoors or perhaps an outdoors crowd (i.e. as if looking out at bodies behind the physicality of a wall, onto the Central Court).130 Into this, we ought to factor the variable build, age and potential eye conditions of the viewers. These are, of course, hypotheses in need of much more exploration, but may help towards an understanding of how somatic concepts were negotiated, materialized, layered and turned into sensu-ous memories.131 A inal case of spatial boundaries are geographical zones. These are exempliied well by not only the different settlement and burial patterns across the island, e.g. palace towns vs. non palace towns, but also by differential treatment of the body within the same region or by the different physical experiences involved in, say, ascending onto ount Juktas or descending into the Psychro cave.132

    How a body moved through physical space may, of course, not be limited to biologically sized bodies. A body entered into scaled engagements with other bodies, natural and human-made environments. That is to say, the minute relief body of e.g. the aster Impression,133 which represented a speciic bodily ideal, moved through geo-graphical distances because of the bodyies that shaped it and the bodyies that owned it.134 It belonged to a private physical zone and to a social (elite) zone very similar to those of other conceptually comparable but geographically distant bodies, such as those on the Chieftains Cup.

    Somatic boundaries do not need to be limited to explorations of physical space and scaling they can also betray conceptual malleability of the body in conjunction to fauna, lora or artefacts. For example, body boundaries are

    120 Hamilakis 1 Isaakidou .121 Hamilakis 1 Simandiraki .122 Cf. Howes also see Hamilakiss (1, 1 Hamilakis et al. , 1) fundamental social and corporeal notion of gastro-politics, following Appadurai.123 Cf. Hamilakis 1, 11 Mitchell 2006.124 Cf. orris and Peatield , 1111 orris and Peatield 4 orris 4, 4.125 Cf. Stevens , esp. on issues of proximity.126 Peatield 1.127 Evans 111, .128 Hgg 1 Cameron 1 Immerwahr 1 Hood , 4.129 Hood , 4.130 Cameron 1, , ig. 11.131 Cf. Hamilakis , esp. 1 Howes . ew sensorial readings of e.g. Camerons (1), Palyvous (1) and Immer-wahrs () work, combining e.g. approaches employed by Goodison 1, 4, may yield surprising new insights into spatial bodily manipulation and the management of impression and emotion.132 Cf. Berg 4 Turnbull Hamilakis , 1 on the sensory landscape also see istons (in Tsipopoulou and Vagnetti 1) point about the pronounced musculature of the people in Achladia, which she attributes to a lifetime of walking.133 Hallager 1, ig. 1.134 Cf. Sakellarakis and Sapouna-Sakellaraki 1, I, ig. ller .

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    played out in renditions of animal-human hybrids.135 Interestingly, while some depictions clearly distinguish be-tween humanity and animality, e.g. inotaurs on seals and sealings or peripersonal animal ornaments,136 others, such as the Zakros sealings hybrids, explore a physical and conceptual dissolution of this distinction, whereby it is impossible to disentangle one nature from another.137 What is more, these conigurations actually behave like hybrid bodies. Such re-imagined corporealities, almost exclusively from elite contexts, occur in potentially cosmopolitan, certainly nodal geographical locations (e.g. Knossos, alia, Phaistos, Zakros, Hagia Triada etc.), at which physical and perceptual corporealities were perhaps in lux.138

    This may lead us to consider another type of zones, those arising from bodily permeability and partibility.139 I have argued elsewhere140 that anthropomorphic vessels, representing as they do a human-artefact hybrid,141 can be seen as not just symbolic cult objects, but also as human-made manifestations of the permeable, liminal, luctuating body. Bodily permeability may not be easy to detect on skeletal material, but the purposefully made people-vessels speak volumes about the zoning of the body, its regulated lows142 and its interactive potential with a biological user. The proliferation of such permeable bodies in certain regions (e.g. yrtos, Koumasa, oires, Hagia Triada, Phaistos, Kamilari, ochlos, Karphi) may also be signiicant as an indicator of regional bodily concepts.

    If permeability may be seen as highlighting bodily lux, then partibility may be seen as charting the conceptual constitution or dismemberment of a dividual body.143 ne example of body partibility is the autonomous rendition or separation of body parts, e.g. heads,144 legs,145 arms146 etc. into amulets,147 offerings, furniture attachments,148 indexical frescoes149 and other conigurations. Such isolation of body parts is echoed in the skeletal record, where there are often occurrences of not just disarticulation, but also deliberate rearrangement or isolation of human limbs. E.g. we ind deleshed bodies in Knossos150 and Pseira,151 reclaimed skeletons in ochlos,152 rearranged skulls in Archanes,153 a bone grid,154 incompletely decomposed skeletons155 and deliberately spatially scattered remains156 in the Hagios Charalambos cave, cut and pounded human bones at a variety of mortuary locales.157 Despite the fact that we do not ind or recognize amulets, offerings or furniture made of biological limbs, abundant iconographic limbs (e.g. seals, pendants) are indeed partial bodies for peripersonal use.158 Anatomical zones were thus undone by biological or iconographic dismemberment and were reconstituted by or on a living body.159 The latter could then make sense of, enhance and reconigure its own constituent parts. This is best illustrated by exam-ples where the limbs are supposed to actually come together, such as the presumed xoanon from Anemospilia,160

    135 Simandiraki-Grimshaw 1a.136 Simandiraki-Grimshaw and Stevens 1.137 Also see orris discussion on hybridity, i.e. collapsing of boundaries of the self as an experiential outcome of altered states of consciousness, orris 4, 4.138 Cf. Voutsaki 1.139 Cf. Busby 1.140 Simandiraki-Grimshaw 1b Simandiraki-Grimshaw 1.141 Hamilakis et al. , 11. 142 Cf. Fowler , 1.143 Cf. Fowler , who makes a crucial case for fractal persons. This notion, in turn, may enhance our understanding of fragmen-tation and dismemberment of biological and represented inoan human bodies.144 Peatield 1, ig. 1.145 Peatield 1, ig. .146 E.g. Rutkowski 11, pl. XV, no. 14.147 E.g. Ferrence in Betancout et al. , .148 Sakellarakis and Sapouna-Sakellaraki 1, II, igs. 41, 4.149 E.g. Evans 1, pl. VI, ig. 1.150 Wall et al. 1.151 Arnott in Betancourt and Davaras , 1 he argues that the Knossian bodies might indicate surgeons, rather than butchers.152 Soles 1, .153 aggidis 1.154 Betancourt et al. .155 cGeorge in Betancourt et al. , . 156 cGeorge in Betancourt et al. , .157 Hamilakis 1, 1 , 1 cf. Fowler , .158 E.g. the Archanes footstool (Sakellarakis and Sapouna-Sakellaraki 1, II, ig. 41) would have created the effect of a biological foot stepping on a zone of represented warrior heads.159 Cf. the human bone grid excavated in the Hagios Charalambos cave, Betancourt et al. , 41, 4, ig. .160 Sakellarakis and Sapouna-Sakellaraki 1, II, ig. .

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    the bronze and stone hair locks from Knossos161 and the Palaikastro Kouros igure.162 Although the partibility of these particular examples may be due to their materials, it also seems characteristic of wider, inter-regional, dia-chronic trends which render the human body as a sum of its parts.

    A inal type of body zonation we can consider here involves its audiences. It is often assumed that the range of crude-to-detailed bodies (be that in their treatment or deposition) is a progression across time or across classstatus.163 Perhaps, however, it is a conscious differentiation propagating a particular image164 (cf. the language accents in current advertisements for speciic audiences). ne may also compare the way the same corporeality and attire may be rendered in very different ways regionally and socially.165 The difference is not simply one of skill or ex-pense it is also of concepts of and aspirations for the human body. The young, thin waisted, lavishly clad, sinewy, shimmering yellow, gold or gilded body of eopalatial aesthetics is an elite construct of a social zone. This zone emanates from private, small scale seal and more public fresco igures166 towards zones of imitated corporeality. In the latter we may ind aspirational imitations in e.g. red bronze customized igurines and in mass produced, dull red clay ones. Somatic patterns of a site may also differ from those of another site as expressions of regional identity, politics or status. Any identiiable cross-overs, then (e.g. a seal from one place making a sealing in another place), may be indicative of somatic projections, branding, of the one site as distinct from the other.167 Indeed, Morris168 explores how igurines from Bronze Age Crete [] played an active role in constructing and projecting individual social identity within inoan culture through the selective and morphologically distinct presentation of the human form.

    The Body Brand?

    Within the constraints of my paper, I have attempted to briely explore some ways in which the diverse inoan body might have been constructed. In the process, I have argued that instead of using binary oppositions (e.g. bio-logical vs. represented bodies), the biosocial construction of somatic differentiation is best understood through the notion of zonation. et us take our inal example from eopalatialFinal Palatial Knossos and environs. Whether we rely directly on osteoarchaeological data or not, a number of somatic zones emerge. First of all, we have the people represented in two and three dimensions in the palace and surrounding town,169 the people who made and those who experienced such bodies. We have dietary diacriticality in the form of speciic animal bones, butchery techniques, aromatic foodstuffs and cooking pot sizes.170 Skeletal remains include both interments171 and butch-ered172 bodies, displaying a variety of states, notably food-related aflictions. We even have ingerprints on pot-tery173 and sealings,174 leeting sensory moments of now lost corporeality. We have inear B references to speciic people involved within and beyond the palatial industries,175 notably lock rearing176 and textile production,177 as well as estimations of scribal hands.178 Thus, we have sensory zones incorporating taste, smell, tactility, vision, sound, pain etc.179 We have occupationalsocial zones creating biological effects, e.g. people weaving. We have

    161 Hgg 1 Sapouna-Sakellarakis 1, pl. .162 acGillivray et al. Sackett , ig. 11 c, d.163 Cf. Gombrich 11, 1.164 Cf. orris , 1, igs. 1., 1. also Joyce , 14.165 Compare e.g. Rethemiotakis 1, front cover with idem, ig. 11.166 The suggestion of Gates (4, 4) becomes relevant here, according to which the introduction of pictorial wall paintings in the eopalatial era might have occurred because of the need or desirability of such imagery in an evolved sociopolitical framework of newly centralized authority for which the veneration of nature and the importance of religious ritual have become its metaphysical foundation. 167 Cf. alafouris , 11 Voutsaki 1, .168 orris , 1.169 Cf. ogue 4.170 Isaakidou .171 Preston 1.172 Wall et al. 1.173 Cf. Branigan et al. .174 V. Petrakis, pers.comm.111.175 Cf. andenius Enegren .176 E.g. Baumbach 1 Steele .177 E.g. Killen 14.178 Driessen .179 alafouris (, 11), examining ycenaean sensoriality, talks about the construction and social appropriation of a new sensory environment emphasising certain properties, media, and themes of representation .

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    economic zones elaborately clad bodies, textile producing bonded bodies, fallow deer eating bodies, grain eating bodies. All these zones, making and made up by their constituent bodies, create a consistent, if shifting picture of Knossian, stratiied corporeality. The overall phenomenon emerging is the creation of the Knossian body brand, i.e. the embodied production of the socioeconomic self elite, everyday, industrial, ailing etc.180 By being sensori-ally and conceptually manipulated, biological and represented bodies combined in creating a projection of the self within the community (in this case Knossos) and beyond it (to e.g. Chania, Phaistos, Hagia Triada etc.).181

    I believe the approach adopted in this paper, highlighted by the selected examples used here, is archaeologically very fruitful. This is not just because we can understand the construction of inoan regional identities better. It is also signiicant because, through a systematic exploration of bodily zonation, we can perhaps tease out the inoan human condition, detect the signiicant, multidimensional contribution of the body to socioeconomic change and, ultimately, re-situate humanity in the process of the shaping of Bronze Age Crete.

    180 Cf. Hamilakis et al. , Preston 4.181 Cf. Bennet and Davis 1.

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