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Out of the Medieval Backwater;

Confronting the Myth of the Middle Ages

Catherine Tierney

Tuesday, December 15, 2015

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A peasant walking through the streets of a 13th century medieval town was surrounded by

decay and human waste. His clothes were tattered and grey to match the color of grime and soot

that covered his face. He did not bathe, nor did anyone else. His life consisted of waking up

early, going out into the fields and doing back-breaking manual labor all day, the fruits of which

were taken away from him by his abusive lord. At the end of the day, his family did not even

have enough food to eat. Many of his children died of hunger, and those who survived were

constantly on the brink of starvation. If they did not die of hunger, disease was a constant threat

that came along with a lack of hygiene and a life spent living in one’s own waste. Peasants and

kings alike believed that disease was an act of God, trusting more in superstition than in reason

to give them solutions. People of all statuses were ignorant, illiterate and lacking any form of

high culture. Along with their disinterest in wisdom came shortfalls in the arts. The work

produced during the Middle Ages was unrealistic and showed that medieval artists lacked skill

and an appreciation of beauty. The medieval individual was uncultured and knew nothing of the

glorious classical civilizations from which his period had fallen from into the depths of

ignorance. Humankind in the Middle Ages lived in a state of being no greater than that of the

animals that they shared their homes with.

One doesn’t have to look beyond books, movies and television shows to find this harsh

“story” of the Middle Ages. According to this negative “story” of the Middle Ages, which is

well known in popular culture and in early modern scholarship, during the medieval period1

quality of life and appreciation of higher culture were poor, but these failures are compounded

when the gloom of the Middle Ages is compared to the glory of the Romans who came before

them. The absence of reason, culture and prosperity in the Middle Ages is an even more terrible

1 For the sake of this paper, the “Middle Ages” will be defined as beginning in 500 A.D. and ending in 1500 A.D.

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loss considering the great accomplishments in reason and art that came before them, and that

were lost as the Roman Empire fell. In contrast to the negativity of the Middle Ages, the “story”

displays the roman period as representing the height of human accomplishment.

Ancient Rome calls to mind images of strong, well-groomed men and beautiful women in

pristine white togas. A second century man was sure to bathe regularly and exercised to keep

himself in peak physical condition. He was a free citizen who had a say in his political system

and was involved in his community, but he also enjoyed his luxury time. The ancients enjoyed

sipping wine while discussing philosophy. The power and influence of the Roman state

throughout the Mediterranean, along with its extensive trade routes outside the empire, brought a

wide variety of foods and luxury goods to its people. Roman morals championed truth, honor

and wisdom. Its society was well developed with rich art forms, magnificent public buildings

with large walls and outer defenses to protect the extraordinary community from the rage of the

uncivilized barbarians outside. In the 5th century the barbarians broke through Roman defenses

and sacked the city of Rome numerous times, ending the prosperity the Romans had created and

plunging the entire continent into a millennia of darkness that we know as the Middle Ages.

In comparison to the ancients, the medieval period marked a decline in human greatness.

The Romans represented an age of light in contrast to the darkness of the Middle Ages. The

problem with this “story” is that people living during the Middle Ages did not think of

themselves as living in a time of regression. As far as the medievals were aware, society was

advancing and entering into the philosophical light of Christianity after being trapped in the

darkness of paganism for so long. This is the point where “story” of the Middle Ages turns into a

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“myth” with contrasting narratives. It was only at the tail end of the Middle Ages that the notion

of everything following the fall of the Roman Empire was a regression came to be.2

Francisco Petrarch (1304-1374) was the first to refer to the period from the appearance of

Christianity in Rome up until his own time as a period “of darkness” in his 1359 letter to Agapito

Colonna.3 Writing in the mid-1300s, Petrarch was highly critical of his own period and did not

see the revival of Rome in the near future. He lived in the hope that Rome could be revived “if

only Rome but began to know herself.”4 His critique of the medieval period primarily bemoaned

the simplification of the Latin language and the degradation literature, which in his opinion had

not lived up to its ancient predecessors.5 However, he also generally praised Rome from a

historical and cultural perspective, stating in his Apologia, “What else, then, is all history, if not

the praise of Rome?”6 Petrarch was so enraptured by the memory of Rome that, in his study of

history, he chose to set clear limits on the dates that were and were not worth studying. The

neglect of studying post Christian Rome clearly outlines his negative feelings towards the

direction that society took after the fact. In a sense, he was rejecting everything that occurred

outside of this time frame as worthless due to its inferior culture.7

2 Fried, Johannes, and Peter Lewis. The Middle Ages. Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University, 2015.123.3 Summit, Jennifer. "Topography as Historiography: Petrarch, Chaucer, and the Making of Medieval Rome." Topography as Historiography: Petrarch, Chaucer, and the Making of Medieval Rome 30.2 (2000). 234.4 Ibid. 233.5 Logan, John Frederick. "The French Philosophies and Their Enlightening Medieval Past." Rice University Studies, 1972. 84.6 Summit, Jennifer. "Topography as Historiography: Petrarch, Chaucer, and the Making of Medieval Rome." Topography as Historiography: Petrarch, Chaucer, and the Making of Medieval Rome 30.2 (2000). 237.7 Fried, Johannes, and Peter Lewis. The Middle Ages. Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University, 2015. 125.

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As the Middle Ages came to an end, Petrarch was the first to propose this historical

criticism. Beginning with the Reformation movement, and followed by the Enlightenment, the

leaders of these ideas found themselves calling for a revolution against the entrenched views of

society, which they saw as originating after the fall of Rome and dominating European society

ever since. The best way to gather support for the revolution against medieval ideas was to

spread the “myth” of the medieval backwater that still dominates our biases today. By idealizing

Roman values, which aligned with their own, and portraying medieval values of faith as

superstition, proponents were able to justify turning their back on recent medieval society by

citing the Roman higher culture as precedent. This reversion towards the rebirth of Rome would

continue through its peak during the Renaissance.

Enlightenment philosophers leading the charge against the values of the Middle Ages

included well-known names such as Voltaire, Montesquieu, Immanuel Kant and Nicolas de

Condorcet. These men were largely responsible for painting the grim picture of the Middle Ages

that we see today. Fontanelle did so by using the analogy that “medieval Europe was a sick man

[who] forgot the work that begun in good health.”8 They attacked every important aspect of

medieval life, pointing out where their values had gone astray. Montesquieu tore apart religion

writing that “while Religion afflicts us, Despotism -spread everywhere- overwhelms us.” 9

D’Alembert went so far as to accuse the medievals of allowing, “a great abuse of intelligence”10

falling victim to “the conditions of slavery into which almost all of Europe plunged.”11 Voltaire’s

account of human nature during the medieval period was a gruesome “chaos in which the

8 Logan, John Frederick. "The French Philosophies and Their Enlightening Medieval Past." Rice University Studies, 1972. 83.9 Ibid. 87.10 Ibid. 85.11 Ibid. 87.

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strongest raised himself over the weakest -only in order to be [himself] thrown down by

others.”12 Even the highest accomplishments of the era were torn down. Voltaire’s account of

Gothic architecture described new Gothic architecture as only changed by “add[ing] defective

ordainments to a base even more defective.”13 To sum up Enlightenment feelings towards the

Middle Ages, Concordat described them as a “disastrous epoch [in which] we will see the human

spirit descend rapidly from the height to which it had been raised and ignorance follows after

it.”14 This is the “myth” of the Middle Ages that the Enlightenment philosophers built up and that

has been propagated by scholars through the early modern period and is still permanent in our

popular culture today.

Following Petrarch, likeminded Enlightenment thinkers viewed the Roman period as the

height of human achievement. To them, the fall of Rome to the barbarians was the ultimate

tragedy for mankind. Ever since then, Europeans regressed intellectually and artistically. These

writers believed that their period was the beginning of a recovery from the cultural reversion of

the Middle Ages. In order to paint themselves and their ideas as more enlightened than the

entrenched ideas that their society had been built on, they constructed a new narrative of life in

the Middle Ages as the dark, dirty backwater that popular media knows it as today. The goal of

this paper is to examine the two eras during the height of their success: in the 2nd century A.D

under the Roman Empire, and in the 13th century in medieval Europe. As factually as possible, I

hope to evaluate the two periods to find qualitative, as well as quantitative, evidence of either

losses or advances in medieval culture as opposed to roman culture. 15

12 Ibid. 86.13 Ibid. 84.14 Ibid. 83-84.15 Fried, Johannes, and Peter Lewis. The Middle Ages. Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University, 2015. 10.

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Three primary areas-- innovation, quality of life, and art will be examined to establish

whether medieval society regressed. Innovations during the era will determine whether people

were able to live better than they had before, and whether the pursuit of wisdom was still valued.

Assessing innovations will uncover whether society progressed, while examining whether

classical learning was lost will determine if there were any major gaps in knowledge between the

two periods. The topic of quality of life is directed at the majority of people rather than at the

aristocracy, and ultimately asks the question of whether the average person would be better off

living in the 2nd or 13th century. This question is asked in terms of the quality of the basic staples

that a person needs to survive, as well as in terms of the pleasures of day to day life. There are

several areas in medieval art which are critiqued as being “worse” than ancient art, primarily due

to a lack of naturalism. My evaluation of the arts aims to determine if these absences in medieval

art were purposeful, or whether they were due to a loss in ability or vision. If what many see as

shortcomings in medieval art were conscious decisions, then these so-called flaws cannot be

called a shortcoming, but merely a change in tastes.

An analysis of these three sections assessing the “myth” of the Middle Ages confirms

that its claims are not founded in fact. Instead the evidence supports the idea that the “myth” was

a narrative constructed during the Enlightenment which significantly contributed to the idea of

the Middle Ages as a period of degradation. In reality, very little knowledge or passion was lost

from one period to the next; rather many advances came out of the period. Although the ideas

and values shifted from the classical period to the medieval period, the differences between the

two eras were merely changes rather than regressions. Ultimately, human nature’s attraction

towards innovation and artistic expression was not lost after the fall of Rome; it did, however,

evolve.

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As European society transitioned from a belief in its Pagan foundations to Christian base,

the philosophical interests of the people of Europe changed. New developments in the wisdom of

the medieval period were largely centered on that Christian base; however the knowledge of

earlier Pagan philosophers was not lost. Medical wisdom was preserved by the upper scholastic

part of society, and later organized into hospitals and medical universities, while local healers

continued practices that had sustained communities for centuries. Knowledge of birth control and

abortifacient were known and practiced throughout the period as they had been for centuries. As

medical knowledge was preserved under the Romans, a number of new practical innovations

would change society for the better as an agricultural revolution swept across the medieval

world. These new discoveries would make labor less difficult and food more abundant for people

of all social classes than it ever was in the past. The Enlightenment thinkers who created the

“myth” of the Middle Ages criticize the superstition perpetuated by the church without crediting

the monasteries with the vast amounts of wisdom that they preserved. Furthermore, they do not

acknowledge the innovations during the Middle Ages that would make all subsequent societies

better off.

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The primary goal of all civilizations is to provide for basic survival needs. It is only after

a culture has a comfortable supply of food, water and shelter that it can begin to explore higher

learning. After a water source and shelter have been provided, for the most part, they can be

pushed to the side; however, finding enough food is a constant concern. The most important

innovation during the medieval period happened in the agricultural sector during a period known

as the agricultural revolution. Because of the ability to produce more food more reliably and

easily than ever before, people were able to have a higher quality of life than their ancient

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ancestors experienced. Fewer people were starving, and population skyrocketed.16 The surplus of

food also enabled an increased number of citizens to stop farming and focus on trade careers.

Blacksmiths, tanners and other crafts thrived because of the increased ease of food production.17

The agricultural revolution enabled a focus on the arts and the accumulation of wisdom to

flourish in ways that they would not have been able to if food were as big of a concern as it had

been in antiquity. Thus, the agricultural innovations set the stage for the other accomplishments

during the medieval era.

The most notable medieval innovation in agriculture was the type of plow that was used.

The invention of the heavy plow, or the moldboard plough, drastically reduced the time and

effort that had to go into preparing the field for harvest. The ard, the type of plow that had been

used in antiquity, was a simple plow. i It was essentially a post for scratching into the ground and

digging a trough. It could be pulled either by men or by draft animals, while another man stood

behind the post, pushing downwards on it to force it into the ground. This plow required a

significant amount of effort on the part on the man behind the post, and although it dug into the

top soil by making the initial cut, it was not able to turn the soil, or to cut through harder soils.18

The heavy plow made its first appearance in 5th century Scandinavia, and made its way down to

Italy by the 8th century.19 The heavy plow had a number of advantages over the ard plow. iiThe

heavy plough was able to cut deeper into soils, including through clays and rocks. It also was

able to reach nutrients buried deeper in the ground, allowing farmers to plant in soils which had

16 Wells, Peter S. Barbarians to Angels: The Dark Ages Reconsidered. New York, New York: W.W. Norton, 2008. 136.17 Ibid. 131.18 Wigglesworth, Jeffrey R. Science and Technology in Medieval European Life. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2006. 7.19 Ibid.

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previously been too harsh to plant on. The heavy plow could turn soil and bury weeds,

eliminating a step from the ancient preparation process and retrieving many more nutrients. The

need for a man in back of the plow applying downward force on the plow was also eliminated

due to a new design which forced the blade of the plow down without the help of a third party.

Frequently, the addition of a wheel helped with this process and made it so that only one man

was needed to do the less laborious task of directing the plow with relatively little effort.20 Rather

than seeing agriculture during the Middle Ages as backbreaking work, we can see it as easier and

more productive than it had ever been before.

Another invention which made agricultural work significantly more productive came

with the switch from using oxen as work animals to using horses. Horses are faster and have

more endurance than oxen do, making them the ideal animal to pull the plow.21 However, due to

the anatomy of the horse, using a standard yoke, as was used for oxen, would choke the horse’s

longer neck.22 Because of the difficulty of harnessing horses, farmers during antiquity had to use

oxen, leaving them at a significant disadvantage. The integration of the horse collar around the

8th century allowed the horse to breathe without issue while pulling heavy loads. Due to its lower

location over the horse’s front legs, and supported on the horse’s back rather than on its neck, the

weight was better dispersed over the strongest part of the horse’s body.iii With the new collar,

horses were able to do an average of two hours more work per day than the oxen that had been

20 Ibid. 130.

21 Wigglesworth, Jeffrey R. Science and Technology in Medieval European Life. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2006.8.22 Postman, Neil. Technopoly: The Surrender of Culture to Technology. New York: Vintage Books, 1993. 24.

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used during antiquity had been able to do. The horse collar allowed a stronger, more efficient

animal to plow the fields with less difficulty, allowing more food to be produced23

During the medieval period, horses were used more efficiently for hauling loads in

general. It was discovered and became common knowledge that by linking horses together, one

in front of the other, the amount that they are able to pull as a unit was significantly higher than

that of one individual horse. Thus, horse teams were established among those with the resources

to put them together.24 Horseshoes were another piece of technology which made horses more

effective workers, especially on the hard roads which connected northern communities. Although

there is evidence that the Romans began protecting their horses’ feet around 100 B.C., the shoes

which they used were more likely similar to boots, called horsesandals, made out of leather and

strapped onto the legs of work animals such as horses and mules.25 Between 500 A.D. and 1000

A.D. the horse shoe disappears from the archaeological records.26 After reappearing in Europe in

the 10th century, the use of horseshoes spread across Europe, as can be found in both the

archaeological, as well as in the written records.27iv When foot protection for working animals

made a comeback, the shoes were far superior to those worn during antiquity. Iron nailed on

shoes were more durable, and provided more protection than the leather shoes.28 They also

provided more traction and allowed the horse to dig more forcefully into the soil while working,

23Wigglesworth, Jeffrey R. Science and Technology in Medieval European Life. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2006. 9.24 Postman, Neil. Technopoly: The Surrender of Culture to Technology. New York: Vintage Books, 1993. 24.25 Wigglesworth, Jeffrey R. Science and Technology in Medieval European Life. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2006. 9.26 Ibid. 10.27 Wigglesworth, Jeffrey R. Science and Technology in Medieval European Life. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2006. 10.28 Ibid.

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which helped them plow more effectively.29 The horse collar and horseshoe allowed horses to

become another powerful addition to the agricultural revolution in medieval Europe, enabling

more work to be done more efficiently.

A final change in agricultural techniques which made efficient use of labor was the

introduction of the three field crop rotation method. Two field crop rotation had been around

since antiquity, in which a farmer’s land was divided in two. Half was planted while the other lay

fallow, unplanted to replenish nutrients, and fertilized by domestic animals that could also use

the land for grazing. Three crop rotation followed the same general idea, but rather than having

two fields going at once, farmers would divide fields into three spaces. Again, one was left

fallow to replenish itself, but in this case the other two thirds of the field were planted on, one

with a summer crop such as barley or oats, and the other third with a winter crop such as wheat

or rye. This allowed more of the field to be used at once. Because two different cops, requiring

different sets of nutrients, were used on each active section, the soil still had a chance to

replenish.30

Furthermore, it meant that farmers could be working in the fields full time instead of

having seasons of incredible heavy work followed by periods of inactivity. Instead of harvesting

in autumn and needing those crops to last the entire year until the next growing season, villagers

had two harvest periods. This allowed stocks to be replenished half way through the year, and

allowed new adjustments to be made the rationing of goods, giving medieval peasants a better

chance to survive difficult harvest years.31 Another positive aspect of having two growth seasons

and two separate times is that if one season were to go poorly, due to famine, drought, bad

29 Ibid.30 Ibid. 6.31 Ibid.

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weather, etcetera, society would not be doomed to starve until the spring when the next growing

season would arrive, but only until the winter harvest.32 Having two growing seasons meant that

there was a greater chance that one of the two harvests would be successful. The three field crop

rotation systems allowed more food to be produced with a greater chance of good harvests, and

encouraged a more even distribution of food stocks and labor exerted.

The spread of the heavy plow, the use of horses, the introduction of energy producing

technologies and the techniques of three field crop rotation all enabled the people of 13th century

medieval Europe to eat better than their ancestors with fewer concerns about whether they could

survive season to season than peasants under the Roman Empire in 2nd century A.D.. In fact, they

were eating so much better that population was able to explode by 38 percent between 600 and

1000, largely due to decreased child mortality and less costly famines. Society had less to worry

about in terms of basic survival needs, which led to the expansion of higher learning, especially

after the 8th century under the Carolingian empire.33 Charlemagne encouraged an increased

attention to art, architecture and the collection of knowledge. The agricultural revolution directly

led to the boom in intellectual learning that the Middle Ages is known for through monastic

schools, scholasticism, the invention of universities and the formalization of medical learning

and practice.

Medical knowledge is a specific example which shows that ancient learning was not lost

during the medieval period, but rather it was organized and taught in a scientific way. Many of

the ancient bases for medical knowledge were still accepted as truth by medieval people. The

humors were an example of a classical medical idea which remained an important part of

32 Ibid. 7.33 Ibid. 5.

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medieval thinking after the fall of Rome.34 The Greek philosopher, Hippocrates (460-370 B.C.),

was the first to suggest that there were four governing liquids in the body; black bile, yellow bile,

blood and phlegm. An excess or deficiency of any of these four substances was thought to cause

poor health. Some of the ways that healers would try to rebalance the humors were by inducing

vomiting, evacuating the bowels and most famously, bloodletting.35 Dieting or eating foods of

different temperaments were also ways to rebalance the humors.

A second major tool to balance the body, also promoted by Hippocrates, was to balance

the six non-naturals.36 The non-naturals were external things that could affect health, but that did

not come directly from the body. The six non-naturals were air, exercise, sleep, consumption

(food and drink), excretions and emotions.37 A healthy person was one who was balanced in all

of these categories. They didn’t eat too much or too little. They worked out, but made time for

rest as well.38 Balance was a key aspect in all parts of Greek and Roman life, and would continue

to be a major theme throughout the Middle Ages. Attention was paid to the humors and to the

non-naturals throughout the Middle Ages as can be seen in the story of Peter the Venerable, a

sick monk who saw many medics about his illness39. The Consilia, or medical pamphlets

offering medical advice written between the 15th and 13th centuries, also drew heavily from

classical wisdom as well as from their contemporaries. 40

34 Siraisi, Nancy G. Medieval & Early Renaissance Medicine: An Introduction to Knowledge and Practice. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990. 105.35 Ibid.36 Ibid. 101.37 Wells, Peter S. Barbarians to Angels: The Dark Ages Reconsidered. New York, New York: W.W. Norton, 2008. 154.38 Wigglesworth, Jeffrey R. Science and Technology in Medieval European Life. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2006. 15439 Siraisi, Nancy G. Medieval & Early Renaissance Medicine: An Introduction to Knowledge and Practice. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990. 118.40 Ibid. 120.

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Local healers and educated doctors were both carrying on classical medical traditions as

well as expanding upon classical thought. Although the church discouraged the use of

contraceptives, abortion drugs and the practice of infanticide, the church at this time did not try

and to suppress the knowledge and wisdom associated with how to concoct medicines for these

purposes. In fact, this information was preserved throughout the medieval period primarily

through the writings of monks as they preserved other ancient medical wisdoms. These monks

and other scholars were the first to record mixtures or doses of various drugs, which had not been

done in antiquity. Many of these drugs were likely reasonably effective according to what is

known about them by modern science. Ingredients which likely had the desired effect were

juniper and rue. Clover was another ingredient that appeared repeatedly in ancient and medieval

sources which is known to kill domestic animals if enough of it got into the feed, and therefore

could likely abort a fetus. Based on church sermons condemning the use of contraceptives and

abortifacients, it can be surmised that the medieval populous was able to pass on knowledge of

the drugs, likely through midwifes and local healers, and perpetuate knowledge of the drugs

among common women.41

One example of how a medieval physician who built upon ancient medical wisdom was

an unknown physician in the 13th century. This physician evolved further diagnostic techniques,

which we now know have grounds in medical facts. Galen (129–200 A.D.), another Greek

philosopher living under the Roman Empire, as well as thinkers before him, believed that the

health of a person could be determined by examining their urine and by feeling his or her pulse;

however it was under this physician during the Middle Ages that the 20 colors of urine were

categorized, and the examination of urine became organized and solidified into the practice

41 Riddle, John M. Contraception and Abortion from the Ancient World to the Renaissance. Cambridge,: Harvard University Press, 1992.

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known as uroscopy.42 As a waste product filtering toxins from the blood, urine can tell physicians

a lot about what is going on inside the body. Color, smell and taste can indicate a number of

different health issues including liver and kidney problems, cancers, infections, inflammation

and diabetes as the kidneys clear out toxins. Hydration, vitamin intake, and some basic dietary

facts can also be determined through urine. Although the specifics of these diseases were not all

known at the time, the idea that medical health can be signaled by urine is certainly backed by

modern science, and the use of the urine flask, and the various diagnostic charts created by this

13th century writer helped medieval caretakers to determine symptoms and begin the treatment of

the patient.43

Pulse could be judged based on speed and consistency. Neither medieval nor ancient

physicians had a comprehensive understanding of what the blood did, or how it worked in the

body, but they did know that it was important for sustaining life.44 One conceptual step forward

for medieval doctors was the realization that blood moves between chambers in the heart, and

that as part of this motion, blood was pushed around the body. This was a very early 13th to 14th

century concept of circulation, but it was a step forwards never the less. Other ideas surrounding

the purpose of pulse were also conceived of at this time, such as Peter d’Abano’s theory that

pulse had a musical base that was tied to a natural human beat.45 Medical thought and philosophy

was very much alive in continuous development in the 13th century. Medical learning of the

ancients was also being formalized and codified by scholars, such as those establishing the first

42 Wigelsworth, Jeffrey R. Science and Technology in Medieval European Life. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2006. 113.43 Ibid.44 Siraisi, Nancy G. Medieval & Early Renaissance Medicine: An Introduction to Knowledge and Practice. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990. 120.45 Ibid. 126.

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medical university at Salerno, and doctors working in the first hospitals ever available to the

public throughout Italy.46

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Quality of life is another major aspect of society that needs to be taken into account when

considering whether the Middle Ages were a period of backwardness. Was the average person

better off living in the medieval world in the 13th century, or in the ancient world in the 2nd

century? The primary area that needs to be examined is whether or not people had access to the

basics that were needed to sustain life, such as quality and quality of nutrition, housing and

health. Afterwards, the level of higher personal attainment can be examined. Some areas to

consider when evaluating higher attainment include grooming, spiritual growth and the

advancement of the average person. The first portion of quality of life, access to the necessities,

is a fairly quantitative analysis, relying on inventions that were developed over time to determine

if medieval people had access to tools for better living that medieval people did not. The study of

higher attainment entails more objectivity, meaning that the values of either culture might appeal

more to one person than to another. In this case, the goal is not to establish one set of values as

superior to the other, but instead to establish whether opportunities for development were

available to individuals in each society.

The inventions created during the agricultural revolution meant that growing enough food

for a community was no longer nearly as much of a struggle for medieval individuals as it was

for individuals living under the Roman Empire. Inventions such as horse collars and shoes to

allow more productive horses to work the fields, as well as the introduction of three field crop

rotation made farms more productive, meaning that more food could be grown, and was

46 Wigelsworth, Jeffrey R. Science and Technology in Medieval European Life. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2006. 114.

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therefore accessible. Meanwhile, the invention of the heavy plough significantly reduced the

amount of back breaking labor that had to be put into getting the job accomplished. Throughout

Europe, people of all classes ate more on the whole. The poor were able to feed their families

better, and population in Europe exploded.47

The average Medieval community had all that it needed to survive and grow. Despite the

collapse of Rome as a central power, communities were able to get enough to eat, and to

continue trading. The community of Berbieres in modern day France is typical of post-Roman

Empire medieval communities. By the 6th century, the old Roman provinces were already living

well and eating diverse diets. Around 96 percent of the meat protein consumed was from

domesticated animals, ensuring a stable source of protein. Pottery was painted, glass vessels

were used for special ceremonies and a significant number of bone combs functioned as

grooming tools, showing that people within the community were well enough off to spend their

energy on such aesthetic pursuits.48 Bronze, copper and tin are not found in the area, but have

been discovered at the site, showing that trade was available in the community. Luxury goods

scattered throughout the site and the absence of sprawling mansions for Roman elites

demonstrate a smaller wealth gap between elites and peasants than there had been in the province

during the Roman period. Graves at the time show that although the quality of food for the upper

classes was typically higher, people of all classes had access to proteins and ate similarly varied

diets. There is no evidence to be found showing that life in the community was unusually harsh

after the collapse of Roman power in the region.49

47 Wells, Peter S. Barbarians to Angels: The Dark Ages Reconsidered. New York, New York: W.W. Norton, 2008. 136.48 Ibid. 136. 49 Wells, Peter S. Barbarians to Angels: The Dark Ages Reconsidered. New York, New York: W.W. Norton, 2008. 134-135 .

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Taxation and stringent commercial systems under Roman authority dictated what

communities would produce. Under these systems, no community was self-sufficient, and mass

amounts of energy were put into carting food and other goods to where they were needed. Under

the command based economy of the Roman Empire, communities typically produced goods

uniformly, meaning that diets were less diverse that they were in the more autonomous, market

based economy of the Middle Ages.50 Evidence of trade such as metals, foods and spices that

would not occur naturally at sites, tell us that relationships between communities were still

important, but, for the most part, villages could make textiles, pottery and tools for themselves.51

The increased ease of food production freed up men and women, who were previously needed on

the farm, to pursue other trades at levels that had been impossible during antiquity, which further

allowed higher levels of autonomy in communities.52

A higher number of trade-specific structures tend to be found in medieval sites compared

with ancient sites, suggesting that goods were being produced within individual communities at

higher levels and with greater diversity. A medieval peasant had more opportunities to go into

trade labor and to learn diverse skills, where previously farming was the only career available to

them. It was common for a secondary structure to be found on a peasant’s plot of land that was

designed for a specific trade such as pottery, meatal working, or textile production. Excavations

show that common people throughout Europe tended to use pottery for cooking and for dining

which was made from clay local to the area, providing evidence that in many communities a

substructure on a property might have belonged to a part time potter or community artisan who

would form and paint the pieces. We can also see evidence of wool being processed, died and

either woven or turned into felt in communities as the need arose rather than relying on trade for 50 Ibid. 138.51 Ibid.52 Ibid. 131.

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these commodities. The increased self-sufficiency that is found in Medieval communities would

have saved time and energy that no longer had to be spent carting goods and resources to where

it was estimated that they may have been needed.

None of the basics of construction were lost from ancient to medieval housing in terms of

quality. However, there were advances in living conditions as the medieval period continued,

including the invention of chimneys and different styles of framing for houses, which gave

significant advantages to medieval peasants. Peasants, ancient and medieval, typically began

building basic housing structures using techniques that had been around since the Neolithic

period, known as “wattle and daub” housing.53 Wattle and daub houses were built by weaving

what were green, flexible branches together to create a wall or barrier. Once the basic frame was

constructed, it was covered with daub and allowed to dry until a fairly strong, solid wall had

formed. The wall could then be whitewashed to further keep out the elements if the climate

demanded it. 54 Thatched roofs were almost always utilized, a technique which may surprise

modern individuals with its ability to keep water out of homes. In fact, a number of homes in

modern Europe still utilize the thatched roof technique due to its high effectiveness.55

It was during the medieval period that homes built with stone floors, rather than simply

dirt floors became more common for the average person. Along with this new trend came new

building styles. Typically, builders had relied on post construction for all structures, in which

homes are built by sticking base posts into the ground, and framing the house from around them.

However, as harder floors became more popular, the frame construction technique emerged. In

this technique, posts were not set into the ground and built off of, but rather, the frame of the

53 Ibid. 135.54 Ibid. 135.55 Ibid.

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house was built on its own on top of the hard foundation.56 This adjustment moved society

toward modern housing styles, where floor are considered essential for what is considered to be a

civilized life style, and where bugs and grime can more easily be kept out of the house. Not only

that, but these floors encouraged the adaptive innovation of post construction which was an

stronger, more durable building style.v

Another innovation in housing which benefited the poor, as well as the wealthy, was the

chimney. The climate for most of the late medieval period was actually pleasantly warm from

around 950 to 1250, a time in which most of Europe experienced what was known as the

“Medieval Optimum”. Around 1250, the relatively warmer climate began to change. As

temperatures plummeted back down below where they were before the Medieval Optima, many

who had not been as dependent on fires to keep their families warm found themselves lighting

fires in their homes much more frequently. Up until the 12th century, the only relief that families

had from smoke filling their homes was to cut a hole into the roof of the house. This would allow

smoke to filter out, but not before filling the entire room with smoke first.57

The invention of the chimney to alleviate smoke from homes at this particular time as

opposed to earlier in history was a result of a shocking temperature change, known as the Little

Ice Age. The invention of the chimney had far reaching effects for the design of homes. First, the

chimney acted as a back bone for homes, which allowed them to be built with multiple stories

much more easily. Fireplaces could also use the same chimney to heat the second level of a

house, making expansion more convenient.58 The chimney also allowed fireplaces to be more

56Wigglesworth, Jeffrey R. Science and Technology in Medieval European Life. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2006.15257 Ibid. 24.58 Wells, Peter S. Barbarians to Angels: The Dark Ages Reconsidered. New York, New York: W.W. Norton, 2008.

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maneuverable. They no longer had to be placed in the center of the house where smoke could

easily filter out. After the 12th century they could be placed against walls where the family was

more protected from the flames.59 This new ability helped with a growing trend beginning in the

thirteenth century to separate space for individuals and animals, which had never presented itself

as a concern before, as both ancient and medieval farmers lived among their animals without a

second thought.60 Furthermore, the family no longer needed to sleep clustered around one fire for

warmth, and to contain the smoke to one room. Instead they were able to spread out and begin

adding more rooms to houses, which could still be heated though alternative fireplaces.

Archaeologists find more examples of multi-room homes for people of different classes after the

invention and spread of the chimney. More individual rooms with dividing walls, often made out

of limestone or timer, were built in older homes.61

After establishing that people ate better during the Middle Ages, that their housing

conditions were very similar, but improved, less quantitative questions can be asked. Another

important aspect of quality of life that needs to be taken into account is the social structure that

person lives in to see whether the average medieval person was subjugated to worse conditions

and to more abuses from authority due to his place in the social hierarchy. In this section, Roman

slaves will be compared to medieval serfs to see how much downward pressure the workers in

society were under. This question is important not only for establishing facts about the

differences in equality during the different periods, but also for pointing out one of the most

important factors in the existence of the “myth” of the Middle Ages that medieval serfs were

59 Aries, Philippe. A History of Private Life. V.1. From Pagan Rome to Byzantium. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994. 453.60 Ibid. 448.61Ibid. 448.

23

abused by the aristocracy, while Roman elites lived easily without needing to abuse the less

fortunate.62

Ultimately, when questioning when the quality of life is better for the average person,

what is being asked is whether it was better to be an ancient laborer, or a medieval serf. Slaves

made up a quarter of the population of the labor force of rural Italy after the birth of Christ, and

around 1/5 of the free population would have been considered impoverished “paupers” who

scraped by season to season.63 There was no welfare system in the Roman Empire, meaning that

if someone wasn’t able to work in some capacity, he or she would starve. There are many

accounts of these paupers to sell themselves into slavery to avoid starvation in times of

hardship.64 The poor were looked down upon, and the trend of compassion towards the less

fortunate would not take off until after the establishment of Christianity. The upper 1/5 of the

empire was considered elite, who by definition didn’t work at all.65 The social structure of

Ancient Rome was incredible unbalanced in terms of the lavish life styles of the rich, which were

built on the backs of the majority poor. The luxurious life style of Roman Citizens that has been

engrained by the “myth” is not false; however, it does not address the lives of slaves, who

comprised up to 9/10 of the population in the city of Rome.66 While it is not true that the Roman

workforce outside of Italy was based on slave labor, it was a considerable share of the population

under the Empire, and even middle class homes would have two or three slaves.67

62 Aries, Philippe, and George Duby. A History of Private Life. V.2. Revelations of the Medieval World. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994. 56.63 Ibid. 36.64Ibid. 88.65 Ibid. 134.66 Ibid. 187.67 Ibid. 57.

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Slaves living after the second century lived in a very precarious position in society.

Masters expected unconditional love from their slaves in the same way that any object would not

disobey.68 The best parallel to the status of a slave in antiquity would be to that of an object of

possession today. One might have a favorite chair, and they might love that chair for the work

that it does. It is expected that the chair will work well and loyally provide for its owner

unconditionally. If something happens to the chair and it breaks, the owner might feel sadness

for the loss of the chair and for the work that the chair did for him that was lost. He would not,

however, be sad for the chair’s fate; he would merely mourn the loss of his valued possession. If

an owner had a bad chair which worked poorly or hurt the master, or that for any reason the

master decided that he did not like, it could be locked away, punished or burned without needing

to justify the cause. A maser is free to do with a slave what he wished without fear of judgment

or repercussion.69

Ancient slaves were absolutely subhuman. They were incapable of the emotions of a free

person. Slaves could not marry, partly because they were not thought to be capable of romantic

love.70 Often owners would scoff and joke with their friends when a slave would display signs of

being in love the same way that a parent might find it cute when their young child says that they

are in love with another classmate. It is an imitation of something that they are too immature to

portray. An example of the subhuman status of slaves in ancient society can be illustrated by the

poet Horace as he describes himself walking alone in his garden. He clearly sees himself as

enjoying the solitude and writes that he often finds himself enjoying being alone, yet as the

reader finds out a few lines later, Horace was actually being accompanied by multiple slave as he

walks “alone”. He describes this walk in much the same way that a modern individual might 68 Ibid. 51.69 Ibid. 57.70Ibid. 51.

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describe themselves as walking “alone” alongside their dog.71 This example shows the Roman

slave as a non-person with whom the master should not be concerned.72

In a culture without any form of welfare for the poor, it was dangerous for slaves to

attempt to escape from their masters, not only for fear of being caught, but because of the

difficulties of surviving in the Empire without a support structure. Rather than dreaming of

escape, slaves would hope for their freedom as a path to independence.73 Although there were

still risks associated with a slave striking out on one’s own, even legally, there were more

options available for them to fit into society than fugitive slaves had. It was not uncommon for

slaves to be freed. Loyal slaves who served their master well for many years may be freed upon

their master’s death.74 Slaves used as concubines were often freed after their usefulness had worn

out rather than being turned into domestic slaves.75 For better or for worse, these women were

often given their freedom, although any children that they mothered were kept in service.76

Although free people could be captured or sold into slavery, and slaves could be freed, it was

considered taboo to openly discuss that fact that anyone had ever had a different freedom status

because it would disturb the facade that Roman society was dependent on that slaves were

naturally inferior and obviously different from free people in society.77

Slaves lacked the sense of freedom and independence enjoyed by medieval surfs. While

slaves lived in their masters’ household crowded into a separate room which functioned as slave

quarters, serfs at least had the freedom to control their own households and to live within family

71 Ibid. 73.72 Ibid. 62.73 Ibid. 64.74 Ibid. 86.75 Ibid. 57.76 Ibid. 81.77 Ibid. 59.

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units that could not be divided by a master.78 Unlike slaves, serfs were allowed to marry and held

the right to guardianship over their own children. A slave family structure was drastically

different. Slaves couldn’t marry since they couldn’t love, yet they still had a responsibility to

provide their master with children in the second century.79 It was stated in law that a female slave

could not refuse a pregnancy until she had provided her owner with at least three children, and

although she may care for the children, none of them belonged to her. 80 Upon birth they became

the possession of the master who could chose to sell or kill the children according to his needs.81

It was not unheard of for a master, often one lacking a male heir to raise a child conceived

between himself and a slave woman as his own.

Another critical area to examine when it comes to addressing whether the quality of life

for the average thirteenth century person had degraded relates to hygiene and to the popular

cultural depiction which states that medieval commoners were constantly dirty and poorly kept.

Although they would be considered dirty compared to modern individuals, there is no reason to

think that the typical medieval person was as ignorant to the importance of hygiene as the

“myth” of the Middle Ages claims. Because of written sources, including medical texts, such as

the Salerno Regimen, we do know that the basic importance of hygiene and self-cleaning was

understood by thirteenth century individuals, just as it was during the second century.82 Not only

were medieval people encouraged to keep their appearance up through hand washing, as well as

tooth and hair care, but it was also possible to advance one’s appearance through cosmetics,

78 Aries, Philippe. A History of Private Life. V.1. From Pagan Rome to Byzantium. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994. 73.79 Ibid. 81.80 Ibid. 9.81 Ibid. 52.82 Smith, Virginia. A History of Personal Hygiene and Purity. Annotated ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press:, 2007. 155.

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perfumes and decorative adornments. Based primarily on ideal self-care suggested in etiquette

books, in monastic rules and in medical texts, it can be seen that society did expect all people,

regardless of class rank, to take care of themselves physically.83

When comparing the hygiene levels of the two civilizations, it is important to understand

the changes between the values of second century Romans to people throughout the medieval

period in terms of what constituted self-improvement or self-care. For the Greeks, the ideal

person built oneself up physically through rigorous exercise in the gymnasium.84 For the

Romans, gymnasiums were largely replaced by baths as structures of growth and community

assemblage.85 The value of physical cleanliness under the Roman Empire replaced the value of

physical perfection in Greece. The medievals, on the other hand, largely due to the morals

introduced by the Christianity, replaced the emphasis on the physical with the spiritual.86 Instead

of focusing on physical cleanliness as was championed by the Romans, Christianity focused on

the cleanliness of the soul as part of the effort to turn away from the obsession with temporal

growth that had plagued the ancient world and refocused on spiritual growth, which they saw as

more important. Unlike second century Romans who congregated for physical purification in the

baths, thirteenth century Europeans congregated for purification of the soul in churches and in

cathedrals.

The importance of basic levels of hygiene was not disregarded by medieval Europeans,

but they did seek to rebalance the obsession that their predecessors had with caring for their

appearance.87 They still saw the social and health benefits of taking care of one’s self physically.

83 Ibid. 155.84 Ibid. 89.85 Ibid. 103.86 Ibid. 127.87 Ibid. 147.

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Monastic rules, for example, frequently wrote in suggestions referring to bathing and self-care

that aimed to avoid what they saw as the fault of vanity.88 Vanity served as a selfish distraction

from higher intellectual and spiritual achievements. The Benedictine Rule, written in the sixth

century, would come to be a basic foundation for many monasteries and monastic rules

throughout the Middle Age. St. Benedict prescribed baths as a source of healing for the sick, but

he also warns of the dangers of over indulging one’s self with baths, especially for the young

who are easily corrupted by vanity and selfish obsession.89 The danger of vanity was highlighted

in the story of “The Deacon Who Washed Too Much”. The story warned that if the body is too

clean, the heart will be neglected, which in the case of this deacon, led to his death.90

While it can be said that second century Romans likely did wash more than thirteenth

century Europeans due to differences in their values, it would be a gross exaggeration to suggest

that medieval people did not wash enough, or that they neglected self-care contrary to human

instincts. The numbers of public baths in Rome and in other major cities that Roman citizens

depended on were higher to give elites and their supporters access to the luxuries that they

craved. However, outside of Italy and other major Roman centers, peasants had significantly less

access to warm or running water which made bathing more difficult, and evened out to levels of

cleanliness between the provinces and Medieval Europe.91 Bathing was not an easy task for many

non-elites in pre-modern civilizations. For wealthy and the poor alike living outside of cities

gathering water, warming it, and then disposing of the resource was a challenge that made

88 Ibid. 148.89 Fry, Timothy. RB 1980: The Rule of St. Benedict in English. Collegeville, Minnesota, 1982. ch. 3690 Smith, Virginia. A History of Personal Hygiene and Purity. Annotated ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press:, 2007. 148.91 Aries, Philippe. A History of Private Life. V.1. From Pagan Rome to Byzantium. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994. 202. 105.

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bathing more difficult for all people. This was especially true in Northern Europe where washing

the entire body was considered dangerous in cold weather.92

Washing specific body parts was much more common than taking full baths. The vast

majority of households across thirteenth century Europe had basins for washing hands before and

after meals, and for rinsing the face and arms in the morning before starting the day.93 Based on

the sources available in literature, as well as in archaeological sites, basins for rinsing the body

were regularly used and their remanences are commonly found in medieval houses. Etiquette

books, such as Lydgate’s Dietary or John of Burgundy’s Regimen, for example, recommend

washing of the hands and face first thing in the morning, followed by cleaning ones hair and

teeth to make sure that steady balances were being struck between self-indulgence and self-

neglect. 94 Because the sources that we have on daily routines portray the ideal, recommended

regime, we cannot say that every person took as good care of themselves as these writers would

hope. To an extent, we have to assume that not everyone observed these recommendations to the

fullest. However, what we can take from them is that these self-care measures were important to

society at large. For example, washing the poor was an act of virtue, and all monasteries required

washing.95 To turn away from self-care entirely would be contrary to natural human tendencies to

keep one healthy.96 Instead the medievals recognized the dangers of imbalance in all aspects of

life, but especially as it related to the balancing of the humors and the non-naturals. The

importance of washing for health purposes was well recognized and acknowledged by all of

92 Ibid. 202.93 Smith, Virginia. A History of Personal Hygiene and Purity. Annotated ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press:, 2007. 147.94 Aries, Philippe. A History of Private Life. V.1. From Pagan Rome to Byzantium. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994. 202. 155.95 Smith, Virginia. A History of Personal Hygiene and Purity. Annotated ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press:, 2007. 149.96 Ibid. 145.

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society, so for health reasons, medieval people were aware that they could not neglect their

temporal bodies entirely.

While the presence of bodily waste in medieval society would likely be enough to disturb

first and second world moderns, medieval communities did a better job disposing of their waste

than they are given credit for. An excellent piece of evidence to show that waste must have been

managed well enough is the fact that the medieval period was relatively free of disease,

especially diseases caused by human waste, such as cholera and typhoid. Using the city of

London, England as a case study, it is seen that large scale cholera outbreaks did not overwhelm

the city until the nineteenth century. Large medieval cities, such as London, knew that waste

needed to be taken care of, which led the city to provide public toilets for the use of all its

citizens, but especially for the poor similar to those provides by major cities in antiquity.97 Many

London homes also had basement latrines made out of wooden seats and shoots which dropped

waste into tanks under the streets which needed to be cleaned out twice a year.98 In rural areas,

most homes had substructures behind the house which would be used as a private outhouse.99

The most noticeable change in self-care in terms of physical appearance was in the type

of attire that people wore. In the second century, Romans tended to wear loose fitting cloth

which was either tied shut or held closed by pins, such as the togas that we tend to associate with

this period.100 During the medieval period, however, a trend towards fitted clothing took hold for

both upper and lower classes that had taken hold across the entirety of Europe by the thirteenth

97 Hanawalt, Barbara. Growing up in Medieval London: The Experience of Childhood in History. New York: Oxford University Press, 1993. 29.98 Ibid. 28.99 Aries, Philippe, and George Duby. A History of Private Life. V.2. Revelations of the Medieval World. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994. 406.100 Aries, Philippe. A History of Private Life. V.1. From Pagan Rome to Byzantium. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994. 144.

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century.101 Garments were sewn together, and were typically tailored for the individual.102

Undergarments made an appearance for the first time in history, following this movement toward

tight fitting shirts, pants and dresses. Fitted clothing took time and energy to tailor to a person’s

form, showing that fashion was an important priority for the medievals. Tight clothes have the

drawback of trapping in more bacteria than loose fitting clothes, which led to more bacteria, and

therefore more smells, being trapped in the fabric.103 However the appearance of undergarments

allowed easier and more frequent washing and protected outer clothes from contact with the

body. It is also untrue that medieval clothing was all bland and colorless. Dies were fairly

abundant throughout Europe, meaning that adding color to cloths was one of the easiest, cheapest

ways to improve one’s appearance.104 In fact, dark greys and blacks were primarily reserved for

widows and for the poorest of the poor who often received grey fabrics as donations through the

church.105 Clothing is one area where we can clearly see the Middle Ages as a stepping stone in

the development between the ancient period and our own.106 The trend of fitted pants and shirts

surpassing loose, draped cloths, as well as the necessity of undershirts and pants is still at the

base of our fashion trends today.

--

101 Aries, Philippe, and George Duby. A History of Private Life. V.2. Revelations of the Medieval World. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994. 195.102 Ibid. 157.103 Smith, Virginia. A History of Personal Hygiene and Purity. Annotated ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press:, 2007. 157.104 Wells, Peter S. Barbarians to Angels: The Dark Ages Reconsidered. New York, New York: W.W. Norton, 2008. 105 Smith, Virginia. A History of Personal Hygiene and Purity. Annotated ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press:, 2007. 157.106 Aries, Philippe, and George Duby. A History of Private Life. V.2. Revelations of the Medieval World. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994. 195.

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Art is one of the easiest areas of medieval society to critique. The techniques used during

the medieval period do not concentrate on visual accuracy the way that artists did during the

Roman period. Medieval painting lacks perspective, naturalism and shading. Busts and life sized

statues disappeared from the record for approximately 500 years. Upon further study, it is easy to

see that critics of medieval art do so without an understanding of the art in the context of the

period. Modern critics of medieval work attack it for being unrealistic, when in fact; abstraction

was a purposeful stylistic trend at the time. Medieval artists did not forget the artistic skills of the

Romans as the “myth” states; were not trying to replicate the naturalism of the Romans. The

icons of ancient art were gone during the medieval period, but artistic drive was not. The change

in art was not due to a lack of talent or vision being passed down to later generations, nor was it

due to a disappearance of artistic style. Medieval art was not inferior to ancient art; it was simply

different. Medieval people, largely through new Christian teachings, had different values and

artistic goals than their ancestors, which was reflected in the style of art during the period. The

primary artistic difference between the two periods was the exchange of naturalism for

philosophical meaning in medieval images. 107 Rather than focusing on realism and visual

accuracy, medieval artists choose to use symbolism and metaphor to unlock the meaning behind

the object rather than focusing on superficial visual aspects of the object.108

After the introduction and widespread adoption of Christianity, artists of all mediums

were challenged with deeper philosophical issues of how to depict subjects that their pagan

predecessors did not deal with. Rather than being asked to simply replicate an object, medieval

artists had to replicate something that God in His perfection had designed and created.109 To try

and recreate something made by the Perfect would be foolish and a mockery of God’s work. It 107 Stokstad, Marilyn. Medieval Art. 2nd ed. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 2004. 334.108 Ibid. 8.109 Ibid. 59.

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would be pretentious for anyone to pretend that they could capture anything that God created

properly. Therefore, the only way to begin to try and capture the true meaning of something was

not superficially, but through abstraction. Each line in medieval art is drawn with this

philosophical question in mind.110

Another important reason for the choice of medieval artists to use abstraction rather than

naturalism in their work is directly connected to the medieval focus on the spiritual rather than

on the temporal. The material world, the body and everything visible around us is temporary, the

spirit, however, lives on forever.111 We can see their principles play out in the lives of many

religious figures who give up the pleasures of the material world in exchange for spiritual

fulfillment and closeness to the divine. Hermits, such as St. Benedict of Nursia in the 6th century

and St. Bruno of Cologne in the 11th century, would subject themselves to lives of isolation in the

wilderness in efforts to reject the physical world.112 All European Christians fasted and were

careful not to spend too much time grooming their bodies in efforts not to be consumed by the

temporal.113 Artists turned to abstraction to help them focus on the spiritual unseen truth rather

than the merely what is visible to the eye. By making the choice not to acknowledge form as

important, the artist is focusing on the essence of the subject rather than on its earthly

imperfections.

Another way that artists focused their attention away from the temporal was by ignoring

rules of perspective and altering the natural laws that govern the physical world to focus on

110 Kleiner, Fred, and Christin Mamiya. Gardner's Art through the Ages: The Western Perspective. 12th ed. Vol. I. Belmont: Thomas Wadsworth, 2006. 92.111 Stokstad, Marilyn. Medieval Art. 2nd ed. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 2004. 8.112 Aries, Philippe, and George Duby. A History of Private Life. V.2. Revelations of the Medieval World. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994. 119.113 Smith, Virginia. A History of Personal Hygiene and Purity. Annotated ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press:, 2007. 147.

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higher, spiritual narratives instead. Saint Matthew’s portrait preceding his Gospel in the

Lindisfarne Gospels is a great example of the effort on the part of artists to bend the laws that the

natural world is dependent on to focus on essential truths.114vi In this 8th century image, the

unknown artist sets the natural world to the side by reconstructing an earlier Byzantine work,

“The Scribe Ezra”, in two dimensions concentrating primarily on the use of line to distort the

naturalism in the original Byzantine image. By using his visual skills, the artist was able to use

the linear patterns and layering to create the idea of depth in an image that is clearly done in only

two dimensions; a difficult feat. This effect is particularly clear in the way that St. Matthew is

positioned between the bench and the stool. The artist takes the concept of constructing an image

free from natural laws a step further as he defies physics, reimagining the foot stool depicted in

the original image as a floating stool, disregarding the importance of the stool’s legs all

together.115

This image also shows the importance of abstraction for the insertion of symbolism into

art, which was common during the medieval period. The floating head peeking out from behind

the curtain likely belongs to Moses. He holds in his hand a closed copy of the Old Testament, as

Matthew sits at his bench writing the life of Christ in an open book that would become part of

the New Testament. The symbolic contrast between the closed Old Testament and the open New

Testament tells the reader the underlying theme; that Jesus was relaying a new Truth which

Matthew was recording. However, because of the use of abstraction, the artist was able to convey

this message without inhibiting the central narrative of the image; Matthew writing his Gospel.

Instead of discussing the message outright it is insinuated through symbolism. Abstraction

allows the symbolic scene to play out in a way that the naturalist style of the Romans never 114 Kleiner, Fred, and Christin Mamiya. Gardner's Art through the Ages: The Western Perspective. 12th ed. Vol. I. Belmont: Thomas Wadsworth, 2006. 307.115 Ibid. 97.

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could. Moses is not an important figure in the image. He does not need to be taking center stage

because his presence is not required for the central narrative and he is not supposed to be

interacting with Matthew. However, he and his book are important for the symbolic effect that

they have on the underlying theme which is the arrival of the New Testament. The artist takes

liberty in posing Moses to the side with only his head and book visible, the only two important

pieces for the symbolic story that the image is trying to tell. In this way, the page is still focused

on Matthew and his work, but it does not lack the deeper meaning of the contrasting Testaments

which is made possible through the technique of abstraction.116

Throughout history, artistic preferences tend to cycle back and forth between tendencies

for naturalism or for abstraction. Art is in constant flux in terms of the importance of realistic

depictions. Even as enlightenment thinkers glorified classical naturalism, they neglected to

recognize that the Greeks were not entirely realistic in their art either in that they chose to depict

the perfect person. Greek statues featured idealized representations of the person. Ideal subjects

were in their late twenties, well-groomed and at the height of physical perfection. The Romans

drew upon Greek techniques of sculpting, but they replaced Greek idealism their own value of

pure naturalism. Roman sculptures featured perfectly realistic forms of the people in question

with all of their flaws. Suddenly, crooked noses and double chins started making appearances on

the art scene as the Romans moved away from Hellenistic abstractions.117

After the naturalism of the Romans, art fell back into abstraction through the medieval

period but then reverted to naturalism during the renaissance through the Neo-classical and

Realism periods.118 From there the cycle continued towards abstraction as Impressionism moved

deeper into the abstract styles of Cubism then and into Abstract Expressionism, which is widely 116 Ibid.117 Ibid. 8.118 Ibid.

36

accepted as a legitimate art form today. Modern Abstract Expressionism relies on many of the

same concepts that medieval artists championed such as symbolism, the use of color and the goal

of capturing the essence of the subject. Abstraction today may not be considered a high, classical

art form, but it is becoming more accepted in modern popular culture. Modern critiques of

Jackson Pollock’s work do not question whether Pollock lost the ability to see perspective, or to

replicate the world as it should be.vii Overtime, it has largely become accepted and appreciated

that through other techniques, artists can still tell a story that is true, even if it does not look

realistic. The same thoughts should be applied to the evaluation of medieval art.119

After the fall of Rome in the West, European art was exposed to many diverse artistic

traditions that made their way into art throughout the medieval period, increasing cultural

diversity in the visual arts. The breakup of power around the Mediterranean benefitted the arts

because it encouraged the integration of techniques and ideas from different cultures which

allowed later artisans to grow in diversity. Europe became an amalgam of various artistic

techniques and traditions which had not been exposed to one another previously. The decline of

Roman traditions provoked an explosion of creativity full of new themes and symbols adding

variety to the Greek and Roman classical artistic base. As Muslims and various barbarian groups

from Northern Europe mixed with the fragments of the fallen Roman Empire, more diverse art

forms and traditions became infused with those from the old empire.120

One theme from Northern Europe that became more prominent as a result of cultural

diffusion was the use of images of animals.121 Historically, these tribes used more natural themes

and symbolic animal motifs in their work. After people in Northern Europe began to convert to

119 Stokstad, Marilyn. Medieval Art. 2nd ed. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 2004. 8.120 Kleiner, Fred, and Christin Mamiya. Gardner's Art through the Ages: The Western Perspective. 12th ed. Vol. I. Belmont: Thomas Wadsworth, 2006. 307.121 Nees, Lawrence. Early Medieval Art. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 104.

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Christianity, the traditional animal images that they created took on Christian themes. However,

they did not want to give up their old style; rather the two blended together into a new

interpretation of the two styles. Animals that had previously represented various virtues came to

symbolize Christian figures. The Lion, for example, has been used to symbolize St. Mark, St.

John and Jesus.122viii Animals also took on new virtues which better fit Christian needs. Long

necked birds, such as cranes, became symbolic for the eternal nature of the Holy Spirit.123

Another example of European traditions colliding can be found in the interlocking

patterns and knot line design which originally came from Germanic, Scandinavian and Celtic

traditions. Medieval artists had a much stronger tendency towards using intricate patterns to

decorate pieces. Intertwining animals and dragons can be found in Scandinavian art such as was

found on the cover of a purse cover at the Sutton Hoo burial site.ix Early Celtic patterns can be

seen replicated in the High Crosses of Northern Europe, and in illustrated manuscripts such as in

the Lindisfarne Gospels.

The Islamic world had a number of effects on Christian society. Despite the perceived

disgust between the two religious cultures, there is significant evidence of cultural interaction

and exchange of artistic ideas. Both cultures chose to abandon classical artistic techniques of

naturalism and marble sculpting.124 As in Europe, medieval Arabs brought a decorative art to

ceramics and textiles, rather than focusing on sculptures and large pieces. Muslims in North

Africa and in the Middle East quickly transitioned from leftover classical influences to Medieval

Islamic ones after the birth of Islam around 500 A.D.125 Pilgrimages to holy sites in the Near East

were a huge source of exchange between Christians and Muslims. Souvenirs were mass

122 Stokstad, Marilyn. Medieval Art. 2nd ed. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 2004. 194.123 Ibid.124 Nees, Lawrence. Early Medieval Art. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 238.125 Nees, Lawrence. Early Medieval Art. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 238.

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produced to be sold to traveling Christians, but commissioned pieces were also common.126

There is evidence of canteens, baptismal basins and fabrics from the Middle East, some

decorated with Christian themes, which made their way across the European world. 127

Shared artistic traditions are common between the two cultures as well. Extravagant

patterns covered canvases and walls which were often brightly colored and covered in abstract

designs. These styles originated in the Islamic world and likely crossed into Christian Europe

through Spain in sixth century.128x Evidence of ceramic tiles, which were painted and glazed with

rich colors to adorn walls, were found primarily on the Arabian Peninsula.129 The Visigoths who

settled in the Peninsula after the fall of Rome also regularly incorporated the Islamic horseshoe

arch into their architectural designs in basilicas throughout their territory in modern day Spain

after its introduction in the 12th century.130 Invented out of spatial necessity to strengthen the thin

pillars which functioned as entrance ways between rooms in Islamic mosques, these arches were

a remarkable piece of engineering. They also lead to more complex patterns on the walls as tile

artisans worked around the new arch shapes. Both tiled walls and horseshoe arches are present in

a copy of Beatus’ Commentary on the Apocalypse, which was re-printed at the monastery of San

Salvador at Tabara in Spain.131 The book contains an image of the Scriptorium which the book

was copied at.132 The walls of the bell tower have several types of alternating patterns which use

the entire spectrum of colors and are only broken up by horseshoe arch shaped windows. These

126 Kleiner, Fred, and Christin Mamiya. Gardner's Art through the Ages: The Western Perspective. 12th ed. Vol. I. Belmont: Thomas Wadsworth, 2006. 298.127 Ibid.128 Ibid. 309.129 Ibid.130 Stokstad, Marilyn. Medieval Art. 2nd ed. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 2004. 145.131 Kleiner, Fred, and Christin Mamiya. Gardner's Art through the Ages: The Western Perspective. 12th ed. Vol. I. Belmont: Thomas Wadsworth, 2006. 309.132 Ibid.

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new window structures let in far more light than a standard 2nd century Roman window would

have been able to before this more elaborate arch had been invented.133

One area where medieval artists truly excelled compared to their ancient predecessors

was in their attention to detail in design work. Artists at the time rejected naturalism, and their

work was not visually accurate, but these artists were undoubtedly masters at their trade, and

could not be accused of being sloppy or lacking artistic knowhow or vision. Detailed adornment

was particularly prevalent in the illustrated manuscripts, which featured carpet pages, or entire

pages decorated with fine details and bright interwoven patterns. Often, these images in books

functioned not only as an art piece, but also as a visual aid, using the figures in the images to

help tell the story. Pope Gregory the Great defended the use of religious imagery as a tool to

explain religious stories and principles to the illiterate: “To adore images is one thing: to teach

with their help what should be adored is another. What scripture is to the educated, images are to

the ignorant who read through scripture what they should accept; they read in them what they

can’t read in books.”134 Medieval art often served a dual function as aesthetic pieces and as tools

to educate the public, a goal that the church promoted across Europe. The tactic of educating

through imagery is common, especially after the eighth century, as Western Christendom under

Pope Gregory used the educational value of art to defend it against the Byzantine iconoclastic

movement.135

However, carpet pages that only feature intricate abstract patterns were not uncommon

either. The Lindisfarne Gospels, for example, contain 15 full page illustrations none of which

illustrate the text. Instead they function purely as decorative adornment in praise of God which

133 Ibid.134 Stokstad, Marilyn. Medieval Art. 2nd ed. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 2004. 103.135 Nees, Lawrence. Early Medieval Art. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 195.

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had no comparable precedents in ancient book illustrations.136xi A second carpet page that

precedes Matthew’s gospel depicts one such image.137 As chaotic as this page is, it is comprised

of a carefully predetermined set of diagonal lines and circles which keep the image methodically

ordered.138 The choice to deny visual depth in the image in exchange for geometric complexity is

a stylistic decision that is not done carelessly, or due to a lack of vision as is made evident from

the reminisce of compass pricks and gridlines that still peak through the final product.139 The

exchange of perspective for geometrical emphasis, the interwoven patterns, along with the

animal figures between the cross and the frame has clear influences in Anglo-Saxon and

Scandinavian mettle work that influenced the final product.140 The movement and energy in the

image is ultimately stabilized by the cross, just as God stabilizes the chaos of nature.141

Another common type of illumination which we think of as specific to the medieval

period is letter illumination in which the first letter of the text is blown up in size, and the shape

of the letter is formed out of complex patterns in which viewers can see the letter. Other times

entire sentences are done in this elaborate, decorative script, merging words and their intrinsic

meaning with beautiful design work for the first time.142xii There are no ancient precedents for the

marrying of text and art before the medieval period. Similar to carpet pages, these letters

sometimes figured from the story being told. Sometimes the letter is pure abstraction made out of

weaving lines and geometric shapes to create an astatically tasteful, yet well-defined image. One

of the one of the most noted manuscripts for illumination in general is The Book of Kells which

136 Ibid. 158.137 Stokstad, Marilyn. Medieval Art. 2nd ed. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 2004. 98.138 Ibid.139 Ibid. 96.140 Nees, Lawrence. Early Medieval Art. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 158.141Kleiner, Fred, and Christin Mamiya. Gardner's Art through the Ages: The Western Perspective. 12th ed. Vol. I. Belmont: Thomas Wadsworth, 2006. 307.142 Nees, Lawrence. Early Medieval Art. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 158.

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was produced in the late eighth or early ninth century.143 The letter illumination in the book is

particularly impressive, ranging from individual letters to larger words. The page introducing the

birth of Christ portrays the event as so spectacular that only the first three Greek letters of

‘Christ’ appear on the page. The artist chose to imply the splendor of Christ rather than fitting all

of the letters on the page in this intricate design.

The Greek letters chi, rho and iota (X, P and I) begin on the left portion of the page and

work their way right with general outlines forming the letters. Within these outlines, as well as

around them, are an incredible number of smaller images, patterns and geometric images which

link all three letters together into a mass. At first glance, the image looks only like a highly

detailed set of patterns and shapes, but upon closer inspection, a seemingly unlimited number of

small figures and images take shape. No single narrative is present in this adornment, but rather

many smaller scenes containing angels, human figures, and a wide variety of animals. Two cats

at the bottom of the image defend a Eucharist from being devoured by mice, representing the

struggle between good and evil.144 The letter rho sprouts upwards then curls around into a tight

spiral, the end of which turns into a human head in an example of pure creative abstraction.

Throughout the letters and the individual scenes intricate interlocking design work can be made

out forming complex patterns that were made from a single, uninterrupted line,145 leaving the rest

of the page blank except for two more words. This time in plain print, underneath, which read

“autem generatio” or “Now this is how the birth of Christ came about” when put together.146

--

143 Stokstad, Marilyn. Medieval Art. 2nd ed. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 2004. 98.144 Stokstad, Marilyn. Medieval Art. 2nd ed. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 2004. 99.145 Ibid. 98.146 Kleiner, Fred, and Christin Mamiya. Gardner's Art through the Ages: The Western Perspective. 12th ed. Vol. I. Belmont: Thomas Wadsworth, 2006. 308.

42

When examining the “myth” of the Middle Ages it is important not to let engrained

biases determine what portion of history is worth remembering. Some of the differences between

2nd and 13th century Europeans which paint medieval people in a bad light, such as in artistic

style and hygiene, are judged without a complete understanding of the changes in the values of

the two cultures. In other cases, the “myth” is simply quantitatively wrong, such as in the case of

food production and housing where it cannot be denied that medieval societies had improved

technology which resulted in improved qualities of life for all people. Evaluative aspects such as

clothing or societal values are more objective, and may vary from individual to individual.

However, in none of these cases can it be said that people in the medieval period were clearly

worse off. At most, the two periods were different. This finding supports the concept of the Dark

Ages as a constructed narrative to promote the political needs of rebellious men following in the

steps of Petrarch. As these men rejected the wisdom and advances of the Middle Ages, they

risked being guilty of the same historical ignorance and cultural losses that they accused their

medieval ancestors of.

i

Index

Ard Plough "Stock Photo - Agriculture Agricultural Work Plowing Roman Farmer with a Wooden Plough Relief Arel (Arlon) Belgium circa 200 AD Wood Engraving." Alamy. Accessed December 9, 2015. http://www.alamy.com/stock-photo-agriculture-agricultural-work-plowing-roman-farmer-with-a-wooden-plough-58480694.html.

ii Heavy plough Langland, William. "Piers Plowman." Medievalistsnet. Accessed December 9, 2015. http://www.medievalists.net/2013/01/24/the-heavy-plough-and-the-european-agricultural-revolution-of-the-middle-ages/royal-12-f-xiii-f-37v/.

"Positive Check." : The Heavy Plough and the Agricultural Revolution in Medieval Europe. January 15, 2015. Accessed December 15, 2015. http://positivecheck.blogspot.com/2015/01/the-heavy-plough-and-agricultural.html.

iii Horse collar "Illuminated Manuscript: Farmers Working the Land outside a Castle." Manorialism. http://www.britannica.com/topic/manorialism.

iv Horse Shoes "Medieval 'Broad Plate' Horseshoe 022653." Medieval 'Broad Plate' Horseshoe 022653. Accessed December 15, 2015. http://www.time-lines.co.uk/medieval-broad-plate-horseshoe-022653-32952-0.html.

v

viSt. Matthew”, Lindisfarne Gospels, Lindisfarne, Northumbria, early 8th century. Manuscript Illumination, 13 ½ x 9 3/4in. (34.2 x 24.8cm). The British Library, London. https://www.oneonta.edu/faculty/farberas/arth/Images/109images/insular/lindisfarne/matthew_port_large.jpg

vii "Mural, 1943 by Jackson Pollock." Mural, 1943 by Jackson Pollock. Accessed December 15, 2015. http://www.jackson-pollock.org/mural.jsp.

viii Lion, symbol of Mark, Book of Durrow, ca. 660-680”. Early Medieval Art. Accessed December 15, 2015. https://cluster6-files.instructure.com/courses/200544/files/2585681/course files/14-Early-Middle-Ages/Early Medieval Art?download=1&inline=1&sf_verifier=&ts=&user_id.

ix "Sutton Hoo, Purse Lid,." Early Medieval Art. Accessed December 15, 2015. https://cluster6-files.instructure.com/courses/200544/files/2585681/course files/14-Early-Middle-Ages/Early Medieval Art?download=1&inline=1&sf_verifier=&ts=&user_id.

x Medieval Books. Fig. 3. Scriptorium in tenth-century Spain (Madrid, Nat. Hist. Archaeological Museum, Cod., 1097 B, c. 970). http://medievalbooks.nl/category/repost/

xi"Lindisfarne Gospels - St Matthew Ff.26v - 27." Virtual Books: Images Only. Accessed December 15, 2015. http://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/ttp/lindisfarne/accessible/pages9and10.html.

xii "Folio 34r." The Book of Kells. Accessed December 10, 2015. http://mseffie.com/assignments/beowulf/book%20of%20kells/kells.html

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