Secular pilgrimages and sacred tourism in the Indian Himalayas

Shalini SinghDepartment of Recreation & Leisure Studies, Brock University, 500 Glenridge Avenue, St. Catharines, Ontario, L2S3A1, Canada; (Tel.: +905-688-5550-4103; Fax: +905-984-4843; E-mails: shalini.singh@brocku.ca, Shalinis-ing@hotmail.com)

Key words: geopiety, Himalayas, pilgrim(age), theology, tourism

Abstract

Assuming the above quote as a true portrayal of pilgrims, this article attempts to describe the prototypical pilgrimfrom amongst the wide array of contemporary religious and secular tourists. To achieve this end, two approacheshave been adopted. Firstly, the phenomenon/concept of pilgrimages have been discussed, so to distinguish it fromthe tourism phenomenon and; Secondly, the geographical notion of genus loci has been employed to exemplify thefundamental quest for ’geopiety’ attained through the unification of the pilgrim’s intrinsic belief with its externallocation. The second part of the article illustrates the forgoing through an exploration of Himalayan pilgrimages.This has been achieved with a discussion of the emerging practices and recent trends in Himalayan pilgrimology.This appraisal alludes to Cohen’s quest for a ’Theology of Tourism.’ The article concludes with an examination of aspecific genre of contemporary tourists in the Indian Himalayas, who have been identified as ’environmental pil-grims.’

Pilgrims are persons in motion, passing through territories not their own and seekingsomething we might call completion, or perhaps the word clarity will do as well – a goalto which only the spirit’s compass points the way.

– Richard Niebuhr in Morgan 2004: 20

Tourism has often been likened to pilgrimages. Mostsociological and anthropological contributions to tour-ism studies assert that pilgrimages are perhaps the ear-liest form of tourism (Cohen, 2004). In 1992, Smithdeveloped a comparison between the institutions ofpilgrimages and tourism to exemplify that the latter mayhave evolved from the former. In claiming that a touristis half a pilgrim as much as a pilgrim is half a tourist,Turner and Turner (1978) have generated a literal me-taphorism. To validate this parallelism, Smith (1989)compares the pre-requisites of these two forms of traveland concludes that both are possible only when indi-viduals have discretionary income, leisure and socialsanction. Further, MacCannell (1973) analogized thatthe tourist’s ’quest’ for the authentic, but vicarious,experiences in other places, times and cultures, posi-tioned them at par with pilgrims who travel typicallytowards the ’centre’ of his/her belief. Drawing from thiscongruency, Graburn (1989) examined tourism from asacred journey perspective.

These reflective arguments have been fairly con-vincing, leading to pilgrimages and tourism being rep-resented and accepted as the two extremities of a’continuum’ (Smith, 1992; Bar and Cohen-Hattab,

2003). Thus tourism came to be rationalized as secularpilgrimage, by virtue of which tourists enacted or par-ticipated in touristic rituals and rites of passage. Manyscholars cued in to further the comparison by suggestingthat tourists ’journey’ in large numbers to pre-deter-mined/designated destinations, observe the ’other’ andperform rituals and rites of passage consistent with theirquest, and return to their place of origin usually afterexperiencing an inward change. Available literature,including empirical investigations on secular pilgrimagesthat have been documented in support of these per-spectives in tourism research, continue to perpetuatethat pilgrimages and tourism share several commonali-ties. To fortify the notion of secular pilgrimages, Eliade(1959), as well as Eade and Sallnow (1991) postulatedthat ordinary spaces can be converted into sacred spacesand even command reverence and protection. However,this veneration is contingent upon the combination ofthe location’s physical attributes with deep and abstractimplications which is reverberated by Unruh’s (1980)conclusion that each social world possesses a geo-graphical centre. Interestingly, research on secular pil-grim(age)s have a small typology of their own. Oneamong them are those enthusiasts who are driven by

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their ardent emotions to symbolic places, usually ofhistoric and literary celebrities, such as the memorial siteof John Lennon (cf Kruse, 2003), the burial ground atWestminster Abbey, the birthplace of Elvis Presley inTupelo, Mississipi (cf Duffett, 2001) or Beethoven (cfKnittel, 2003). Within this category of scrupulous fer-vour can be included the fans of special events, such as’pilgrimages to the mecca of college football’ games asstudied by Heather et al. (2003). Visitors to such sites aretypical examples of celebrity worshippers (Maltby et al.,2002). In another vein some scholars have convincinglyjuxtaposed the obligatory and ritualistic journeys ofmasses, on established routes, with pilgrimages. Forinstance, Delaney (1990) compares the annual home-ward-bound migration of Turk expatriates, from Eur-ope to Turkey, with the Hajj. Another fairly uniquecategory of well-meaning, secular pilgrims are those whotravel long distances to attend ceremonies at non-tra-ditional locations with a belief like that of the faithful.Percy’s (1998) study of the ’Toronto Blessing’ event in achurch at Pearson International Airport (Toronto)provides an interesting example of contemporaryrevivalism of faith in a modern and non-religious loca-tion that seem to have been interpreted as sacred by theparticipants. An even more extraordinarily unconven-tional pilgrim experience is that of virtual pilgrimage onthe internet (MacWilliams, 2002). In a more touristicfashion, the overseas experiences of young adults fromone of the remote corners of the world, New Zealand, tothe familiar and global destinations, resonate as secularpilgrimages (Bell, 2002). Quazi-pilgrimages of suchdimensions and nature have come to be accepted as aform of post-modern tourism and/or pilgrimages largelydue to visitor’s engagement with the core value of pil-grimages, the nature of visitor sentiment per se or beliefthat motivates them to invest in their own life experienceand reap meaningful benefits.

Pilgrims or tourists: The religion-tourism fraternity

Between the two polarities of pious and pleasure trav-ellers lies a free, yet complex, range of compromised/mediated categories of pilgrims. Most researchers referto this category as religious tourists (e.g., Smith, 1992;Bar and Cohen-Hattab, 2003; Cohen, 2004). These arethe new or modern versions of conventional pilgrims(Din, 1993 in Cohen, 2004: 147) who engage with thestereotypical tokens of pilgrimages. The presence ofsuch varying degrees of ’modified’ and ’pure’ pilgrimsmakes pilgrimages a heterogeneous phenomenon. Sinceit is almost impossible to determine a pilgrim from atourist, it may be a useful exercise to identify the pilgrimfrom his/her behaviours and subsequent impact of theirvisitations, on the site and the setting. Even thoughSmith developed the ’pilgrim-tourist path’ to representthe perspectives of other scholars (such as Adler, 1989 inSmith, 1992: 3), she seemed less convinced of this rep-resentation and referred to it as ’momentary interpre-

tation of present day thought’ (pg. 4). However, Cohen’s(1979) continuum on tourist experiences provides fivedistinct ’modes’ in the spectrum of tourist–pilgrimexperiences, namely ’Recreational,’ ’Diversionary,’’Experiential,’ ’Experimental’ and ’Existential’ (Cohen,1979, p. 183). These five hues of tourist/pilgrim behav-iour seem to enable the categorization of visitors to anydestination, including sacred sites. Of these five modes,the latter two, namely the ’experimental’ and ’experi-ential’ modes are inevitably visitor typologies found insacred places. More pertinently, Cohen associatesmodern pilgrims with all the three types of tourists,namely; experiential, experimental and existential, basedon their quest for spirituality and/or authenticity. In amore recent study, on a typology of Christian pilgrims,

Collins-Kreiner and Kliot (2000) develop a coordinatedpilgrim-tourism axis that is comprised of two continua,namely; secularism – sacredness and tourism – pilgrim-age. In segregating forms of visitor travel (pilgrimageand tourism) from the commonly implied interpreta-tions (sacred and secular), the proponents of this modelhave formally maintained the quintessential perspectivesof each in terms of attitudes, beliefs and motivations.Such an approach to the sanctity and secularity of pil-grimages and tourism permits a rationalized under-standing of each. Further, this seemingly logicalcompartmentalization sorts out the confusions gener-ated by the metaphorical interpretations of the twophenomena as it substantiates the variables necessary toidentify the pious from the ritualistic and the mundanefrom the self absorbed. Although this model wasdeveloped through an empirical investigation, futureexplorations are desirable to further our understandingof the model without which metaphorical parallelismsbetween tourism and pilgrimages may perpetuate.

Park (2004) contends that in contemporary society itis the tourism phenomenon that breeds these hybridswithin the religion – tourism duo. Such an observation isindeed interesting in view of Smith’s previously statedassertion that tourism could have been born out of pil-grimages. Another insight gained from contemporarytourism is that there is a possibility that the visitor trafficwithin the permuted categories may far exceed those ofthe ’true’ types combined. The presence of the trans-

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mutable pilgrim – visitors could be overly ubiquitous atreligious destinations, and may render it with profanity.Given the premise that pre-designated (traditional)religious centres attract the pilgrims, the tourists and thereligious alike, there seems to be a growing concern,especially among the Christian leadership, that sacredsites are inundated by tourists instead of pilgrims. Thisconcern arises from the impacts of these visitors to thelocation and on the spiritual experience of fellow-believers. A philosophic debate that may accrue fromthis concern relates to the possibility of sacred placesbeing overtaken by tourism and touristic pursuits. Insimpler terms, does tourism jeopardize the tradition ofpilgrimages or is there a possibility of tourism replacingpilgrimages in the future? An immediate response tosuch a speculation makes any such possibility quite farfetched, though not improbable. The conviction thatpilgrimages may survive the test of modern tourismdevelops from two inter-dependant caveats; firstly, bothpilgrimages and tourism, each, are phenomena inthemselves. Secondly, the place attributes of pilgrimagesites renders them distinct from tourist destinations.After probing into these propositions, the remainingsection of the article will delve on the theme of Hima-layan pilgrimages by way of an illustration.

The pilgrim(age) phenomena

Religious pilgrimages are an age-old phenomenon thatvisibly manifests peoples’ faith. Traditionally, individu-als who undertook arduous and perilous journeys forreligious causes, by way of putting their faith intopractice were typically pilgrims. Barber’s (1993) genericunderstanding of a pilgrim’s journey relates with theinternal ’spiritual’ purpose that draws the devout to anexternal centre (holy site). This intrinsic belief generatesa sense of piety or devotion that eventually urges theindividual to seek out and unite the self with the externalcentre which is obviously interpreted as holy or sacredby the individual. The true pilgrim is, thus, committed tothe centre (Cohen, 1979) by virtue of his/her search forthe real and meaningful experiences of life. The depth ofmeaning varies from complete immersion and conver-sion of the self (existential), to transient transformation(experiential). According to Robinchaud’s (1999)description, pilgrims ’truly’ engage with the holy/divineas they ’open’ themselves to the transcendent. Morgan(2004) reverberates this intent and purpose of ’seeking’and being ’open’ for an experience in self discovery. LikeSmith (1992), they refer to the ’quest,’ specifically to be’touched’ or ’challenged’ by an extraordinary existence.This encounter is rather metaphysical in nature, and hasthe potency to not merely satisfy (as in the case of atourist) but to enrich, fulfill and discipline the visitor.Perhaps this is why pilgrims are in need of ’assistance’ toexperience the unknown (holy) as opposed to the tour-ists who need to be ’managed’ as they are kept distracted

by, and attracted to, the familiar and ordinary that aremust for relishing. Collins-Kreiner and Kliot’s (2000)observation that a pilgrim lacks interest in tourism perse alludes to the pilgrim’s specific need for the immate-rial. This comparison, or contradiction, of the twophenomena relates to the nature and level of con-sciousness aroused in each. But sacred places and spacesdo not beckon the devout alone – they tend to arousethe curiosity of numerous others for just a visit or aritual. The reflections of Robinchaud (1999), on visitorsand visitations to Rome for the jubilee celebrations,facilitate the subtle differences between tourists andpilgrims. At any sacred site, therefore, while the truepilgrim engages with ’piety,’ the rest are enthralled withmerely viewing the shrine. Nolan and Nolan (1989) notethat visitors to religious places are usually guided bytheir quest for shrines and locales where they seek his-torical and cultural meanings. The tourist, with greaterexpectation, and lesser spiritual direction, is more awareof his/her itinerary than the meaning of his/her sur-rounding. In contrast, the sense of place in the pilgrim isheightened because of which (s)he experiences fulfill-ment.

Of special relevance, thus, is the fact that the expe-rience of a visitor is the variable that primarily distin-guishes them from the pilgrim. This experience is notexclusive to followers of the religious order which theshrine represents. The arousal of the visitor’s con-sciousness may(not) take place at any time of the visi-tation. A pertinent corollary to the aforesaid is that at asacred site or along a pilgrim’s route, just as all visitorsare not pilgrims, there is also a possibility that sometourists can be ’transformed’ or ’converted’ into pil-grims. An important question that arises from thissupposition is what inspires the transformation of atourist into a pilgrim. An exploration of this transfor-mation will be developed in a geographic context.

Terra-Religioso as genus loci

While, on the one hand, the visitor’s heightened orawakened consciousness of the site designates them aspilgrims, the existent realities of places and spaces i.e.,genus loci, on the other hand, spurs (inspires) this con-sciousness. Such a perspective exists within the scope ofhuman geography, and perhaps beyond the realm ofsocial anthropologists. Cultural geographers have forsometime sought to explain the impact of places andspaces (environmental information) on human imagi-nation and subsequent interpretation of landscapes.Beset in relatively nascent explorations in culturalgeography, they have attempted to establish a relation-ship between creations of the mind in response to geo-graphical stimuli (Koelsch, 1976). Wright (1966) refersto this religious awareness, that results from thedynamics of perceptions, emotions, cognition and beliefconcerning any manifestation of geography, as geo-religion.

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‘‘Georeligion is religious awareness.......concerningany manifestation of geodiversity. It is religion thathas to do with geographic actualities. Geographyhaving to do with religious actualities (that is the ge-odiversity of religion and associated phenomena) hasusually been called ‘‘the geography of religion’’ ormore ambiguously, ‘‘religious geography.’’ (Wright,1966: 251–252)

As if in affirmation of Wright’s postulation, Park(2004) hypothesizes that religion is by and large a geo-graphical phenomenon and, that it relies heavily uponenvironmental determinism where human activities arecontrolled and determined by the environment withinwhich they are placed. This understanding is developedas a sequel to Huntington’s suggestion that all religionshave been modified significantly by its surroundings,especially those of its birthplace (in Park, 2004).Embedded within the theme of geo-religion is the aspectof geopiety that typically relates to the sense of reverence(pious emotion) evoked by the wonder (or even terror)of the earth in all its diversity (Wright, 1966: 251). Tenyears later Tuan (1976) interpreted the concept of geo-piety (geo – earth, land, space and piety – reverence,attachment and hence protection) in terms of exaltedreciprocity between man and nature. Tuan postulatedthat sacred phenomena are those that stand out from thecommon place and interrupt the routine or mundane.Sacred, according to Tuan, was something that wascharacterized by apartness, otherworld ness, orderlinessand wholeness. Geopiety thus stands for a specialcomplex of relations between man and nature. Cooper(1992) affirms the place of individual experience byreviewing the ways in which reciprocity of meaningbetween place, landscape and religions occur. Alsoimportant is the fact that sacred places are not trans-ferable, because of which their sanctity or holinesscomes to be associated with their geographic locationand uniqueness, by virtue of which they possess aninherited appreciation of the holiness of the site. TheEncyclopedia of Sacred Places officially acknowledgesthe sanctity of places that manifest the energy or mys-tical power of nature as a separate category of sacredsites (Brockman, 1997). In a classification of sacred sitesPetrova and Semenova (n.d.) identify four types ofecosystems with which traditional communities, worldover, live with an established sense of geo-piety.

Himalayan pilgrimages: A perspective on theinterpretation of sacred space

‘‘In the grandeur of human existence, the Himalaya isthe cosmic bridge of mankind. As one stands ......, andgazes at its snow-clad peaks ....., one unknowinglycommunes with the cosmic/space in one’s own self.’’(Burman, 1990: 175)

For centuries the Him-alaya has imposed its presenceupon mankind as an unparalled grand geological phe-nomenon. Although older than mankind, these young

fold mountains scallop loftily across Eurasia. The actualHimalayan range, lying between rivers Indus andBrahmaputra, constitutes a bewildering array of geo-morphologic superlatives – highest peaks, steepest es-carpments, most precipitous ravines, deepest gorges andthe like. Its highly diversified regions offer a global rangeof climates, rarest of plant and animal species, andpanoramic landscapes of valleys, meadows, lakes, for-ested slopes, dramatic glaciers, springs, and rivers inaesthetic topographic arrangements. This diversity isunified by a bizarre geoecological system that functionsmysteriously to render them an awesome divinity. Thesheer aura of Himalayan physicality sublimates intosacred metaphysical depths, for which it is called themountain of mountains (Singh, 1992: 22).

The theology of tourismHitherto the greater and the middle Himalayas in alltheir awesome scenery and awful solitude became aperfect sacrosanct for theosophizing, learning andwriting. Until the 6th century B.C. esoterics were drawnto its ‘‘holy sanctuaries,’’ identified essentially on thebasis of its association with unique geographical fea-tures and physical environment, namely; river banks,hot springs in the lap of icy mountains, the snouts ofglaciers, or the forts of the snowy peaks (Kaur, 1985:32). The Indian genius, being essentially religious,identified this resource reservoir as wilderness divine.Historically, it was the Dravidians and the Aryans who,having discovered the ennobling greatness of the rug-ged mountainscape proclaimed it as the abode of Shiva– the sustainer and the destroyer. Bharadwaj (1973)ratifies the hypothesis that exquisite locations of theHimalayan-scapes were consecrated as shrines forHindu pilgrimages where nature overwhelmed thehuman psyche into prayerful submission and existentialhumility. Initially, devoid of idols or temples, thesesacrosancts were merely dedicated to the gods anddeities (Keith, 1925) as an expression of reverence andappreciation of the ecosystems. These deities weremythically personified as watchful entities so to deliverthe message of geopiety to the uninitiated. Perhaps themythical and divine omnipresence was deemed neces-sary to make the erring human conscious of its deedsand thought while on sojourns in these beautiful yetfragile Himalayan-scapes.

Between the 6th and the 11th centuries (B.C.) Indiaexperienced an upsurge in religious fervour. The emer-gence of Bhagwatism, as a devotional movement, gaveimpetus to ritualistic worshipping. Mahabharatha – thegreat Hindu epic – marked the initiation of the institu-tionalization process of pilgrimage patterns in theHimalayas. From this religious text was derived a sci-entific sequence of visits to holy places throughout Indiain a clockwise direction (Kaur, 1985; Singh, 1992). Twocenturies later the Puranas (Hindu scriptures on mythsand lores) were introduced to the masses by way ofencyclopedic literature and sagas on Hindu deities,saints and ascetics who prescribed customs, ceremonies,

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sacrifices, festivals, caste duties, donations, constructionof temples and images, and places of pilgrimage.Gradually Puranic culture assumed domination overabstraction. Pilgrimages were made an inevitable ritualof Hindu living. Having socialized the sacrament ofpilgrimages, it became essential for abstract geopiety tobe ritualized and codified so that the increasing move-ment of people affected least change or damage to theenvironmental metaphysics. In doing so, the Himalayanpilgrimages would not merely entail the physical act ofvisiting the holy places, but would also imply mentaland moral discipline without which, pilgrimage wouldhave very little significance (from Skand Purana inBharadwaj, 1973). The concept of Tirtha (pilgrimages)in the Hindu faith was devised to be all embracing andintertwining the spirit of religion, tradition andeco-sensitivity. Theologians may, in their own right,trivialize this as common place, thus

‘‘It was possible for (primitive man) to divinize theforces of nature and to adopt a truly religious attitudetowards them, because they still belonged to the realmof mystery, and are regarded as manifestations of apower that was not merely natural.’’ (Dawson, 1960:188)

However, Hindu pilgrimages to these mountain-scapes were not merely a product of primitivity anddivinization of the unknown. In fact, before designatinglocations as pilgrim sites and routes a thoroughknowledge of its bounties and challenges was imminent.Having traversed and studied the Himalayan resourcebase, the esoterics prepared a detailed inventory of everygeographic aspect of these bioregions. Since pilgrimagescombine culture and place with a special emphasis onreligion, an anthropogeographic system was envisaged,initiated and progressively developed through the insti-tution of Himalayan pilgrimages.

Singh’s (1992) inference on the situation of, andvisitation to, these shrines unravels a visionary intellectand perceptive planning acuity. Having substantiveinsight into the nature of these locales, namely restrictiveremoteness, trying terrain and vulnerable ecosystems,the planners adopted a ’prognostic approach to resourcesustainability.’ Guided by these place attributes, theseplanners were wise to strategize through pilgrimages tothe advantage of the place as well as the people. Withthis perspective, the concept of Tirtha Yatra was for-malized prescriptively so to desist profanation. To beginwith, the pilgrim’s itinerary was defined and designedwith studied insight into the route to be taken, distancesto be covered in a day’s time, group size, and the vari-ation of landscapes to be experienced, the increasingchallenge of the trek and, places of rest or stay. On thebehavioural front, strict codes of conduct were recom-mended for rites and rituals, sacrifices, meditation,donations, penance and worship. It is noteworthy tomention that these practices were further programmedwith detailed specifications on timing (May–October)and procedures. So much so, that the singing of hymns

and chanting of Mantras were customarily recom-mended. Strict adherence to pre-determined norms ofpilgrim behaviour ensured the devotee’s entry into par-adise on the one hand while assisting the planners tomonitor and maintain the ecological systems of thegeopious zones of the Himalayas.

Close monitoring of visitor/pilgrim movement in thesacred mountains was another impressive aspect of theHindu pilgrimage tradition. To this end a Panda (priest)system was established. The Pandas were entrusted withthe task of guiding, interpreting and informing devoteesas they progressed along the pilgrim route, assistingpilgrims in the performance of rites and rituals andfinally maintaining meticulous records of all visitations.For all these services they received an offering (fee)which would be utilized towards the maintenance andstrengthening of the pilgrimage and Panda system.Other forms of offerings included, presentations, grants,almsgiving and donations. The institutionalization ofthis system within the tradition of Tirtha is perhaps theearliest known model of allying ecology and geopietywith economics. This pilgrim economy provided sub-sistence to the local populace who were directly orindirectly involved in the system of visitation, conser-vation and facilitation. Owing to the high sense ofenvironmental reference and reverence, as the principledriving force of the system, simplicity, austerity andmorality became pertinacious. Thus was established thetradition of Hindu pilgrimages in the Himalayas, whichhas been practiced for almost three millennia.

The sense and tradition of geopietyFrom the above discussion it may be concluded thatTirtha was the crystallized form of religio-ecologicalpursuits in geopiety. In the entire length and breadth ofthe Indian Himalayas, the two mountainous states ofHimachal Pradesh and Uttaranchal experience thehighest concentrations of pilgrims in the world (Priceet al., 1997), with the latter occupying the first position.Although it is nearly impossible to quantify the volumesof pilgrims/visitors to the place, the State TourismDevelopment Board approximates that nearly 10.4 mndomestic tourists and 55,000 international tourists vis-ited Uttaranchal in 2001 (PKF, 2003, Unpublished).The PKF report indicates that tourist figures have fallenin recent times since 1998 and 1999, yet the tourist influxto Uttaranchal is conspicuously sizable. Since domestictourism within the State is primarily associated withreligious pilgrimage besides visiting friends and family,it is estimated that pilgrimages and or religious tourismaccounts for approximately 18–20% of total touristflow. Although experts are aware that this data may nottruly reflect the actual situation, which are definitivelyfar higher. The Garhwal region (in Uttaranchal), byvirtue of being supremely spectacular, boasts a pride ofplace since it marked the beginning and the end of thepilgrim’s progress. It was here that Himalayan pilgri-mology evolved into a highly organized art of domestictravel with a systems approach (Singh, 1992). Over

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centuries of practice, this art transformed into a culturalheritage of the subcontinent. Kaur’s treatise (1985) onHimalayan pilgrimology documents shrines such asHaridwar – Rishikesh, Badrinath – Kedarnath, Yamu-notri and Gangotri as apex sacrosancts in Hindu pil-grimology, thereby mapping them into ’pilgrim zones’(Kaur, 1985). These geopious zones have since then beenscrupulously reserved for religious practices.

Himalayan pilgrimages have so far not only with-stood the test of time, but also the seasonal surges ofpilgrims, thereby providing significant evidence of effi-cacious planning for harmonious man-environmentintegrity. Of all the measures adopted to achieve thisbalance, the primeval resolution to assign the functionof religious pilgrimages to these sensitive mountainsystems may be considered the most sagacious.Researchers suggest that a religious attitude to naturemakes it relatively easy to curb misuse or over-use ofnature (Pandey, 1996, 1998; Deb et al., 1997; Tiwariet al., 1998). They argue that without religion, scientificknowledge tends to be reduced to a neutral force, thuslending itself readily to exploitation. Hence, the omni-presence of an unknown power assumes the role of atamer. This was the cornerstone on which the entiresystem of human habitation and resource use has so farremained poised.

Himalayan pilgrimages and tourism: Emergence of thesacred – secular continuum

For decades pilgrimages in the Himalayas was practicedwith sincerity to the cultural ethos. Subsequent politicalupheavals generated disruptions in the religious fervourand consequently the ethos of this tradition. Kaur(1985) reports the first setback to Hindu pilgrimages,throughout India, since the Muslim domination over thesubcontinent. Fostered in a contrasting cultural envi-ronment and uninitiated in the ethos of the land and thepeople, they cared little for the substance embeded inthis tradition. The subsequent introduction of mecha-nized road system for military and trade purposesmarked the emergence of a new paradigm in Himalayansojourns. Over decades, the progressive network ofaccessibility, combined with a definitive political agendaoverran the tradition of restricted use and conservation.Increasing accessibility and diluted sense of geopiety inthe visitors denigrate the spirit of the Tirtha Yatra,dispelling the tradition as hackneyed. In these times, theBritish colonizers introduced a novel interpretation intheir appreciation of the Himalayan mountains – that ofcomfort and temporary settlement.

The hill stations of the Raj days offered climaticindulgence for the ruling elites who would migrate sea-sonally to the cooler comfort zones to escape the swel-tering summers of the Indian plains. Drawing from thenature and motivations of this form of seasonal migra-tion into the mountains, Moss (1994) coined the term’amenity migration.’ The underlying axiom of amenitymigration in mountain regions is that it accrues princi-

pally from the attractiveness of the cultural and envi-ronmental resources of a place or a bioregion. Theestablishment of hill resorts by imperial colonists in themid 19th century (Tyagi, 1991: 64) involved a similar setof causal factors. Hence, amenity migration, a westernconcept in temporary migration, was initiated over theIndian Himalayas largely for its biophysical attractive-ness.

Singh (1993) observes that the British rulers werequite intuitive in selecting sites and recreation pocketsexclusively in the middle Himalayas and the Siwaliks.They identified and established hill stations all along thelength of the Indian Himalayas, all of which were withinthe 2000 m altitude. Nevertheless, the boundaries oftheir pleasure peripheries vaguely diffused into thehigher reaches, at various points. It is pertinent to notethat this altitudinal belt, which at one time constitutedthe buffer around the pilgrim zones, was graduallytransformed into ’romantic zones’ of greenery, nostalgiaand gaiety. Descriptions on the genesis, growth anddevelopment of colonial hill settlements, found ingazetteers and chronicles, are replete with the colour andromance of place and perception (Desmond and Barr,1978; Tyagi, 1991). This they zealously guarded asexclusive domains of the elite – a definite strategyrestricting resource use and maintaining the quality ofexperience. Traditional forms of conservation, likemythic deification of locales, were confined to religiousshrines while contemporary initiatives for parsimonioususe and conservation, through the establishment ofnational park and sanctuaries, emerged to designatesecular pockets of protected areas in the Himalayas.

Post-colonial era (after 1947) marks a turnabout inthe history of conservation and sustainable practices inthe Himalayas. Democratization of leisure, educationalawareness, social mobility, paid holiday schemes, spurtsin transport network, and ego enhancement were someof the contributory factors leading to mass tourism.Restrictions and barriers to access the vestiges of thecolonial era were removed with a view to ’develop’ andgain profits from tourist influx into the sensitive andfragile regions of the Himalayas. Consequently, thesummer resorts of the Britishers woefully fell prey tomass domestic tourism. This attitude had also crept intothe tradition of the Tirtha, and eventually led to thedesacralization of shrines and pilgrim routes and prac-tices, interfering with sacred scheme of pilgrimage(Sharma, 2000). In the euphoria of developing a freeIndia, the bureaucracy fatally ignored the fragile geoe-cologic systems of the mountain states. With a change inthe predominant function of pilgrimages to tourism, theperception of Himalayan biospheres have undergone aparadigm shift – that from conservation and sustain-ability to commercialism and consumerism. Within twodecades, tell-tale marks of indiscriminate developmentalgrowth began to show. Further, the migrations of the80s from the forsaken Kashmir Valleys burdened theresource base even further. By the 1990s organic tourismhad given way to creative destruction in the Himalayas,

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where ultimate thresholds were crossed. Roads, con-structed on strategic grounds, paved the way for socalled amenity migrants’ who were permitted to exploreand overwhelm the ecoculturally preserved Himalayanheritage. Interestingly, while the temporary migrants,tourists and amenity seekers alike, over-ran the lowerand the middle ranges, the impenetrable higher Hima-layas challenged adventurers for the thrills of extremerecreational pleasures. These visitors were the new ’cli-entele’ characterized by ’short visitations’ and a con-sumptive attitude (Singh, 1992: 25). Commercialism andmodernity rushed in to cater to these consumers – theharbingers of a fickle tourist economy. The once sublimeand sacred precincts of mountain folks and travelingdevotees are now coveted recreational space. The newwave of interest in these sublime mountainscape isaccelerated by the commodification of the common poolthat is made available at a premium (c.f. Bell and Lyall2001: 187–200).

Thus the mountains played host to heterogeneousvisitor groups of pilgrims and amenity seekers. Over theyears these two distinct segments of tourists and pil-grims metamorphosed into ever swelling motley oftemporal migrants into the higher, middle and the lesserHimalayas. Charged with an olio of travel motivations,which lie between the two extremities of reverent devo-tion and secular holidaying, they whelm the veryattractiveness of these mountainscapes.

A two-fold injury was inflicted on the Himalyanscapewhen tourism boomeranged, causing (a) overcrowding,congestion, traffic and environmental pollution and, (b)tourists to trespass further into the higher zones. It mustbe indicated, however, that Himalayan environmentsand communities were under siege by strong commercialinterests namely logging, poaching, felling, mining andtrade in medicinal plants. Although these nefariousactivities were scarcely brought to the fore, it is under-stood that the damage afflicted by these was far moredetrimental to the mountain landscape than tourism. Inthe opinion of Dawson (1960), decline and disaster,when ushered in the name of progress, marks not merelythe passing of an age or a social order, but of an intel-lectual tradition. Can the Himalayas be salvaged fromthe abysmal deterioration? Notwithstanding the erosionof place attributes and deterioration in the quality ofexperience, the ’business of tourism,’ largely domestic,persists uninhibited.

In its present state of existence and use, the Himala-yas represent an oxymora of sorts, viz; massive andfragile, beautiful and unsightly, dangerous and endan-gered, scarred and sacrileged, challenging yet inspiring,threatening and threatened. Given the prevailing condi-

tions of use, misuse and abuse, the dual tasks to call ahalt to exploitation and initiation of restoration processare real challenges that must not be ignored or shelvedfor later times. Of the many questions that now arise are– Who can possibly be involved in the regenerationprocess; How can the process be initiated; What is thebest possible method to approach the localized issues;What are the risks involved in addressing the problem;How to design a self-propelling initiative; What is themethod for identifying priority areas; How can long-term and short-term objectives be determined, and thelike. All these questions undoubtedly point to the factthat people’s action is the need of the hour. A concertedand combined effort of conservation oriented and envi-ronmentally conscious people, locals and visitors alike, isperhaps a step towards improvement and reclamation.

The environmental pilgrim’s quest

In India, as also in the rest of the world, pilgrimages inrecent times are fuzzily interpreted. Having commencedas an act of piety, its practice is now diluted by themasses as mere rituals or visitations to shrines, making italmost impossible to draw a clear distinction betweentrue pilgrims and mainstream tourists. Nevertheless, onthe basis of the previous discussion, the major discerningfeature of pilgrims is their search for the external centreof their intrinsic beliefs and values of life. This questdevelops in them a fondness for the unique physical andcultural environs that is interpreted as the ideal settingof the external centre and inspires them into a con-sciousness of the attributes of place and people. Theawareness thus evolved equips them to rationalize thesymbiosis between themselves and the external centre,thereby informing them of the importance of holisticwellbeing.

Secular pilgrimages and sacred tourismRecent tourism-oriented activities in the geopiousmountainscape of the Indian Himalaya provide justifi-cation to the conjoint notions of secular pilgrimages andsacred tourism. There is ample information, thoughprecious little academic literature, on conservationprojects that are well underway in these mountain zones.Almost all such undertakings are voluntary missions,accomplished with the purpose of purging these fragileand divine landscapes of the malaise of careless inter-ference in man–environment synergy. Conservationand/or preservation efforts undertaken in conjunctionwith tourists, such as the expeditions carried outthrough the Himalayan Environment Trust set up byEdmund Hillary to cleanse the litter left behind bytrekkers along the high altitude trails; the communityaction undertaken by the Ladakh Ecological Develop-ment Group (LEDEG) to foster greater understandingabout the root causes of cultural breakdown and aboutstrategic solutions; engaging in leisure activities withschool children while participating in the monastic life-style in Buddhist monasteries across the Himalayan

Annual visitor numbers to pilgrimage destination of Gangotri

(approximate).

Mountaineers & Porters 3000

Trekkers 30,000

Pilgrims 300,000

Source: Bernbaum (1999: 35).

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ranges, to mention just a few institutional efforts. At thenon-institutional scale, Singh and Singh (2004) reporttwo cases of ’amateurs’ volunteering at leisure. Theauthors document the devotion of volunteering tour-ist(s) in the Ananda Project of the Krishna TempleSociety, as a true representation people’s belief in theman–nature relationship. The concept of geo-piety inthis study is reflected in ’the innocence of the mountainfolks, the freshness of the place, the enlightening jubi-lation of community compensability and a divineomnipresence together create a halcyonic effect’(pg 187). These collaborative actions are directed bytheir faith in a sustainable future of community living.They humbly accept it as a divine calling – ’Krishna’swill’ – which they fulfill each day through little acts (pg188). An almost similar international effort to conserveand fore guard against consumerism is the second caseon the ’rustic initiatives’ of ROSE (Rural Organizationfor Social Elevation) ’to capture the nuances of elusiveand complex tourism but it suits the demands of aperipheral mountain community that has weak economyand scarce resources’ (Singh and Singh, 2004: 190).Numerous such efforts are presently in progress in thesequestered peripheries of the tourist enclaves in theHimalayas. Singh (2003: 5) is hopeful of these ’greenshoots of recovery’ which, though being in the embry-onic stage, are indeed promising. The primary discern-ing feature of contemporary environmental pilgrims istheir search for and appreciation of intrinsic environ-mental and cultural values in pristine environments. Thisfondness for unique natural and cultural environs isvisible in their perceptive interaction with the attributesof place and people, through which they are capable ofrationalizing the symbiosis in ecosystems as also man’splace amidst and dependence upon these systems.Would this be the ’religion’ of contemporary tourists oftoday and tomorrow?

The environmental pilgrims are not necessarily socialelites or economically superior individuals. However,they may characteristically originate in metropolitanregions in both the more or less economically developedcountries of the world, that could have well served as thecradle of their ideology and belief. Although such pil-grims exist in small numbers, yet their impact on thecultural and environmental attributes of their destina-tions is considerable. In their interactions with the des-tination communities and their settings they imbue asense of respect and appreciation for life and living.These pilgrims, who could be a formidable force forchange, appear to be increasing in numbers and influ-ence as they crusade for a sustainable future throughtheir altruistic engagements with the ordinary.

An intriguing trait of these visitors is their preferencefor remote locations where local communities haveretained precious indigeniety of nature and culture withsome measure of success. An analysis of this preferencereveals a strong inclination to engage in leisure, learningand spiritualism – with the trio being inextricably in-termeshed. Leisure is expressed in the use of their spare

time to visit the far flung and unfamiliar locations andspending time with the locals to gain an understandingof their ethos and habitat. By way of learning, there ismuch to know of interactions between landscapes andthe cultural forces. Through this process, they tend todissolve the self into the spirit that presides in theseplaces and spaces. In practicing geopiety throughHimalayan tourism, generations of indigenous knowl-edge, cultural and religious rituals of local people havebeen gathered and successfully applied for the restora-tion of the ecosystem, sustenance of diversity by way ofadaptive management techniques. The objective ofspirituality is fulfilled through the affirmation of thelearner’s conviction in the science and sensibility ofindigenous mores, religious practices and beliefs. Per-haps, the tourism of this century may evolve a theo-logical meaning that justifies tourism and relates tobroader religious goals and aspirations. Such anunderstanding develops from Cohen’s identification ofthe four foundations of the theology of tourism; namely,travel, strangeness, leisure and secularity. In this con-text, it may be worthwhile to empirically investigate thecharacteristics and progression of the environmentalpilgrim so to establish Cohen’s (1979) typology ofmodern pilgrimages.

For these pilgrims, tourism to their centres of being isno less a quest for a meaningful existence. Uponencountering locations and locals that are yet untouchedby modernity and incoherent notions of progress, wheretraditional communities continue to have greaterattachment to the land and natural landscapes, thesepilgrims are inspired to conserve and protect. Theirincessant revolution towards environmental and culturalreconciliation for true progress is worthwhile. Ourconscientious tourist thus assumes the character of a’prototypical pilgrim,’ whose search for wholesomeenrichment spurs them on ’environmental pilgrimages.’Conclusively, while the majority of visitors continue torepresent more secularized roles of pilgrims, the emer-gence of these sacred travelers, as revolutionary believ-ers, may mark the renascence of Tirtha in the divineHimalayas.

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