RIEL, LOUIS (1844-85) - Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online

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1881-1890 (Volume XI)

RIEL, LOUIS, Mtis spokesman, regarded as the founder of Manitoba, teacher, and leader of the North-Westrebellion; b. 22 Oct. 1844 in the Red River Settlement (Man.), eldest child of Louis Riel* and Julie Lagimonire,daughter of Jean-Baptiste Lagimonire* and Marie-Anne Gaboury*; m. in 1881 Marguerite Monet, ditBellehumeur, and they had three children, the youngest of whom died while Riel was awaiting execution;d. 16 Nov. 1885 by hanging at Regina (Sask.).

Louis Riel is one of the most controversial figures in Canadian history. To the Mtis he is a hero, an eloquentspokesman for their aspirations. In the Canadian west in 1885 the majority of the settlers regarded him avillain; today he is seen there as the founder of those movements which have protested central Canadianpolitical and economic power. French Canadians have always thought him a victim of Ontario religious and racialbigotry, and by no means deserving of the death penalty. Biographers and historians over the years since Rielsdeath have been influenced by one or other of these attitudes. He remains a mysterious figure in death as inlife.

Riel was the eldest of 11 children in a close-knit, devoutly religious, and affectionate family. Both hisparents were westerners, and he is said to have had one-eighth Indian blood, his paternal grandmother being aFranco-Chipewyan Mtisse. Louis Sr, an educated man, had obtained land on the Red River where he gained aposition of influence in the Mtis community. In 1849 he organized the community to aid Pierre-GuillaumeSayer*, a Mtis charged with violating the Hudsons Bay Companys trade monopoly. Sayer was released, anaction which resulted in the end of that monopoly. As a child, young Louis would have heard much of hisfathers exploits.

While he was being educated in the Catholic schools in St Boniface, Riel attracted the attention ofBishop Alexandre-Antonin Tach*. Anxious to have bright Mtis boys trained for the priesthood, Tach arrangedin 1858 for Riel and three others, including Louis Schmidt, to attend school in Canada. At the Petit Sminaire deMontral Riel showed himself to be intelligent and studious, with a capacity for charming others, but he couldalso be moody, proud, and irritable.

The news of his fathers death, which reached him in February 1864, was a traumatic shock for Riel. Alwaysan introvert, subject to moods of depression, he seems to have lost confidence in his qualifications for thepriesthood and withdrew from the college in March of the following year without graduating. Hoping to supporthis family in Red River, whom Riel Sr had left impoverished and in debt, Louis became a clerk in the Montreallaw firm of Toussaint-Antoine-Rodolphe Laflamme*. But the subtleties of the law bored and annoyed Riel and hedecided, in all likelihood in 1866, to return to Red River. He probably worked at odd jobs in Chicago and St Paul(Minn.) before arriving at St Boniface in July 1868.

The Red River that Riel had left ten years earlier was an isolated society of English-speaking mixed-bloods(the country-born), Scottish settlers, and the French-speaking, Roman Catholic Mtis. During the early 19thcentury the Mtis, the largest group, had developed a vigorous sense of nationality based on a distinctiveculture which combined Indian and French Canadian elements. For the most part, the Mtis were indifferent tofarming, preferring the excitement of the buffalo hunt far out on the western plains. These annual hunts weresuperbly organized and disciplined affairs under the control of democratically elected leaders, and Mtisadherence to the hunt was dramatically reflected in their quasi-military social organization. In contrast to theMtis, the country-born were predominantly Anglican, proud of their English culture, and settled on the land.The Scots settlers had adhered strictly to the Presbyterian church.

Riel found many changes on his return. Religious antipathies had become a notable feature of thesettlement. At the same time the political climate was both uncertain and volatile. The settlement, part of theRuperts Land held by the HBC, was still administered by a governor and the Council of Assiniboia, establishedby the HBC. The need for a new constitutional arrangement was acknowledged, but the issue was far from

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settled. Moreover, the old inhabitants now recognized that although their settlement was still isolated, it wasthe object of expansionist aspirations on the part of both the United States and Canada. Indeed, during Rielsabsence the settlement had grown to almost 12,000 and the village of Winnipeg had emerged, largelypopulated by Canadians and a handful of Americans. In fact, what Riel found at Red River in July 1868 was anAnglo-Protestant Ontario community, hostile to Roman Catholicism and the social and economic values of theMtis.

The most influential and vociferous personality among the Canadians was Dr John Christian Schultz*, an

Ontario-born physician, trader, and land speculator. For Schultz and his followers the future of the settlementwas obvious annexation to Canada. In the early 1850s the annexation of the northwest had become a popularpolitical issue in Canada West as a consequence of the activities of George Brown* and William McDougall*, theleaders of the Clear Grits. In French Canada, land seekers had been encouraged to look north in their ownprovince, but their political leaders, by entering the confederation coalition of 1864, had tacitly accepted theidea of acquiring the northwest. This bipartisan understanding was embodied in section 146 of the British NorthAmerica Act of 1867 which provided for transcontinental expansion. Shortly after Riels return to the west, itbecame known that Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald*, fearing the Minnesota annexationists, was againnegotiating with the HBC for the transfer of Ruperts Land, ignoring the population at Red River and the Councilof Assiniboia.

Meanwhile, a grasshopper plague in 186768 had caused much distress in the settlement. The Canadiangovernment had proposed providing relief by financing the building of a road from Upper Fort Garry (Winnipeg)to Lake of the Woods; because the government anticipated that the country would soon be annexed it felt the

road, named the Dawson Road after engineer Simon James Dawson*, would be essential. But the project waspoorly administered, and the survey party assembled in the settlement by John Allan Snow, head of theproject, and Charles Mair*, its paymaster, who arrived together from Ontario in October 1868, included noFrench-speaking members. Mair, a poet and friend of McDougall, now the minister of public works, madehimself thoroughly unpopular in the settlement by a series of articles in Ontario newspapers in January 1869criticizing the Mtis. He was opposed to the expedient biculturalism of the Red River Settlement, and, being anadvocate of large-scale Ontario immigration to the northwest, was a natural ally of Dr Schultz, the road partysagent. Thomas Scott*, an Irishman and fervent Orangeman who was reckless, stubborn, and contemptuous ofthe Mtis, joined the work crew in the summer of 1869.

At St Vital, an idle Riel had initially decided to wait on events, quite determined just the same to take partin public affairs when the time should come. When the substance of Mairs articles became known to thesettlement, Riel defended the Mtis against this unjust criticism in a strong reply published in Le Nouveau

Monde (Montreal) in February 1869. He attended and spoke at a meeting called on 19 July by well-establishedleaders of the Mtis community, such as Pascal Breland* and William Dease, to discuss growing Mtis fearsabout the course of events. Though the meeting underlined the need for concerted action, none was planned.

In July 1869 Mtis suspicions had increased when McDougall ordered a survey of the settlement. The headof the survey party, Colonel John Stoughton DENNIS, was given specific instructions to respect the river lots ofthe settlers. Nevertheless, he received a cool reception in Upper Fort Garry and St Boniface after he arrived on20 August, and his close association with Dr Schultz increased Mtis fears. William Mactavish*, the governor ofAssiniboia and of Ruperts Land, believed that as soon as the survey commences the Half breeds and Indianswill at once come forward and assert their right to the land and possibly stop the work till their claim issatisfied. He considered the survey premature and unwise, and he cautioned the Canadian government. RobertMachray*, the Anglican bishop of Ruperts Land, and Bishop Tach, who called at Ottawa on his way to Rome,also warned the government. But all representations were ignored by Macdonald. Indeed, in late Septembermatters worsened when it was announced that McDougall, who with Sir George-tienne Cartier* had concludednegotiations between the HBC and Canada in London, would be the first lieutenant governor of the territories.No poorer choice for the post could have been made, in view of the necessity for diplomatic caution in dealingwith the officials of the HBC and with the lay and clerical spokesmen of the various groups at Red River. Thetransfer was to take place on 1 Dec. 1869.

As tensions mounted among the Mtis it was clear that strong leadership was needed. Riels experiencesduring the past ten years had produced a life-style very different from that of the buffalo-hunting Mtis, but itwas these people he now aspired to lead. The older, more established leaders had had little success and hadshown little initiative. Riel ambitious, well-educated, bilingual, young and energetic, eloquent, deeply


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religious, and the bearer of a famous name was more than willing to provide what the times required.

Late in August 1869, from the steps of the St Boniface cathedral, Riel declared the survey a menace. On11 October a group of Mtis, including Riel, stopped the survey. A week later, the National Committee, withJohn Bruce as president and Riel as secretary, was formed in St Norbert with the support of the local priest,Joseph-Nol Ritchot*. This association of the clergy and the Mtis is not surprising: a people surrounded orthreatened by an alien culture frequently find in their church the chief sustainer of their traditions andaspirations. The able Bishop Tach had already put into print his understanding of and sympathy for the Mtis

as an integral, and now threatened, part of the settlement.On 25 October Riel was summoned to appear before the Council of Assiniboia to explain his actions. He

declared that the National Committee would prevent the entry of McDougall or any other governor unless theunion with Canada was based on negotiations with the Mtis and with the population in general. However, by30 October McDougall had reached the border at the village of Pembina (N. Dak.) and, despite a written orderfrom Riel, he proceeded to the HBC Pembina post (West Lynne, Man.). Here on 2 November McDougall was metby an armed Mtis patrol, commanded by Ambroise-Dydime Lpine*, and ordered to return the next day to theUnited States. Also on the 2nd, Riel, with followers reported as numbering up to 400, who had been recruitedfrom the fur-brigades recently returned to the settlement for the season, took possession of Upper Fort Garrywithout a struggle. It was a brilliant move on Riels part control of the fort symbolized control of all access tothe settlement and the northwest.

The month of November 1869 was one of intense activity in the Red River Settlement, as Riel worked to

unite its residents including established Mtis such as Charles Nolin* and William Dease, who initially opposedhim. On 6 November Riel issued an invitation to the English-speaking inhabitants to elect 12 representativesfrom their parishes to attend a convention with the Mtis representatives. Somewhat reluctantly thecountry-born and the Selkirk settlers agreed with the proposal. At the first meeting of the convention little wasaccomplished and the English-speaking delegates, led by James Ross*, criticized the exclusion of McDougallfrom the settlement as smacking of rebellion. Riel angrily denied this allegation. Responding to another charge,he stated that he had no intention of invoking American intervention; throughout the resistance he insisted thatthe Mtis were loyal subjects of the queen.

On 16 November Mactavish, as governor at Red River, issued a proclamation requiring the Mtis to laydown their arms. In response Riel proposed a further step to the convention on 23 November: the formation ofa provisional government to replace the Council of Assiniboia and to negotiate terms of union with Canada. Hedid not succeed in rallying the English-speaking parishes behind this move. Nor did they approve the List ofRights which Riel presented to the convention on 1 December after McDougall issued a proclamation statingthat the northwest was part of Canada as of that day and that he was its lieutenant governor. The List,probably composed by Riel, consisted of 14 items. It proposed representation in the Canadian parliament,guarantees of bilingualism in the legislature, a bilingual chief justice, and arrangements for free homesteadsand Indian treaties. When the List was later printed and widely distributed many of the English-speakingpopulation were converted to the view that the Mtis demands were not unreasonable.

More serious opposition was mounted by Schultz, Dennis, and the Canadian element of the settlement.McDougall had requested Dennis to recruit a force to arrest the Mtis occupying Upper Fort Garry, a threat Rieltook seriously, but most of the English-speaking settlers refused to respond to Dennis call to arms and heretired to Lower Fort Garry. Schultz, on the other hand, had fortified his house and store, and recruited about50 followers as guards. He proposed to Dennis that he be allowed to attack Upper Fort Garry and capture Riel.Before this could happen Riels soldiers surrounded Schultzs store and demanded his surrender. Realizing theirposition was hopeless, on 7 December the Canadians gave in and were imprisoned at Upper Fort Garry. The

next day Riel established the provisional government, and Bruce was named president. On 18 DecemberMcDougall and Dennis left Pembina for Ontario, having been informed that the Canadian government had infact postponed union until the British government or the HBC could guarantee a peaceable transfer.

Macdonald later admitted that under the circumstances the people of the community had had to form agovernment for the protection of life and propertet, in an alcoholic haze or because of urgent political problemsin Canada, he did not, in fact, fully realize at the time the state of affairs in the settlement, and Canadiansgenerally seemed unconcerned. On 6 December, nevertheless, Macdonald had sponsored a proclamation by thegovernor general of an amnesty to all in Red River who would lay down their arms. He also appointed a


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two-man goodwill mission consisting of Abb Jean-Baptiste Thibault*, a priest who had been a missionary inthe northwest for more than 35 years, and Colonel Charles-Ren-Lonidas dIRUMBERRYde Salaberry. Thibaultarrived in the settlement on Christmas Day, while de Salaberry remained in Pembina.

On 27 December, at the settlement, Riel took over from Bruce as president of the provisional government,and on the same day Donald Alexander Smith*, appointed by Macdonalds government as a specialcommissioner, arrived quietly with his brother-in-law Richard Charles Hardisty, ostensibly on HBC business.When de Salaberry in his turn reached the settlement on 5 Jan. 1870 he and Thibault met with Riel and the

Mtis council. It was apparent then that they had no authority to negotiate terms of union; moreover, Thibaultsdiscussions with the priests of the settlement converted him to the Mtis viewpoint. Smith, a more formidableinfluence than the other two commissioners, had been charged by Macdonald to offer money or employment toany of the leaders in the settlement amenable to cooperation, and to present the Canadian governments plans.By distributing the governments money carefully he was able to attract several leading Mtis but, after meetingwith Riel on 6 January, he concluded that no good could arise from entering into any negotiations with hisCouncil. Smith decided to present his instructions at a public meeting. He had, however, left his officialcommission in Pembina to avoid its seizure by Riel who asked to see it. Now Smith was able, with theassistance of some of the Mtis who were supporting him, to out-manuvre the president and have Hardistydeliver the commission to him at Red River where he was under house arrest. Riel had to accede to Smithsdesire for a mass meeting.

On 19 Jan. 1870 a large crowd assembled in the square at Fort Garry and, with Thomas Bunn* in the chairand Riel acting as interpreter, Smith made his case. Although it differed little from that of Thibault and de

Salaberry, it was received calmly. Smith promised a liberal policy in confirming land titles to present occupantsand representation on the proposed territorial council. The meeting was continued on the following day with aneven larger crowd. The atmosphere of this session had changed and the listeners were now firmly behind Riel.Growing more confident and reaching the height of his influence, he realized that the meeting wantedsomething more than assurances of goodwill, and, taking the initiative, he proposed that a convention of 40representatives, equally divided between the two language groups, meet the following week to consider Smithsinstructions in detail. The proposal was approved. When the convention met on 26 January Riel wasconciliatory, nominating Judge John Black* as chairman and agreeing that a new List of Rights should beprepared by a committee of six, three from each language group. A new, slightly modified List was presentedon the 29th and the convention proceeded to debate it until 3 February when the last clause, no. 19, wasaccepted. Riel then proposed that the convention demand the immediate grant of provincial status, presumablyfor the whole northwest. This would have meant control of crown lands and other natural resources, but theproposal was rejected, some considering it premature. He failed again on the 5th when he proposed that the

convention repudiate the agreement between Canada and the HBC and that the negotiations be betweenCanada and the settlement.

On 7 February the convention discussed the new List of Rights first with Thibault and de Salaberry, andthen with Smith, though Riel still contended that Smith could not provide any specific guarantees. Smiththereupon declared that he had been authorized to propose the sending of a delegation to Ottawa which wouldbe given a very cordial reception. The proposal, which would entail direct negotiations between Canada andthe settlement, was what Riel had planned and advocated from the beginning of the resistance, and it wasaccepted with enthusiasm. Riel then suggested that since a government was needed until the parliament ofCanada provided a constitution, both language groups should participate in the provisional government. TheEnglish-speaking representatives at the convention hesitated until a delegation sent on the 9th to consult withGovernor Mactavish reported that although he refused to delegate his authority he agreed with the proposal.The country-born and the Scottish delegates were now satisfied that they should cooperate further with Riel.

The committee which had drafted the List of Rights in January was asked to submit a constitution for theprovisional government. The committees proposals, which were accepted on 10 February, established anassembly of 24 elected representatives drawn equally from the French-speaking and English-speaking parishesof the settlement. The General Quarterly Court of Assiniboia would continue to administer the law. RecognizingRiels strong position, the committee also recommended that he be president. He then selected an executive ofThomas Bunn (secretary), William Bernard ODonoghue* (treasurer), and James Ross (chief justice), andnominated a three-man delegation to proceed to Ottawa when required Abb Ritchot representing the Mtis,Judge Black representing the English-speaking settlers, and Alfred Henry Scott* representing the Americansalthough he may have been a British subject. Riel had reached the pinnacle of his hopes and ambitions, and he


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could afford a gesture of generosity he promised to release all the prisoners held at Upper Fort Garry.

It now appeared that a united front had been achieved in the settlement. The pro-American element, whichin the persons of Enos Stutsman* and Oscar Malmros was intriguing in favour of annexation to the UnitedStates and promoting it through the New Nation begun in Winnipeg on 7 January, was seeing its limitedinfluence on events diminishing. On the other hand the unscrupulous triumvirate of Schultz, Mair, and ThomasScott was determined to foment civil war to eliminate Mtis power. However, as outsiders they misjudged thewillingness of the country-born and Scottish settlers to oppose the Mtis. Unfortunately for all concerned the

three men had escaped from Upper Fort Garry in January 1870. Schultz had made his way downstream to drumup support for an armed force in the English-speaking parishes and among the Indians. Mair and Scott hadgone to Portage la Prairie, a Canadian settlement, where, to gain support, Scott retailed horror stories of hisimprisonment. At Portage, Charles Arkoll Boulton*, captain of the 46th militia regiment and a member ofDennis survey crew, was inveigled into assuming the leadership of a force which left Portage on 12 Februarywith the objective of joining Schultzs party at Kildonan (now part of Winnipeg). The ostensible reason for actionwas to free the Canadian prisoners in Fort Garry. The last of them was released on 15 February, but this had noeffect on Schultz, Mair, and Scott, and their real purpose to overthrow the provisional government wasrevealed. The Portage party, including Boulton, decided to return home but, contrary to Boultons advice,marched as a body close to Fort Garry instead of dispersing to make their way west. News of the expeditionhad caused intense excitement in Fort Garry and every available man was called in to defend the fort. When thearmed Portage party approached the fort on 17 February, a small force of some 50 men arrested the 48Canadians, including Scott and Boulton, and took them to the recently vacated cells in Fort Garry. Schultz,realizing that he was a marked man, left for Ontario.

Riel correctly believed that it was the Canadians who were responsible for the turbulence in the settlement;they had twice resorted to force to overthrow him. One of them needed to be punished, and Boulton wascondemned to death, a more severe sentence than any inflicted by a Mtis leader on a disruptive member of abuffalo hunt. A number of people appealed for clemency, among them Donald Smith, but Riel only relentedwhen he obtained from Smith a promise to persuade the English parishes to elect representatives. ThomasScott, regarding the pardon as a sign of weakness, proceeded to insult his Mtis guards who became so angrythat they would have given him a severe beating had Riel not intervened. He warned Scott to behave. Anignorant and bigoted young man with a profound contempt for all mixed-bloods, Scott thought that the Mtiswere cowards. When he continued to make difficulties the guards insisted that he be tried by court martial andhe was charged with insubordination; Scott was sentenced to death by a jury which was presided over byAmbroise-Dydime Lpine and which included Jean-Baptiste Lpine*, Andr Nault*, and Elzar Goulet*. On thisoccasion the appeals of Smith and others were firmly rejected by Riel. Whether he was worried by the signs of

insubordination among his followers, whether he persuaded himself that the settlement was in danger, orwhether he thought it necessary to intimidate the Canadian conspirators and show Canada that the Mtis andtheir government would have to be taken seriously, will always be debated. Professor G. F. G. Stanley believesthe last consideration, Riels own explanation, to be true. In the settlement the death of Scott on 4 March wassoon forgotten but in Ontario the murder became a major issue. As people then and later have said, it wasRiels one great political blunder.

Bishop Tach arrived back in the settlement on 8 March 1870. He had been summoned from Rome, and assoon as he docked at Portland, Maine, in early February, he had a request from Cartier to come to Ottawa fordiscussions. Tach received a copy of the December proclamation of amnesty, which he was given to believecovered every action that had taken place or might take place before his return to the settlement, including anyacts of violence. When he reached Red River he extended this assurance categorically to Riel and Ambroise-Dydime Lpine. On 15 March Tach met with the newly elected council and read a telegram from the secretary

of state for the provinces, Joseph Howe*, which stated that the List of Rights was in the main satisfactoryand that delegates should come to Ottawa to work out an agreement. Tach then requested that the prisonersbe released. Riel agreed, and the jails were again emptied.

On 22 March Ritchot, Black, and A. H. Scott received yet another List of Rights, this one prepared by theexecutive of the provisional government, which included the following provisions: that a province beestablished, not liable for any portion of the public debt of the dominion; that during a term of five years it notbe subject to any direct taxation except for municipal purposes; that a sum equal to 80 cents per head be paidannually to the province by the Canadian government; that it have control of the public lands; that treaties withIndians accord with the wishes of the province; that uninterrupted steam communication from Upper Fort Garry


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to Lake Superior be provided and that all public buildings, bridges, roads, and other public works be paid for bythe federal government; that the English and French languages be used in the provincial legislature and courtsand in all public documents and acts; that the lieutenant governor and the judge of the superior court should befamiliar with both the English and the French languages; that an amnesty be extended to all members of theprovisional government and its servants; and that no further customs duties be imposed until there wasuninterrupted railway communication between Winnipeg and St Paul. Before the delegates left, a fourth Listwas drawn up, doubtless with Riels and Tachs blessing. This added a provision for separate schools accordingto the system existing in the province of Quebec, and outlined the structure for a provincial government. On 23

and 24 March 1870 the delegates set out for Ottawa.

When Schultz and Mair arrived in Toronto in early April they were secretly brought in touch with GeorgeTaylor Denison* III and other members of what became the Canada First group [see William Alexander Foster].Ontarians had been up to now rather indifferent to the events in Red River, but news of Scotts execution madeit possible to whip up a frenzy of hatred against Riel and the delegates. The DenisonSchultz activists securedthe editorial support of most of the Toronto newspapers. They also planned meetings to be addressed bySchultz and Mair throughout the province. The appeal was anti-French, anti-Catholic, and to some extentanti-Macdonald for receiving a delegation representing the murderers of the heroic Thomas Scott. It wasalso arranged in Toronto that Ritchot and A. H. Scott would be arrested on a charge of abetting murder. Theywere indeed arrested soon after their arrival in Ottawa on 11 April, but were released because the judgedecided that the Toronto warrant was not legal. They were then immediately re-arrested on a new warrantsworn in Ottawa. When the case was heard nine days later the crown prosecutor declined to proceed, and thedelegates were finally free to pursue their mission.

On 22 April the delegates wrote to Howe requesting the opening of negotiations. Four days later Howereplied with a formal invitation to begin talks with Macdonald and Cartier. Ritchot was the real spokesman of thedelegation, Black being inclined to compromise on the List of Rights and Scott being a silent supporter ofRitchot. Cartier and Macdonald rapidly discovered that the priest was a formidable negotiator, and that he wasdetermined to extract concessions that would guarantee protection for the original inhabitants of Red Riveragainst the anticipated influx of Ontario land seekers and speculators. The results of the bargaining, embodiedin the Manitoba Act of 1870, were a substantial achievement for Ritchot. Provincial status was granted toManitoba (the name favoured by Riel), although Macdonald and Cartier succeeded in limiting the size of theprovince to about 1,000 square miles and not the entire northwest. Provincial control of natural resources,including all lands, was denied, but after hard bargaining 1,400,000 acres in the northwest were set aside forthe Mtis as a compromise. Bilingualism was recognized in the proceedings of the courts, the legislature, and ingovernment publications. Historians have argued over whether the act was a genuine commitment to the

extension of bilingualism to the west or, as some have suggested, merely a surrender to Riels allegeddictatorship. A critical examination of the four lists of rights, which were the basis of the negotiations and theact, supports the former view. On one important point, however, Ritchot failed dismally an updating of theamnesty of 6 December. Because of the political pressure of Ontario, being whipped up by Schultz and hisassociates, all that Ritchot could obtain was an oral assurance from Governor General Sir John Young* andCartier that the British government was being asked to intervene; Ritchot noted in his journal: His Excellencyassured me that . . . Her Majesty was going to proclaim a general amnesty immediately, that we [thedelegates] could set out for Manitoba, that the amnesty would arrive before us.

Somewhat isolated from the events in Ottawa, Riel had given his attention to the affairs of the settlement.As president of the provisional government, he had remained in Upper Fort Garry, though he returned control ofthe fort to the HBC to allow the resumption of trade. Perhaps more important, he worked assiduously tomaintain the sometimes uneasy peace of the settlement. Nathaniel Pitt Langford, an American who visited it as

an agent for the Northern Pacific, met Riel at this time and wrote: Riel is about 28 years of age, has a finephysique, of active temperament, a great worker, and I think is able to endure a great deal. He is a large man. . . of very winning persuasive manners; and in his whole bearing, energy and ready decision are prominentcharacteristics; and in this fact, lies his great powers for I should not give him credit for great profundity,yet he is sagacious, and I think thoroughly patriotic and no less thoroughly incorruptible.

Ritchot arrived back in Red River on 17 June 1870 and met immediately with Riel who expressedsatisfaction with the priests account of events. A week later, when the assembly met in Upper Fort Garry,Ritchot outlined the reception given to the delegation in Ottawa, which he described as generally friendly. Onthe question of amnesty he forecast that since the Canadian government was unable or unwilling to issue it


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before union, it would be forthcoming from the queen. The assembly thereupon, on 24 June, unanimouslyapproved the terms of the Manitoba Act. To Riel the prospects seemed bright. But Bishop Tach was worriedbecause Ritchot had not brought back a written guarantee of amnesty. Fearing that he was vulnerable tocharges of misrepresentation, Tach returned to Ottawa to see Cartier, but he received only the same sort ofassurances as those given Ritchot.

A new concern had appeared in May 1870 when a military expedition had been dispatched to Red Riverunder Colonel Garnet Joseph Wolseley* on an errand of peace. The Canadian government had been

considering such an expedition for some months, but Ontarios demand for action had much to do with itsrealization. Indeed, although Wolseley was a British officer, and the expedition had imperial troops as well asmilitia units, the latter were dominated by young Ontario Orangemen thirsting for Mtis blood, Riels inparticular.

Throughout the negotiations, and in the early summer, Riel had grown uneasy about a deterioration of hissupport. Some Mtis, mostly established farmers and traders, had never actually accepted his leadership andregarded him as an upstart. Another group, Professor William Lewis Morton* notes, alternately supported andopposed him. This was a St Boniface lite whose members are to be distinguished from the hunters andunemployed tripmen among whom Riel drew his strongest support. At the same time, Riel was concerned aboutthe weakening of the always fragile relations between the Mtis and the English-speaking elements in thesettlement. But perhaps most important, he was worried by reports of the attitude of the Ontario volunteers inthe approaching Wolseley expedition. William Bernard ODonoghue had been sowing seeds of mistrust of allCanadian politicians and seemed to be gaining influence, even though Tach on his arrival in St Boniface on

23 August assured Mtis leaders that there was not the slightest danger. But on the same day news arrivedthat the troops were nearing Red River; a governor had still not arrived to establish civil government, nor hadword of the promised amnesty.

On 24 August Riel learned that the soldiers were planning to lynch him; he vacated Upper Fort Garry a fewhours ahead of them. Accompanied by ODonoghue and a few others, Riel crossed the Red River to Tachspalace in St Boniface. He told the bishop he had been deceived, but added: No matter what happens now, therights of the mtis are assured by the Manitoba Bill; it is what I wanted Mymission isfinished. Riel thenproceeded to his home in nearby St Vital, where his mother lived; but growing more apprehensive about hissafety he took refuge at St Josephs mission, about ten miles south of the border in Dakota Territory.

The new lieutenant governor, named on 15 July 1870, was Adams George Archibald*, a father ofconfederation from Nova Scotia and a member of parliament. He arrived in the settlement on 2 September andwas at once confronted with the problem of maintaining order. Winnipeg was a place of riotous turbulence. TwoMtis were among those killed [see Elzar Goulet] and sympathizers with the resistance were threatened orassaulted by the Ontario militia volunteers who seemed bent on nothing short of assassinating all the Mtis.Faced with this difficult situation Archibald went about the business of establishing a civil administration. Fluentin French, he formed a first provincial cabinet which was strictly bi-racial in character and had no membersfrom the Canadian party. Alfred Boyd* became provincial secretary and Marc-Amable Girard* provincialtreasurer.

Riel was pleased with the results of the first provincial election, held in December 1870, in which a majorityof the elected members seemed well disposed towards him. He must have been particularly pleased thatDonald Smith defeated Schultz in Winnipeg, though Schultz was subsequently elected to the House ofCommons, along with Smith and a Mtis, Pierre Delorme. In February 1871, however, Riel became seriously ill,mentally overburdened with concern about his personal safety and with finding financial support for his family.It was not until May 1871 that he was strong enough to return home to St Vital.

Riels old associate, ODonoghue, had by this time rejected his former chief; the parting of ways hadoccurred on 17 Sept. 1870 when, at a meeting at St Norbert which Riel attended, the latter had opposedODonoghues pleas to ask for the intervention of the United States in favour of the Mtis. By October 1871 hehad become the leader of a band of Fenians based across the international boundary. Having secured thesupport of John ONeill* of Ridgeway fame, and counting on general support among the Mtis, ODonoghueplanned to invade Manitoba. On 5 October he and some 35 followers crossed the border and captured the smallHBC trading post of Pembina. But the Mtis did not join them. Indeed, two Mtis took ODonoghue prisoner andturned him over to the American authorities. The invasion had lasted one day. However, the many rumours in


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Winnipeg concerning the seriousness of the Fenian threat had caused Archibald to issue a proclamation on the4th calling on all loyal men to rally round the flag. Several companies of armed horsemen were recruited, oneof them under the command of Riel. Archibald went to St Boniface to review the volunteers, was given a cordialreception, and shook hands with their leaders, including Riel. Archibalds gesture was what Riels lay and clericalfriends had hoped for, because it implied that he would no longer be an object of persecution. There were fewin the province who thought of hanging Riel.

But when news of Archibalds action reached Ontario there was an outburst of indignation. Mair was

outraged and Denison led a campaign for his recall. Though both houses of the Manitoba legislature hadenthusiastically endorsed Archibalds action, Riel became a political issue in Ontario. Premier Edward Blake*, in1872, went as far as to offer a $5,000 reward to anyone who would bring about the arrest of Scottsmurderers. For Macdonald it was essential to avoid a Quebec-Ontario confrontation over the Riel question, orany other question, before the 1872 general election. Tension would subside, he believed, if Riel could beinduced to stay out of Canada for a time. Tach was to be the agent of this manuvre. Macdonald gave him$1,000 and when Tach returned to the northwest he persuaded Smith to add 600 to an expense fund forRiels needs and the support of his family. Although he was bitter over his treatment, Riel accepted voluntaryexile. He and Ambroise-Dydime Lpine made their way to St Paul, where they arrived on 2 March 1872. FromSt Paul Riel carried on an extensive correspondence with his friends in the settlement, particularly with JosephDubuc*, who had moved to St Boniface from Quebec in 1870 at the urging of Riel, Ritchot, Tach, and Cartier.But Riel felt increasingly insecure in St Paul, a centre swarming with Ontarians en route to Manitoba who couldeasily be induced by Schultz and the Ontario governments reward to effect his arrest. Believing he would besafer among his friends, Riel returned to Red River in late June.

Dubuc and others now urged Riel to be a candidate for the riding of Provencher in the September 1872federal general election. He agreed, despite warnings that he would be murdered if he set foot in Ottawa. Butthere was a new turn of events: Cartier was defeated in Montreal East early in September and Macdonaldturned to Manitoba to find a seat for his Quebec lieutenant. Riel agreed to withdraw his candidature, as did hisopponent Henry Joseph CLARKE, in favour of Cartier, on condition that a settlement be reached on theguarantees made to the Mtis regarding land. The question of amnesty he was prepared to leave to Cartier,whose sympathy on this point was a matter of record. On 14 September Cartier was elected by acclamation,but a mob of Canadians wrecked the offices of the two pro-Riel newspapers, the Weekly Manitoban (Winnipeg)and Le Mtis (St Boniface). Even Smith was attacked by the Winnipeg rowdies.

For the next few months Riel was inactive. In Ottawa a renewed effort was made to secure the promisedamnesty, but Macdonald was adamant; his political position was too weak after the election. The kaleidoscope

of politics changed once again when Cartier died on 20 May 1873 in London. The champion of French rights inManitoba, and the chief proponent in cabinet of an amnesty for Riel, was gone.

The death of Cartier meant a by-election would have to be held in Provencher, and Riel agreed to let hisname stand, even though some of his friends predicted that he would never be allowed to take his seat andmight well be killed; in fact, a warrant was issued at Winnipeg in September for Riels arrest, as well as that ofAmbroise-Dydime Lpine, for the murder of Scott. Lpine was arrested at St Vital, but Riel escaped afterbeing warned by Andrew Graham Ballenden Bannatyne. Riel was determined to plead his own case inparliament, where he knew he would have strong support among the French Canadian members. In theOctober by-election he was unopposed. Accompanied by Joseph Tass*, Riel made his way to Montreal whereHonor Mercier* and two other friends conveyed him to Hull. At the last moment, however, Riel lost his courageand did not enter Ottawa, probably because he feared assassination or arrest on the murder charge. Hereturned to Montreal and in due course made his way to Plattsburg, N.Y., where he stayed with Oblate fathers.Here he was near Keeseville, a French Canadian lumber town, and, tired and depressed, he was often warmlyreceived by the parish priest, Fabien Martin, ditBarnab In November 1873 the Macdonald governmentresigned because of the Pacific Scandal; Alexander Mackenzie* became Liberal prime minister and called ageneral election for February 1874. In this election, which the Liberals won, Riel easily defeated JosephHamelin, the Liberal candidate in Provencher and a Mtis who had not participated in the movement of186970. Dubuc and Ritchot had campaigned actively on Riels behalf. He travelled to Ottawa where he signedthe oaths book, but he was soon expelled from the house on the motion of Mackenzie Bowell*, seconded bySchultz. In September 1874, with the encouragement and support of Alphonse Desjardins*, Emmanuel-Persillier Lachapelle*, and the ultramontane Conservatives in Quebec, Riel was re-elected in the by-election inProvencher. He now saw his election as not only a victory for the Mtis cause but also for the assertion of


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French and Catholic rights in Manitoba and the North-West Territories. However, he did not take his seat.Instead, he settled with Abb Martin, Keeseville being close enough to Montreal to permit easy return toCanada. Here he learned that he had been expelled from the house for a second time.

On 13 October, in Winnipeg, Lpines trial got under way after a year of delay, with Joseph Royal* and theprominent Quebec Conservative, Joseph-Adolphe Chapleau*, as defence counsel. In the first week of NovemberLpine was found guilty of Scotts murder and sentenced to death by Chief Justice Edmund Burke WOOD,despite the jurys recommendation for mercy. Quebec was outraged at the outcome of the trial and the

newspapers demanded amnesty for Lpine and Riel. What saved Lpine and assisted Mackenzie in his dilemma,for he could not accede to Quebec without offending Ontario, was the intervention of the governor general,Lord Dufferin [Blackwood*]; on his own authority Dufferin in January 1875 commuted the death sentence totwo years imprisonment and the permanent forfeiture of political rights. Mackenzie, emboldened by thegovernor generals move, secured parliamentary approval in February of an amnesty for Riel and Lpine,conditional on their banishment for five years. As a member in the Ontario Legislative Assembly Mackenzie hadbeen strongly anti-Riel. As a prime minister of Canada, however, he was forced to equivocate and compromiseuntil Dufferin had provided a way out of the impasse. Ironically, perhaps, Mackenzies actions resolved theprickly amnesty question.

Riel, exiled and with little apparent future, became more preoccupied with religious than political matters.During the strain of the previous five years he had suffered from bouts of nervous exhaustion, but now hismental and physical behaviour often revealed an obsession with the idea of a mission: he saw himself at onceas the guardian of the spiritual well-being of the Mtis and as the prophet and priest of a new form of

Christianity. He based much of this belief on a supportive letter he received from Bishop Ignace BOURGETofMontreal on 14 July 1875, in which the bishop stated: I have the deep-seated conviction that you will receivein this life, and sooner than you think, the reward for all your mental sacrifices. . . . For He has given you amission which you must fulfil in all respects. Riel already had experienced a mystical vision and anuncontrollable emotional seizure during a visit to Washington, D.C., in December 1874, and at Keeseville, AbbMartins household was being terrified by Riels continuous shouting and crying. Unable to give him solace, thekindly priest appealed for help to Riels uncle, John Lee, who lived near Montreal. Riel stayed with the Lees forseveral months, until his continued religious mania finally resulted in the interruption of a church service. Theunbearable strain on his household induced Lee to consult Riels political friend, Doctor Lachapelle, whoarranged for Riels admission to the asylum at Longue-Pointe (Hpital Louis-H. LaFontaine, Montral) on6 March 1876, under the name Louis R. David.

The supervising doctor, Dr Henry Howard, agreed that confinement was the only course available to Riels

friends. However, Howard was much impressed by Riels intelligence and knowledge of classical philosophy, thevarieties of Christian belief, and Judaism. In commenting on Riels peculiar theological ideas, he later wrote: Inever could satisfy myself thoroughly as to whether this sort of talk was not acting a part or an hallucination.During his brief stay at Longue-Pointe Riel continued to alternate between periods of lucidity and irrationality.The sisters in charge of the asylum feared that his political enemies would discover his presence and inMay 1876 Lachapelle certified that Riel required constant attention and treatment which could only be providedin the Beauport asylum (Centre hospitalier Robert-Giffard) outside Quebec City. At Beauport Riel brooded on hismission and also occasionally became violent and excited. He wrote notes elaborating his theological principles,which were a fantastic mlange of Christian and Judaic ideas. But in time, although he could still be irrationalon religious and political subjects, rest and calm had their effect. After a little more than a year and a half themedical superintendent of Beauport, Dr Franois-Elzar Roy, discharged Riel with a warning to live a quiet life if possible an outdoor life.

For the balance of 1877 and much of 1878 Riel was at Keeseville and other centres where he hoped to findwork. Late in 1878 he went to St Paul. He discovered that many of the Mtis in Manitoba had sold their land toWinnipeg land speculators, because they had no funds or skill to farm, and had moved to the valleys of theSaskatchewan and upper Missouri to hunt the now scarce buffalo. Riel travelled to the Canadian border, wherehe was visited by friends and members of his family; he learned that the Mtis did not believe he had ever beeninsane, despite his sojourn in two Quebec asylums. He confided to a few friends that he had pretended to bemad.

With his exile still a year to run, Riel joined those Mtis who, along with Indians of the Canadian plains,were wandering in the upper Missouri area of Montana territory, and he became a trader and interpreter. He


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found widespread economic hardship and demoralization among the Mtis in this turbulent frontier area. At thistime Riel, bearded and handsome, was in the prime of life. In 1881 he married a Mtis girl, Marguerite Monet,ditBellehumeur. He had had a passionate love affair with velina Martin, ditBarnab, sister of the parish priestof Keeseville, but despite her desire to join him in Montana, Riel had broken the engagement, apparentlybecause he could offer her no suitable home in the circumstances under which he was forced to live.

Riel soon involved himself in the turbulent politics of Montana, in spite of the warning that he should live aquiet life. He associated himself with the local Republican party because it seemed to be the best hope for

procuring a reserve for the Mtis and for curbing the whisky trade which was demoralizing his people.Appointed a deputy to fight this trade, Riel also participated in the 1882 congressional election. His involvementin the election subsequently produced a worrisome court case about vote manipulation, but in the end thecharges against Riel were dismissed for insufficient evidence. In March 1883 he became an American citizen.That June he visited Winnipeg but returned to Montana determined to throw in his lot with his people there. In1884 he accepted an invitation from the Jesuits to become the teacher at St Peters mission on the Sun River, atributary of the Missouri. He was a good teacher and conscientious, though as the months passed he becamerestless and bored by the routine.

But his people in the northwest did not forget him. It is not clear who in the District of Lorne was mostinfluential in soliciting Riels assistance with their grievances against the Canadian government. GabrielDumont*, the famous buffalo hunter, who had apparently met Riel at Red River in 1870, had been therecognized leader of the Mtis community at Saint-Laurent (Saint-Laurent-Grandin, Sask.) since the early1870s. His agreement with those who wished to solicit Riels help, namely the Ontario settler William Henry

Jackson* and English-speaking mixed-blood Andrew Spence of Prince Albert (Sask.), carried great weight,especially when he himself became one of the delegates who went to Montana to contact Riel in June 1884. Theinvitation to come to the South Saskatchewan offered Riel an opportunity to lead his people, a mission he hadcherished for a decade. He agreed to assist in presenting the grievances of the district to the Canadiangovernment and added that he would use this opportunity to pursue his personal claim for land in Manitoba.The delegation accepted these terms, and Riel left Montana confident that God would give him the success helonged for and that he would return home in September to continue his fight for the Mtis there.

When Riel reached Batoche (Sask.) in the District of Lorne at the beginning of July 1884 he found anunhappy and angry population, white, Indian, and Mtis. The relocation of the Canadian Pacific Railways mainline in the southern prairie region had produced a collapse of land values in nearby Prince Albert. Settlers didnot hold clear title to their land despite the fact that many had lived for over three years in the district. For themore than 1,400 Mtis in the area, the questions of unextinguished Indian rights to the land and the land

surveys were the major issues. These Mtis had been semi-nomadic hunters living far west of the Red River,who had not participated in the events of 186970. With the disappearance of the buffalo and with theencouragement of the missionaries, they were now beginning to settle into farming communities. Those whohad settled first obtained the traditional and much preferred river lots; but after a federal survey in 1882 Mtissettlers were forced to occupy square lots, and the federal government was refusing to re-survey the area.

Agitation for redress of grievances by white settlers had begun as early as 1883 with the formation of theManitoba and North West Farmers Co-operative and Protective Union to petition the federal government. Thatsame year the Settlers Union was formed by the Lorne radicals, and Jackson, its secretary, had beencommissioned to contact the Mtis of Saint-Laurent. Dumont had been cooperative, and in March 1884 hadurged the preparation of a list of rights, though some of the more militant Mtis suggested action by force ofarms. Yet in July, when Riel addressed meetings, first of Mtis at Charles Nolins house at Batoche, then ofseveral hundred English-speaking settlers at Red Deer Hill, he impressed everyone with his moderation. About aweek later he went to another meeting, where most of Prince Albert was in attendance, and again advocated apeaceful presentation of grievances and proposals. Riels calmness and moderation gained him the support ofmost settlers, and put him in a position of some influence.

Meanwhile the Plains Cree leader, Big Bear [MISTAHIMASKWA], and his followers, assembled in June 1884 onthe reserve of Poundmaker [Ptikwahanapiwyin], were formulating demands to be made to the Indian Affairsbranch of the federal government. Poundmaker and Big Bear were aware of the agitation in Lorne and heldmeetings with Riel soon after his arrival in the district. However, the native peoples grievances had little incommon with those Riel now represented, and these meetings did nothing to bring the two movements closertogether.


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The early favourable response to Riel among the white settlers yielded to growing opposition. The PrinceAlbert Times and Saskatchewan Reviewreversed its editorial policy, having been bribed by Edgar Dewdney*,the Indian commissioner and lieutenant governor of the territories. In addition, Riel did not have the support ofthe clergy. Father Alexis Andr* charged Riel with mixing religion and politics. On 1 Sept. 1884 Bishop Vital-Justin Grandin* of St Albert paid a conciliatory visit to Saint-Laurent accompanied by Amde-EmmanuelForget*, secretary to Dewdney; there is some evidence that Forget attempted, unsuccessfully, to buy Rielwith a seat on the Council of the North-West Territories. Dumont calmed events somewhat by explaining: Weneed him [Riel] here as our political leader. In other matters I am the chief here. Riel explained to Grandin

what he wanted: the inauguration of a responsible Government; the same privileges to the old settlers of theNorth-West Territories as those accorded to the old settlers of Manitoba; the granting of the lands, at present,in possession of the Halfbreeds to them in fee simple, and the issuing of patents to them on application;240 acres for all mixed-bloods; the income from the sale of two million acres for the support of schools,hospitals, and orphanages and for the purchase of ploughs and of grain; and for all works and contracts of theGovernment in the North-West Territories be given, as far as practicable to residents therein, in order toencourage them as they deserve and to increase circulation of cash in the Territories.

Riel and Jackson busied themselves at Prince Albert with the petition, and on 16 December it was sent toOttawa, signed by Andrew Spence as chairman and Jackson as secretary of the joint English-Mtis organization.The petition was a long one with 25 sections, land claims occupying a prominent place. The grievances of theMtis and Indians were recited and it was noted that while the territories had an population of 60,000,Manitoba had been granted provincial status with only 12,000. The petitioners thus included the suggestionthat they be allowed as in [1870], to send Delegates to Ottawa with their Bill of rights; whereby anunderstanding may be arrived at as to their entry into confederation, with the constitution of a free province.The petition was acknowledged by Chapleau, the secretary of state, and was referred to David LewisMacpherson*, the minister of the interior, by Macdonald, the prime minister, who subsequently denied havingreceived it. The acknowledgement by Chapleau was regarded by Jackson as a victory.

The question now arose for Riel as to whether or not to return to Montana as he had originally planned. Atthe same time he had not forgotten that his own land claims had not yet been settled by the federalgovernment. Certainly he was a poor man who lived by charity and he had not hidden from the delegation thefact that he wished to press these claims: under the Manitoba Act, he pointed out, 240 acres were owing tohim. He also had owned five lots which were of value for their hay, wood, and proximity to the Red River. Heestimated that in all he was due a sum of $35,000. However, the federal government remained insensitive notonly to Riels claims but to the grievances of the petition.

By the end of February 1885 Riel had agreed to stay, claiming that a vast multitude of nations waswaiting to support him. However, although the missionaries were sympathetic to the Mtis cause they opposedany use of force or any encouragement of the Indians; by March Mtis frustration had led to talk of resort toarms. Because of the opposition from the clergy and from some Mtis, including Nolin, to violence, on 10 Marchthe Mtis decided to begin a novena, timed to end on the 19th, feast day of St Joseph, the patron saint of theMtis, to assist them in arriving at a decision. But, during a mass in the church at Saint-Laurent on 15 March,Riel remonstrated with the priest, Father Vital Fourmond, on his attitude to a Mtis armed movement, in effectmaking a final break from the church. He was becoming more and more mystical and pietistic, and he spentmuch time in prayer. He deepened his rupture with the clergy by preaching his own theology to his followers;he renamed the days of the week, put the Lords Day on Saturday as in Mosaic law, proposed that there be anew pope (Bourget, and later Tach), rejected the rule of Rome, and suggested that everyone would be priestsin a new reformed Catholicism.

Frustrated by the lack of federal action, Riel was, in fact, having a renewed period of mental disturbance.But the appeal of his charismatic personality was strong, and by this time his more militant followers wereseizing shotguns, rifles, and ammunition. On 18 March, hearing a rumour that 500 North-West Mounted Policewere advancing towards them, Riel and approximately 60 supporters ransacked stores and seized a number ofpeople, including Indian Agent John Bean Lash, near Batoche. Riel announced that Rome has fallen and thatBourget was the new pope. That evening at Saint-Laurent he signed his name Louis David Riel, and the nextday he formed a provisional government, composed of 15 councillors, known as the exovedate, which meantthose picked from the flock. Riel was not a member; to be one would not have fitted his role as a prophet bydivine sanction.


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Riel was nevertheless the undisputed leader of the movement, Dumont being the military head. Theirintention was first to take Fort Carlton, and they tried without success to enlist the active support of theEnglish-speaking mixed-bloods. Needing supplies for his troops, Dumont ransacked a store at Duck Lake on25 March. He then proceeded west and the next day encountered by chance a force commanded by NWMPSuperintendent Leif Newry Fitzroy Crozier*. Despite the fact that the Mtis were protected by natural cover andoccupied high ground, Crozier, an impetuous and excitable officer, gave the order to fire. Of the governments100 men, 12 were killed and 11 wounded. The Mtis lost only five of about 300 men. If Riel, who had given theorder to return the fire from the police, had not stopped the fighting, the government forces would have been

annihilated. Riel and his followers spent the rest of the day in prayers for their dead, returning to Batoche on31 March.

By early April Riel had given up hope of support from the English half-breeds and the whites, although hedid still expect to be able to make alliances with the various Indian groups, who by this time had also taken uparms. At Battleford, Poundmakers followers had broken into the buildings in the town, and the residents hadbeen forced to take refuge in the NWMP barracks. At Eagle Hills the Stonies had killed a white farm instructor.On Big Bears reserve the war chief, Wandering Spirit [Kapapamahchakwew] had displaced Big Bear and led theband in the violent attack on Frog Lake (Alta) on 2 April, where nine people were killed [see Lon-AdlardFAFARD]. Riel sent messages to the Indians to join the Mtis movement, but chronic factionalism among thevarious Indian groups and a lack of understanding of Riels goals produced only a few recruits. The Indianmovement itself was never able to put up a united front, despite Big Bears efforts in this direction, and lack ofconcerted action was a major cause of its collapse.

The events at Frog Lake, although the responsibility of the Indians and not the Mtis, aroused horror andhatred of Riel throughout English Canada. That both Mtis and Indians had legitimate grievances was ignored.Macdonald decided to crush the revolt, calling on Major-General Frederick Dobson Middleton*, thencommanding the Canadian militia, to take the field. Middleton formulated a simple plan: he would march on Rielat Batoche from Fort QuAppelle (Sask.); at the same time Major-General Thomas Bland Strange* would marchfrom Calgary to engage Big Bear, and proceed to join forces with Middleton; and Lieutenant-Colonel WilliamDillon Otter* was to relieve Battleford. Otter was successful, but suffered a serious setback at Cut Knife Hill(Sask.) at the hands of Poundmakers warriors. Middleton was fired on by the Mtis at Fish Creek (Sask.) on24 April and was not able to continue his march to Batoche until 7 May.

The Mtis were preparing their defences at Batoche, a series of pits skilfully hidden in the bush. Dumont,too realistic to believe that his forces could defeat the Canadians, had hoped that a well-conducted guerrillacampaign would force the government to negotiate. Riel had opposed these tactics and had decided upon

concentrating their forces, about 175 or 200 men, at Batoche in his mind the city of God. When Middletonsforce of more than 800 men advanced on the village on 9 May, the result was a foregone conclusion despitewhat the English Canadian press later called the heroics of the militia led by Colonel Arthur Trefusis HeneageWILLIAMS. The battle, and the rebellion, was over on 12 May.

Dumont fled to the United States; on 15 May Riel, cold and forlorn, chose to surrender to the scouts ofthe NWMP, who described him as careworn and haggard; he has let his hair and beard grow long; He isdressed in a poorer fashion than most of the half breeds captured. While talking to Genl Middleton as could beseen from the outside of the tent, his eyes rolled from side to side with the look of a hunted man; He isevidently the most thoroughly frightened man in camp . . . . On the following day the minister of militia,Joseph-Philippe-Ren-AdolpheCaron*, instructed Middleton to send Riel to Winnipeg under guard for trial, butMacdonald and his cabinet came to realize that if the trial was held in Winnipeg a unanimous verdict might notbe secured, a distinctly unpleasant prospect for the government. When the party reached Moose Jaw (Sask.) onthe CPR, it was redirected by Caron to Regina, where it arrived on 23 May 1885. In the territorial capital and itsneighbourhood, hostility to the prisoner prevailed.

The difference in site also meant a different court procedure. Under Manitoba law a prisoner was entitled toa 12-man jury and half the jury might be French-speaking. On the other hand, the federal law governing courtprocedure in the territories called for only a six-man jury, with no assurance of bilingual rights. Moreover, at atrial held in one of the provinces the case would be heard by a superior court judge whose independence wasguaranteed by law and practice. Instead, Riel was tried in Regina by a stipendiary magistrate who held office atthe pleasure of the federal government, and could be dismissed without cause at any time.


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It was clear from the start that the trial would be a political one, and there is indisputable evidence thatMacdonalds objective was to fix exclusive responsibility on Riel and to secure his conviction and execution assoon as possible. It was an understandable reaction to the inflamed opinion of Ontario, which cried forvengeance for the killing of Thomas Scott, the whites at Frog Lake, the men at Duck Lake, and the militiamenunder Middletons command. But Macdonald sadly misjudged the explosion of emotions in Quebec. In theevent, the governments conduct of the case was to be a travesty of justice.

When Riel was brought to Regina he was imprisoned in the NWMP barracks in a 6 1/2 by 4 1/2 foot cell

and shackled with ball and chain. All the defendants who were charged, including Jackson who had joined theMtis movement, were held incommunicado by the police until the chief prosecuting attorneys arrived on 1 July.In the interval, the governments lawyers were sifting the evidence against Riel and the others, and preparingthe formal charges, utilizing the documents which had been retrieved from Riels headquarters and on thebattlefield.

The presiding magistrate was to be Hugh Richardson*, an Englishman who had been named a stipendiarymagistrate by the Mackenzie administration in 1876 and who was a member of the Council of the North-WestTerritories and legal adviser to the lieutenant governor of the North-West Territories. He was not bilingual. Thefive prosecuting attorneys were the deputy minister of justice, George Wheelock Burbidge, as well as leadingmembers of the bar of eastern Canada: Christopher Robinson*, Thomas-Chase Casgrain*, Britton Bath Osler*,and David Lynch Scott*. Franois-Xavier Lemieux*, a successful criminal lawyer, was one of those who agreedto defend Riel, along with Charles Fitzpatrick*, Thomas Cooke Johnstone, and James Naismith Greenshields,also leading members of the bar in the east.

In retrospect, the defence lawyers handling of Riels case left much to be desired. They did not ask fordismissal on grounds of insanity, despite the fact that Jackson had been so acquitted a few days before. Theyalso denied Riel the right to cross-examine witnesses, even though (as Riel put it during the trial) they losemore than three-quarters of the good opportunities of making good answers . . . , because they did not knowthe witnesses and the local circumstances. All this was a serious invasion of the prisoners rights by his counsel.Lemieux also declared that the defence counsel would not be responsible for anything the prisoner might sayduring his first address to the jury. It is curious that Riels lawyers did not demand that he be tried under theCanadian statute of 1868 which would have allowed a charge of treason-felony with life imprisonment as thepenalty. Of the 84 trials held in Battleford and Regina for participants in the rebellion, 71 were for treason-felony, 12 for murder, and only one, Riels, for high treason. The charge against Riel was under the medievalEnglish statute of 1352 which carried a mandatory death penalty.

The trial opened on 20 July with the reading of the indictment, followed by arguments by Riels counselchallenging the jurisdiction of the court and the trial procedure. Richardson rejected the defence arguments.Riel pleaded not guilty. On the following day the defence counsel argued for a postponement of the trial, on thegrounds that they would be unable to conduct a defence in the absence of certain witnesses, including anumber of alienists in eastern Canada. Richardson granted postponement for one week. Riel had asked forthree witnesses who had fled to Montana, Gabriel Dumont and two other Mtis, Napolon Nault and MichelDumas. Father Andr and his associate Father Fourmond did appear as defence witnesses, but not LawrenceVankoughnet*, the superintendent-general of Indian affairs, and Alexander Mackinnon Burgess*, deputyminister of the interior, who, Riel argued, were custodians of documents which detailed Mtis grievances. Thethird days proceedings began on 28 July with the empanelling of the jury. As a measure of the inevitability ofthe final outcome it should be noted that of the 36 persons summoned by Richardson for jury service only onewas French-speaking, and he was prevented by an accident from appearing. The crown challenged oneprospective juror, the only Roman Catholic on the list. Thus, despite the fact that French Canadian and Mtisjurors could have been secured from among the population of the territories, Riel was tried by a jury comprisedentirely of English-speaking Protestants.

A perusal of the evidence indicates clearly that the crown selected witnesses who would testify that theprisoner had used his great influence with the Mtis to lead them to arm themselves, and subsequently haddetermined the strategy of the uprising. Dumont, the witnesses implied, had been responsible only for thetactics adopted in the engagements. The prosecution elicited opinions from its witnesses that Riels deepreligious fervour was calculated to impress a simpleminded folk who had become his dupes and it made muchof Riels negotiations with the Indians. It also represented the prisoner as a self-seeking villain who wasprepared in return for $35,000 to abandon the cause of the Mtis. The prosecution sought to discredit


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witnesses called by the defence, and objected to the admission of evidence on the failure of the federalgovernment to deal with long-standing complaints. It may well have feared the effect of such evidence on thejurors because even at this early date most westerners felt alienated by policies made in Ottawa for the benefitof central Canada.

Both Father Andr and Father Fourmond, questioned on Riels behaviour, politics, and religion, wereunshakeable in their opinion that Riel was insane. Defence counsels star witness was Dr Franois-Elzar Roy,superintendent of the Beauport asylum, who stated that Riel suffered from megalomania (today often referred

to as paranoia). Roy was subjected to a savage cross-examination by Osler, whose questions implied that Royhad a financial interest in keeping patients in his custody. Dr Daniel Clark*, superintendent of the lunaticasylum in Toronto, testified that Riel was insane, but admitted he would have to have him under observation forsome months before he could be positive that he was not malingering. Clark was highly critical of theMcNaghten rules; this legal precedent established that a defence of insanity could be accepted only if it couldbe proved that the accused did not know the difference between right and wrong. To combat the impressiveevidence of Riels insanity the crown counsel resorted to extraordinary measures. Dr James Wallace, medicalsuperintendent of the insane asylum in Hamilton, Ont., testified that Riel was sane, on the basis of about halfan hours interview and listening to the trial proceedings. Not only was his examination superficial, but defencecounsel Charles Fitzpatrick elicited that Wallace had never read the works of the leading French authorities onmegalomania. Dr Augustus Jukes*, the NWMP surgeon, was forced to admit under defence questioning that onecould converse with a man and not be aware of insanity. With its case in such a precarious state, theprosecution recalled General Middleton and four other laymen who had had brief contacts with Riel.

The defence counsel could have made better use of Dr Clarks evidence, though it may have been that theyhad little or no experience in dealing with cases of insanity, or they may have had too little time to preparetheir defence or to consult alienists in advance. Yet another curious feature of the conduct of the case was thatthe defence did not attempt to subpoena the diary which Riel kept between March and May 1885 and which waspicked up on the battlefield along with his other papers and shipped to the Department of Justice in Ottawa.The Toronto Globe had published most of this diary by the time the trial began in Regina. The diary displays acurious mixture of prayers and pious assertions with religious interpretations of the events of the rebellion.

Fitzpatrick summed up the case for acquittal in perhaps the most passionately eloquent address ever heardin a Canadian courtroom. The first part was devoted to an exposition of the historic role of the Mtis in thenorthwest, and the disabilities under which they had suffered. The remainder dealt cogently with Riels actionsduring the rebellion, which were held to be incompatible with those of a sane man. The address had a profoundeffect on those present in the court, including the jurors. The judge then called on Riel, asking him whether he

had anything to say. Riel would have preferred to defer his remarks until after the crown counsel had made itssummation; but the judge denied the request. Riel then proceeded to address the court. The intense religiosityof the prisoner, a notable feature of his personality, was evident from the beginning and throughout hisremarks. He spoke in a clear, eloquent, and earnest manner and dealt particularly with the question of hisinsanity. The address was quite rational in its description of the undemocratic institutions which prevailed in theterritories. Robinsons summation for the prosecution was relatively brief and unemotional, and was chieflyconcerned with the defence that Riel was insane. My learned friends, he sagely observed, must make theirchoice between their defences. They cannot claim for their client what is called a niche in the temple of fameand at the same time assert that he is entitled to a place in a lunatic asylum. Riel, he continued, is neither apatriot nor a lunatic. How could a man live for 18 months as the most prominent man in the district without hisinsanity being detected? Robinson could find no evidence that Riel controlled his mania and used it for his ownpurpose. Finally, Robinson was dissatisfied with the evidence that had been provided by the defence concerningthe circumstances of his incarceration in the two asylums.

The judges charge to the jury was clearly biased against Riel. Richardson reiterated his claim that the courthad full jurisdiction. In dealing with the question of insanity he suggested that Riels claim for $35,000, and thedisappearance of his irritability when brought to Regina, were facts which demonstrated reasoning power.Richardson concluded by asking the jury to apply the McNaghten rules to the case. On 1 August the juryreturned a verdict of guilty with a recommendation of mercy. Richardson passed the death sentence.

But before delivering the sentence Richardson asked Riel the customary question of whether he hadanything to say to the court. Riel seized the opportunity to deliver a much longer speech than the one he hadmade the previous afternoon. It was an entirely secular argument, with the exception of three brief references


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to the Deity, to his prophetic mission, and to the spirit which had guided his activities. He began by expressingsatisfaction that he had not been regarded as insane. He then turned to a recital of the Manitoba disturbancesof 186970, two-thirds of his remarks being devoted to this theme. Turning to his ambitions for the northwest,he described the policy he would follow if he were federal minister of immigration and his programme forsettling the prairies. In essence it was a not unreasonable programme for creating a multi-cultural society. Atthe same time the address has shrewd observations and moving passages which typify the rhetorical powerthat had given him such an influence in the Mtis community.

The verdict was appealed to the Court of Queens Bench of Manitoba (the appeal court for the territories),and subsequently to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, but the appeals were dismissed. Meanwhile,petitions for the commutation of the death sentence flooded into Ottawa from thousands of French Canadians inQuebec, Massachusetts, and Manitoba. A considerable number of counter-petitions were sent from Ontario. Thecommutation petitions were based on the argument that Riel was insane and hence not responsible for hisactions during the rebellion, or that his crime was a political one for which civilized nations no longer exactedthe death penalty. Riels fate had become a national issue that threatened to divide the cabinet, indeed thecountry, and a vast amount of editorial commentary was produced on the subject. Ontario newspapers favouredthe execution and at least one, the Toronto News, went as far as to begin advocating polarization of politics onracial lines. On the other hand, Quebec journalists were highly critical of Macdonald and his cabinet, especiallyhis French Canadian colleagues. Despite the immense pressure from mass meetings in Quebec, Chapleau,Hector-Louis Langevin*, and Caron did not resign, perhaps saving the country from further racial and religiousconflict.

As a result of the insistence of Macdonalds French Canadian cabinet colleagues, he nevertheless agreed tohave Riel re-examined. On 31 Oct. 1885 three doctors were instructed to report to the government on whetherthe prisoner was a reasonable and accountable being who could properly be executed. They were Dr Jukes ofRegina, Dr Franois-Xavier Valade, a well-known general practitioner of Ottawa, and Dr Michael Lavell*, aspecialist in obstetrics and warden of the Kingston penitentiary. Lavell and Jukes reported that Riel was sane.Valades conclusion was that Riel was not an accountable being, that he was unable to distinguish between rightand wrong on political and religious subjects. The whole consultation was undertaken in the utmost secrecy.Valades testimony was falsified by the ministry in the report submitted to parliament in 1886 to make it appearthat he had in fact agreed with the other two.

In general, the treason charge was a legal rationalization. But even if treason had been a sound charge,there were grounds for commuting the sentence in view of the conflicting testimony on Riels sanity, thedictates of mercy, and the political character of the prosecution. In its political calculation, the government

sadly misjudged the situation. French Canadians understandably would be suspicious of court decisions whichhad acquitted the two white settlers, Jackson and Thomas Scott, both tried for treason-felony, while finding 20Mtis and numerous Indians guilty. Perhaps nothing else could have been expected from the 70-year-oldMacdonald, bereft of an outstanding French Canadian colleague. On 16 November at the NWMP barracks inRegina, Riel was hanged, meeting his death with dignity, calmness, and courage.

Psychiatrists from 1885 to the present have generally agreed that Riel suffered from megalomania. Theonly dissenter has been Dr Henry Howard who did not regard Riel as insane in the legal sense of theterm. Professor Thomas Flanagan argues that a more satisfying explanation of this madness can be putforward than simple personal aberrancy. Riel, he maintains, and the North-West Rebellion of 1885 should beset in the context of todays comparative knowledge about millenarian movements, particularly the nativisticcults which have been much studied by anthropologists. From this point of view, a great deal of the behaviourof Riel and his followers ceases to be eccentric and inexplicable because it becomes part of a pattern of eventswhich has been repeated hundreds of times in similar situations in other parts of the world. Riel, Flanagancontinues, understandably . . . began to think of himself as persecuted. His moods vacillated from depressionand listlessness to exaltation. Towards the end of 1874, he began to see visions and have revelations about hisdivine mission. . . . [He] felt himself charged to bring about the religious renovation of the New World. . . . Themtis were Gods chosen people with a mission to revive religion in America. . . . [The] papacy would move toSt. Boniface so the pope would be among the sacerdotal people. The mtis would have a glorious future in theNorth-West, but they would not possess it alone and selfishly. The nations of Europe would undertake a vastmigration. . . .

Professor Flanagans view that Riels mysticism had produced a cult, and that he was seeking to maintain


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his credibility among his followers, is no doubt correct. But Riel saw himself primarily as the advocate of justicefor the Mtis. Only in the 20th century have some westerners seen in him the pioneer of western protestmovements directed against the political and economic power of central Canada.

The execution of Riel caused not only an outcry in Quebec but a notable change in local and nationalpolitics. Shortly after, the Parti National was organized in Quebec, led by Honor Mercier, a brilliant orator. Thisparty won the provincial election of 1886. In the federal election of 1887 there was a significant loss ofConservative seats to the Liberals, setting a trend which culminated in Wilfrid Lauriers victory in 1896 and a

fundamental realignment in Canadian national politics.When the federal government arranged for the acquisition of Ruperts Land in 1870, it also procured, by an

amendment of the British North America Act, full and unlimited power to create any form of local governmentthat it chose, uninhibited by section 92 of the act. The boundaries given to Manitoba were deliberatelyrestricted to limit the political power of the Mtis. Similarly the administrative arrangements for acquiring publiclands and responses to resolutions of the Council of the North-West Territories in 1884 provided for nodemocratic input. Riels hopes for the New Nation with full and effective biculturalism were doomed from thestart. His ambition blinded him to these facts.

Of the events of 186970 Riel could truly say during the trial of 1885 that through the grace of God I amthe founder of Manitoba. It was a voice from the past that no longer corresponded with reality either inManitoba or in the territories. There most Mtis were inexorably pushed into numerous obscure ghettos in theparklands and forest belts often on the edge of Indian reserves. This was the end of the New Nation, and the

ultimate tragedy of Louis Riel.

LEWIS H. THOMAS

[The most important primary material on Louis Riel is found in collections of Riel papers at the PAM (MG 3, D),the AASB in the Fonds Tach, and the PAC (MG 27, I, F3). Other collections at the PAC containing relevantmaterials are the Sir John A. Macdonald papers (MG 26, A), the Edgar Dewdney papers (MG 27, I, C4), and therecords of the Dept. of Justice (RG 13, B2). These and other collections are described in T. [E.] Flanagan andC. M. Rocan, A guide to the Louis Riel papers,Archivaria (Ottawa), no.11 (winter 198081): 13569. Riel wasthe author ofLamnistie: mmoire sur les causes des troubles du Nord-Ouest et sur les ngociations qui ontamen leur rglement amiable ([Montreal], 1874), which appeared under the same title in Le Nouveau Monde,4 fvr. 1874, and also under the title Lamnistie aux Mtis de Manitoba: mmoire sur les causes des troubles duNord-Ouest et sur les ngociations qui ont amen leur rglement amiable (Ottawa, 1874). His Posiesreligieuses et politiques were published in Montreal in 1886, and his diaries have been edited by

T. [E.] Flanagan, The diaries of Louis Riel(Edmonton, 1976); his early poetry was brought together by GillesMartel et al. in Louis Riel: posies de jeunesse (Saint-Boniface, Man., 1977). In 1978 the Riel Project, headedby Professors G. F. G. Stanley, Glen Campbell, T. E. Flanagan, Raymond Huel, and Gilles Martel, was establishedat the University of Alberta in Edmonton with a grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Councilof Canada to publish a critical edition of all the writings of Louis Riel.

Much primary material on the disturbances of 186970 and the rebellion of 1885 appears in printeddocuments of the Canadian government. One of the most important sources is Can., House of Commons, SelectCommittee on the Causes of the Difficulties in the North-West Territory in 186970, Report(Ottawa, 1874)(also published in Can., House of Commons,Journals, 1874, app.6). Can., Parl., Sessional papers, 1870, V,no.12; 1871, V, nos.20, 44; VI, no.47; 1886, V, no.6a; XII, nos.4343i, all relating to the troubles of 186970and the rebellion of 1885, are of great value. The Sessional papers for 1886, no.43c (the jury list and trialrecords), has been reprinted with an introduction by Desmond Morton as The Queen v Louis Riel(Toronto and

Buffalo, N.Y., 1974). See also: Can., House of Commons, Debates, 187586; Senate, Debates, 187186.Primary materials on the disturbances of 186970 will also be found in Begg, Red River journal(Morton),

and Georges Dugas, Histoire vridique des faits qui ont prepar le mouvement des Mtis la Rivire-Rouge en1869 (Montreal, 1905), and on the rebellion of 1885 in Telegrams of the North-West campaign, 1885, ed.Desmond Morton and R. H. Roy (Toronto, 1972). The execution of Riel produced a flood of controversialliterature, including [C. A.] Boulton, Reminiscences of the North-West rebellions, with a record of the raising ofHer Majestys 100th Regiment in Canada . . . (Toronto, 1886); [J.-A. Chapleau], La question Riel; lettre([Ottawa, 1885]); Adolphe Ouimet et B.-A. Testard de Montigny, La vrit sur la question mtisse au


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Nord-Ouest; biographie et rcit de Gabriel Dumont sur les vnements de 1885(Montreal, 1889); and[Napoleon Thompson], The gibbet of Regina; the truth about Riel: Sir John A.

Documents

RIEL, LOUIS (1844-85) - Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online