Rice-crab production in South India: The role of indigenous knowledge in designing food security policies

Most indigenous food production systems are dynamic and complex, reflecting generations of careful observations of the agro-ecological and sociocultural environment. Harvesting crabs from the bunds of rice fields is one of several food production systems prac- tised by resource-poor people in rice- based farming systems in south India. Local people possess an in-depth knowledge of the crabs and their ecology. Crabs, in turn, contribute significantly to the protein intake of resource- poor households. This article discusses the impact of crab consumption on food expenditure, as well as analysing certain sociocultural factors which in- fluence the catching and consumption of crabs. Factors threatening the existence of the rice-crab production system are also enumerated. Finally, policy guidelines to conserve the autochtho- nous rice-crab production system are suggested.

Agricultural programmes designed for small-scale farmers in developing countries are conventionally aimed at increasing food production.’ Yet, in spite of increased food production, resource-poor people in many of the developing countries continue to suffer from severe malnutrition.2 Moreover, the increased pressure for food production has led to the gradual disappearance of indigenous plant and animal foods from the diets of local people.3 This process has resulted in the further deteriora- tion of local knowledge systems associated with the local plant foods.4 The erosion of cultural knowledge related to food production all too often increases the dependency of resource-poor rural households on the external food markets.

B. Rajasekaran is Research Associate in the Center for Indigenous Knowledge for Agriculture and Rural Development (CIKARD), and Michael B. Whiteford is Professor and Chair in the Department of Anthropology, Iowa State University, 319 Curtiss Hall, Ames, IA 50011, USA (Tel: 515 294 8212; Fax: 515 294 1708).

Indigenous knowledge, as the basis of decision making, is frequently unknown or overlooked by developmental workers seeking solutions to food problems.5 Too often there is no systematic record documenting the knowledge system - what it is, what it does, who does it, or the local approaches for changing it.6 Some contemporary research on local knowledge systems related to food production indicates that many of these systems are sophisticated, and contribute significantly to food securitys7 Food production systems involve complex processes for producing food from diversified agro-ecological environments to meet the subsistent needs of the local people. In addition, these systems are dynamic and complex, reflecting generations of careful observations of the agro-ecological and sociocultural environments.

The authors would like to thank Professor M.S. Swaminathan, Chairman, M.S. Swa- minathan Research Foundation, India, and Dr D.M. Warren, Director, CIKARD, USA, for having provided the institutional support for conducting this study. Their en- couragement during the study period is

In the pursuit of designing sustainable food production strategies, studying indigenous food production systems can be a rewarding experience.8 Local plants are important genetic resources for sustainable land use systems and possess high nutritional and medicinal values.’ Local-level crop rotational practices which involve a cropping pattern of cereals, legumes, oilseeds and vegetables result in the availability of a wide variety of foods.” Such practices reduce the dependency of the farmers on credit and external input supply.

continued on page 238 Local varieties of gourd vegetables, such as bitter gourds, snake

Rice-crab production in south India

The role of indigenous knowledge in designing food security policies

B. Rajasekaran and Michael B. Whiteford

0306-9192/93/030237-l 1 0 1993 Butterworth-Heinemann Ltd 237


continued from page 237 gratefully acknowledged. The anonymous reviewers provided the authors with addi- tional constructive suggestions for improving the manuscript, and we appreciate their input.

‘J. Jamias, ‘Asia urged to shift emphasis in farm policy’, Business Times, 25 Novem- ber 1989. *P. Fleuret and A. Fleuret, ‘Nutrition, consumption, and agricultural change’, Hu- man Organization, Vol 39, No 3, 1980, pp 250-260. 3M.E3. Whiteford, ‘From gallo pinto to Jack’s snacks: observations on dietary change in a rural Costa Rican village’, Ecology of Food and Nutrition, Vol 27, No 314, 1992, pp 207-218; Ft. Holmes and K. Clark, ‘Diet, acculturation, and nutritional status in Venezuela’s Amazon territory’, Ecology of Food and Nutrition, Vol 27, No 314, 1992, pp 163-188. 4D.M. Warren, indigenous Knowledge and Development, World Bank, Washington, DC, 1991. ‘Ibid. ‘0.D. Atteh, tndigenous Local Knowledge as Key to Local-level Development: fossi- bilifies, Constraints and Planning Issues, Studies in Technology and Social Change Series No 11, Technology and Social Change Program, Iowa State University, Ames, IA, 1991. 7G. Nabhan, ‘Cultivation and culture’, Eco- logist, Vol 9, No 8/9, 1979, p 4; P. Richards, Indigenous Agricultural Revolu- tion: Ecology and Food Production in West Africa, Hutchinson, London, 1985; P. Richards, Coping with Hunger: Hazard and Experiment in an African Rice-farming System, Allen & Unwin, London, 1986; Warren, op tit, Ref 4. ‘G.J.S. Dei, ‘Indigenous knowledge and economic production: the food crop cultivation, preservation and storage methods of a West African community’, Ecology of Food and Nutrition, Vol 24, No 1, 1990, p l-20; M.A. Altieri, ‘Peasant agriculture and the conservation of crop and wild plant resources’, Conservation Biology, Vol 4, No 1, 1987, pp 4958.

gourds and ribbed gourds grown by marginal farmers in Shollinganallur village of Tamil Nadu state, India, are found to contribute significantly to nutrition.” Research done elsewhere in India showed that indigenous vegetable production significantly improved the nutritional status of weaning age children. l2 In yet another stu d , low-income households y

consumed the least amount of rice, but the largest amount of leafy vegetables, harvested from Javanese home gardens.” Vegetables obtained from the home gardens are rich in vitamin A and vitamin C, and provide nearly 40% of the household requirements for energy.14 Some plants consumed for one reason may, in fact, serve multiple purposes. In southern Mexico peasants garnish their rice and beans with small amounts of the herb epazote (Chenopodium foetidum).‘5 This is done ostensibly for its flavour, but the plant is a good source of vitamins and acts as a gentle vermifuge, expelling parasite worms from the gastrointestinal tract. Hence, without the wealth of indigenous plant resources, food production in the developing countries could not meet the challenge of constantly increasing food needs.”

Identifying and incorporating indigenous knowledge systems related to food production and consumption are therefore imperative to the successful design and implementation of food security policies. Using a case study approach, the overall purpose of this article is to suggest certain food and nutritional policy guidelines by analysing indigenous food production systems with particular reference to a rice-crab production system.

The first section explores components involved in the rice-crab production system. The second section analyses the impact of crab consumption on nutrition and expenditure incurred on food. The third section examines certain factors found to threaten the existence of the rice-crab production system. The fourth section discusses the sociocultural factors influencing the catching and consumption of crabs. Finally, the fifth section suggests certain policy guidelines to achieve household food and nutritional security based on the rice-crab production system.

Methodology

‘M. Hoffmann-Kuehnel, ‘African women farmers: utilizing local knowledge’, /LEtA Newsletter, Vol 5, No 4, 1989, pp 89. “M.A. Altieri and L.C. Merrick, ‘Agroeco- logy and in situ conservation of native crop diversity in the Third World’, in E.O. Wilson and F.M. Peter, eds, Biodiversify, National Academy Press, Washington, DC, 1988, pp 1523.

Data for this study were collected over a three-month period from the community of Keelkondungalur, in Thiruvannanamalai district, Tamil Nadu state, India. Research consisted of listening, observing, and working with villagers. The data were obtained in two different but consecutive phases: (1) rapid rural appraisal; and (2) survey questionnaire.

Rapid rural uppruisalphase

“B. Rajasekaran, D.M. Warren and SC. Babu, ‘Indigenous natural-resource management systems for sustainble agricultural development: a global perspective’, Journal of tnternationat Development, Vol 3, No 4, 1991, pp 387-402. “S.K. Kumar, ho/e of the Household Eco- nomy in Child Nutrition at Low incomes: A

RRA is carried out as close to the source as possible. Farmers’ perceptions and

Case Sfudy in Kerala, Occasional Paper understanding of resource situations and problems are important to learn and

No 95, Department of Aaricultural Econo- comprehend because solutions must be viable and acceptable in the local

Certain rapid rural appraisal (RRA) techniques developed in recent years seem relevant for eliciting indigenous knowledge systems and also for understanding the local conditions systematically. ” The rationale behind the use of RRA techniques to record indigenous knowledge systems has been provided by Grandstaff and colleages:

continied on page 239 context and because local inhabitants possess extensive knowledge about their

FOOD POLICY June 1993


continued from page 238 mics, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, 1978. 130. Soemarwoto and G.R. Conwav. ‘The Javanese homegarden’, Journal fo; Farm- ing Systems Research-Extension, Vol 2, No 3, 1991, pp 95-119. j4A. Staler, ‘Garden use and household economy in Java’, in G.E. Hansen, ed, Agriculture and Rural Development in ln- donesia, Westview Press, Boulder, CO, 1979, pp 242-254. 15M.B. Whiteford, ‘Patterns of medical choice among working class families in the city of Oaxaca, Mexico’, in D.M. Warren, D. Brokensha and J. Slikkerveer, eds, In- digenous Knowledge Systems: The Cultu- ral Dimensions of Development, Kegan Paul International, London, in press. %. Velve, ‘Grass roots alternatives for conserving genetic diversity’, ILEIA News- letter, Vol5; No 4, 1989, tip 28-30. “Atteh, op tit, Ref 6; G. Conway, A. McCracken and N. Pretty, ‘Training notes for analysis and rapid &al app&al’, a report of the Sustainable Agricultural Pro- gramme, International Institute for Environ- ment and Development, London, 1987; S.C. Scrimshaw and E. Hurtado, Rapid Assessment Procedures for Nutrition and Primary Health Care: Anthropological Approaches to Improving Programme Effectiveness, UCLA Latin American Cen- ter Publications, University of California,

. Los Angeles, 1987. ‘*SW. Grandstaff. T.B. Grandstaff and G.W. Lovelace, ‘.&mmary report’, Pro- ceedings of the 1985 International Confer- ence on Rapid Rural Appraisal, Khon Kaen University, Thailand, 1987. Like many data gathering techniques, RRA is not without drawbacks. In spite of potential problems with such things as replicability of methods, occasional superficiality and the possibility of poor selection of key informants (or local experts), RRA techniques can be powerful tools for obtaining high- quality, iirst-rate data.

- -

‘%. Gooalan. B.V. Ramasastri and S.C. Balasubiamanian, Nufritive Value of Indian foods, National Institute of Nutrition, Hyderabad, 1981.

settings. In many instances, RRA researchers have also discovered that farmers are capable not only of devising viable solutions to local problems based on their own understanding, but also conducting relatively sophisticated field experi- ments in response to local constraints and opportunities. For the above reasons, an understanding of indigenous knowledge and practices are extremely valuable for viable and appropriate rural development, and many of the methods, tools and techniques of RRA have been selected for their abilities to elicit, evaluate, understand, and avoid misunderstanding indigenous knowledge.‘X

With respect to rice-crab production and agro-ecological conditions determining the crab production, indigenous knowledge systems were recorded from key informants in the study village. In addition, partici- pant observation was conducted in order to study the ethno-ecology of crabs. Sociocultural factors influencing the catching and consumption of the crabs were also elucidated during the RRA phase.

Survey questionnaire

To draw the sample, a stratified random sampling procedure was employed. Marginal farmers, permanent labourers and wage labourers were the three groups of local people involved in catching and consumption of the crabs. Twenty per cent of the households were randomly selected from each group of the local people. Using a structured questionnaire, data on family size, expenditure on food, and income from selling surplus crabs were collected from the participating households. A 24-hour recall method was employed to collect data on food items consumed by all the three sample household types. The data on the quantity of food items were converted into their calorific values and the intake of energy and protein per household was then calculated.‘” Data were analysed using the computational facilities available at Iowa State University. A paired student t-test was used to analyse the differences in the nutritional intake of three groups due to consumption of the crabs.

Indigenous rice-crab production system

Rice-based farming systems

Nearly three-quarters of the normal area is covered by rice in the study village. Sixty-eight per cent of the farm families have adequate access to an assured supply of irrigation, with wells forming the major source of irrigation. Farmers use energized motors to draw water from the wells. Most of the farmers who have access to well irrigation grow rice or sugarcane.

Big farmers generally retain permanent labourers to undertake most of the farm operations. These permanent labourers receive remunera- tion on a monthly basis along with rice to meet the food requirements of their households. Small-scale farmers hire wage labourers, both men and women, on a day-to-day basis. Male labourers undertake farm operations such as ploughing, levelling, and application of pesticides and fertilizers. Female labourers are involved in farm operations such as planting, weeding, harvesting and processing of rice.

Ethno-ecology of crabs

Local people possess an in-depth knowledge of the biophysical environments of the crab species. The crabs are dark grey in colour, with a

FOOD POLICY June 1993 239


20Unstructured interactions were conducted by informal discussions with key informants of the study village. Key informants are local people who are willing to be interviewed intensively regarding the matter of specific interest. Selection of key informants was made with the help of a few preliminary discussions with the following people: (1) the local extension agent, (2) local school headmasters, (3) credit cooperative society officials, (4) village milk cooperative society members, (5) farmers, and (6) men and women labourers. The following criterion was used to select the key informants: They should possess good knowledge about the historical background of food production and resource conservation in the study villages. Key informants were represented by both farmers and labourers. *‘Crab catching is not a group activity, but is done individually, always by men, usually between jobs in the fields. The specific time allocated to crab catching depends on the work load of these people (eg on-farm activities such as planting, weeding and harvesting). Finally, all three groups - marginal farmers, permanent labourers and wage labourers - catch crabs. “Data on crab yields for the year 1990 were obtained from Thenni, a local-level voluntary organization. This organization is successfully implementing a number of self-help projects in the study village related to agroforestry, construction and management of watersheds.

bluish-black carapace. The carapace is covered with ridges and furrows with short bristles. The crabs inhabit the bunds of rice fields - an area of approximately one-third of an acre. The rice fields are separated by the bunds with a height of 45-60 cm. To form burrows, the crabs drill the soils at the sides of the bunds. The depth and the diameter of the burrows normally measure 9GlOO cm and 8-10 cm respectively. The weight of a single crab ranges from 40 g to 45 g. The crabs live on tiny molluscs and soil insects.

According to key informants,20 certain agro-ecological conditions have significant impact on the production of crabs. These include the following:

Season is one of the predominant factors which determines the production of crabs. The crab production reaches a maximum level during the middle of the rice seasons: samba (15 October-l December), navarai (1.5 February-22 April) and sornuwuri (24 June-27 July). Clayey soils produce the most conducive environment for the growth of crabs, followed by clayey loam soils. Saline soils are also congenial for the growth of the crabs. However, tillering is profuse when the rice crop is planted in the saline soils, thus reducing the yield of rice significantly. Sandy soils, in contrast, are not conducive to the survival of the crabs. This might be due to the fact that the texture of the sandy soils is not conducive for drilling burrows by the crabs. Where the rice variety Ponni was grown in the adjacent fields, higher yields of crabs were obtained from the bunds. Significantly, the lowest yields were recorded from the bunds where the rice variety Ponmani was grown in the adjacent fields. Trees grown on the bunds of rice fields are found to enhance the growth and development of crabs. Examples are Sesbuniu grundi- flora and Pongumiu glubru. Application of pesticides to control the rice pests not surprisingly has a deleterious effect on the survival of the crabs.

Indigenous techniques of crab catching

Local people are involved in catching crabs at least twice a week during the peak seasons.2’ During the lean seasons crabs are harvested only once a week. In certain cases the number harvested per week greatly depends on the work constraints of local people. Local people catch crabs with their hands, as well as with bamboo sticks specifically designed for this purpose. The crabs are frequently found about a foot from the mouth of burrows in the mornings (7.00 am to 10.00 am) and again in the evenings (3.00 pm to 6.00 pm).

In terms of the catch, local people harvest only the older crabs, leaving the younger ones in the burrows. This demonstrates their concern for conserving the ecology of the rice-crab system. Once they are disturbed, it is interesting to note that the young crabs move out of the burrows. When this happens, they drill new burrows 10-12 ft away from the older ones. Crab yields obtained during the various seasons in the study village are provided in Table 1.22 During the peak seasons it take nearly three hours to harvest the crabs from the bunds encircling an area of one acre of rice crop; the same operation can be completed in less than two hours during the lean seasons.

240 FOOD POLICY June 1993


Table 1. Seasonal variability in crab yields.

Rice seasons

Samba

Navarai

Crab-catching seasons

First lean Peak Second lean off First lean Peak Second lean oft

Sornawafi -.. First lean Peak Second lean off

Period Crab yield (kg)

7 September-13 October 88.4 14 October-i December 204.9 2 December-17 December 100.8 18 December-7 January 18.9 8 January-14 February 105.8 15 February-22 April 214.6 23 ApriCP May 82.3 3 May-5 June 26.5 6June-23June 107.2 24 June-27 July 236.8 28 July-4 August 70.2 5 August-6 September 11.1

Impact of crab consumption

Nutritive value of crabs

As no specific work on the nutritive value of this particular type of crabs exists, data on the food values used come from a similar species, the blue crabs. For several reasons, it is assumed that the crabs harvested from the field bunds of rice are in many respects similar to blue crabs. Considering the similarities in physical appearance and ecological behaviour of both types of crabs, it is assumed that the nutritive values of the blue crabs are approximately equivalent to the crabs that are harvested from the rice bunds. Blue crabs are a good source of easily disgestible, high-quality animal protein. They are high in lysine and arginine amino acids, which make them particularly suitable for com- plementing the high-carbohydrate diet prevailing in south Indian foods.23 Crabs can also serve as a valuable source of vitamin B12. In addition, crabs contain high levels of mineral salts such as calcium, phosphorus and potassium.

Impact of crab consumption on nutrition

‘sGopalan et al, op cif, Ref 19.

Among the three groups of households, no significant difference was found in the levels of energy intake between peak and off seasons of crab catching (Table 2). The mean protein intake of marginal farmer households was the highest among the three groups of households, No significant difference was found in the mean protein intake between peak and off seasons as far as marginal farmers are concerned. This might occur because the marginal farmer households frequently supple- ment the crab foods with other protein-rich foods such as black gram, green gram and occasionally mutton. A student t-test analysis showed a

Table 2. Means and t-values of nutrition intake and food expenditure among the various groups of crab consumers.

Crab consumers

Marginal farmers (N=32) Permanent labourers (N=56) Wage labourers (N=71)

Mean energy intake Mean protein intake

(kEfay)

Mean food expenditure (g/day)

Peak (RsImonth)

Peak off Peak off season season &value season season t-value season season t-value

5820 5924 0.89 245 228 1.53 416.00 409.00 0.57

5542 5553 1.25 164 119 2.26’ 285.00 314.00 1.53

5624 5645 1.68 153 107 2.07a 273.00 294.00 0.31

aSignificant at 5% level.



“Source: Food and Agriculture Organization, Handbook of Human Nutritional Requirements, FAO, Rome, 1974.

“Small-scale farmers in tropical countries constitute the vast majority of the rural populaGon. Because of the rapid rates of population growth in the developing countries, small-scale farmers are obliged to produce their energy, food and income from increasingly less land. Increased pressure for food production has led to the gradual disappearance of numerous indigenous food production systems, and catching crabs from rice bunds is one of several examples. “5This statement is based on observations of children from low socioeconomic status families. Youngsters with comparatively high levels of education indicated some embarrassment at having to catch crabs. For them, this was a slightly demeaning activity and an open admission of their relatively impoverished socioeconomic status. However, they have no problem eating them if the crabs are caught by their fathers and brought home.

242

Table 3. Contribution of crab to RDA protein.

Crab consumers

Marginal farmers Permanent labourers Wage labourers

RDA of protein Protein contribution

(9) by crab (9)

149a 35 149a 49 149a 44

RDA contribution by crab (%)

23 4 32.8 29.3

significant difference in the mean protein intake between peak and off-season crab catching for both permanent and wage labourers. This

indicates that these labourers consume more crabs during the peak seasons. Moreover, their poor purchasing power restricts them to supplementing their foods with other sources of protein during the off seasons.

The mean protein intake of permanent labourer households was comparatively higher than that of the wage labourer households. This might be because permanent labourers spend more time catching crabs. The mean protein intake of both the labourer households was significantly higher during the peak seasons than that of the off seasons. Their inadequate purchasing power restricts the labourer households from supplementing the crabs with protein-rich foods from external markets during the off seasons. The contribution of crab to the RDA (Recom- mended Daily Allowance) of protein is provided in Table 3.

Impact of crab consumption on food expenditure

The expenditure on food during the off seasons was found to be higher

for both groups of labourer households. However, the differences in the food expenditure between peak and off seasons of these households were not significant. No difference was found in the food expenditure of the marginal farmer households between peak and off seasons. It was also found that the permanent and wage labourers sold surplus crabs to off-farm labourers in the village to generate some income, particularly during the peak crab seasons.

Threats to the rice-crab production system

According to villagers, constant changes in the village’s socio-ecological environment threaten the existence of the rice-crab production system in the following ways:24

Indiscriminate usage of chemical fertilizers and pesticides has led to depletion of the crabs. Introduction of cash crops such as casuarina and cassava has considerably reduced the production of crabs. Growing cash crops continuously for three to four seasons leads to depletion of the native crab species. Catching and consumption of the crabs are perceived to be low-prestige activities among some of the marginal farmers.*’ Such attitudes are more prevalent among the younger generations of marginal farmer households. Landless labourers claim that catching crabs is a time-consuming process. According to them, the time that is spent on crab catching may be used for some other potential off-farm income-generating activities. Knowledge of the ecology of the crabs is found to be slowly



diminishing, particularly among the younger generations of the

local people. 0 Changes in labour arrangements might threaten the rice-crab

production system. Currently, a number of large-scale farmers are increasingly inclined to hire contract labourers to undertake certain farm operations, such as transplanting, weeding and harvesting of rice. Under the contract labour arrangement, labourers leave the field immediately after the assigned work is completed since they are paid on a contract basis. Under the traditional wage labour arrangement, labourers spend relatively more time in the field since they are paid on a daily basis. Therefore the wage labour arrangement motivates the labourers to explore the crab production system in depth.

Sociocultural perspectives

Since they form an integral part of the sociocultural perspectives of the different communities, and vary considerably between castes and reli- gions, food traditions in India are very rigid.26 The dissemination of food production technologies alone cannot improve the nutritional status of resource-poor people, unless these are understood in conjunction with sociocultural and economic factors.27 Local culture is inter- woven with the process of catching and consuming crabs. Social status, caste, beliefs, values, gender, food habits, food preferences and kinship are found to play important roles in the catching and consumption of crabs.

Social status

Size of landholdings is one of the principal factors in determining the social status of local people in south Indian villages. Big farmers, who possess more than 2 ha, enjoy high status and social rank in the farming community. Small-scale farmers whose average landholding ranges from 1 ha to 2 ha, occupy a more moderate position in the community. Nevertheless, their elite status in the community restricts these indi- viduals either from catching or from consuming the crabs. They believe the crabs that are harvested from the bunds of rice fields to be poor people’s food and consuming them is a symbol of low socio-economic status. However, this perspective does not deter the big and small-scale farmers from purchasing crabs from outside markets. The crabs that are sold in this fashion quite often come from nearby rivers and occasionally from the seashore. In contrast, the crabs that are harvested from the rice bunds play a vital role in the dietary systems of both the marginal

261. Milbert. ‘The imoact of cultural and farmers, whose landholdings are less than 1 ha, and landless labourers.

economic change on food consumption patterns’, Economic Rurale, Vol 190, Religion 1989, pp 48-49. 27N.W. Jerome, Ft. Kandel and G. Pelto,

The people who participated in this study all belong to the Hindu

eds, Nutritional Anthropology: Contempor- religion. Religion reinforces cultural values and standards of ary Approaches to Diet and Culture, Red- grave, Pleasantville, NY, 1980, p 422; M.L.

behaviour;28 common goals and rules of conduct are embedded in their

Arnott, Gastronomy: The Anthropology of codes. These codes restrict the intake of animal-based foods during

Food and Food Habits, Mouton, The special religious occasions. To adhere to the religious codes, people of - _ Hague, 1975, p 354. “C. Bryant, A. Courtney, B. Markesbery

all castes (except harijans) avoid consuming the crabs on Saturdays.

and K. Dewalt, The Cultural Feast: An Local people, regardless of caste, and including the harijans, avoid

Introduction to Food and Societv. West eating the crabs during Hindu religious festivals such as Pongal. Publishing, New York.

. Vinayaga Chathurti and Krishna Jayanthi. Women avoid eating animal:



29M.L. Apte and K. Apte, ‘Religious signifi- cance of food preservation in India’, in A. Riddervold and A. Ropeid, eds, Food Con- servation: Ethnological Sfudies, Prospect Books, London, 1988, pp 89-96. 30Bryant et a/, op tit, Ref 28. 3’A scheduled caste is a class of people who are economically and educationally depressed. A detailed account of the scheduled caste people is provided in S.K. Gupta, The Scheduled Castes in Modern Indian Politics: Their Emergence as a Poli- tical Power, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1985, p 355. 32Bryant et al, op tit, Ref 28.

based foods on both Fridays and Saturdays as Hindus consider these days sacred and perform most of their religious practices then.

Caste system

As in other aspects of life, the caste system in India strongly influences food preferences and consumption.29 In part, a family’s caste determines what foods are ritually available to them.“’ People belonging to higher castes believe that avoiding animal-based foods brings them closer to the ideal of non-violence. Marginal farmers, belonging to the pillai caste, a comparatively high caste in the study village, avoid the consumption of crabs precisely for that purpose. Lower-caste people, perhaps for more practical reasons, are traditionally non-vegetarians. Marginal farmers and landless labourers belonging to the vanniya, a lower caste, and the harijans, a scheduled caste,31 both catch and consume crabs.

Traditional beliefs

In one way or another, all societies possess a set of beliefs and values regarding food and nutrition and its impact on the human body and environment. In general, marginal farmers abstain from catching the crabs during the beginning of the monsoon period. They believe crabs are good indicators of monsoon rains. During the early hours of the day, when the crabs leave their burrows and move in lines on the sides of the bunds, this is supposed to indicate the impending onset of rains. Some large as well as small-scale farmers believe that the crabs live on certain soil grubs and hence act as insect predators. Similar traditional belief systems concerning food have been observed elsewhere.32 Some south- east Asian peasants avoid fishing because fish are thought to transmit worms. Australian aborigines and some Amazonian tribesmen do not kill certain animals, since they believe them to be ancestral spirits or animal-spirit counterparts.

Women’s preferences

Women living in crab-catching communities prefer cooking crabs to fish for the following reasons: (a) processing crabs is easier than fish or prawns; (b) cooking crabs takes less time; (c) sauces prepared from the crabs are highly compatible with bland foods such as idli, dosai and boiled rice. Crab fry is a delicious side dish for boiled rice; and (d) local women, in general, claim that the crabs are a good source of nutrition for weaning mothers, as well as a remedy for children’s coughs and colds.

Indigenous crab food preservation

Sauces prepared from crabs can be preserved for two to three days. The flavour and taste of the crab sauce gradually increase after the first day, and consuming the crab sauce during the second day is a customary practice among labouring households. The women of these households preserve the crab sauce in burnt clay utensils. The utensils, which are made by local potters, play a catalytic role in increasing the flavour and taste of the crab sauce. According to these women, the symbiotic interaction between the ingredients that make up the pot and the fermenting crab both temporarily preserve and enhance the sauce. The resultant combination is sufficient to keep them from preparing any



Table 4. Crab food preparation and consumption among various groups of consumers.

Consumption factors

Preferred consumption days

Marginal farmers

Sundays, Wednesdays

Permanent labourers Wage labourers

All days except Saturdays and All days except Saturdays and Fridays Fridays

Sharing with guests

Crab food preparation

Crab foods are not served to guests

Crab sauce and fry are prepared Crab sauce (mild spicy) Crab fry (medium hot)

Crab foods are served to guests

Crab sauce and fry are prepared Crab sauce (medium hot and

spicy) Crab fry (hot)

Served to guests

Either crab sauce (hot and spicy) or crab fry (hot) is prepared

Eating habits Lunch: Crab sauce mixed with boiled rice and eaten. Crab fry eaten with other vegetables Supper: Crab sauce eaten with chappathi

Lunch: Sauce mixed with boiled rice and eaten. Crab fry is a side dish Supper: Crab sauce mixed with boiled rice Breakfast (next morning): Crab sauce mixed with pazhaya satham (cold rice with water) or id/i

Lunch: Crab sauce mixed with boiled rice and eaten

Supper: Crab sauce mixed with boiled rice and eaten Breakfast (next morning): Crab sauce mixed with pazhaya satham (cold rice with water) or id/i

Kinship sharing Children eat only carapace portion of the crabs. Adults eat both carapace and cheliped portions of the crabs

Children eat only carapace portion of the crabs. Men eat both carapace and cheliped portions of of the crabs. Women eat only cheliped portions of the crabs

Children eat only carapace portion of the crabs. Men eat both carapace and cheliped portions of the crabs. Women eat only cheliped portions of the crabs

other sauces for the next two days, thus saving their dal, spices, vegetables and fuelwood. During this period they cook only bland food, such as rice, and eat it with the preserved crab sauce. This practice of crab food preservation was frequently observed in the labouring households. The women of these households use the crab food preservation technique as one of several household coping strategies to extend their food supplies, particularly during crisis periods. In comparison, the women of marginal farm households generally do not preserve crab food for more than one day.

A typology of crab consumption

In general, fish, prawns and crabs make rice and other bland foods more palatable, and thus promote their consumption in larger quantities.33 Women normally prepare crab sauce (locally known as nandu kozham- bu) and crab fry (locally known as nandu poriyal) from the crabs. The women prefer to cook the crabs immediately after catching them to prevent any spoilage. Most consumers believe crab is the most delicious of the riverine products. Preferred days of consumption, crab food preservation methods, eating habits and kinship roles in sharing the crab foods differ considerably among the various groups of crab consumers (Table 4). Children belonging to the rural households prefer to eat the carapace portions of the crabs, as they are tender and juicy, whereas the adults eat cheliped (bristles and legs) portions of the crabs.

Designing household food security policies

Identifying and using the rice-crab production system is a step towards achieving food and nutritional security at resource-poor household level. Food policy makers with knowledge of the local culture and value

33G. Kent ‘Fish and nutrition in India’ systems can design appropriate food security policies.34 Only when

food PO/&, Vol 12, No 2, May 1987, pi policy makers accurately understand the sociocultural values and local

161-175. institutions that support subsistence food production and consumotion 34Nabhan, op cif, Ref 7.

_ _ I can they enact policies that will realistically achieve nutritional


Rice-crab production in south Indiu

W Seavoy, Famine in Peasant Societies, Contributions in Economics and Economic History No 66, Greenwood Press, London, 1986, p 478. 36We do not encourage large-scale farmers to consume crabs. However, we emphasize that certain educational programmes are needed for large- and small- scale farmers in order to change their opinion that crab-catching is a low-prestige activity.

246

security.ss To achieve this goal, and with a specific focus on the example of rice-crab production and utilization, several suggestions are outlined here:

The focus of food policy must shift from national/regional food security to local/household food security. Policies should be formulated to conserve the ecology of the rice-crab production system. On-farm research should be conducted keeping in mind the importance of the ethno-ecological principles governing rice-crab production. An interdisciplinary team of scientists, representing the fields of inland fisheries, agronomy, nutrition and social science, should be formulated to conduct the following on-farm research: studying the ecological behaviour of the crabs; determining the most conducive environment for the production of crabs, with an emphasis on such things as soil type, duration of the associated rice crop, season and salinity; developing methods to conserve the crab species; analysing the crabs for pesticidal residues; analysing the role of crabs as predators; determining the impact of seasonal variability on the growth and development of the crabs; and examining the ration- ality behind the traditional beliefs held by the local people with respect to the crabs. Policies to implement integrated pest management (IPM) in rice are integral to protect crabs from the residual effects of pesticides. Nutritionists should focus on analysing the nutritive value of the crabs. They should also conduct studies on cooking quality, flavour and taste, and preservation of crab foods. Local women’s knowledge would play a vital role in these studies. Nutritional education programmes should be conducted to emphasize the value of crabs as a cheap source of protein. Large- and small-scale farmers, who believe that crab catching is symbolic of poor social status, and young labourers, who feel that crab catching is a low-prestige activity, should be made target audiences for these educational programmes.” Educating the people on the need to conserve the ecology of the system is important as well. Local people may be used to train the young farmers and labourers on the techniques of crab catching. Households which depend on the crabs as a primary source of protein may be used as case studies for the nutritional education programmes. Nutritional anthropologists should collect anthropometric and other data indicative of changes in nutritional status, in order to identify the role of crabs on the growth and development of the consumers. Identifying the sociocultural factors embedded in the rice-crab production system would help policy makers design appropriate food security strategies. Understanding food habits, food taboos, local consumption patterns and indigenous food preservation methods would similarly provide insights into the identification of suitable supplementary foods that need to be distributed through the public distribution system during the off seasons. For labourer households, and particularly during the off-seasons, distributing protein-rich foods such as black gram and green gram should be given top priority among the possible food poilicy interventions. In addition to the already existing food ration cards,



identity cards need to be provided to distinguish landless labourers from farmers.

l Extending the traditional labour arrangements might contribute to the sustainability of the rice-crab production system. Constraints that limit the traditional labour arrangements need to be diag- nosed. Policies that are agreeable to both farmers and farm labourers should be identified. Village-level local institutions might be used since they have played an effective role in bringing the two groups together.

l Food security is primarily a matter of inadequate income, not inadequate food supplies.” Therefore off-farm income-generating activities need to be identified for the Iabourer households, particularly during the off seasons. Examples are the preparation and marketing of cottage foods such as uppulam and vadagam.

The services of cooperative marketing societies are utilized for marketing these food products.

* Policies to prohibit the expansion of areas under cash crops are timely since the cash crops might jeopardize the rice-crab production system .‘s

Conclusions

This study demonstrates that the resource-poor local people possess a bountiful knowledge of the crab species and its ecology. Further, crabs are found to contribute significantly to the protein intake of farmers and labourer households. In spite of several advantages of this system, definite factors are found to threaten the existence of the rice-crab production system. Certain sociocultural factors play important roles in the catching and consuming of crabs.

A holistic perspective on food production and consumption, in conjunction with the sociocultural factors, is imperative in designing

37G. Denovan, ‘Broadening production in- food and nutritional policies at resource-poor household level. This

crease programs to reach low-income far- study shows that local-level knowledge systems provide a framework of me&, in J. Price Gittinger, J. Leslie and C. reference for solving a number of food and nutritional problems facing Hois~ngton, eds, Food Policy: lffiegrafi~g Supply, Distribution, and Consumption,

the developing countries. Efficient mobilization of local resources and

Johns Hopkins University Press, Balti- efforts can play a key role in enhancing people’s own capacity to fight more, MD, 1987, pp 119132. malnutrition.3Y Quite clear1 %Rajasekaran et al, op cif, Ref 11.

y, it can be concluded that there is much to

“A. Berg and J. Austin, ‘Nutrition policies be learned from the indigenous food security strategies of resource-poor

and programs: a decade of redirection’, in households in the developing countries. Furthermore, recording these J. Price Gittinger, J. Leslie and C. Hoising- ton, eds, Food Policy: integrating Supply,

indigenous food systems is timely before they are completely lost. If we

Distribution, arc to achieve food and nutritional security at the household level, it is

and consumption’ Johns practical, efficient and economical to learn from these local-level Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD, 1987, pp 446456. experts.


Documents

Rice-crab production in South India: The role of indigenous knowledge in designing food security policies