Relationship between secondary science teachers' orientation to traditional culture and beliefs concerning science instructional ideology

Relationship between Secondary Science Teachers’ Orientation to TraditionalCulture and Beliefs Concerning Science Instructional Ideology

Overson Shumba

Department of Teacher Education, University of Zimbabwe, Box MP167, Mt. Pleasant, Harare, Zimbabwe

Abstract: This study sought to measure secondary science teachers’ level of commitment to traditionalculture in Zimbabwe and how this orientation is related to their beliefs concerning science instructionalideology. The study involved 63 in-service science teachers studying for the bachelor of education degreeat the University of Zimbabwe. The science teachers in this study maintain a fairly traditional posture withregard to aspects of traditional authority, religion, view of nature, and social change. They show a muchstronger shift away from tradition with regard to sex roles, causality, and problem solving. Their scores ofcommitment to indigenous culture were positively and significantly correlated to traditional noninquiryideology preference scores but not to inquiry instructional ideology preference scores. Implications of thefindings are discussed. © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. J Res Sci Teach 36: 333–355, 1999

The current 5-year national development plan in Zimbabwe states that “development of sci-ence and technology is Zimbabwe’s long term and most important strategy for economic andsocial development” (Government of Zimbabwe, 1991, p. 84). The scientific worldview as-sumed in these plans is a phenomenon that is neither substantially congruent with the predom-inantly traditional worldview in Zimbabwean culture, nor is it significantly widespread. Bour-dillon (1987) and Nelson (1982) reported that the majority of Zimbabweans, including theeducated, hold or at least fall back in times of crises to beliefs and practices they acquired fromtheir indigenous African culture.

Although adherence to one’s culture is not bad, this observation suggests that a gap existsbetween indigenous Zimbabwean cultural beliefs and the worldview Western education seeks todevelop. Yakubu (1994) noted that the coexistence of indigenous culture of the people and thescientific culture acquired through contact with the West is an important characteristic of manydeveloping countries. While Horton (1971) argued that there is more similarity between tradi-tional and scientific beliefs than anthropologists have made out, Yakubu (1994) suggested thatthe differences between indigenous thought and practice and Western science are real and poseproblems for everybody. Consequently, these blocks to falsifiability result in the lives of the peo-ple being dependent on indigenous thought and practice where generally, the techniques andtechnologies used in the far past are continually applied in present circumstances with little mod-ification or change. Cobern (1994a), Horton (1971), and Yakubu (1994) noted, however, that thedifferences in cultural perspectives must not be construed to suggest that Westernized scientif-ic rationality is inherently good or that people ought to abandon indigenous cultural beliefs toembrace it.

Worldview is the overall perspective from which one sees and interprets the world, i.e., acollection of beliefs about life and the universe held by an individual or a group. Worldviews

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are fairly stable and consistent values, beliefs, and frames of reference about the universe. There-fore, it stands to reason that one worldview cannot easily supplant another, and indeed it shouldnot be an aim of science education to do so (Cobern, 1993). Yakubu (1994) called for the inte-gration of indigenous thought and practice with science and technology, Ogunniyi (1988) ar-gued for accommodation of the traditional worldview as opposed to assimilation, and Cobern(1994b) asserted that “one ought to consider, alternative, culturally grounded constructions ofscience education, that is there ought to be heterogeneity in science education” (p. 63). Simi-larly, Boulding (1970) made a pertinent observation that “what we have to think of, therefore,is much more of a symbiosis between the scientific subculture and the other subcultures withwhich it is surrounded and with which it interacts, rather than any sort of conquest of the othercultures by a kind of universal church or a culture of science” (p. 17). A recent study found rel-atively identical worldview presuppositions among science teachers in Botswana, Indonesia,Japan, Nigeria, and the Philippines (Ogunniyi, Jegede, Ogawa, Yandila, & Oladele, 1995). Theyfound that irrespective of their (non-Western) cultural background, the teachers held views dis-tinct from the science they taught. In fact, they exhibited a form of collateral thinking whereby“an individual accepts or uses both mechanistic and anthropomorphic explanations dependingon the context in question and without exhibiting any sign of cognitive dissonance” (Ogunniyiet al., p. 817).

This background demonstrates the importance of understanding traditional world views vis-á-vis science education. In this respect, Ogunniyi et al. (1995) stated that “a knowledge of whatteachers and students bring to class is critical in situating the teaching-learning process withina meaningful context” (p. 818). One can even venture to suggest that an important goal of sci-ence education in non-Western societies ought to be about the understanding of and the criticalinterrogation of Western science. This is particularly important considering that arguments de-tailing what teachers believe about teaching and learning science do not always consider per-ceptions which may couched in their social and cultural worldviews. It is often taken for grant-ed that what teachers believe about the nature of science instruction is based on the scientificworldview espoused in science materials. The research evidence suggests that teachers raised ina traditional society have a teaching philosophy which derives from both their scientific train-ing on the one hand and their sociocultural upbringing and points of view on the other. In fact,quite a number of studies point to the possibility that science teachers may enter and leaveschool with several different understandings of the nature of science which may coexist or com-pete with traditional worldview perceptions rather than replace them. Furthermore, scienceteachers may not clearly distinguish between scientific and traditional worldviews (Jegede andOkebukola, 1988; Ogunniyi et al., 1995; Ogunniyi, 1988). In this regard, Ogunniyi et al. (1995)conjectured that teachers raised in a non-Western traditional culture may be influenced in theirscience teaching by nonscientific viewpoints with potential undesirable consequences. Teachers“might help reinforce or fail to correct their students’ inadequate notions of science or the uni-verse. Alternatively, the teachers might present the scientific world view as an abstract entity oran experience to be entered into only when one is engaged in a scientific endeavor” (Ogunniyiet al., 1995, p. 822).

In this article, I seek to:

• provide a background and interpretation of some dimensions of indigenous culture andworldview in Zimbabwe which are likely to have implications to science education;

• review research on sociocultural variables and their connection to science teacher edu-cation;

• present the results of a study which measured indigenous science teachers’ orientationto indigenous culture and instructional ideology; and to

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• discuss issues, challenges, and implications of cultural worldviews in science teachereducation in the developing countries.

Cultural Context of the Study

The study was conducted with science teachers in Zimbabwe. While Zimbabwean cultureis multiethnic, multilingual, and multicultural, the indigenous worldview based in traditionalcustom and lifestyles of Shona and Ndebele ethnic groups is quite pervasive, especially in ru-ral areas, where at least 80% of the people live practicing subsistence farming. Although manyZimbabweans—of Shona descent, for example—have adopted Western material values,Chirungu, they are still closely attached to their moral and spiritual past, Chivanhu. This is notnecessarily a bad thing as many might assume; the indications are that the material aspects maybe significant to them but this they do not wish to affect their morality or spirituality, the verybasis of their social coherence. On the one hand, the influence of Christianity is quite marked,but in many communities this has been adapted, and thus, overall, many people in this societyhold spiritual beliefs which may lie somewhat on some Christian–African tradition continuum.According to Bourdillon (1987), it is common to find indigenous Zimbabweans acknowledgingChristianity and still practicing traditional religion as might be necessary for given circum-stances. In fact, a general situation may exist as described by an African religious expert Mbiti(1990), who asserted that every African who has grown up in a traditional environment will, nodoubt, know something about this mystical power which often is experienced or manifests it-self, in form of magic, divination, witchcraft, and mysterious phenomena that seem to defy im-mediate scientific explanations (Mbiti, 1990, p. 189).

Both the Shona and Ndebele practice patriarchy and gerontocracy, and as such, “stressingthe inculcation of manners and rules of conduct based on principles of subordination” attainsthe objective of “education for adaptation and status quo” (Nagel, 1992, p. 61). Although thesituation is changing, in many communities traditional culture is sustained by observing oral tra-ditions handed down over generations which are strictly enforced by adult members of society.Normal behavior requires observing and respecting the linear hierarchy in which younger mem-bers of the community, including women and children, are at the nadir, and thus have lesserprivilege to query, criticize, and contribute to decision making (Aschwanden, 1982; Bourdillon,1987; Gelfand, 1965, 1973). Decision making generally is achieved through group consensus;in this process, elders must reach some form of concurrence and their decision is authoritative.Questioning authority is regarded as disrespectful and children who are inquisitive are oftenchided for being too clever, i.e., akangwarisa (Shona). Knowledge and wisdom are passed fromelders to the next generation orally via mythology, folktales, etc. Problem solving is from topdown, following the correct procedures established by tradition and enforced by elders; in thetop-down hierarchy, elders are supposed to be wiser and more knowledgeable than junior mem-bers of society. These identified aspects of the culture are characteristic of many oral tradition-al societies, and indeed, oral transmission is considered a basic support for the closed predica-ment of such societies (Horton, 1971). In terms of behavior patterns and in terms of ideas, thereis tendency to believe and seek to behave in the same way as people who lived generations be-fore, and thus to accord behavior and ideas as having absolute and timeless validity. Establishedand normal modes of behavior require unquestioning reverence for authority as normal.

The whole philosophy of traditionalists revolves around the human being, and thus socialcoherence of the people is very crucial. Maintaining normal social relationships is therefore fun-damental to living in traditional communities. Consequently, it has been documented that ob-servations and experiences are typically perceived and interpreted from a personalized and sub-

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jective point of view (Gelfand, 1973). With this personal idiom (Horton, 1971), typically, upsetsocial or spiritual relationships provide a psychologically satisfying explanation for certain ex-periences and/or unusual trends and misfortune. These mystical explanations appear to super-sede the commonsense explanations based on the physical contingencies which normally ac-count for how things happen or happened. There is a sense in which to people in a traditionalsociety the world is metaphysical and spiritual; in the other sense, it is rationale and empirical.It follows, then, that although natural physical causes are accepted to explain some experiences,there is always a belief in other underlying causes of a mystical nature which are based on be-lief in spirits or their agents (Bourdillon, 1987). Relatively speaking, cosmological reasoningdominates thinking about cause, leaving relatively little room for experimentation. For exam-ple, nonempirically testable entities and agents including spirits, witches, or jealous and malev-olent neighbors or relatives are often more accepted and revered causes of misfortune.

Mystical explanations also provide a basis for understanding the nature of spiritual rela-tionships, and it has been said that maintaining harmonious social relationships is considerablymore important than materialism (Bourdillon, 1987; Gelfand, 1973) or preoccupation with un-derstanding relationships among objects (MacGaffey, 1986). Every experience can and must beexplained satisfactorily. A traditional Zimbabwean may, for example, make use of modern med-icine because it relieves the symptoms, but may still be concerned to know why an illness wasinflicted upon him. Chance occurrence and probability are not tolerable; certainty and pre-dictability are preferred (Gelfand, 1965). Thinking otherwise would suggest that the system isfailing to cope and is intolerable, as this would lead to chaos. This culture, like many similar toit, is resilient and conservative to prevent disintegration and to maintain itself.

While growing up in Zimbabwean society today may be somewhat different from the waythe preceding accounts suggest, many of the traditional customs, values, and thinking patternsare still being upheld, even by the educated and literate (Nagel, 1992). Generally, the tradition-al values are not subjected to critical discourse (Nagel, 1992) with some implications for edu-cational practice. Tradition does not encourage questioning by children, as demonstrated in asurvey of students and lecturers in the colleges of education, where Nagel found that

Many respondents maintained that it is still considered impertinent for a child to ask theirparents any questions. Also teacher students said that they would rather not pose ques-tions in class. Lecturers found it almost impossible to have students tell them what theythink of their college education, (1992, p. 67)

Consequently, traditionalists and college students have a “practice of not asking why things hap-pen the way they do,” and hence observance of customs is based on the premise that elders doit or did it that way without seeking justification for their actions or observances. Horton (1971)suggested that a traditional society with its closed predicament lacks critical awareness of al-ternatives. Therefore, critical questioning and reflection may raise awareness of alternativeswithout necessarily discarding all traditional practices, which may not be desirable to do.

This study addresses an immediate concern, which is to evaluate the extent to which sci-ence teachers adhere to specific dimensions of indigenous worldview and how these might beconnected with their philosophical assumptions about science teaching and learning. An as-sumption was made that in non-Western countries such as Zimbabwe, science teachers, in ad-dition to having thorough knowledge grounded in the teaching subject and its methods, musthave a thorough grounding in the cultural context and indigenous worldview in which they teachso that they are better able to exemplify and link their subject domain to realities and everydayexperiences of their students. To be able to do so, science teachers should be aware of their own

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inclination and commitment to their indigenous culture and how this may consciously or un-consciously be interacting with their instructional styles and preferences. It was further assumedthat issues defining a traditional worldview must have some bearing on what indigenous teach-ers believe and perceive about the nature of science and about their roles in teaching and learn-ing. Cobern (1994a) gave a persuasive argument that one’s understanding of and one’s rela-tionship with the natural world as well as one’s views on causality, space, and time among othersis deeply rooted in the culture of origin. He therefore proposed that the transfer of scientificknowledge should be concerned with culture; in this regard, learning involves interpretation inlight of “personal culturally embedded background of knowledge” (p. 9). It was expected, inthis study, that indigenous teachers’ scientific viewpoints would in some way reflect theirAfrican worldview and that this African worldview would have some relationship to their per-ception of science instructional ideology. The literature suggests that these assumptions aboutthe influence of cultural context and worldview may be tenable ( Cobern, 1991, 1993; Mac-Gaffey, 1986; Ogawa, 1986; Ogunniyi, 1983, 1986, 1988; Yakubu, 1994).

Cobern (1993) noted that in developing countries there is a need to ask questions aboutworldview and the compatibility of various non-Western world views with modern science. InAfrica, modern science is an imported phenomenon, and therefore, students’ adherence to theirindigenous worldview, although not bad, may be implicated in their adoption and application ofthe scientific worldview to problem situations (Yakubu, 1994). Could this inclination on the partof students be related in any way to the inclination of indigenous African science teachers? Howis commitment to an indigenous culture related to science teachers’ perception of how scienceinstruction should be conducted in their classrooms?

These are significant questions for science education in the African context. Should educa-tors assume that in the 3 or 4 years preservice teachers spend in a teachers college, they canclear the apparent contradictions in the worldview originating from the teachers’ culture and theone acquired in science? Research suggests that the answer to this question must be no. For ex-ample, in Nigeria, Jegede and Okebukola (1991a, 1991b) found that sociocultural factors canserve as filters to learning science. Jegede and Okebukola (1991b) observed that the traditionalworldview influenced the way students perceived and interpreted observations; students who ex-hibited a high level of belief in African traditional cosmology made significantly fewer correctscientific observations of biological structures and processes compared with those with a lowerlevel of religious belief. Therefore, they concluded that “it does seem that African traditionalbeliefs exerted the most influence on observational tasks in comparison with gender and reli-gious affiliations” (p. 43). This suggests that even adults with a reasonable amount of exposureto science are still significantly influenced in their thinking and actions in science by their tra-ditional beliefs, a finding reported in the Ogunniyi studies in Nigeria (Ogunniyi, 1988).

Given that the traditional worldview in non-Western culture represents a perception of re-ality that is different from the scientific worldview to be developed in science education, it isessential that science educators and researchers understand the worldviews, both from the cul-ture of origin and from science education, held by science teachers. Students as well as teach-ers growing up in a traditional society must somehow deal with the contradiction which in-evitably arises from the two worldviews. Unfortunately, it is not always clear from the literaturehow the value system among science teachers growing up in a traditional culture relates to theirconception of the nature of science or to instructional ideology.

Previous studies indicate that traditional African cultural tenets influence the acquisition andadoption of science and its values. However, a majority of the studies on which the influence ofsociocultural effects are inferred are based on samples of science students, often at the preuni-versity level. Few of these studies explore the nature of influence of sociocultural variables


where science teachers indigenous to a traditional culture are involved, although this can be in-ferred from the theoretical basis and from the results of several studies in Western countries link-ing science teachers’ dogmatism and instructional ideology. Although this study is not aboutdogmatism, findings from such studies provide useful pointers. These studies show that dog-matic teachers were close-minded and authoritarian, and exhibited a traditional noninquiry in-structional ideology (Jones & Harty, 1978; Lazarowitz, 1976; Symington & Fensham, 1976). Inthese studies, teachers who had a preference for inquiry were more humanistic, less dogmatic,and less close-minded. Close-minded teachers preferred obedient, quiet, reserved pupils wholiked to work alone and who readily accepted judgment of authorities; close-minded teacherswere generally more resistant to curriculum change, and hence, teachers’ orientation toward in-quiry and attitudes toward science as implied in curriculum materials was found to be negativelycorrelated to dogmatic scores. Teachers scoring high on dogmatic scales were more traditionalin their beliefs about their classroom behavior and they exhibited less inquiry behaviors andcame from extremely religious environments (Wavering, 1990).

Research Questions

Extrapolating these findings to a traditional culture with its closed predicament (Horton,1971), an orientation or preference toward indigenous culture on the part of science teachers isexpected to be reflected in their preferred instructional ideology and in their views and beliefsconcerning the nature of science and scientific knowledge. This study was designed to measurethe extent to which secondary science teachers are oriented toward traditional culture and howtheir orientation toward indigenous culture is related to instructional ideology preferences. Inparticular, this study was designed to provide answers to the questions: (a) To what extent arescience teachers oriented toward traditional culture? (b) How is their cultural orientation relat-ed to their instructional ideology preferences and to conceptions of the nature of science? It wasexpected that the teachers’ level of commitment to indigenous cultural values and beliefs wouldbear a relationship to their instructional ideology preferences.

The Sample

The sample for this study consisted of 63 certified secondary science teachers who had be-gun the final year of a 2-year bachelor of education (science) degree program at the Universityof Zimbabwe. In Zimbabwe, up to 1992, preservice teacher training was generally done in 3years, at the end of which an undergraduate certificate in education was awarded; from 1992, adiploma in education was awarded. For entry into the initial teacher training programs, studentsmust have the General Certificate in Education (GCE), Ordinary level (approximately Grade 11)qualifications. After teaching for 3 or so years, teachers holding the certificate or diploma in ed-ucation from a teachers’ college may seek admission to the University of Zimbabwe for thebachelor of education degree.

For educational administrative purposes, the country is divided into nine regions. The teach-ers in the study came from all the nine educational administrative regions in Zimbabwe. All ofthem were indigenous Zimbabweans and were certified and experienced in teaching school sci-ence in Forms 1–4 (Grades 8–11). Getting data from this sample was significant, since teacherson the B.Ed. program are being prepared to teach science to all levels of the secondary sector in-cluding Form 6 (approximately Grade 13). They are also expected to be able to be effective incurriculum development, to teach in teachers colleges, and to service other divisions of the Min-istries of Education (University of Zimbabwe, 1994). In 1994, the B.Ed. science program was

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composed of nearly all male teachers (87.30%). Over 95% of all science teachers were 35 yearsof age or younger; a majority (41) were in the 26–30 age bracket. All of the teachers were trainedand certified after Zimbabwe got its independence in 1980; more than 95% had 9 or fewer years’teaching experience. The majority (64%) had at least one pass in one of the sciences or mathe-matics at Advanced level; 36% had O-level qualifications; and 95% had a certificate in education(CE). The teachers in this study were therefore licensed and experienced practitioners.

Their academic performance in college and university was average. While in college forpreservice teacher preparation, the four major components of preparation are professional stud-ies, i.e., applied education, teaching practice, theory of education, and the main teaching sub-ject, in this case science. In the first year of the bachelor of education program, each studentstudied three courses in either biology, chemistry, or physics, and 1.5 professional courses viz.,science curriculum theory and Science A level Methods. The science curriculum theory courseessentially covers models and principles of curriculum planning and design, case studies, issues,and trends in science education locally and internationally, and evaluation in science education.

Forty-five teachers (71%) grew up in a religious environment in which both Christianityand traditional religions were practiced. Only two respondents claimed that they grew up in anonreligious environment. When asked to indicate their current religious practices, 43% indi-cated both Christianity and traditional, 41% indicated Christianity, and 14% were nonreligious.In this sample, hardly anyone was purely traditionalist in religious belief. Nearly 70% grew upin the rural areas or the countryside and the rest grew up at a mining center (24%), or in a city(3%) or on a commercial farm (3%). The responses of science teachers concerning the level ofliteracy, education, and occupation of their parents showed that a very small number of parentsrepresenting ,8% were unable to read and write. In general, the majority of parents had someliteracy. Over 68% of mothers and more than 53% of fathers had received at least primary lev-el education.

Culture and Teacher Education Practices

It is essential at this point to offer insights into the pedagogical and teacher education set-ting and context. In particular, some highlights of the situation in teacher education vis-á-viscultural values serve as a background for the interpretation of findings presented later. In thisrespect, one study which critically attempts to link what goes on in colleges of education to cul-tural values and practices in Zimbabwe is reviewed (Nagel, 1992). This study reveals the com-plex reality of educational activity in teacher education in Zimbabwe and establishes the rela-tive extent of the meaning to which “participants attribute to the social practices and aroundeducation” (p. xv). From the fieldwork emerged a picture “of the indigenous, traditional culturewhich also reproduced itself in the day-to-day practice of teaching and learning” (Nagel, 1992,p. 21). Teaching in the schools and in the teachers’ colleges, Nagel found, is influenced consid-erably by cultural standards.

Nagel observed the “replication of traditional authority in modern institutions” (p. 160). Forexample, institutional leaders are mainly male and elderly people, and generally, teachers andlecturers display a problematic authoritarian tendency toward their pupils and students. Al-though officially, child-centered approaches are encouraged in college, in practice, he observedlessons in which teacher-centered approaches predominated. “The official child-centered ap-proach taught in the teacher education colleges were in opposition to values privately endorsedby many teachers and teacher educators, and probably by many parents in society in general”(1992, p. 22). His observation and analysis of teaching and learning in the colleges revealed thatstudents displayed a passive attitude to learning and to teaching methods which require their ac-


tive participation in preference to lectures where notes are dictated. In most college lectures ob-served, lecturers talked about 90% of the time and students said little or nothing. The lecturersquestioned students very little, and thus the communication in lectures was mostly one way. Re-gardless of whether the lesson was a mass lecture with a large group of students or whether itwas classroom teaching with a smaller group of students, the amount of student activity was es-sentially the same and low-level frequency.

Students were reported to rate “speaking as the most important skill for a teacher and lis-tening as the most important skill for a pupil during teaching practice” (Nagel, 1992, p. 223).Morrison (1987) (cited in Nagel, 1992) found that student teachers’ communicative strategiesfailed to check comprehension, offered very restricted opportunities for pupils to communicateorally, and generally required reproduction of knowledge—hence, the heavy reliance on mem-ory, repetition, and recall. Nagel (1992) suggested that the observed communicative approach-es are influenced by indigenous communicative models emerging from traditional society.

A further significant observation made in the Nagel study concerns the lack of problemati-zation of content and the lack of reference to authorities or literature sources during lectures.This was evident in both large-group lectures and classroom teaching with smaller studentgroups. English is the official language of instruction, but for the majority this is a second lan-guage introduced to them in formal education. This means that academic knowledge is mediat-ed through the medium of the second language, English. This may not at first appear problem-atic. However, two observations can be made. First, there is little intercourse between thevernacular languages and English during instruction as would be necessary to relating contentto everyday experiences of the students. Second, there is no thematization or discussion of cul-ture in the curriculum even at the teacher preparatory level (Nagel, 1992), and thus, an oppor-tunity is missed in teacher education to analyze the fundamental differences in worldview and/orthe how the concepts deriving from indigenous culture and those in Western education mutual-ly support each other. Concepts, especially in science, introduced via English may possibly notlink up with existing conceptual structures.

In summary, Nagel’s (1992) research into patterns of communication and cognition inteacher education in Zimbabwe raised several fundamental concerns relevant to the interpreta-tion of the data gathered in this study. In particular, it called attention to the lack of an attemptto address cultural issues and the lack of critical discourse on tradition or, for that matter, onWesternized values especially as they impinge upon expected teaching and learning strategies.The lack of critical discourse appears all the more serious when it is considered that practice ineducational institutions is substantially influenced by traditional values deriving from the in-digenous culture. Further, it is of critical concern that the student teachers appear to have a pref-erence for instructional strategies derived from their traditional upbringing, yet no deliberate at-tempts are made to bring the two worldviews into some sort of conflation.

Instrumentation

The primary instruments used measured science teachers’ orientation to indigenous culture(OICS) and science teachers’ instructional ideology preference (STIPS) (Jones & Harty, 1978).The OICS is researcher developed and contains 42 statements to measure science teachers’ “per-sonal belief and orientation toward traditional culture in Zimbabwe” by assessing their level ofagreement to the assertions on a five-point scale. The OICS yields a total score and eight sub-scores representing an orientation to eight categories of indigenous culture. The eight categoriesand their interpretation are summarized in Table 1. These eight categories reflect African cul-tural variables relating to reverence for authority, sex roles, view of nature, causal attribution,

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family structure, religious ideology, problem solving, and orientation to social change. The to-tal OICS score gave an indication of the level of inclination of science teachers toward tradi-tional values and beliefs; the eight subscores served to indicate the indigenous culture profilesof the teachers on eight dimensions related to and constituting the values and beliefs ascribedto indigenous culture in Zimbabwe.

A general review of the OICS was done by one expert in science education and three ex-perts in Shona religions, philosophy, and languages. Further validation work and revision of theOICS is pending based on the knowledge gained from this study. Some evidence of construct-related evidence of validity was established by examining correlations between the OICS scoreand its eight subscores (Table 1). All of the eight subscores were positively and significantlycorrelated to the total OICS score at the .05 level of significance. This relationship between thetotal score and the eight subscores was to be expected, since it was theorized that the subscalesmeasured and contributed to the respondents’ overall inclination to indigenous traditional cul-ture. The subscales themselves had relatively low correlations among themselves. Although theymeasured the same construct, they were relatively independent, and thus it can be tentativelyassumed that they measured different aspects of the traditional culture. For example, the re-spondents’ reverence for authority figures was only modestly correlated to the other factors, therelationship approaching significance only for their religious ideology (r 5 .32) and for theirorientation to social change (r 5 .37). This would be expected since religiously, reverence forauthority figures is emphasized in this culture. Orientation to social change is undoubtedly con-


Table 1Correlation Matrix for OICS scale and OICS scale subscores (n 5 51)

OIC REV SEX NAT CASE FAM REL PROB SOC

OIC 1REV .59** 1SEX .50** .22 1NAT .46** .15 .05 1CAS .60** .12 .17 .18 1FAM .57** .24 .23 .12 .25 1REL .66** .32* .07 .16 .55** .38** 1PROB .44** .19 .30* .01 .15 .04 .09 1SOC .53** .37** .37* .23 .02 .22 .07 .31* 1

Note. The computer program automatically deleted missing cases. The codes and interpretation the scale and subscalesare as follows: OIC 5 orientation to indigenous culture: degree of extent of personal identification one feels toward in-digenous culture; a high degree of agreement with the items constitutes a high degree of orientation toward indigenousculture. REV 5 reverence for authority figure; level of reverence for authority, i.e., the extent a respondent perceivedlocus of control to lie with elders. SEX 5 sex role stereotype: extent to which the respondent perceives sex roles andendorses inequality between sexes. NAT 5 view of nature: extent to which a respondent perceives the natural environ-ment as sacred and the need for harmonious existence with it. CAS 5 causal attribution: extent to which the respon-dent attributes success and failure to ancestors or to spiritual agents, and hence a perception of causality. FAM 5 fam-ily structure preference: extent to which the respondent prefers extended family structure, goals, and values. REL 5

religious ideology: extent to which the respondent orients toward traditionalist religious beliefs whereby ancestors andother spirits are the kingpins of society. PROB 5 problem-solving procedure: extent of preference for authoritarian top-down procedures for problem solving. SOC 5 orientation to social change: level of preference for tradition, i.e., a per-ception that tradition should be maintained.*Significant at the .05 level.**Significant at the .01 level.

nected to the religious belief one holds and to how much one perceives change as emanatingfrom elder members of the society. It also must be noted that Table 1 shows that the factor Re-ligious Ideology was clearly associated with their views on causal attribution (r 5 .55, p , .001)as would be expected in a deeply religious culture. In this case, people with an ideology markedby belief in ancestral worship would be expected to attribute fortune, achievement, and successto ancestral spirits, and failure and misfortune to witchcraft or other spiritual agents. Their viewof nature was a factor not related significantly to the other seven. Overall, the OICS was fairlyreliable, with a split-half reliability of .71. This reflects an internal consistency coefficient of .83after applying the Spearman–Brown prophecy formula to correct for the underestimation in-herent in computing the split–half reliability (Borg & Gall, 1989).

The STIPS is composed of two 10-item subscales: the inquiry and traditional instructionalpreferences. In responding to this scale, teachers indicate their attitude toward how they believescience should be taught in their own classrooms. The 20 statements of the STIPS are matchedwith a five-point Likert-type scale ranging from “1,” strongly disagree, to “5,” strongly agree.In this study, the odd–even split-half internal consistency coefficient of the subscales upon ad-justment via the Spearman–Brown prophecy formula was .54 for the inquiry subscale and .59for the traditional factor. These coefficients were substantially lower than internal consistencyreliability of .73 for the inquiry and .79 for the traditional subscale reported by Jones and Har-ty (1978).

Results

Profiles of Science Teachers’ OICS

The OICS score serves as an index of the extent to which science teachers are committedto or oriented toward traditional cultural values and beliefs. On the OICS, a maximum score of210 indicates a very strong inclination toward indigenous culture, a score of 42 serves as an in-dex for a very low orientation toward indigenous culture, and a score of 126 indicates a neutralposition. Table 2 shows a summary of the scores and whether they significantly deviated fromneutral. A score significantly less than the neutral score of 126 suggests a low orientation to-ward indigenous culture, and significantly larger, a high inclination toward traditional cultureand vice versa.

The average total OICS score was 102.49, with a standard deviation of 13.66; this score de-viated significantly from neutral (d 5 223.51, t 5 213.65, p &elt; .0001). Overall, scienceteachers in this study had a low orientation toward indigenous culture. The range of OICS scoreswas a moderate low of 70 to a moderate high of 142, suggesting that respondents varied fromthose with relatively weak inclination toward indigenous culture to those with a moderate in-clination. Table 2 shows the results of the subsequent analysis of responses to the eight OICSsubscales. The score for each was significantly lower than the neutral score for that subscale;hence, the negative reported t values. This sample of science teachers had a consistently loworientation toward the eight dimensions of indigenous culture in Zimbabwe. This may not besurprising for a sample of science teachers who have had long years of formal education andcontact with Western culture.

The science teachers’ response profiles after aggregating “strongly disagree” and “disagree”responses modes to give “disagree” and after similarly combining “agree” and “strongly agree”to give “agree” were as follows. Aggregation is essential to depict the overall trends in the data.Items fitting the sex role stereotype and problem solving showed the lowest mean scores; thus,

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respondents had the lowest orientation toward an indigenous perspective on these aspects. Theirresponses to these factors showed an orientation which would be desired in modern science ed-ucation. For example, 92% were in agreement to the statements, “Looking to the future, scienceeducation will be equally useful to boys and girls” and “With science classes every attemptshould be made to create an image of science in which scientific activity is not dominated byany one sex,” suggesting that in their responses the teachers were not holding gender-biased ex-pectations. More than 95% disagreed to the statement, “Pupils must accept facts as they are pre-


Table 2Science teachers’ orientation toward indigenous culture (n 5 63)

d scoreIndigenous Culture Scale Interpretationa Mean score (S) SD (S 2 N)b t value

Orientation toward indigenous culture scale (42): 102.49 13.66 223.51 213.65**degree or extent of personal identification onefeels toward indigenous culture; a high degreeof agreement with the items constitute a highdegree of orientation toward indigenous culture

Reverence for authority figure (6): level of 17.11 3.13 20.89 22.25*reverence for authority, i.e., the extent arespondent perceived locus of control to liewith elders

Sex role stereotype (5): extent to which the 8.59 2.82 26.41 217.72**respondent perceives sex roles and endorsesinequality between sexes

Religious ideology (6): extent to which the 14.92 3.76 23.08 26.40**respondent orients toward traditionalistreligious beliefs whereby ancestors and otherspirits are the kingpins of society

Family struture preference (5): extent to which 14.13 3.07 20.87 22.23*the respondent prefers extended familystructure, goals, and values

Causal attribution (5): extent to which the 10.90 3.58 24.10 29.07**respondent attributes success and failure toancestors or to spiritual agents, and hence aperception of causality

Problem solving procedure (4): extent of 8.87 2.61 26.13 29.42**preference for authoritarian top–downprocedures for problem solving

View of natural environment (5): extent to 13.85 3.63 21.51 22.47*which a respondent perceives the naturalenvironment as sacred and the need forharmonious existence with it

Orientation to social change (6): level of 14.57 2.41 23.43 210.82**preference for the tradition, i.e., a perceptionthat tradtion should be maintained

*Significant at the .05 level.*Significant at the .001 level.aNumbers in parentheses indicates number of items comprising the scale or subscale.bThe d score is the deviation score obtained by subtracting neutral score (N) for that scale or subscale from its scale or subscale score (S). The neutral score is obtained by multiplying the number of items in that scale or subscale by avalue of 3.

sented to them, expressing doubt is a sign of disrespect,” and about 81% disagreed that “Directpresentation of ideas for solving problems by the teacher is to be preferred since in society chil-dren generally learn by being told,” suggesting a lack of preference for authoritarian top-downproblem-solving procedures. A substantial number however expressed a view consonant withtraditional values. For example, 39% thought that in solving problems it is necessary that stu-dents get “the expected or right answers to successfully complete the activity,” and 37% per-ceived that “While a spirit of questioning is good, there are many aspects of our lives and be-liefs which should be accepted as they are.”

Their orientation to social change was positive, nonconservative, and open to change; theyperceived or expected some change in traditional values and beliefs due to changing patterns ofliving or to the influence of other cultures (Table 2). The respondents disagreeing that “There isno logic in trying to change the way traditional values and beliefs are in Zimbabwe” (61%), “Ifa practice is widely known and embraced by the community, it is unnecessary to raise issuesthat may cause individuals to question its validity or relevance” (87%), and “I believe that thereare teachings from other cultures which are valid if adopted or adapted to our own way of life”(90.47%) were clearly in the majority. More than 90% believed that “There are teachings fromother cultures which are valid if adopted or adapted to our own way of life.” Just over 52%agreed that “Modern technology such as radio and television has contributed more to the moraldecay of traditional culture than to its progress.” They were almost equally split on their re-sponse to the statement, “A scientific perception of reality can develop in a society with large-ly traditional perspectives” (49% disagreeing and 41% agreeing).

On their orientation toward reverence for authority figures, they showed slight inclinationtoward indigenous culture on four of the items. For example, on the item “The teacher has arole to ensure that pupils’ behavior conforms to that expected of them by elders without ques-tioning,” they were almost split between those agreeing (51%) and disagreeing (44%). They alsohad a slight inclination toward an extended family goal structure. Just over 49% agreed that“One problem with nuclear families is that traditional religious practices become negated.”Fifty-eight percent and 56%, respectively, believed that “Efforts should be made to keep ex-tended families so that the moral fabric can be preserved” and “Even if one works and lives inan urban center/town, it is imperative to maintain a rural home.” While they did value some tra-ditional oriented aspects of family, they were also positive in their responses regarding the needto control family or population size. For example, 62% did not believe that “Family planningprograms restrict individual families’ right to have as many children as possible,” while 84%believed that “Population growth is a growing problem in Zimbabwe; it is irresponsible to haveas many children as possible.”

Table 1 showed that there was a moderately strong positive and significant relationship (r 5 .55) between their assessment on causal attribution and religious ideology. While 59% didnot have a concern that “My religious beliefs are not congruent with the scientific worldview Ihave to teach,” 33% did. Almost half of the sample (49%) believed it unlikely that “Naturalcalamities such as drought and floods are infliction or punishment on society by angry tribalspirits who should be appeased,” and another 49% did not believe that “Things that happen inour lives may be caused by another person or by an ancestor.” On these items, 32% and 29%agreed, respectively. On the other hand 76% agreed that “It is all right for people to raise ques-tions about even the most sacred religious matters of Zimbabwe’s traditional culture.” Over 63%disagreed that when someone challenged their traditional beliefs, it is their immediate respon-sibility to convince the person to change his perspective to match their own. This suggests thatmost respondents were not inclined toward indigenous religious ideology or beliefs. They ap-peared to be relatively open-minded. The majority of respondents did not appear to accept spir-

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itual causes of events or fortune, and a majority do not seem to hold superstition regarding thecause of accidents or misfortune. For example, 71% did not agree that an individual’s effortwithout ancestral blessing may not be enough to succeed in one’s endeavors and that when thereis a serious sickness or death in the family, some bad person or evil spirit caused it. About 75%agreed that if an accident, e.g., car crash, results in serious injury or a death of a person, it isunnecessary to seek divine guidance to ascertain just how that particular person was the target.Sixty-five percent disagreed that those persons who have a harmonious relationship with theirancestral spirits have greater opportunities to succeed in life. This suggests that respondents arenot strong traditionalists in their perception of causality.

Their views on the relation between humans and nature were divided; 59% believed that“There is a need to live in harmony with nature and other living things rather than seek to ex-plore and subjugate them.” A sizable number (38%) agreed that “Large-scale collection and saleof wild fruit for profit is one way humans have diminished the sacredness and religious signif-icance of nature.” The respondents were further divided into those agreeing (46%) and thosedisagreeing (49%) with the assertion that “Nature must be exploited only to a level necessaryto satisfy the subsistence needs of the people rather than be turned into a source of commercialprofit.” Forty-four percent as opposed to 29% disagreed that nature is not impersonal, but thatit is sacred owing to presence of spirits (27% were uncertain). Respondents generally expecteda harmonious relationship with nature.

In summary, the teachers in this study were not strong traditionalists, but maintained a fair-ly traditional posture with regard to aspects of traditional authority, religion, view of nature, andsocial change. They showed a much stronger shift away from tradition with regard to sex roles,causality, and problem solving. The next section explores the respondents’ preferences con-cerning science instructional ideology.

Profiles of Science Teachers’ Instructional Ideology Preference

Tables 3 and 4 show the results of analyzing B.Ed. science teachers’ responses to the itemson the instructional preference scale. In preparing the data in both tables, “agree” and “strong-ly agree” responses and “disagree” and “strongly disagree” responses were aggregated and re-ported as percentage “agreeing” and “disagreeing,” respectively. A total mean score plus themean scores for individual items are reported. Tables 3 and 4 both show what has arbitrarilybeen called a d score, as well as the results of testing for significance using the one-group t test.The d score represents the deviation of a score from the neutral index, i.e., the difference be-tween the score and the neutral value. A score which is significantly higher than the neutral in-dex indicates a preference for either inquiry or traditional ideology.

Assessment of Inquiry Preference

Table 3 shows that B.Ed. science teachers in this sample had a mean score of 38.35 [stan-dard deviation (SD), 4.20] on the inquiry preference subscale. This score is significantly (d score5 8.35) higher than the neutral position of 30 (t 5 15.68, p , .0001). The B.Ed. science teach-ers in this study had a significant preference for inquiry instructional ideology. Except for Item6, for which they were neutral (mean, 3.08), teachers in this sample scored each item signifi-cantly higher than its neutral index. With respect to Item 6, respondents were split between thoseagreeing that students should have a major role in making instructional decisions (49%) andthose disagreeing (48%). Generally, their response profiles were such that over 60% agreed withItems 1, 4, 13, and 15 and better than 91% agreed with inquiry Items 3, 6, 9, 10, 16, and 18.


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Table 3B.Ed. science teachers’ orientation to inquiry instructional ideology (n 5 63)

% % dInquiry itema Disagree Agree Mean SD scoreb t p

1. The student should figure our on his or 33.33 63.50 3.35 1.30 10.35 2.13 .0183her own the important concepts of thematerials being studied rather than receiving them directly from the teacher.

3. To learn science, the student should be 1.59 96.82 4.38 0.61 11.38 18.05 .0001provided situtations which exemplify concepts but which require him to figurethem out himself or herself from the examples encountered.

4. In the lab the student should be free to 26.98 66.67 3.60 1.19 10.60 4.04 .0001identify on his or her own the relevant questions and means of investigation for pursuing possible results.

6. Students should have a major role in 47.62 49.21 3.08 1.25 10.08 0.50 .3078making many of the decisions aboutwhat are the best means for learning the concepts in the materials being studied.

9. The learning of a scientific concept 1.59 92.06 4.19 0.62 11.19 15.28 .0001should include the alternative views,weaknesses of current explanations, and doubts about validity of the conclusions.

10. Instructional materials must encourage 3.17 96.83 4.35 0.65 11.35 16.44 .0001students to formulate alternative ideas toconcepts encountered.

13. Each student should use his or her own 34.92 61.90 3.43 1.13 10.43 3.01 .0019ways of exploring, interpreting, and reporting the experiences done by every-one during a lab investigation.

15. Students should encounter new concepts 25.60 61.90 3.52 1.22 10.52 3.42 .0005to be learned in lab investigations beforethey are covered in class.

16. Students must challenge the truth of 0.00 98.41 4.44 0.53 11.44 21.55 .0001currently held scientific concepts andprinciples by seeking alternative interpre-tations that they can formulate, justify,and substantiate.

18. To learn a scientific law or principle 6.45 91.94 4.11 0.73 11.11 12.06 .0001students should be provided exemplifyinginstances from which they infer it withoutthe teacher giving it.

Total inquiry preference score 38.35 4.20 18.35 15.68 .0001

aItem numbers are the same as they occurred on the scale.bThe d score represents the deviation of a score from the neutral index, i.e., difference between the score and the neutralvalue. Neutral score is 3.00 for individual items and 30 for the entire subscale.


Respondents in the study accepted that students should have greater responsibility in accom-plishing learning outcomes by inference, by discovering, or by having them figure out impor-tant concepts or relationships.

They also believe that during instruction, alternative viewpoints, or explanations should beencouraged and that the validity of conclusions should be challenged. B.Ed. science teachersshowed a high preference for inquiry instructional ideology, but this in no way speaks to theirpractices.

Assessment of Traditional or Noninquiry Preference

Table 4 summarizes the responses of science teachers to the traditional or noninquiry sub-scale. Overall, science teachers in this study showed a preference for traditional noninquiry in-structional strategies (mean, 33.63, t 5 6.19, p , .0001). Of the 10 items comprising this sub-scale, only three (2, 7, and 14) were scored lower (disagree) than the neutral index of 3.00, thusdemonstrating a nonpreference for traditional noninquiry ideology. For example, 89% disagreedwith the statement, “Science should be taught as a discipline of conclusive and authoritative in-formation which has been verified beyond dispute”; a further 81% disagreed with the assertion,“Students best learn important concepts of science through direct presentation of them by theteacher.” The remaining items were scored significantly higher than the neutral index showingthat teachers had preference for traditional noninquiry ideology.

Respondents of this study exhibited a substantially high preference for noninquiry. They be-lieved that students should be explicitly told important concepts (Item 5; 74% agree), should begiven specific directions for experiments (Item 11, 69% agree; Item 19, 76% agree; and Item20, 70% agree). Some responses could have reflected a misconception of the nature of science,e.g., 89% believed that “The true nature of science should be illustrated to the student throughthe study of its technological applications and achievements” (Item 12) and that “Investigationsshould follow the scientific method as the best means for all to use to make discoveries” (Item17). It was established that the B.Ed. science teachers tend to view science in terms of its ap-plications in improving human welfare and production of useful technology. They strongly be-lieved in a single scientific method with a determinate number of procedural steps. For exam-ple, over 93% of the science teachers were affirmative that “The scientific method follows thefive regular steps of defining the problem, gathering data, forming hypothesis, testing it, anddrawing conclusions from it” (Shumba, 1995).

The B.Ed. science teachers exhibited a significantly higher preference for inquiry ideology(mean, 38.35, SD, 4.20) than for traditional or noninquiry instructional strategies (mean, 33.63,SD, 4.54) (t 5 5.14, p 5 .0001). A high inquiry preference score was complemented by a rela-tively lower traditional inquiry preference score. The results of correlational analysis indicateda negative value of the Pearson product moment correlation (r 5 2.22, p 5 .05), which con-firmed the inverse relationship between scores on the inquiry subscale and those on the tradi-tional subscale. This result differs from that obtained by Jones and Harty (1978). They found apositive correlation of magnitude .32 and concluded that teachers “tended to respond with sim-ilar degrees of harmony to the items of both subscales” (p. 6).

Scores on the OICS were positively correlated to scores on the traditional subscale of theSTIPS (r 5 .40, p , .05) but were barely negatively correlated to the inquiry subscale of theSTIPS (r 5 2.03). Scores on the traditional subscale were positively and significantly corre-lated to the B.Ed. Part I scores (r 5 .23), raising a possibility that their ratings might partly re-flect some orientation toward the way science was being taught in the program. The demo-graphic variables age and teaching experience were significantly positively related to both

traditional instruction ideology and to OICS but negatively correlated to inquiry instructionalideology. Older teachers tended to have a higher level of commitment to indigenous culture andrelatively less preference for inquiry. Childhood and current religious practice were modestlycorrelated to OICS but significantly negatively correlated to traditional instructional ideology.Literacy or educational attainment levels of their parents were significantly negatively correlat-ed to preference scores for traditional instruction but were not related to preference for inquiry.

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Table 4B.Ed. science teachers’ orientation toward noninquiry instructional ideology as measured on theJones–Harty STIPS (n 5 63)

% % dNoninquiry itema Disagree Agree Mean SD scoreb t p

2. Science should be taught as a discipline of 88.89 9.52 1.82 0.93 20.18 210.08 .0001conclusive and authoritative informationwhich has been verified beyond dispute.

5. During instruction, the student should be 20.96 74.20 3.63 0.98 10.63 5.06 .0001explicitly told the important concepts con-tained within the content dealing with thetopic being studied.

7. Students best learn important concepts of 80.95 17.46 2.17 0.94 20.83 26.95 .0001science through direct presentation of themby the teacher.

8. To truly understand a science discipline, 20.96 70.98 3.60 0.98 10.60 4.78 .0001students should acquire a fund of usefulfactual information dealing with thecontent under consideration.

11. During lab exercises, students should 27.42 69.35 3.58 1.15 10.58 3.97 .0001follow specific directions on what toobserve, and report to find the rightanswers to the problem.

12. The true nature of science should be 1.59 88.89 4.21 0.68 11.21 14.17 .0001illustrated to the student through the studyof its technological applications andachievements.

14. Lab experiements should be designated 60.32 38.09 2.79 1.18 20.21 21.39 .0851that the correct results or answers willemerge for only those who follow thedirections and procedures.

17. Investigations should follow the 1.59 93.65 4.37 0.66 11.37 16.54 .0001scientific method as the best means for allto use to make discoveries.

19. Lab investigations should follow 12.70 76.19 3.73 0.87 10.73 6.70 .0001specified directions and procedures pre-designed to illustrate a concept.

20. The primary objective of lab experiments 28.57 69.84 3.59 1.21 10.59 3.84 .0002should be the development of manipulativeskills and ability to follow directions whichlead to planned results.

Total noninquiry preference score 33.63 4.54 13.63 6.19 .0001

aItem numbers are the same as they occurred on the scale.bThe d score represents the deviation of a score from the neutral index, i.e., difference between the score and the neutralvalue. Neutral score is 3.00 for individual items and 30 for the entire subscale.

Data reported elsewhere for the same sample (Shumba, 1995) showed that modest negative cor-relations exist between OICS and inquiry instructional ideology, nature of science, nature of sci-entific knowledge, and environmental conservation awareness scores. Scores on the traditionalsubscale of the STIPS were significantly negatively correlated to the nature of science scores (r 5 2.44) and scores on the inquiry subscale were correlated positively and significantly to theenvironmental conservation awareness scores (r 5 .30).

Discussion

This study explored relationships among indigenous Zimbabwean science teachers’ back-grounds, beliefs regarding indigenous culture, and preferences concerning science instructionalideology. It was expected that indigenous teachers’ conceptions of the nature of science and ofinstructional ideology are influenced by the attitude–value complex or worldview they acquiredin indigenous culture or by the degree to which their beliefs were oriented toward indigenousculture. The science teachers in this study were not strong traditionalists but maintained a fair-ly traditional posture with regard to aspects of traditional authority, religion, view of nature, andsocial change. They showed a much stronger shift away from tradition with regard to sex roles,causality, and problem solving. This balance of tradition and change is laudable; although itwould be expected that teachers should be assisted to adopt a more investigative teaching stance,this does not necessarily have to happen at the loss of traditional belief. As alluded to by Bour-dillon (1987), Horton (1971), Nagel (1992), and Ogunniyi et al. (1995), tradition is resilient part-ly for self-sustenance and to prevent chaos. The implication here is that loss of tradition leadsto loss of cultural coherence, and therefore, adoption of scientific viewpoints need not occurthrough further loss of the social coherence and unity of tradition. For all its power to explainphysical phenomena, science is failing as a unifying metaphysic (Appleyard, Marty, Boorstin,& Anees, 1993; Birch, 1988). In Western culture, people are disconnected from one another andfrom their environment, and social alienation is a serious problem. Birch (1988) said that thescientific worldview is “deficient as a total worldview and has left us in a dilemma about ethicsand values and purposes” (p. 12) and that science instead of moving society toward develop-ment may disorganize society. This awareness that scientific progress is not all virtuous appearsto be lacking among the teachers in the study; they have the expectation that science ultimate-ly seeks to produce useful technology or improve human welfare (Shumba, 1995). They appearto have a perception that scientific progress is inherently good, and in this regard it seems es-sential that an important goal of science education in a developing non-Western country suchas Zimbabwe ought to be the understanding and critical interrogation of Western science rela-tive to local worldviews.

This study found that teachers’ orientation toward indigenous culture scores were positive-ly related to the scores representing preference for traditional noninquiry instructional ideologyand very modestly negatively related to preference for inquiry ideology. Item analysis profilesdemonstrated that teachers had some authoritarian tendencies, some of which could be linkedto their cultural values. This tendency was even clearer from their rating of the traditional non-inquiry subscale of the STIPS, and thus it is important to raise implications this perception mighthave in science education. For example, respondents were split between those agreeing that stu-dents should have a major role in making instructional decisions, while the majority believedthat students should be explicitly told important concepts (74%) and should be given specificdirections for experiments (.69%).

In African societies in general, there is reverence for authority figures or adults, implyingthat the locus of control and authoritative knowledge lies with adults (Jegede & Okebukola,1992). Authority figures are perceived as credible and infallible sources of information and so-


lutions to problems, and hence it is virtually inappropriate for children to query knowledge ordecisions of adults. This is necessitated by the need for self-preservation, social coherence, andunity. Jegede and Okebukola (1992) noted the negative consequence of authoritarianism as thatit limits the extent to which students have a mind of their own. A further consequence is thatthe teacher, as an adult figure, is considered a know-all in matters relating to science education,a point well noted by researchers working in other similar contexts (McKinley et al., 1992;Prophet, 1990).

Further implications of the authoritarian character of indigenous culture can be drawn fromthe fact that in traditional society problem solving has to follow a fixed code of conduct and ad-hering strictly to the correct procedures laid down by tradition (Gelfand 1965). In fact, it is saidthat all activities have a correct way by which they must be completed, an attitude which mayhave the effect of stifling experimentation and innovation. Consequently, the process of prob-lem solving and other behaviors among traditionalists is often in a linear hierarchy from the top(ancestors and elders) to the bottom ( junior members of the family or community). This oftenhas a consequence that students hold the expectation that problem solving is finding out infor-mation that is already known and must be proved. In Zimbabwe, a potential consequence of au-thoritarian tendencies was noted in a recent evaluation which found that primary students wereinclined to prefer to watch their teacher demonstrate rather to participate on a hands-on basis(Lewin & Bajah, 1991). Nagel (1992) reported the general reluctance of student teachers to par-ticipate in preference to listening to their lecturers, which he related to the traditional authoritypatterns.

Another point for discussion concerns the finding that this sample of teachers showed aninquiry preference as well as some traditional inquiry preference. This could imply that theJones–Harty (1978) STIPS simply failed to discriminate effectively between the two orienta-tions or that teachers demonstrated a realistic assessment of classroom behavior whereby bothtraditional and inquiry methods are used and/or blended as the situation demands. The as-sumption here is that these instructional ideologies form a continuum. The trend expected inthe ideal situation where a high inquiry ideology is complimented by a low traditional in-structional preference was indicated by a substantial inverse relationship between scores on theinquiry subscale and those on the traditional subscale (r 5 2.22, p 5 .05). This result was un-like that obtained by Jones and Harty (1978), who observed a positive correlation and con-cluded that their teachers tended to respond with similar degrees of harmony to the items ofboth subscales. In the present study, a preference for traditional instructional ideology was cor-related to B.Ed. scores in Part I, and thus their rating could possibly reflect the methods em-ployed to deliver content on this program. This could have created a response set which madethe STIPS appear to have lower reliability than it is capable of. On the other hand, given thatpedagogical approaches do not always travel well cross-culturally (Lewin, 1990), teachers inthis study appear to give contradictory responses by valuing both inquiry and noninquiry ide-ology. Although they may appreciate the need for a pedagogical shift toward teaching meth-ods which stress inquiry, questioning, or experimenting, in their own socialization and in theirformal education these approaches are not the normal conduct of affairs (Lewin & Bajah, 1991;Nagel, 1992).

Although the STIPS had a low internal consistency, and thus a low reliability when usedwith this sample of teachers, findings obtained are still notable. For example, STIPS scores en-abled the researcher to simultaneously check a respondent’s inclination relative to two inde-pendent ideologies; if a scale which only measured the inquiry preference had been applied, thetendency for preferring traditional instructional could easily have been missed, and vice versa.The finding that teachers in the present sample held both ideologies but that one higher was than

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the other, is significant. First, it would have been expected that having grown up in a non-West-ern environment they should have shown a higher level of traditional ideology than found in thestudy. Lazarowitz and Lee (1976) noted the relative difficulty with which teachers growing upin the less authoritarian environment of Western culture have adopting an inquiry philosophy.In fact, lack of inquiry is often what seems to spawn contemporary criticisms about the inabil-ity of school science education to bring about more widespread scientific literacy. What is sig-nificant about the finding concerning teacher preference for traditional instruction in this studyis that it correlates with teachers’ inclination to a traditional culture which has authoritarian ten-dencies. Some of the consequences were discussed in a preceding section.

If we take traditional culture to its extremes, the inquiry or problem-solving approach is notdirectly supported. In traditional culture, problems cannot and should not be formulated unless,of course, one risks being labeled a witch. When solutions to problems are sought, they are notconsidered tentative and the alternatives are not readily explored. Problem solutions are not ex-pected to be tentative; rather, they must be absolute and final. Tolerance for alternatives is of-ten minimal, since a belief exists that right answers exist and can be found. The lack of criticaldiscourse concerning culture may be a contributing factor to the perpetuation of lack of appre-ciation for the scientific problem-solving process.

This authoritarian disposition may possibly extend to the view held concerning the natureof science and scientific knowledge. For example, modest negative correlations exist betweenOICS and inquiry instructional ideology, nature of science scores measured on Kimball’s (1967)model, Rubba–Andersen’s (1978) nature of scientific knowledge scores, and environmental con-servation awareness scores. These results obtained with this same sample are presented and dis-cussed elsewhere (Shumba, 1995). Overall, they had reasonable levels of understanding of na-ture of science but demonstrated in some cases an authoritarian and naive view of scientificknowledge. For example, the B.Ed. sample in this study did not see scientific knowledge as par-simonious, and the respondents perceived of a single scientific method which had a determinatenumber of procedural steps; they did not possess a definitive understanding of the use of mod-els and/or the role or arbitrariness of classification schemes in science. They accepted the viewof science as an organized body of knowledge. A significant majority had an inadequate under-standing of the tentativeness of scientific knowledge; they seemingly viewed laws as permanentand unchangeable generalizations. Shumba (1995) also found that this very sample of teachersassociated science with practical applications and with the development or production of usefultechnology. On this aspect, their perception was similar to that of a Nigerian sample of preser-vice teachers (Cobern, 1989). Both the Zimbabwe sample (Shumba, 1995) and the Nigeriansample (Cobern, 1989) perceive and value science for its capability to produce useful technol-ogy or improve human welfare.

Conclusion

This study investigated the relationship between teachers’ orientation to indigenous cultureand their instructional ideology. This knowledge is essential because what we already knowabout African science teachers, especially their culture of origin beliefs and factors, is limited,often conjectural, and sometimes misrepresented. For example, Shrigley (1971), writing abouthis 2-year experience in a Nigerian college, said:

Students were inclined to view science as final and fixed. Some of the most uneasy mo-ments developed when dealing with problems having only tentative answers. In despera-tion, one keenly interested science student stood beside his desk and in typical African po-


liteness asked, “Why don’t you teach only what scientists are sure of?” It is my convic-tion that many traditional explanations to natural phenomena are, in part at least, the re-sult of this uneasiness sensed by the African when a phenomenon goes unexplained. Evena tongue-in-cheek explanation seems better than no explanation at all. (pp. 211–212)

In addition to a growing body of research, this personal experience and interpretation of the wayAfrican students learned science obviate the potential significance of the influence of culture oforigin factors, knowledge, and beliefs. This study articulated how influence of these beliefsmight act via the instructional ideology preference of science teachers.

It remains necessary to examine more closely how cultural factors manifest themselves inclassrooms. The research cited, taken together with findings of this study, point to the signifi-cance of understanding traditional culture and using that knowledge in curriculum innovation.On this matter of curriculum, Mundangepfupfu (1988) suggested that:

A more systematic approach to curriculum decision making based on the curricular con-cerns of science educators in Africa is needed. One of these concerns is the existence ofmagico-traditional beliefs. It seems that without a non-partisan systematic distinction ofmagico-traditional beliefs from scientific beliefs science educators will remain largely in-effective in their attempts to inculcate the scientific worldview through science teachingalthough students may be indoctrinated. (p. 11)

Mundangepfupfu therefore surmised that the science methods courses should go beyond meth-ods of teaching to an understanding the nature of both scientific and indigenous knowledge. Thisstudy collected information on dimensions such as teachers’ personal orientation to indigenousculture and instructional ideology that may help in efforts to make the curriculum more relevantto Zimbabwe.

A critical observation in the present study is that the science teachers were not strong tra-ditionalists, but maintained a fairly traditional posture with regard to aspects of traditional au-thority, religion, view of nature, and social change. They showed a much stronger shift awayfrom tradition with regard to sex roles, causality, and problem solving. The implication here isthat they have not lost their traditional values and the loss of tradition is not a necessary condi-tion for the adoption of scientific viewpoints. Scientific progress is not all virtuous, nor is it in-herently good. It therefore seems essential that an important goal of science education in a de-veloping non-Western country such as Zimbabwe ought to be the understanding and the criticalinterrogation of Western science relative to locally held worldviews. As Nagel (1992) intimat-ed, it is crucial for cultural issues to be included in the curriculum and be subjected to criticaldiscourse with the hope, in the case of science education, that science and tradition can bebrought into conflation. With reference to the B.Ed. program at the local university, there areclear opportunities in the methods and science curriculum theory courses to deal with indige-nous culture as it relates to the science curriculum.

Overall, this study articulates the importance and relevance of culture of origin back-grounds, knowledge, and beliefs to science education. Further research should include more sys-tematic validation of instruments to measure orientation to cultural tenets and must include ob-servation data to ascertain how teachers handle beliefs and preconceptions they and/or theirstudents acquire from traditional culture. Furthermore, careful studies are needed to find out howspecific dimensions of a culture are related and how independently and together they interactwith science education.

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The author thanks the two Journal of Research in Science Teaching reviewers and the Editor for their in-sightful comments and suggestions on an earlier draft of the manuscript, and for some of the literature ma-terials and sources.

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Relationship between secondary science teachers' orientation to traditional culture and beliefs concerning science instructional ideology