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Michael T. Rock. Pollution Control in East
Asia: Lessons from Newly Industrializing
Countries. Washington, D. C.: Resources for
the Future; Singapore: Institute of Southeast
Asian Studies, ����, ���p.
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Resil B. Mojares. Waiting for Mariang
Makiling: Essays in Philippine Cultural
History. Quezon City, Philippines: Ateneo de
Manila University Press, ����, ���p.
“History,” argues American feminist scholar Joan
W. Scott, “is in the paradoxical position of creat-
ing the objects it claims only to discover.” Histo-
rians do not merely make routine decisions
about what to include and exclude, and how to
organize and present their “data” or “material.”
Their decisions are informed by interpretive
practices that determine what is knowable or
arguable in a given discipline�what in effect
counts as history, understood in both its senses
as object of study and as verbal account. Histor-
ical representation is inseparable from the reali-
ty it helps in part to define and structure.
But what are historians to do when there are
few surviving written records, material artifacts,
and other sources on which they can base their
research? The problem of sources poses seem-
ingly insurmountable difficulties for scholars
of precolonial and colonial Philippines already
working within the constraints of their limited
access to archives within and outside the coun-
try, not to mention full teaching loads and time-
consuming administrative work within their re-
spective institutions.
Filipino nationalists of the nineteenth centu-
ry such as José Rizal, when faced with the chal-
lenge of reconstructing a past obscured, over-
shadowed, or distorted by Spanish and American
colonialism, found themselves working with, and
often against, the few documents (written from
the ethnocentric viewpoint of the colonizers)
that survived the ravages of time and circum-
stance. “Recovering” the past was not simply an
intellectual exercise, but a political act which
sought to empower the colonized by positing a
pre-existing “national” identity�however anach-
ronistic that identity may have been, rooted as it
¦ �
125
was in a “Philippines” whose boundaries were
demarcated and substantiated by the colonial
state�and the agency with which to challenge
and dismantle the colonial order, and imagine
and realize a better future.
The �� essays in this meticulously research-
ed and beautifully written book by one of the
Philippines’ preeminent scholars demonstrate,
even as they reflect on, the challenges faced by
nationalist efforts at recovery of the past. The
author’s original training as a literary critic is
very much evident in his exemplary readings of
texts, covering such topics as folklore, travel
narratives, Orientalist scholarship, biographies,
procedures for the canonization of saints, stories
of religious images lost and recovered, colonial
books of conduct, newspaper accounts and
menus of dinner parties, poetry, radio com-
mentaries, and indigenous notions of the “soul.”
In these texts�materials often overlooked or dis-
missed as irrelevant or at best supplementary by
historians�Mojares discerns and delineates a
wider field of socio-cultural meanings and prac-
tices with which both long-ago and recent inhab-
itants of what is now “the Philippines” made
sense of, and acted in, their world.
To understand Philippine culture is to un-
derstand Philippine politics, for it is precisely in
what is taken for granted, in the realm of what is
felt and left unsaid and unthought, in the habits
and minutiae of everyday life, that the workings
of power, accommodation, and resistance are
most visible. Texts do not simply point to an
“out there,” and should not therefore be treated
as mere repositories of “facts.” They encode
assumptions about the way things are and the
way things ought to be, and in so doing illumi-
nate and organize the social, political, and cul-
tural relations that are lived, and sometimes sub-
verted and reinvented, by the anonymous major-
ity.
Several of the essays in fact underscore the
centrality of representation in constructing and
deconstructing a given social order. Mojares
demonstrates how Antonio Pigafetta’s seminal
account of Ferdinand Magellan’s circumnaviga-
tion of the world and ill-fated sojourn in the
Philippines employs rhetorical strategies that le-
gitimize Magellan’s intervention in the power
struggle among local chieftains by rendering his
actions in heroic terms. Pigafetta authorita-
tively presents the Philippines as an object of
knowledge�and of putative colonial expropria-
tion�for European consumption. “What was
important was that the islands had been located,
fixed, and named, and could be verified and
reoccupied again and again. Their very in-
completeness and ‘emptiness’ stirred desire and
offered the motive for their occupation and
possession. . . . The writing on the Philippines
primes it for possession.”
Likewise, books of conduct produced during
the Spanish period reveal how the body of the
colonized had to be policed through regulation of
its appearance and actions. As part of the colo-
nial apparatus for “producing” docile, pliable
indios (“natives”), Christian conversion involved
daily applications of so-called Christian virtues
to the disciplining of mind and body. Yet these
books’ reliance on indigenous vocabularies for
depicting bodily movements that they wished to
proscribe inadvertently exposes the “rich and
persistent materiality” of Philippine cultural ex-
pressions.
In another essay, Mojares shows how current
political commentaries broadcast over the radio
work to delimit the field of political thought and
action through their definition of what political
choices are available, and what constitutes ap-
propriate and inappropriate political behavior.
The irony of the Philippines’ highly touted claim
to having one of the freest mass media systems
in Asia is that the apparently democratic charac-
ter of the media masks the media’s capacity to
������� ��� ��
126
subtly discourage real dialogue and discussion.
Mojares raises the important question of
who gets to talk, or whose talk gets heard and
acted upon: “Who, after all, ‘talks politics’? Pres-
idents and dictators don’t, they do it; peasants
and housewives don’t, they suffer it.” He directs
his reader’s attention to the gaps and omissions
in Philippine historiography, the absences that
signal the silencing, extirpation, or exclusion of
ordinary Filipinos. It is not by chance that
Mojares devotes a number of articles to bio-
graphical accounts of “obscure” Filipinos, extra-
polating from these narrated lives the larger nar-
rative of the social world in which they were
articulated.
He painstakingly examines the politics
behind the proposed beatification of Pedro
Calungsod, a Bisayan martyred in Guam in ����.Calungsod entered the historical records only in
the company of the Spanish Jesuit missionary,
Diego Luis de Sanvitores. While the latter’s beat-
ification was aided speedily by the fact that his
life merited full and elaborate documentation in
the Spanish archives, Calungsod’s case has been
plagued by numerous delays due to the paucity
of available biographical data, even as prospects
for beatification remain optimistic in light of the
Vatican’s policy of actively promoting the incor-
poration of local churches in Asia and Africa into
the Roman Catholic religious community. In this
instance, Mojares traces the outlines of a Filipino
life in the margins of a fuller account of a Span-
ish priest’s death.
In another mid-seventeenth century biogra-
phy that he analyzes�the greatly “reduced”
account of a pious ��-year-old named Miguel
Ayatumo, whose truncated life and consequent
lack of history made him an ideal candidate for
divinity�Mojares argues against the tendency
of present-day readers to read and judge colonial
texts in light of current modes of historical repre-
sentation which privilege “background” informa-
tion, psychological depth, and motivation. “The
problem of the Ayatumo vida [life] does not only
say something of changing conceptions of biog-
raphy but of the variant ways in which ‘history’
is comprehended and recorded.”
The power of the text to index history re-
sides precisely in its openness to diverse read-
ings. Moreover, the writing of history can be�and has often been�conscripted in the service of
or against powerful social blocs through its se-
lective inclusion and exclusion of materials. The
story of Mariang Makiling, the eponymous god-
dess incarnated in Tagalog and numerous folk-
tales across the Philippines, lends itself to being
told and retold by people with different, some-
times competing, agenda, across time. It can be
used for didactic purposes to orient its audience
in the social virtues of cleanliness, gratitude,
temperance, and decorum. But it can also be a
tale of paradise lost, of harmony, cooperation,
and reciprocity breached upon the advent of
Spanish colonialism. It can also be a pointed
reference to existing political conditions of
abuses, exploitation, suffering, and severed rela-
tions with nature and among people. The folk-
tale was recast in prose form by Macario Pineda
in the post-war years to serve as a guide for
social action in the service of the newly inde-
pendent nation, and in poetic form by José
Lacaba to chronicle the turbulence and dis-
illusionment of the pre-martial law years.
Circulating stories of the Virgin of Guada-
lupe in Cebu island fish out details from Mexican
sources while anchoring themselves in a specifi-
cally Philippine context. Depending on how the
story is told, the appearance of the Virgin, the
place in which she manifested herself, and the
person to whom she showed herself can poten-
tially generate interpretations which cannot be
contained by the “mission of conversion” for
which they were originally deployed. They
derail the impulse to establish “authentic” ori-
� �
127
gins by displacing the Virgin from her place in
European Christian iconography and relocating
her within local myths and precolonial sacred
sites.
In the open-endedness of the text, in the
ability of the text to lend itself to being inter-
preted in more than one way, Mojares reads
something of the chimerical nature of Philippine
culture. It is the conscious and unconscious
evasion of absolutes and prescriptions (as much
as submission to them) that ultimately accounts
for cultural persistence, permutation, and trans-
formation. “We are a culture blessed with moves
to avoid the claims of those who say they have
seen the Truth.”
The implications of this open-endedness
extend to Mojares’ idea of the Filipino nation as
process, not product. Mojares critically resists
the impulse to take the nation for granted as a
unit of analysis or as a set of prescriptions dictat-
ing the writing of history. But he also argues
that the incompleteness or “unfinished project”
of nationalist attempts at recovering the past
spurs rather than disables scholarship towards
that end. To the extent that the nationalist
project remains unfinished, there cannot be any
simple solution to attempts at national self-
definition, nor any easy acceptance or rejection
of the nation itself. Reflecting on Peruvian
writer Mario Vargas Llosa’s continued attach-
ment to the country he often violently critiques,
Mojares offers a modest rejoinder: “What Llosa
does not quite say is that it is precisely in this
ambivalence, this gap between hate and love,
that a writer must locate his or her work. It is
the space of haunting where the writer, negotiat-
ing the distance between anger and tenderness,
suspicion and desire, refuses the malignancies of
blind faith and easy self-love but claims, even
against all contrary signs, what Benedict
Anderson calls the ‘goodness of nations.’” For
Filipino scholars who labor under the burden of
their country’s history�the burden of forgetful-
ness, marginalization, invisibility, and non-
representation�this profound ambivalence
about the nation may well be the enabling condi-
tion of their work.
(Caroline S. Hau�CSEAS)
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