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Pastoralism on the Margins:Dan BrockingtonPublished online: 01 Mar 2010.

To cite this article: Dan Brockington (2000) Pastoralism on the Margins:, Azania: Archaeological Research inAfrica, 35:1, 1-19, DOI: 10.1080/00672700009511594

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Pastoralism on the Murgina

Thd decline and dispersal of herding on the Umba Nyikafiom I800 to I919

Dan Brockington

Introduction

The Umba Nyika lies between the Pare and Usambara mountains, theTaita hills and the coast (fig. 1). In the nineteenth century it was labeled the ‘Wakwafi wilderness’, characterized then, and since, as empty and desolate. For a long time during that period these plains were on the margins of pastoral occupation and control. But the emptiness was temporary and partial; it has a history. Scrutiny of the dynamics of herding in the plains and hills of this part of East Africa reveals much about local social change and illuminates the tensions and complexities of the twentieth century.

The history is important for two reasons. First, changes in livestock numbers and distribution in the nineteenth century are particularly important for understanding trends in agricultural change in the region. The intensification of agriculture in the Pare hills has been related by H h s s o n to the development of specialised pastoralism on the plains. Using ethnohistorical data he argues that ‘the evidence makes a case for a cultivation system geared towards exchange as well as subsistence at the end of the nineteenth century and beginning of the twentieth century”. He rejects the idea that farmers were circumscribed by hostile neighbours and developed intensification in isolation.

His evidence and argument are compelling, but exchange relationships driving change in the hills need to be contextualised with the fluctuating fortunes of specialised pastoralism on the plains. A reading of the accounts of explorers, missionaries and archival sources suggests that the Pare hills were not close to significant populations of herders for much of the nineteenth century. Rather, the use of the plains at this time was characterised by

’ H h s s o n 1998. Ibid, 299.

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Brockington 3

large-scale disruption only partially redressed by intermittent recovery of human and livestock populations. Trading may have been most significant in the earliest years of the nineteenth century, thereafter Pare farmers may have had to rely on their own herds.

Second, current disputes can be illuminated by an understanding of the area’s history. Specifically, the dynamics of the nineteenth century were the precursor to more recent contests between pastoralists and the state over the proper fate of the Mkomazi Game Reserve ofTanzania. This Reserve occupies most of the Umba Nylka south of theTanzanian international border. It was gazetted in 195 1 and residence was then permitted to a few herders. Their numbers increased and in the late 1980s, they were evicted amid fears for the environmental consequences of overgrazing. Evictees took their government to court in a case which attracted considerable international attention in the mid 1990s. At the same time, some conservation organizations and the state were denying the legitimacy of their claims on the Reserve. I argue here that the recent debates have to be understood in the light of the dynamics of the nineteenth century. The flux of population set in process movements which lead to remarkable contests in the 1940s and 50s - independently from the Reserve’s creation - which current disputes continue.

The Social and Economic Setting

The regional social and economic links of this part of East Africa in the nineteenth century have been thoroughly described*. The pastoralism which dominated the plains of East Africa, and in many ways East African society, is best seen as part of a continuum between greater and lesser dependence on livestock and joined in a regional system with spatial and temporal ties. Livelihoods, and the ethnic identities which accompanied them, were dynamic. Families, individuals and larger groups could expect to move up and down the continuum of reliance upon livestock according to their fortunes.

Groups were joined by ties of trade and exchange, in some cases of considerable antiquity5 . These were partly a result of the uncertainties of the environment and society. People lived with the continual spectre of hunger from drought, diseases or conflict and families had to deal with these risks as well as pursue prosperity. They were also the product of specialisation. For those who spent less of their time farming also needed agricultural produce, and those with fewer animals wished to acquire stock and their produce. Pastoral patterns of transhumance or nomadism not only meant moving livestock to the remaining water and grazing but also moving closer to agriculturalists with whom trade for foodstuffs was possible. Provision of meals was the responsibility of women, and they traded with their neighbours to make best provision for their households. Women from agricultural groups played a similar role in their societies. Ties of trade, exchange and kinship or friendship with groups following different livelihoods provided long term security as well as meeting immediate needs.

’ Brockington and Hornewood 1776, 1777. Key references for this section are Waller 1779, 1785, 1788; Berntsen 1776, 1777a, 1977b; Anderson and Johnson 1788; Anderson 1988; Sobania 1793; Galaty 1773; Lonsdale 1772; Wder and Sobania 1794; Bonte and Galaty 177 1. Odner 1771.

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4 Pastoralism on thcklargins

The economic connections operated in a context of variable and flexible ethnicity. Intermarriage and changing livelihoods meant that it was possible for people to become members of other societies. Ethnic identity was locally debated and interpreted, and was mutable.

Society in East Africa was thus composed of complex congeries of different livelihoods mutually dependent upon each other. The varied environment of plains, hills, mountains, forests, lakes and valleys were each conducive to different modes of life, but each had limitations that necessitated dependence or predation on other places and the groups therein. As environmental change and social fluctuation have been the norm, in no sense have pastoral livelihoods been secure or stable‘. They thrived in conjunction with agricultural societies and made sense only in a wider, less pastoral context.

When applying this model to the Umba Nyika, one must recognise that the social continuum in the region did not always translate into a spatial continuum of societies on the ground. The presence ofcattle and their herders on the Umba Nyika in the nineteenth century was often sparse. Pastoralism on these plains was limited by aridity, war and disease. The main events of the nineteenth century broke up and curtailed the pastoral presence. But the local responses to these misfortunes emphasise the importance of the linkages and connections between groups.

The early nineteenth century

The plains are dry, with around 5-600mm of rainfall a year (rising to 800mm in the mountain^)^. It is clear that they were also dry in the last century. The lack of water meant populations were low and much use would have been seasonal. In the late 1840s, on the basis of traders’ reports, Guillain wrote of a trading route to Lake ‘Guipt’ (Jipe?) which approximately followed the line of the current international bound@. He reported it to be:

‘a desert land where one can only replenish supplies with difi~ulty.’~

He noted that the place was frequented by elephant hunters but that otherwise:

‘The country is unoccupied and without rivers or streams.’”

Similarly Thornton, who travelled from Kasigau to Gonja in July 1861 (the dry season) described that part of the country as without water’’ . He nearly succumbed there from th i rd2 . Later Meyer was disappointed that areas which could teem with animals could become so dry and barren without sight of ‘a single

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Ogot 1968, 131-33; Sutton 1993, 49-59. Harris 1970; McWilliam and Packer 1999; Brockington and Homewood, forthcoming. Cf Public Records Ofice (PRO) FO 925/156. ‘.. unpays dpscrt oh lbn ne renouvelle que dz~cikmentsesprovisions.’ Guillain (n.d.), ~0111,290. ‘Lepays est inhabitk et sans cows d b u . . ’ Ibid, 290. Anon 1865, 18. Thornton travelled there with Von der Decken and was guided by a local elephant hunter. Royal Geographical Society Archives (RGS): Thornton, diary entries 12-1 5/7/1861. Baumann 1890,88-89.

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Aridity, however, did not proscribe use. In the first place, Kamba hunters are thought to have come into these parts since at least the early years of the 1800s and probably a century before that. There were, for example, a number of Kamba villages around the base of the Pare mountains in the nineteenth centuryI4. The plains were also good for cattle. Travellers from Mombasa reported that locals further east had once had thousands of stock which were stolen by Maasai raided5.

There is evidence of extensive use of the Umba Nyika by a number of Maa-spealung groups collectively called the Kwavi, or Iloikop, in the early years of the nineteenth century. In the late 1840s Krapf noted that the wilderness between the coast andTaita had recently ‘become infested with Wakuafi and Galla’ and that the Kwavi ‘infested the countries adjacent to the sea coast”‘. He recorded they had resolved to occupy the Kadiaro hill (also known as Kasigau) a little before he travelled there”. Guillain, on the basis of traders’ accounts in the late 1840s, labelled a similar hinterland as ‘Oua-Kouavi’, and reported that the same group had formerly occupied ‘Bomboui’ and ‘Kidangga-dangga’, dry places two and three days journey behind Vanga respectivelyI8. Similarly, Thornton noted that a place called Sogoroto, near the ‘Dalooni River’, two days journey from Vanga, had ‘formerly been a station of the Wakuafi’” .

The main area of Kwavi occupation was probably in the western part of the coastal hinterland. Krapf recorded their homeland proper to be a land called Kaptei, or Kaputei, north of Kilirnanjaro2’. Thompson wrote that in the first decades of the 1800s the Kwavi occupied:

‘the large district lying between Kilirnanjaro, Ugono (Ugweno) and Pare, the hills ofTaita and Usambara.’” .

New noted that:

‘The Wakuavi formerly occupied the whole of the plains around the base of Mount Kilirna Njaro, also the extensive tracts lying betweenTaveta and Jipe, on the one hand and the Taita mountains, on the other’.22

But who exactly ‘the Kwavi’ were is p r ~ b l e m a t i c ~ ~ . It seems to have been used as a general name to cover peoples variously referred to elsewhere as the Lumbwa, Humbwa, Iloogalala, Mbaravui, Mbarawue, Barabuyu, Baraguyu and, today, P a r a k ~ y o ~ ~ . In the last part of the nineteenth century these were the displaced and dispossessed peoples who

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Feierman 1974, 125-127. Gissing 1884, 551-52 Krapf 1860,222; 1854,5. Krapf 1860,362. Guillain (n.d.), vol I1 p. 289; Meyer 1891 marks Kidangadanga on his route map as about one day’s journey east of Kilirnang’ombe. RGS: Thornton, diary entry 4/10/1861. Krapf 1860,236,361. Young 1962, 128. New 1873,355. Berntsen 1980. Waller 1979, 152-156; Rigby 1985, 7. See Berntsen 1980; Beidelman 1960,245-51; Waller 1985, 114-19 and Hodgson, 1995, 30-31 for a more complete discussion of the terms and their origins.

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6 Pastoralism on the Margins

were the losers of the Iloikop wars. ‘Kwavi’ was, and is, a pejorative term, used to describe any stock poor, defeated, neighbours of Maa-~peakers~~. ‘Kwavi’ people, however, would refer to themselves as Maasai” .

In the early years of the nineteenth century, both the Iloikop/Kwavi and the Maasai were predominantly pastoral peoples. They shared a common history and had closely related language and cultures2’. But it is not easy to establish which of the Kwavi peoples were where in the Umba Nyika before the Iloikop wars because most observers in the nineteenth century were writing after the wars were over. By this time, the Kwavi had already been dispossessed of their cattle and key grazing grounds. They had fled southwards or sought refbge with their cultivating neighbours and adopted more agricultural livelihoods28 .

Some suggestions as to specific locations are possible. Before the wars, Sommer and Vossen suggested that the ‘Parakuyo’ moved southward from the Rift Valley in the mid- sixteenth century to form ‘a new political centre’ in the Pangani river valley by the middle of the eighteenth cent~Ty2~. Similarly, Waller stated that before the wars, the Baraguyu occupied the Pangani valley and the wells of the Maasai steppe (west of the Pangani river) while the ‘Wakwafi wilderness’, which corresponds to the Umba Nyika, was home to the Enkang e Lema.30

The wars themselves were fought in several stages. In the 1820s and ’ ~ O S , the Enkang e Lema were pushed out of the Kwavi wilderness and fled westwards to Taveta or south to join the Baraguyu31. The occupants of the Maasai steppe and the western edge of the Pangani river were driven out between the 1830s and 1850. They fled to the eastern bank of the Pangani and the southern and eastern edges of the Maasai steppe. They took refbge with cultivators along the southern edge of the Usambara and the Nguru mountains32.

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I use it here because it is the name used by most contemporary sources. Waller (1985, 115-16) cited Johnston, who travelled here in the mid 1880s as follows:

‘If you ask the ‘Wakwavi’ of Mazindi what they are they will reply at once, ‘Masai’. And if you only ask a nomad Masai ... what he calls his congeners of Mazindi - who perhaps a generation ago were fighting in the same clan - he will answer contemptuously ‘Embarawuio’. (Johnston 1886, 213).

Also, Johnston met a Maasai elder at Taveta who was buying food and was pessimistic about his prospects for the future saying: ‘you will find us all ‘Embarawuio’ like these people of Kikoro (‘Zloikop settlers near Taveta) ... all our cattle are dying .. and I have come here to buy food from these Es-singa (isingan - ‘menials’)’ (Johnston 1886,407).

Beidelman 1960,245 noted the pejorative associations of ‘Kwavi’ and cites Last (page 246 footnote 1) to similar effect as Waller viz:

‘One day two Masai came to the village and a native came out and insulted them by asking ‘What kind of Masai are you? You are not Masai, but Wa-Humba’. This was a great insult to the Masai, as they have the bitterest hatred to a Wa-humba, and cannot bear to have the name of Humba used before them. The Masai did not say much, but went home and reported how they had been insulted. The men at once took arms and went to the village to demand an explanation. The man who committed the offence came out again bravely enough, but was at once speared, as was also another man who came to help’ (Last 1883, 520-21). Sommer and Vossen 1993, 34; Berntsen 1980. Berntsen 1979b; Waller 1979. See also Kimambo 1969, 177. Waller 1979, 152-53. Wder 1979, 152-53; Waller 1985, 117; Krapf 18544-5; Galaty 1993, 74-5. Waller 1979, 312; Jacobs 1965, 82; Hurskainen 1984,71-82; Beidelman 1960,247-48; Baumann 1891,276- 67; Fosbrooke 1948,4, 11; Bernsten 1979b, 132-39.

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Brockington 7

New gave an account of the process for the Kwavi of the Umba Nyika, which also illustrates the flexible nature of ethnicity and the close connections between agricultural and pastoral peoples. He wrote that:

‘In the course of time the Masai, emerging from the west, swept over the open plains, smote the Wakuavi and scattered them to the winds, leaving, however, the Wataveta in their forest fastnesses in perfect security. The Wakuavi, robbed of all and completely broken up, some wandered this way and some that, while many turning to their friends the Wataveta, asked and found refuge with them. Ever since the two peoples have lived together, assimilating more and more to each other’s habits and modes oflife. The Wataveta, however, seem to have been far more influenced by the Wakuavi than vice versa; for they have become Kikuaviized in almost everything but the giving up of agricultural pursuits, whereas the Wakuavi remain Wakuavi still, except that from necessity they have turned to the cultivation ofthe

The disturbances of the wars resulted in the evacuation of the Umba Nyika by the end of the 1830s and the displacement of the Kwavi on the Maasai steppe to its south- west edges and the Nguru hills, or to agricultural settlements at Taveta or near the Usambara mountains. The portrayal of an empty wilderness comes from accounts written after the wars were largely over and the Umba Nyika had been cleared. The plains in 1850 were depopulated, not unpopulated.

Recovery and rinderpest

After the wars, use of the plains remained slight for some time. Only at the end of the 1880s did signs begin to appear of large herding camps being established and large herds reported. Waller noted that the Maasai ‘had insufficient resources and manpower to occupy effectively all the grazing lands (once) occupied by the Iloik~p’~*. Although he does not list the Umba Nyika among the areas thus deserted, it appears that the Maasai presence was slight. Accounts of travel through the Umba Nyika and its environs never recorded the volume of cattle or numbers of people seen in the ‘densely populated Masai district(^)'^^. Only much later in the century are any herders recorded there at all, and then only in the southern margins of the plains, near the Pare and Usambara mountains. These were lands that became marginal to pastoralists.

There appears to have been a slow increase in herding in the plains surrounding the mountains up to the end of the 1880s. Given that livelihood strategies, and the ethnic identities that accompanied them were fluid, it is theoretically possible that people impoverished by the wars could have been moving back into pastoralism3“ But those who did were still vulnerable to Maasai raids3’.

3 3 New 1873,355-56. CfMeyer 1871, 86-7. 3 4 Waller 1785, 119. 35 Von Hohnel 1874, 127. Lemenye’s account of the massing of stock southwest of Kilimanjaro provides a similar

3 6 Frontera reports that Taveta herding increased from the 1880s onwards (Frontera 1778, 23). 37 Lemenye 1955, 37-8.

contrast (Lemenye 1755,41).

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8 Partoralism on tbeMargins

In any case, there were few ref%gee populations here. Contemporary accounts mention Taveta, north west of Lake Jipe, and isolated settlements south of the western Usambaras. Otherwise concrete references to the Kwavi on the plains are conspicuous in their absence. The strongest indication of a prolonged Kwavi presence is given by Kimambo who writes:

‘As civil wars among Maasai groups continued in the nineteenth century, more of their people moved east of the Pangani river and, therefore, their presence was felt all over the Pare western plain. In this way less permanent markets are said to have developed with the western districts between Same and M~anga. ’~’

Elsewhere, Kimambo notes that trade between Maa-speakers and the Pare ofUgweno in the north Pare mountains replenished the latter’s stock around the 1 8 7 0 ~ ~ ’ . But where exactly these people lived is uncertain.

In the main, the growth of herding on the Umba Nyika h e r the wars appears to have been driven by the influx of herders from the west. They came to use the lands more as their numbers, need and ability to exploit it, grew. The reports of pastoral activity on the plains after 1875 are several. Archdeacon Fader, who was stationed in the Usambara, in the late 1870s heard that caravans were wont to stop at a ‘large Maasai town’ called ‘Mkomazi’, where they could trade livestock with its Maasai residents. This was probably at the site of the present Mkomazi village4’. Johnston recorded meeting around 1,000 Maasai at Ngurunga, in what seemed like a large meat feast, in 1884*l. Willoughby noted that Maasai raiding parties and herds could be found a little north-east of Lake Jipe in the late 1 8 8 0 ~ ~ ~ . Meyer met a group of Maasai warriors with a troop of donkeys close to the south-west corner of the Usambaras, and reported good relations between the Maasai and Kamba residents of avillage there called M k ~ m b a r a ~ ~ . In 1887, Count Teleki met a large number of Maasai and their families in the Ruvu valley, west of the northern end of the South Pare mountains@.

Baumann gave a comprehensive account of Maasai grazing patterns recorded in 1890. He stated that the Umba Nyika used to be the domain of the Kwavi but that these people were displaced by the Maasai. The main users were the Sogonoi Maasai whose main camps were in the Sogonoi mountains on the western side of the Pangani but who maintained large camps at Mwembe, near Same and at the south end of the North Pare mountains. He noted that:

‘they range over the whole of the Umba Nyika and consider as their main area for plunder the eastern Pare mountains, Usambara, the foreland and the C0ast.4~ ’

He also noted that they exploited the wetter places on the top of the Tussa hills and the mountains of central Pare which more readily afforded water and grazing than the

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Brockington 9

plains46. He listed two other groups - the Kibaia and Bukoi Masai -who moved into the Pangani river in the dry season, sometimes onto its eastern bank.

The only reference to any quantity of cattle on the plains comes from Le Roy who reported seeing thousands of Maasai cattle on the plains between Mnazi and Gonja and visited a Maasai boma one hour’s walk from Gonja in the second half of 1 8904’. This is the only account to resemble Von Hohnel’s description of the densely populated Maasai lands between Mts Meru and Kilimanjaro.

Le Roy’s encounter is significant because it was just before the arrival of rinderpest. The first precisely dateable record of it in East Africa comes from a German campaign up the Upper Pangani, west of the Pare Mountains, in early 189 1. Troops passing north in February noted healthy herds, and returning south in the same month ‘found the disease raging’48.

The traveller who followed Le Roy found a starkly different land49. Between July and December 1892, Smith travelled along the same route as Le Roy, surveying the Anglo-German boundary. He also described the Umba Steppe as:

‘Nearly level country with gently rolling surfice; thorn scrub; no paths. No water. No inhabitant^.'^'

Similarly, the area north-east of Lake Jipe is labelled on his map as ‘(r)olling plains covered with thorns, apparently wilderness’. In contrast to Le Roy and Johnston, he met no pastoralists on the plains, only that villages were stockaded against the threat of Maasai raiding’ . Smith observed that game populations were small and much less than Thompson, Johnston and Meyer had reported; there was neither sight nor sign of buffalo. Smith himself speculated that absences were due to the ravages of the recent cattle disease5’. He reported that the Maasai were nearly exterminated by famine53.

The difference between Le Roy’s and Smith‘s accounts could indeed partly reflect the effect of rinderpest, which killed cattle and forced pastoralists to flee. Elsewhere in East Africa the effect was devastating. Millions of animals, wild and domestic, are thought

46 Zbid 119, 139. 4 7 Le Roy (n.d.), 120-21. 4 8 Wder 1988, 76-7 and particularly footnote 1 1 . 4 9 French-Sheldon travelled the northerly route viaTaita and Taveta to Moshi and back down the Pangani valley in

between April and July of 1891. Her account is remarkable for the absence of any mention of rinderpest. However, she made one reference to ‘cattle dying rapidly several marches beyond this point of our journey’ when at Rombo near Kilimanjaro (1999 [1892], 181). She was also extremely ill during her return down the Pangani River and makes only the briefest observations there. Given that she was travelling so soon after the arrival of rinderpest, her account is not inconsistent with my interpretation.

Smith 1894,427. Other authors note that these raids could originate from some distance away (Spear 1997,33, 40).

5 2 The lack of people and animals is unlikely to reflect the influence of aridity alone. Although Smith was travelling in the dry season he reported that the Ngurunga and Baya (Ibaya?) waterholes held water. He was also in the area for several months - Smith 1894, 427- 29. Gissing, who travelled to Taita in 1884, and Hobley who travelled there in 1892, provided similarly contrasting pictures of game populations. Hobley attributed the difference to African and European hunting (Gissing 1884, 561; Hobley 1892, 551, 557).

50 PRO FO 925/228/A 5 ’

53 Smith 1894,431.

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10 Pastoralism on the Margim

to have died. The rapidity of their demise and the spread of the disease brought catastrophe to thousands of people and disrupted people’s homes and livelihood^^^. It is likely that this epidemic forced pastoral communities at Mkomazi to flee south to friends or relatives in Handeni or Bagamoyo, or to disperse into adjacent agricultural comrn~nit ies~~. Disease undid the gains made by pastoralism since the wars.

War and Colonialism

Disease was not the only force that kept pastoralists out of the Umba Nyika. The absence of pastoralists in the early 1890s could also reflect the impact of German military action. The same expedition that observed the rinderpest also fought the Maasai. In 1891, following Maasai harassment of trading caravans, and a declaration of war on the Germans at Masinde by the local Maasai, German troops attacked kraals on the east of the Rum river and expelled them all to the west bank5‘. They undertook further expeditions to clear the Maasai from what Ekemode terms ‘the Pare plains’ after caravans were again harassed in 1892 and 1894, and after Arusha and Maasai raids on the North Pare mountains. The Germans also strengthened their garrisons in towns on both sides of the mountains, at Kisiwani, Kihurio and Masinde5’.

The main German policy towards Maa-speakers on the plains was to keep them south of the Arusha - Moshi road and west of the Pangani river. In 1905, a Maasai Reserve was declared that lay south of the Arusha- Moshi road, west of the Pangani and east of the Great North Road. Controls were strict and relations there between the Maasai and Europeans were far from peaceful58. The Germans also threatened to shoot on sight any Maasai whom they found west of the River5”

It is not certain how effective the German policy was. The regime was certainly harsh. Koponen cites an eyewitness account of forced removals and house burning&’. There are accounts in 191 0 of some Maasai herders being shot near the border by local German guards and a Boer settler“ . There were also shootings following cattle raidsG2. At one point, British officials were told by their German counterparts that all Maasai

j4 See Waller (1988) for a detailed account; also Lemenye 1955,41-2; Berntsen 1979,283 and Hodgson 1995,33- 34. Evidence for the southern connections is inferred from links of current and past residents with that area. An oral history taken in 1952 from one elder states, he moved to Mnazi from Handeni (Tanzania National Archives {TNA} File 723/III, ACC 4, Nov/1952); in 1953 the DC of Lushoto referred to Kwavi pastoralists moving to Handeni and Bagamoyo to flee the effects of drought (TNA File 962/1953, Requisition No: 304196211953 Lushoto District Annual Report page 14) and there are records of stock movements and marriage ties to Bagamoyo (TNA File 69/1 vol I1 13/10/1953; 13/12/1953). The possibility of dispersal into neighbouring agricultural communities is inferred from other literature, see discussion in Brockington (forthcoming) ch. 1.

5 6 Berntsen 1979b, 302-03; Ekemode 1973, 103-04. The Maasai hostilities may have been provoked by the coincidence of the rinderpest with the arrival of the Germans.

5 7 Ekemode 1973, 136, 157-60. 5 8 Iliffe 1969, 59-60; Hodgson 1995, 35-37. I9 Waller, pers. comm. March 1998. 6 o Koponen 1994,648. 6 ’

6 2 KNA PC/Coast/l/l/ll2. Kenya National Archives (KNA) PC/Coast/l/l/ll2 - 24/8/1910, ADC Taveta to PC Coast.

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leaving their Reserve in German East Africa would be earmarked with a metal discG3. Some Maasai fled to Kenya and there were reports of many more wanting to followc14.

At the same time, it was possible to evade the controls. Fosbrooke suggested that Maasai were resident in the Toloha area throughout the German occupation until 19 1 665 . In 1915, Von Lettow-Vorbeck, the German commander, was vexed that the Maasai pastoralists were still living in the area between Mt Meru and Kilimanjaro and were guiding British attacks on his troops. He complained that they were well north of their Reserve and should have been moved, but that time was wasted waiting for that to happenGG. Hodgson has argued that the Germans had ‘little success confining the Maasai to the Reserve”’. Personnel to enforce the policy were few and movement for trade, grazing and work for Europeans was officially sanctioned, making it easier to avoid the regulations on movement.

It is also not certain whether the German law extended to the Kwavi. Oral histories from Kitivo dated the arrival of Kwavi north of the mountains to as early as 190768. A separate history collected in 1952 gave one man’s arrival at Gonja before the First World WarG9. In 1964, a number of Parakuyo elders estimated that they had arrived 50 years earlier70. This suggests that both the Maasai and the Kwavi were able to evade the putative restrictions that the Germans imposed.

The final disturbance of the time was World War One. Von Lettow-Vorbeck frequently attacked the Uganda railway across the plains north of the Usambara and Pare mountains71. He wrote that patrols would stay for weeks in the bush under harsh conditions. The British undertook counter-patrols and there were skirmishes7’. This was not conducive to local use of the plains.

Two major military actions further served to make the place unwelcoming to any would-be users. First, the Germans attacked K a s i g a ~ ~ ~ . Second, when the British invaded German East Africa, the Germans stationed troops on the plains between the Middle and North Pare mountains7*. The British also sent a battalion of the 3rd Kings African Rifles under Lieut. Colonel Fitzgerald through the Middle Pare to Same in May 19 16, to make sure they had Had any herders continued to use the area during the raid, this, and the action to capture Taveta, may have caused the evacuation of the area in 1916 that

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KNA PC/Coast/l/l/ll2 - 24/8/1910, ADCTaveta to PC Coast. KNA PC/Coastll/l/ll2 - 24/8/1910, ADCTaveta to PC Coast; 14/6/1910, ADC Masai to PC Coast. TNA File 11/5 vol 111, ACC 19, October 1951, report entitled ‘The Masai in Same District with particular reference to the Toloha Masai’, pp. 3-4. PRO C0/691/27 p. 209. Hodgson 1995,36. Interview: VC 26/11/95. TNA File 723/III, ACC 4 - November 1952. TNA File G1/7, ACC 481 - 30/1/64. Other sources give later dates (1926 - Anstey, pers. comm 23/7/1998) suggesting that there were several migrations involved. PRO C01691127 p. 205. Von Lettow-Vorbedc 1920, 74 ,774 . PRO W0/32/5819 - 15/10/1915, the General Officer Commanding Troops, British East African and Uganda to the Secretary, War Office (Fendall 1921, 32-33). PRO C0/691/27: p. 206; PRO W0/32/5822 - 12/12/1915, the General Officer Commanding Troops, British East Africa and Uganda to the Secretary, War Office; Von Lettow-Vorbeck 1920,75-77. Von Lettow-Vorbeck 1920, 124. PRO W0/32/5820.

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12 Patoralism on the Margins

Fosbrooke described7" The disturbances in 1916 also affected the economy on the hills. Kimambo notes that the war caused famine in the hills7', Anstey reported that he had been told that there used to be a Pare settlement near Ibaya but that it had been vacated rather suddenly. He speculated that this may have been because of the arrival of British troops78.

It is necessary therefore to see the evacuation of the plains after 189 1 as a consequence of the combined pressures of rinderpest and military action. Livestock loss following rinderpest made for greater aggression and raiding7" This in turn provoked a strong German response in the 1890s to safeguard caravan routes and supply lines from the threat of attack. Use of the plains collapsed when the cattle died, raiding failed and the only recourse was to move elsewhere or seek other livelihoods.

Pastoralism, trade and agricultural intensification

Histories of the agricultural peoples in the region and explorers' accounts have suggested several ties between agriculturalists and pastoralists on the hills and plains. Trade provided particularly strong connections". In the Mkomazi area there were several large markets which became increasingly important as trade with the coast grew. These were below the Pare mountains, at Kihurio, Gonja, Kisiwani (Pare settlements), and near the Usambara mountains, at Dongo Kundu (a Kwavi settlement), Kitivo and Mbaramu (Kamba dominated)" . In Uzigua, south of the Usambaras, trade between herders, locals and mountain groups was a central part of the economf2. Odner noted that the north Pare mountains were known for their pottery and iron tradea3. Kimambo reported that Maa- speaking pastoralists exchanged livestock for iron and food with the Pare, others traded salt for the same8*. Trade between impoverished Maa-speakers and the Gweno people of the north Pare mountains is said to have replenished the latter's stock at the end of the nineteenth cent~Ty8~. Johnston noted that the main traders in Gonja spoke the Pare, Zigua, Maa and Swahili languages". Baumann reported that a large number of people in north and central Pare had some command of Maaa7.

Alliances, protection and co-operation formed another link. Explorers and residents described communities of stockless Maa-speakers who formed alliances with neighbouring agricultural communities. Baumann and Johnston observed Kwavi farmers living close to other agricultural peoples; Lemenye came from one". Baumann reported that Maa-

7 6 Fosbrooke, 24/4/1953, 'Masai rights in the Kenya border area' pp2, TNA I115 ~01111. 7 7 Kirnambo 1991,70. " Anstey's field notes 9/7/1952; Anstey pers. comrn. 28/9/1998. 7 9 Cf. Lemenye 1955,41; Kirnambo 1969. See Giblin 1990,7677 for an account of the disruption of the war in

Uzigua. Kirnambo 1996,81-5. Feierman 1974, 124-25; Kimambo 1991,3. Giblin 1992, 22-28.

"

83 Odner 1971,72. 8 4 Kirnambo 1969,22,177; 1996,84. " Kimambo 1969,177. 8 6 Johnston 1886, 307. " Baumann 1891,143.

Johnston 1886, Baumann 1891; Lemenye 1953,37.

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speaking Ndorobo hunters were widespread on these plains. He noted one case of close links between Ndorobo hunters and the Pare, and that one band of Ndorobo had settled near Kisiwani and had adopted Pare customs and an agricultural livelihood. Pare and Sambaa leaders formed pacts with Maasai herders for protection and to attack others”.

Mountain dwellers were not confined to the highlands. They also used the plains on occasion. Residents of the highlands of Pare, Usambara, Taita and Kilimanjaro moved between the mountain masses. They also colonised smaller mountain blocks from time to time. Kiwasila has recorded histories of a number of hunting families, who had lived for some time in theTussa and Kisima hills, now found inside Mkomazi Game Reserve”. Baumann noted that the Tussa hills had been inhabited before he travelled there7’ . The plains were also the domain of hunters. The plains helled a trade in Mpaa antelope skins which were important for a Sambaa ritual connected with the birth of the first child. Some Pare specialised in providing these skins for the Gonja market and markets in the Usambarai” .

A particularly prominent form of ‘contact’ for many observers in the nineteenth century was raiding. Accounts are replete with the agropastoralists’ fear, and stories of, and measures to prevent, cattle raids from Maasai. Baumann noted that only the most inaccessible or well protected mountain pastures were safe from Maasai raids in the second half of the nineteenth century73. Feierman reported that the Shaambaa were only prepared to risk trading with the Kwavi if they had a ‘Kwavi blood partner’94. Maghimbi has suggested that Pare herding on the plains only began in the twentieth century, having been kept in the mountains for fear of raids by Maa-speaking pastoralistsg5. The Maasai did not always win these encounters however, and the Maa-speakers avoided well protected agro-pastoral settlements. Johnston, for instance, noted that the Maasai kept away from Kisiwani because they had suffered previous defeats there’” and it is known that the Taita raided the Maasai for cattle97.

It is important to place these disturbances in their historical context. It is not clear whether this predatory relationship was a permanent state of affairs as Baumann supposed, or whether it was the recent consequence of internal strife driven by demand for slaves and raids by former Chagga allies78. Waller has drawn attention to the considerable raiding undertaken to recover the losses brought by bovine pleuropneumonia in the 1880s”. It is possible that these and similar conflicts were in response to specific historical circumstances. This would be more in accordance with the other records of trade and co- operation”’.

’’ 9 n Homewood eta1 1997,94-5. ’I Baumann 1891,136. 9 2 Kimambo 1991,26. 9 3 Baumann 1891,131. ’* Feierman 1974, 131.

Maghimbi 1994, 10. 96 Johnston 1886, 306. 9 7 Bravman 1998, 57.

Kimambo 1969. ”) Wdler 1988, 76. Inn H h s s o n 1998,270; Kimambo 1969,22; 1991,25.

Baumann 1891, 136-8, 170-71; Feierman 1974, 178.

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14 Pastoralism on the Margins

Developments in more agricultural societies on the hills need to be understood in the light of the dynamics of pastoralism on the plains. This is best seen by comparing the Taita and the Pare peoples in the nineteenth century. H h s s o n has convincingly argued that the development of intensive agriculture on the Pare hills was driven by trade between plains pastoralists and hillside farmers'" . He argues that the density of population in the Pare hills was not sufficient to necessitate the development of irrigation. Instead, demand for higher productivity was driven by the need among families for livestock for marriage and social status: 'many a Pare man through hard work 'cultivated' his bridewealth'Io2.

His account, however, does not mention the turmoil on the plains in the early years of the nineteenth century. Rather, it focuses on the importance of the presence of specialised pastoralists west of the Pangani afier 1750 for driving trade in iron and agricultural produce between the Maa-speakers and the Pare. It may be that the invading Maasai, who displaced the Kwavi by 1850, simply joined in the trade and made up the lost business. Equally, it is possible that the disturbances of the wars forced pastoralists to sell stock rapidly - as Kimambo recorded in North Pare - to the profit of the hill farmersIo3.

I suggest that it is most likely that the conquered areas were under-populated, and so trade between cultivators and herders suffered. Although this occurred at a time when the caravan trade was growing in importance, as Kimambo has observed until 1862, the demand for food was slight'". Hikansson states that production for caravans could not be the cause of intensificati~n"~ . It is unlikely that trade with caravans replaced commerce lost to herders. Therefore, with a decline in trade with plains herders, the Pare may have been increasingly reliant upon their own herds for stock after the Kwavi fled. Indeed, political strife that fuelled, and was fuelled by, the slave market may have also been driven by a demand for The history of the plains suggests that intensification consequent upon trade could have been set in place by at least the early years of the nineteenth century.

Viewing the situation from the plains, Waller has observed that the effect of the Iloikop wars was to remove a buffer of people that had shielded the Maasai from their neighbours. After the wars were won, the victors found themselves overstretched and exposed to raids from the Kamba, Nandi, Pokot, Turkana and KaramajongIo7. The argument can be turned around: the Kwavi may have acted as a shield to the Pare in earlier times. After the wars, however, with the Kwavi relatively impoverished, Maasai raiders turned on the Pare herds"*.

lo' Hikansson 1995. lo* Hikansson 1995,316 citing Kotz 1922, 146. I o 3 Kimambo 1969,177. I o 4 Kimambo 1991,40. Io5 Hikansson 1995, 317. lo' Cf Kimambo 1969, 140. 'With the help of Chagga troops, Ghendava (ruler of Ugweno) was able to punish his

southern districts by invading them and confiscating a lot of their cattle. The cattle were then divided into two parts, one going to Moshi with his dies while the other part remained in Ugweno.'

Baumann 189 1 . Similarly the wealth the Ugweno people won from raiding their neighbours was soon coveted by their Chagga neighbours and erstwhile allies who raided their stock a little while later. Kimambo 1969, 140-41.

lo' Waller 1985, 119.

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Something of the importance of plains pastoralists to their mountain neighbours can be grasped by considering places where the two groups were more completely 'uncoupled'. After the evacuation of the Kwavi wilderness, the Taita had few pastoral neighbours. Links were maintained with the parts that different neighbourhoods originated from, but trade was slight'''. In contrast to the Pare hills, where trade and demand for cattle fuelled production of agricultural surplus, 'Taita's biggest exports ... were mercenaries and war medicines.'"'

It is hard to make rigorous comparisons, however, as the types of history that have been written of the two localities are different. Bravman's is a social history of the origins and forging of identity, Kimambo's and H&ansson's are economic and political accounts. Nevertheless the contrast remains. In both places stock were essential for bridewealth and social and individual enhancement. But there simply were very few stock owning plains residents near Taita for much of the nineteenth century. As trade was less possible, herds grew 'mainly through natural increase and raiding'"' . In Pare in contrast, the Kwavi were nearer for longer, and the Maasai began to build up their numbers and presence, thereby enhancing the possibility of trade by the 1880s. In other words, livestock trade was an easier means for Pare farmers to gain stock rapidly than it was for the Taita.

Setting the stage for the twentieth century conflicts

The history of the Umba Nyika can be divided into four chronological stages. First, in the early decades of the nineteenth century the Umba Nyika was used by Maa-speaking pastoralists called the Kwavi. Second, use of the plains declined during the Iloikop wars of the 1820s-'50s when these herders were driven out by other Maa-speakers. Third, as people recovered from the wars and as pastoralists made use of their new domains, there was more evidence of cattle keepers on the plains by the 1880s. Fourth, from 1890 onwards, there was immense hardship, dislocation and considerable stock loss in the face of the ravages of rinderpest and following the establishment of German rule112. At this time, use of the Umba Nyika appears to have declined dramatically.

The twentieth century after World War One, saw stability restored and revival of pastoralism on the plains. Maasai herders once more began to come east across the Rum. The Kwavi gained more stock and thrived in villages north of the Usambara mountains. Use of the Umba Nyika pastures between the Usambaras and Kasigau, and north and northeast of Toloha, thrived.

But after the First World War, the process of pastoral expansion was overseen by the British. The plains became divided by National and District boundaries. The land was 'packaged' into the domains of different ethnic groups, settlers farms, national parks and game reserves1I3. These lines were often unmarked or rarely recognised and eminently crossable by people living around them. They were, however, indelibly marked on the official mind and they created administrative hard edges which people were continually crossing, generating all sorts of reactions and reams of records.

I o 9 Bravman 1998, 57-59. 'lo PRO FO 9251228lA ' I 1 Bravman 1798,45.

' I 3 Collet 1787. Cf Fosbrooke 1748, 11.

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16 Patoralism on the Margins

The central aspect of the history of the plains continued to be contest, through negotiation and conflict, for control over them by different groups. But another party- the state - became involved. As Maasai herders tried to move into Pare and Parakuyo lands and across into Kenya, and as individuals moved back into herding, they changed their ethnic identity for the benefit of their neighbours and the new nation states. When the Pare and Parakuyo tried to resist Maasai incursions, they sought state support for their cause, but they also kept silent when it suited them. As colonial officials tried to work out who was who, who came from where, and what the consequences of their presence were for the environment, their deliberations and dilemmas show not only how difficult it was for the colonial mind to accommodate that complexity, but also how varied that mind was.

The contests were brought into sharp relief in 195 1 , when Kenya closed its border to herders from Tanganyika. Developments leading up to and following that provide a useful insight into the workings of government operating with particular, and not necessarily appropriate, ideas of the workings of the environment and ethnicity. They illustrate the manipulation of these concepts by African subjects. They have contemporary relevance for they revolve around the lands in which the Mkomazi Game Reserve, of Tanzania, was then gazetted. The excitement that Reserve has generated in recent times must be understood in the context of migrations and disputes of the 1940s and 5 0 ~ ” ~ . But these in turn are meaningless without some understanding of their roots in the wars, stock diseases, turmoil and slow recovery of pastoralism in and around the Umba Nyika in the nineteenth century.

Acknowledgements and Disclaimer

I would like to express my gratitude to the British Academy for their support during the preparation of this paper. Many thanks also go to Kathy Homewood, Richard Wder, Bill Adams, David Anstey, David Anderson, Hilda Kiwasila, Peter Rogers, Jim Igoe, Sian Sullivan and Lobulu Sakita for their advice and comments.

This work began as pan ofa research project examining the practicalities and possibilities ofcommunity conservation funded by the Department for International Development (DFID). DFID is the British Government Department, which supports programmes and projects to promote overseas development. It provides funding for economic and social research to inform development policy and practice. DFID funds supported this study and the preparation of the summary of findings. DFID distributes the report to bring the research to the attention of policy-makers and practitioners. However, the views and opinions expressed in the document and this paper do not reflect DFID’s official policies or practices, but are those of the author alone.

‘ I 4 Brockington, forthcoming.

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