S A N D R O M E Z Z A D R A B R E T T N E I L S O N

E X C AVAT I N G C O N T E M P O R A R Y C A P I T A L I S M

O P E R A T I O N S

T H E

P O L I T I C S O F

&

THE POLITICS OF OPERATIONS

THE POLITICS Excavating Con temporary Capitalism

OF OPERATIONS

sandro mezzadra & brett neilson

duke university press Durham and London 2019

© 2019 Duke University PressAll rights reservedPrinted in the United States of Amer i ca on acid- free paper ∞Designed by Matthew TauchTypeset in Whitman by Westchester Publishing Services

Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication DataNames: Mezzadra, Sandro, [date] author. | Neilson, Brett,

[date] author.Title: The politics of operations : excavating con temporary

capitalism / Sandro Mezzadra and Brett Neilson.Description: Durham : Duke University Press, 2019. |

Includes bibliographical references and index.Identifiers: lccn 2018027900 (print)lccn 2018040971 (ebook)isbn 9781478003267 (ebook)isbn 9781478001751 (hardcover : alk. paper)isbn 9781478002833 (pbk. : alk. paper)Subjects: lcsh: Capitalism— Political aspects. |

Capitalism— Social aspects. | Economic development. | Labor. | Globalization. | Postcolonialism— Economic aspects.

Classification: lcc hb501 (ebook) | lcc hb501 .m626 2019 (print) | ddc 330.12/2— dc23

lc rec ord available at https:// lccn . loc . gov / 2018027900

Cover art: Mercado de Abastos, Mexico City. Photo by Orbon Alija / Getty.

vii Acknowl edgments

1 Introduction

17 1 The Space and Time of Cap i tal ist Crisis and Transition

55 2 Operations of Capital

94 3 Capital, State, Empire

133 4 Extraction, Logistics, Finance

168 5 Vistas of Strug gle

209 6 The State of Cap i tal ist Globalization

253 References

287 Index

Contents

The Politics of Operations was written within a dense fabric of complicities, sites, relations, and encounters. The principal cities in which the writing took shape are Berlin, Bologna, Buenos Aires, and Sydney. The argument and concepts emerged sometimes uneasily and sometimes rapidly from ex-periences and encounters in cities such as Athens, Kolkata, and Valparaíso. During the writing pro cess, we had the privilege to discuss our main hy-potheses and research findings with diverse audiences in many cities, including Chicago, Hong Kong, Jakarta, Melbourne, Mexico City, Rome, Singapore, and Taipei. We thank the organizers of these and other events.

The kosmos summer university grant “Investigating Logistics” (Berlin Institute for Migration Research, Humboldt University) provided us with an effective framework to meet, live, and discuss our work in Berlin, es-pecially over the period 2015–16. We are particularly indebted to Manu-ela Bojadžijev for making this pos si ble, and for her impor tant contribu-tion to the debates that propelled the writing of this book. Discussions prompted by seminars at the Institute for Advanced Studies (idaes), Uni-versidad Nacional de San Martín and the Franklin Humanities Institute, Duke University also proved helpful. These two seminars were conducted with Verónica Gago and Michael Hardt, respectively. Along with Giorgio Grappi, Maurizio Ricciardi, Ned Rossiter, and Adelino Zanini, these two

Acknowl edgments

viii acknowl edgments

friends also provided valuable feedback on the manuscript. We also thank our editor at Duke University Press, Courtney Berger, for her unwavering support and two anonymous reviewers for their critical engagement with our arguments.

Articles published in the journals Radical Philosophy, South Atlantic Quarterly, Scienza & Politica, and Cultural Studies foreshadow arguments in this book. Thanks to the editors on all occasions.

Much of the research for this book was supported by two Discovery grants awarded by the Australian Research Council: “Logistics as Global Governance: Infrastructure, Software and Labour along the New Silk Road” (dp130103720) and “Data Centres and the Governance of Labour and Territory” (dp160103307).

Fi nally, we thank those whose loving presence accompanied us in the writing of this book. You know who you are.

Introduction

Imagine you are traveling by bus across the Argentinean pampas. You are absent- minded, reading a book without really paying attention to it. Look-ing out of the win dow, you see a giant billboard with the words “Intacta rr2 Pro” emblazoned across it. Beneath this product name runs a slogan: “De-safiar los limites en soja” (Challenging the limits of soy). Gazing into the distance, you see only the green of soybean fields extending to the horizon. You do a quick search on your phone to discover that Intacta rr2 Pro is a product of Monsanto, part of a new generation of transgenic seeds expand-ing “into even more marginal areas” (Cáceres 2014). Suddenly, you feel a sense of disorientation. What can marginal mean, you ask, in such a uni-form and nondescript landscape? Reading on, you realize that, of course, there are marginal areas in the pampas, as there are elsewhere in the Latin American countryside and other parts of the world. You continue to search and read and you come to learn—if you did not already know— that the extensive cultivation of soy, enabled by seeds such as Intacta rr2 Pro, has a violent and disruptive effect on established social as well as spatial arrange-ments, prompting dispossession and expulsion of peasant and often Indig-enous populations. You recall the passage from the Grundrisse in which Marx (1973, 408) discusses capital’s “tendency to create the world market” by making “ every limit” appear “as a barrier to be overcome.” And as your

2 introduction

thoughts roll on, you contemplate the multifarious operations needed be-fore a cap i tal ist actor such as Monsanto can extract value and foster its accumulation pro cess in an area like the pampas: ge ne tic manipulation, testing, prospecting, advertising, selling, relying on the police or goons to do the dirty job of expulsion and dispossession, and so on. You think of the living labor involved in and disrupted by these operations, and perhaps you resolve to engage and learn more about people’s re sis tance to their deploy-ment. Fi nally, you ponder how the concatenation of these operations links with mutations of the world market— with China’s rise as an economic power, for instance.

This banal story provides a point of entry into several of the topics that we discuss in the following chapters. Crucial to our engagement here are the notions of operation and politics of operations. But what is an operation? And do operations have politics? If so, what are the implications of these politics for the continued entrenchment of capitalism across diverse scales and spaces, for existing institutional and po liti cal architectures, and for strug gles that contest and seek to reverse these same pro cesses of entrench-ment? These are among the primary questions we take up in The Politics of Operations, a book that picks up on, but by no means confines its attention to, the infectious rhe toric of big data and algorithms that has gripped cap-i tal ist discourses and practices over the past half- decade. Expanding our understanding of operations beyond this field to encompass a wide variety of pro cesses both historical and con temporary, we set out to investigate the operative dimensions of capital and capitalism, charting their po liti cal sig-nificance and examining their relevance for a politics that seeks to operate within, against, and beyond capital.

The Politics of Operations examines how par tic u lar operations of capital “hit the ground” not simply to furnish an analy sis of their local or wider effects but also to supply an analytical prism through which to investigate how their meshing, and conflicting, with other operations of capital remake the world. We imagine this as a means of excavating con temporary capital-ism, which means surveying and tracing the history and pres ent expansion of capital’s operations to unearth and expose some of the most impor tant tendencies shaping current pro cesses of cap i tal ist transition and upheaval. The book is deliberately global in scope, dealing with examples from a range of planetary settings and exploring resonances between them to work con-stantly between theoretical and empirical perspectives. Although we draw on our own research experiences, we do not imagine the book as a report on these engagements. Rather, we let these experiences give impetus to our

introduction 3

inquiry even beyond the explicit discussion of some of them we offer in the following chapters. Our case studies are more wide- ranging than these ex-periences have allowed and include developments in port logistics, mineral extraction, data mining, and the penetration of finance into “popu lar” and subaltern economies in many parts of the world. In each of these instances, our inquiry focuses not only on the under lying rationalities and operations of capital at work but also on strug gles and contestations that emerge from the deep implication of these logics in specific material and social circum-stances. At this juncture, some of the most impor tant tensions between the diversifying and homogenizing aspects of con temporary capitalism become evident. By addressing our investigations to this juncture, we seek not to offer a comparative analy sis of diff er ent manifestations of these tensions, identified according to the established geographies of the world map, but to discern and follow resonances among trends and pro cesses that traverse multiple bound aries, temporalities, and scales.

The role of spatial and scalar arrangements in contributing to this varie-gation is far from passive. In this regard, there is a need to specify the mean-ing of the conceptual image we deployed earlier and will use quite a lot in the following chapters— that is, the image of capital “hitting the ground.” This image might be taken to imply a kind of Promethean lightning strike that violently destroys and rearranges existing spatial and social realities. We certainly do not want to disavow the force of this basic implication of the phrase. However, a more careful unpacking of what we seek to grasp through the use and elaboration of this image reveals attentiveness to the qualities of the ground. It is impor tant to explain that we use the word “ground” in a sense that is at once material and prospectively constructed as an operative surface on which capital intervenes. While ground is neither merely terrain nor land, it registers the specificity of spatial, social, legal, and po liti cal formations with which capital must grapple as it becomes en-meshed in dense constellations of flesh and earth. It should be very clear that we do not think such an operative surface is a smooth ground, since the registration of tensions, frictions, and differences along capital’s frontiers is a constant ele ment of our analy sis. We understand space at large as a field of tensions and strug gles, where established spatial formations are far from passive with re spect to operations of capital, while those operations often have a disruptive effect on the production of space. Capital operates across places, territory, and scales, deploying a logic that is ultimately planetary but must continuously come to terms with re sis tances, frictions, and inter-ruptions that crisscross the expansion of its frontiers and geographies.

4 introduction

The Politics of Operations draws its material inspiration primarily from an investigation of the entanglement of three prevalent areas of con temporary economic (and, we would hasten to add, po liti cal) activity: extraction, lo-gistics, and finance. Although there is con ve nience in approaching these activities as distinct “sectors” of the global economy, this is a nomenclature we tend to avoid or undercut, as it does not sufficiently capture the ways in which each of these three areas in recent years has provided conceptual orientations and empirical grids for the analy sis of con temporary capital-ism. We thus steer clear of understanding extraction, logistics, and finance merely as economic sectors or taking them as paradigmatic for an analy sis of cap i tal ist operations, as tends to happen, for instance, in Latin American debates concerning extractivism (see Gago and Mezzadra 2017a; Mezzadra and Neilson 2017). Instead, we treat extraction, logistics, and finance as intersecting sets of operations and practices that provide diff er ent points of entry or relative framings for a wider analy sis of the mutating fields of politics and capital. By working through and across these overlapping and mutually implicated operative domains, The Politics of Operations forges a framework that aims to exhibit the distinctive rationality and logics of con-temporary capitalism. Departing from literal understandings of extraction as the plundering of natu ral resources, we work toward an expanded defini-tion that allows us to explore how some of the most prominent and forceful operations of capital today rely on material practices of prospecting and extraction. We find this to be the case even in highly abstract fields of cap i-tal ist endeavor, such as finance, whose operations are frequently attributed an almost metaphysical quality and too often analyzed in isolation. The no-tion of extraction writ large thus features centrally in our efforts to discern the logics of con temporary capitalism, providing a way to describe how op-erations of capital interact with and draw on their multiple outsides. Such an understanding of extraction also provides a background against which we investigate transformations of the state and the composition of global strug gles, particularly in the wake of the Occupy movement, the Arab re-bellions, and other impor tant contestations that flared up and seemingly dissipated in the early years of the pres ent de cade.

Although we provide a full definition and genealogy for the concept of operations in chapter 2, it is worth briefly dwelling on the notion at this stage since it provides the underpinning for our approach to capital and capitalism. Despite its etymological origins in the Latin opus and his-torical elaboration in fields as diverse as the military, mathe matics, and philosophy— where it has often been associated with the category of work

introduction 5

as opposed to labor, as, for instance, in the writings of Hannah Arendt (1998)— the concept of operations is often considered too straightforward to warrant serious investigation. To give an example, discussions of com-munity (Nancy 1991) and politics (Agamben 2014) have been advanced on the basis of the concept of inoperativity, without deep consideration of what an operation itself might be or do (which is surely necessary if we are to ask what it means to be inoperative). Too often, the operation is reduced to a device of “techno- economical organ ization” (Nancy 1991, 23), as if it were a simple relation of cause and effect, or input and output. Such a perspective overlooks what the operation itself does, reducing the complex interactions of space and time that occur between its seeming moments of cause and effect, input and output, to linear pro cesses, and leaving no scope for understanding how these interactions relate to arrangements of space and time external to the operation. For instance, if we understand the workings of a financial algorithm as an operation in this limited sense, we are likely to ask questions about its relevance for market dynamics, ignor-ing the complexity of its technical functioning as well as its dependence on and contribution to wider transformations of capitalism.

With regard to this last example, it is worth noting that this more re-stricted understanding of operation is a feature not only of philosophical theories that explore notions of community and politics but also of recent cele brations of predictive data analytics and algorithms based in electronic information pro cessing systems. For us, the operation is never merely tech-nical. Its workings, while providing a way to open discussion around con-temporary capitalism, also offer a means of analyzing past entanglements of politics and capital, as becomes evident in our engagement with the his-tory of the chartered com pany in chapter 3. The impor tant point to grasp is that an operation can be equated neither with activity nor potentiality; however, in providing a conceptual ground that allows us to think these two dimensions together, it offers a power ful conceptual and practical way to interrogate the workings of capital. Once such a ground is in place, we can begin to ask questions about capital’s interactions with diff er ent kinds of social, legal, and po liti cal institutions; its effects on natu ral environ-ments; and the po liti cal possibilities for its contestation and overcoming.

This reading of operations of capital holds impor tant implications for our attempt to pick up and reframe in the book two impor tant Marxian concepts: Gesamtkapital and exploitation. Marx amply uses the notion of Gesamtkapital (as well as gesellschaftliches Gesamtkapital), particularly in volumes 2 and 3 of Capital, which were notably left unfinished (a fact that

6 introduction

should invite further creative work in the critique of po liti cal economy). This concept assists Marx in grasping the general configuration and logic of movement of capital. For reasons that will become clear in chapter 2, we prefer to translate Gesamtkapital as “aggregate capital” rather than as “total capital,” which is more common in En glish. While Marx never really provided a full- fledged theory of aggregate capital, we are convinced that elaborating on this concept can be particularly productive for understand-ing the peculiar ways in which capital constitutes itself as an actor, and even as a po liti cal actor understood as an aggregation of forces.

The investigation of the relations, tensions, and conflicts among “indi-vidual capitals” (which Marx also terms “fractions” of aggregate capital) always figured prominently in Marxist debates—in par tic u lar about the state, but also about the relation between capital and capitalism. Cutting through these debates, we attempt to map the po liti cal and spatial consti-tution of con temporary global capitalism, which we consider to be caught in a tumultuous and risky transition that is taking it beyond established arrangements of territorialism and capitalism. To put it succinctly, we are convinced that the crucially impor tant historical moment of national and industrial capitalism is over. In that moment, the mediation of the nation- state (its always contradictory and never fully accomplished attempt to per-form the repre sen ta tion of national aggregate capital) played an essential role—to put it in the words of Henri Lefebvre (2009, 226)—in attempt-ing to “control flows and stocks by ensuring their coordination” within the world market. In the pres ent conjuncture, extractive operations such as those we analyze in the cases of logistics and finance dominate the compo-sition of aggregate capital and tend to command and submit other opera-tions of capital to their logics— including industrial ones, which continue not only to exist but also to expand at the global level. Extractive operations of capital have to come to terms with nation- states, although their spatial scope and working logics are by no means contained by national borders.

While we stress the relevance of the concept of aggregate capital, we never forget— and this may be the main reason that we are cautious about translating Gesamtkapital as total capital— that “capital is not a thing, but a social relation between persons which is mediated through things” (Marx 1977, 932). The analy sis of the current mutations of this social relation— which also means of the composition of capital’s main “other,” living labor, to take a category that Marx particularly develops in the Grundrisse—is one of the main stakes of The Politics of Operations. Mapping those mutations also implies for us carefully analyzing the ways in which they are inscribed

introduction 7

in and produce space, making the geography of con temporary capitalism far more complex than suggested by such binaries as global North and global South or center and periphery. Moreover, our investigation of the expand-ing “frontiers of capital” leads us to return to Rosa Luxemburg’s The Accumu-lation of Capital (1913 [2003]) and to propose a new reading of her emphasis on capital’s structural need for an “outside” for its operations.

Once this outside is conceptually reframed in nonliteral and nonexclu-sively territorial terms, as we try to do in chapter 2, it becomes pos si ble to single out a specific set of operations of capital that aim to open up and occupy new spaces and temporalities for valorization and accumulation. We thus join a debate on the relation of capital with its multiple outsides that has been particularly lively in recent years— involving, for instance, Marxist geographers such as David Harvey (2003), postcolonial critics of po liti cal economy such as Kalyan Sanyal (2007), and feminists such as Nancy Fraser (2014) and J. K. Gibson- Graham (2006). What distinguishes our approach within this impor tant debate is our emphasis on the need to rethink the second Marxian concept we mentioned earlier: exploitation. Working through the difference but also the impor tant relations between exploitation, on the one hand, and dispossession, power, domination, and alienation, on the other, we try to rescue this crucial notion from the “econ-omistic” reading that has long prevailed in Marxism. As we show in chap-ter 5, the need to stress the po liti cal nature of exploitation becomes clear once the concept is plunged into the dense material relations that surround the production of subjectivity. Once the relation between exploitation and subjectivity comes into view, raising issues of embodiment as well as so-cial difference, the very possibility of considering questions such as race and gender as secondary with re spect to some primary contradiction of capital and labor simply vanishes. The conceptual fabric of The Politics of Operations is therefore crisscrossed by intense dialogues with antiracist and feminist thinkers.

We continue to strug gle with the attempt (and need) to give a name to the subject that constitutes the main “other” of con temporary capitalism. We are aware that the notion of exploitation requires further conceptual elabo-ration and detailed empirical investigation to support such an attempt. As in previous writings, we continue to emphasize heterogeneity as a crucial fea-ture of the composition of con temporary living labor, which is also reflected in the heterogeneity of strug gles confronting the operations of capital on the global scale. We cannot but repeat— and we try to substantiate this statement in the chapters that follow— that this heterogeneity is a source

8 introduction

of both power and vulnerability. We are still skeptical regarding attempts to identify a single figure as the strategic subject in the strug gle against capitalism, whether it is the “cognitive worker” or “surplus populations,” the new working class somewhere in the “global South” or the “precariat.” At the same time, we are convinced that the debates about the affinities and tensions between the concepts of class and multitude offer the most fertile ground on which to discern and produce a po liti cal subject adequate to the times. We suggest the continuation of these debates and related inves-tigations within the open field of tension that— again with a reference to Marx— can be thought of as being constituted between the two poles of the “working class” and the “proletariat” (Balibar 1994, 125–49), the former referring to the subject of an “economic” strug gle internal to capitalism and the latter naming a po liti cal subject whose actions and organ ization contradict and go beyond this same system (Balibar 1994, 128).

What we emphasize in this book against the background of our analy-sis of the extractive operations of con temporary capitalism is that social cooperation— even in an “abstract” figure, particularly as far as pro cesses of financialization are concerned— emerges as one of the main productive forces spurring the pro cesses of capital’s valorization and accumulation. The concept of exploitation must be therefore reframed in a way that takes this essential social dimension of capital’s operations into account. We also attempt to shed light— particularly on the basis of an analy sis of several social and po liti cal strug gles in chapter 5—on the huge gaps, tensions, and conflicts between social cooperation and living labor. In so doing, we turn our attention to the multiple hierarchies, fractures, and obstacles that make difficult, to say the least, the po liti cal appropriation by living labor of the terms on which social cooperation is or ga nized (to put in terms that evoke a quite accurate definition of communism on the basis of several texts by Marx).

Raising the question of the discord and discrepancies between social cooperation and living labor is our way to formulate a po liti cal riddle that engages a huge number of thinkers, activists, and movements in many parts of the world. In the chapters that follow, we engage in several sympathetic and, we hope, constructive conversations with such thinkers and activists. We agree with Lawrence Grossberg (2015, 261) when he writes that “the left needs new forms of cooperation and organ ization, conversation and dis- agreement, new ways of belonging together in intellectual, po liti cal and transformational strug gle.” Many parts of this book are written in the spirit of “dissensual conviviality” that Grossberg traces back to the interventions

introduction 9

of the Women’s Studies Group at the Center for Con temporary Cultural Studies in Birmingham in the late 1970s. We try to clarify and flesh out our arguments while at the same time deepening and intensifying a com-mon search for a politics capable of effectively confronting con temporary capital’s operations and opening up new vistas of liberation and life beyond the rule of capital.

We share, for instance, several analytical and conceptual points with Saskia Sassen’s book Expulsions (2014) and more generally with her con-tributions to the understanding of the extractive character of finance. At the same time, we take a critical distance, on the basis of our notion of differential inclusion, from the way in which Sassen builds her analy sis on the incorporation- expulsion binary. Likewise, we have learned from Maurizio Lazzarato’s (2012) work on “indebted man” and acknowledge more generally the relevance of debt and indebtedness in the workings of con temporary capitalism. We caution, however, against a kind of absolu-tization of the logics of debt, which often leads to a downplaying or even denial of the salience of exploitation. To work toward a reframing of the notion of exploitation, which is indeed one of the main theoretical and po liti cal stakes of The Politics of Operations, we also critically reconsider the distinction formulated by David Harvey (2003) between “accumula-tion by dispossession” and “accumulation by exploitation.” In many cur-rent debates and strug gles— for instance, in the Latin American debates on “neo- extractivism” we analyze in chapter 4, but also in strug gles against gentrification in many parts of the world— this distinction has led, even beyond Harvey’s intentions, to an obfuscation of the concept and real ity of exploitation.

In our attempt to come to grips with the po liti cal riddle concerning the fractious relations between living labor and social cooperation, which basi-cally means to specify the contours and stakes of these relations and indi-cate pos si ble directions for continuing to work on them, we also take into account current debates on postcapitalism (Mason 2015), including their feminist (Gibson- Graham 2006) and accelerationist (Srnicek and Williams 2015) elaborations. While we find these theoretical efforts and the con-crete practices and experiences related to them impor tant and hopeful, we also find questionable, in descriptions and theories surrounding “life after capitalism,” the lack of interest in the problematic that in historical Marx-ist discussions has been termed the “transition.” The search for noncapi-talist modes of organ izing life, society, and economy, whether predicated on an investigation of communitarian networks or on the potentialities of

10 introduction

technology, cannot skip the question of how to confront capital’s rule and command in the pres ent. Picking up again the question of transition does not mean for us to rehearse the dream of a kind of irenic or paradisiac con-dition that follows a toppling or decline of capitalism somehow imagined as inevitable or ordained. A communist politics today cannot but take a radical distance from such millenary and chiliastic dreams, which all too often have turned into nightmares. As we explain later in this book, such a politics must radically come to terms with the lessons of history. Neverthe-less, we are determined to contribute to the opening up of spaces for the po liti cal imagination of horizons of life after capitalism, at the crossroads between a reinvention of liberty and a radicalization of equality. Differ-ently in this regard from theories of postcapitalism, we stress the relevance of this “ after” to capitalism, seeking to problematize it and asking what it might mean to imagine forms of organ ization that can confront, negotiate, and possibly break capital’s rule.

Old questions emerge again here in new clothes. Let us list some of them. What is the relation of democracy to capital and capitalism? Is de-mocracy the exclusive horizon of politics, as post- Marxist theories of radi-cal democracy have seemed to suggest since the 1980s? (For an analy sis of this tendency, see, e.g., Mitropoulos and Neilson 2006.) What about the distinction between reform and revolution? What is the shape taken today by such impor tant forms of organ ization as the party and the trade union? What roles can they play, along with social movements, in a more general anticapitalist politics? What is the position of the state in practical efforts to develop a politics of emancipation and even liberation? From Slavoj Žižek (2013) to Jodi Dean (2012), there is no shortage of po liti cal thinkers who emphasize, often employing Lacanian concepts and idioms, the need for a new vanguard party particularly in the wake of the “defeat” of the Occupy movement in the United States. (For a discussion of the topic, see “The Party We Need” 2016.) We do not dismiss the prob lem of the party— the politicization of “a part,” to recall the phrasing of Dean (2012, 245). But we are very cautious regarding a simple rehabilitation of old party mod-els that takes into consideration neither their historical failures nor the subjective composition of con temporary movements and strug gles— which was, for instance, the essential point of departure for Lenin in What Is to Be Done? ([1902] 1978). We think it is more promising to interrogate both the accomplishments and limits of existing parties in countries where the “left” has been able to seize the government (as has occurred in several Latin American countries and for a very short period in Greece) or has

introduction 11

at least realistically attempted to do so (as happened with the rise of the Podemos po liti cal party in Spain). This is a task we undertake in chapter 6, against the background of a more general analy sis of the transformations of state and government in the current conjuncture of global, extractive capi-talism. We repeat and substantiate here what we wrote in a previous essay: “The state is not power ful enough to confront con temporary capitalism; in order to reopen po liti cally a perspective of radical transformation, some-thing else, a dif er ent source of power, is absolutely necessary” (Mezzadra and Neilson 2014, 787).

Expanding on this statement, we foreshadow at the end of the book a theory of “dual power,” which we combine with an attempt to mobilize a revolutionary geo graph i cal imagination to produce and occupy new spaces beyond the bound aries of the nation- state. In so doing, we try to develop what Luxemburg once called a “revolutionary po liti cal realism” (quoted in Haug 2009, 12, our translation). We join a number of other thinkers who are starting to reflect anew on the nexus between dual power and transition in the face of the crisis of traditional leftist theories of reform and revolu-tion (most notably, Hardt and Negri 2017; Jameson 2016, 3–8). We stress the need, in specific conjunctures, to negotiate with the state or some of its structures and even to “seize” them. But we insist on the fact that what is needed is a politics that is not centered on the state, a politics that is capable of confronting neoliberalism and the extractive operations of capi-tal at the level of their encroachment in the material fabrics of daily life. We thus enter a dialogue with several interpretations of neoliberalism that stress the need to go beyond its usual rendering in terms of a set of eco-nomic theories and policies that could be simply deleted by “seizing the state” (see, e.g., Dardot and Laval 2014; Gago 2017). And we emphatically contend that the alternative to neoliberalism cannot be some kind of re-turn to a more or less mythologized “welfare state” (see also Hall, Massey, and Rustin 2015, 18–19; Walker 2016a), a figure whose conditions, material constitution, and limits we investigate in chapter 3.

We do not know whether our po liti cal search can be contained by the concept of democracy. Despite the lively critical debates surrounding “radi-cal democracy,” we have over the past couple of decades— and even more in the wake of the crisis of 2007–2008— witnessed a pro cess of emptying and manipulation of representative democracy, as well as the ascent of new, “post- democratic” (Crouch 2004) forms and techniques of governance. At the same time, democracy maintains a mobilizing power, as became clear, for instance, through the main slogan of the power ful movement of square

12 introduction

occupations in Spain in 2011: Democracia real, ya! (Real democracy, now!). This is something one cannot simply dismiss from a kind of superior in-tellectual point of view. Moreover, debates such as those spurred by the publication of Pierre Rosanvallon’s Counter- Democracy (2008) nurture a notion of “conflictual democracy” (see, e.g., Balibar 2016, 186, 206–7) that is challenging from the angle of a theory of “dual power” as a stable po liti-cal framework. Even Antonio Negri’s Insurgencies, which we regard as a kind of milestone in this regard, starts with a quite apodictic sentence: “to speak of constituent power is to speak of democracy” (Negri 1999, 1). So although today we cannot easily shrug off an unease regarding the concept, we handle democracy with care. We note that the old and almost forgot-ten definition of democracy provided by Aristotle in his Politics, where he plainly and simply equates it with rule by the poor, has been taken up again in recent times by several thinkers who share with us the search for a new politics of radical transformation (see, e.g., Brown 2015, 19; Dardot and Laval 2016; Varoufakis 2015). Once this materiality and even partiality (as far as its subject is concerned) of democracy is emphasized, the vexed ques-tion of its relation to communism can be resumed under conditions that are completely new, although no less threatening than those under which the discussion of that question was violently and tragically interrupted.

Before describing our work in individual chapters, it may be helpful for readers to gain a sense of how The Politics of Operations relates to our earlier book, Border as Method, or, the Multiplication of Labor (Mezzadra and Neil-son 2013a). We do not imagine the pres ent work as a sequel to this earlier text. Notwithstanding the distinct ambitions of The Politics of Operations, we continue to use several of the concepts developed in Border as Method— from “frontiers of capital” to the “multiplication of labor,” to mention just two impor tant examples. Discussions of and engagements with the politics of migration, and the subjective stakes that crisscross it, are also pres ent in the chapters that follow, given the extent to which migratory movements interact with operations of capital and are an increasingly sensitive flash-point in po liti cal contestations today. But readers who approach this book with the expectation that we extend or complicate the analy sis of borders and migration offered in Border as Method are likely to be disappointed. The Politics of Operations marks a new departure even as it furthers our interest in the changing spatial and temporal formations of capitalism initiated in the earlier book. There are also impor tant continuities between the books regarding method. Both works take a deliberately wide approach, drawing examples and case studies from a variety of global sites and similarly com-

introduction 13

bining discussions of our own research experiences with accounts drawn from other sources. While the inclusion of the word “method” in the title of Border as Method registers an attempt to take the perspective of the border as an epistemic angle through which to examine a range of issues relevant to the analy sis of con temporary capitalism— and not just those relating to borders and migration— something similar can be said of our approach to operations in this work. Understanding operations as a crucial hinge be-tween capital’s workings in specific spatial and social circumstances and its articulation into wider planetary vistas of capitalism means our investiga-tions are not limited to par tic u lar cases in which capital “hits the ground” but range across a number of relevant issues, including the historical role of capital as a po liti cal actor, the pains and joys of anticapitalist strug gles, and the changing roles of the state. The following summary of our interests in each chapter gives an idea of this breadth of concerns.

CHAPTER 1 PROVIDES the background of the analy sis pursued in the book. We interrogate the scenarios that emerged after the global financial crisis of 2007–2008, following the multiple mutations and variegations of this cri-sis and stressing how it has reshaped the cap i tal ist world system. We dwell in par tic u lar on the vexed question of the relation between capital and dif-ference, on emerging degrees of combination between neoliberalism and nationalism that shape the current global conjuncture, as well as on the changing status of territory in con temporary economic, po liti cal, and legal arrangements. We also begin to flesh out our general argument regarding the extractive nature of con temporary operations of capital.

Chapter 2 asks crucial questions regarding the “unity” of capital and the ways in which it can be considered a po liti cal actor. To tackle these ques-tions, we offer a new reading of the Marxian concept of aggregate capital and develop our notion of operations of capital. This notion allows us to re-visit the difference between capital and capitalism by means of a discussion of capital’s multiple outsides, a topic that has attracted the attention of sev-eral thinkers in recent years. We close the chapter with an analy sis of the power of abstraction in con temporary capitalism, which leads us to a more general attempt to reframe the question of capital’s relation to politics.

Chapter 3 continues our discussion of the relation of capital to politics by investigating the time- honored question of the role of the state with re spect to capital. Starting from a short review of Marxist debates on this topic, we stress the relevance of colonialism and empire in the history of the modern

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state. We also suggest that there is a need to go beyond the “Weberian” baseline model against which many claims regarding the crisis and trans-formations of the state in the global pres ent are assessed. To this end, we provide a historical excursus on the scattered geographies of state and em-pire, singling out the relevance of such formations as chartered companies, colonial factories, and concessions, whose uncanny mutations resonate in pres ent meldings of capital and the state. The chapter continues with an attempt to develop a typology of figures of the state in the second half of the twentieth century, predicated on distinguishing among the demo cratic social state, the socialist state, and what we call the developmental state. We conclude the chapter with a genealogical investigation of the origins of neoliberalism and globalization from the angle of developments in Asia, Africa, and Latin Amer i ca.

Chapter 4 pres ents our analy sis of extraction, logistics, and finance. While we stress the relevance of these “sectors” for con temporary cap i tal ist development and crisis, we also emphasize the need to carefully investi-gate their multiple overlapping. Inter- referencing some of the most recent trends in extraction, logistics, and finance, the chapter aims to shed light on a set of princi ples or logics that increasingly play an impor tant role in driving the dynamics of global capitalism and the composition of aggregate capital as a whole. The chapter ends by proposing a widening of the con-cept of extraction to understand the con temporary operations of capital well beyond the “sectoral” bound aries of extraction, logistics, and finance.

Chapter 5 interrogates the relations between the extractive operations of capital discussed in the previous chapter and the characteristics of emerging social strug gles in diff er ent parts of the world. We attempt to map diverse landscapes of strug gle, from Latin Amer i ca to Eu rope, from India to South Africa, from Turkey to China, and from the United States to Nigeria, to set the stage for a conceptual discussion of what seems to us a crucial theoretical and po liti cal prob lem today: the constitutive relation, as well as the tensions and gaps, between social cooperation and living labor. In pursuing this analy sis, we discuss such questions as the new formations of labor and life looming beyond the crisis of “ free” wage labor as a “stan-dard” employment relation, the condition and strug gles of surplus popula-tions, and the enduring relevance of so- called primitive accumulation. In line with our discussion, we focus particularly on the need to reframe the concept of exploitation.

Chapter 6 brings together the multiple analytical and theoretical threads followed in the book and discusses some of their po liti cal implications. We

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contribute to the ongoing discussion of the crisis, transformations, and per-sis tence of the state within cap i tal ist globalization by shifting the ground on which these debates are usually set. Keeping in mind our criticism of the baseline model of the state in chapter 3, we review current discussions of governmentality, governance, states of exception, and sovereignty, as well as the proliferation of labels, prefixes, and adjectives that haunt efforts to describe the global landscape of states. We also try to make sense of the impor tant tasks performed by states in the pres ent while at the same time carefully investigating the limits and pressures exerted by extractive op-erations of capital on their actions. The chapter ends with a discussion of the role of the state within a politics of emancipation and liberation, tak-ing stock of recent po liti cal experiences— most notably, the long de cade of “progressive” governments in Latin Amer i ca since the early 2000s. Briefly put, our conclusion is that although the state or some of its structures can be “occupied” for a politics of transformation, such a reformatted state is not power ful enough to confront con temporary capitalism. A diff er ent source of power is necessary, and we close the book by outlining a sketch of a politics that is not centered on the state but capable of combining the es-tablishment of a system of social counter- powers with wider, transnational attempts to seize po liti cal spaces or even create new ones. Needless to say, the further development of this theoretical sketch can only be part of col-lective efforts, where “weapons of criticism” will have to go hand in hand with “criticism by weapons.”