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Northern Ireland beginning teachers'experiences of induction: the ‘haves’and the ‘have nots’Lesley Abbott a , Anne Moran a & Linda Clarke aa School of Education, University of Ulster, Northern Ireland, UKPublished online: 28 Mar 2009.

To cite this article: Lesley Abbott , Anne Moran & Linda Clarke (2009) Northern Ireland beginningteachers' experiences of induction: the ‘haves’ and the ‘have nots’, European Journal of TeacherEducation, 32:2, 95-110, DOI: 10.1080/02619760802613313

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Northern Ireland beginning teachers’ experiences of induction: the‘haves’ and the ‘have nots’

Lesley Abbott*, Anne Moran and Linda Clarke

School of Education, University of Ulster, Northern Ireland, UK

The induction of beginning teachers continues to occupy a significant position oneducational policy agendas as a crucial dimension in the formation of a teacherand one upon which an emergent career is built. Whilst there is growing impetusto establish an induction model that constitutes a relevant, fulfilling experience,current arrangements continue to vary throughout the UK. This paper describesinduction as it affected a sample of beginning teachers in Northern Ireland, wherethere is a dearth of permanent positions for those newly qualified. Highlycontrasting experiences of the induction year emerged between graduates inpermanent and one-year temporary positions, and those who were short-termtemporary and supply teachers. The former completed a meaningful inductionwhereas the latter, because of sporadic, fragmented employment, did not. Aflexible model of induction is proposed, with collaborative involvement of thehigher education institutions, the schools and the local education authorities.

Keywords: induction; supply teaching; teacher education

Introduction

‘A teacher is never trained but always in training.’ (Osler 2005, 4)

The induction of beginning teachers1 (BTs) remains high on educational policy

agendas ‘after decades of marginalisation’ (McNally and Oberski 2003, 59).

Induction has a long history and, since 1925, attempts have been made to imbue

the first year of teaching with ‘characteristics of both assessment and systematic

professional development’ (Heilbronn et al. 2002, 372). It is a critical dimension in

the formation of a teacher – the ‘transition to teacherhood’ (McNally 2002, 65), with

implications for teacher effectiveness, job satisfaction and career length

(McCormack and Thomas 2003, 125). Yet the first year as a newly qualified teacher(NQT) is described worldwide in quite graphic terms: in Belgium as praxis shock

(Kelchtermans and Ballet 2002); in Australia as ‘thrown in to the life of a school with

a sink or swim philosophy’ (Rolley 2001, 40); and in the UK as ‘a dramatic and

traumatic change’ (Capel 1998, 393) or, less drastically, as teaching fledglings to fly

(Moyles, Suschitzky, and Chapman 1998). In the US, Darling-Hammond et al.

(1999, 216) noted that whereas in other professions novices continue to ‘hone their

knowledge and skills under the watchful eyes of more knowledgeable and

experienced practitioners … [t]he normative conditions of teaching are far fromthis utopian model’.

Even where support is provided for BTs, when they first meet the survival stage

most are overwhelmed and under-prepared for the workload, often struggling

without adequate professional support, effective induction or mentoring

*Corresponding author. Email: L.Abbott@ulster.ac.uk

European Journal of Teacher Education

Vol. 32, No. 2, May 2009, 95–110

ISSN 0261-9768 print/ISSN 1469-5928 online

# 2009 Association for Teacher Education in Europe

DOI: 10.1080/02619760802613313

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(McCormack and Thomas 2003). They may also be asked to teach subjects in which

they are not trained (Veenman 1984), all of which can weaken their commitment to

remain in the profession; yet induction may positively influence retention (American

Federation of Teachers 2001; Ingersoll and Smith 2004; Kelley 2004).

This paper reports empirical research on the induction experiences of Northern

Ireland (NI) BTs and considers improvements in current arrangements. Northern

Ireland was the first part of the UK to formalise induction arrangements in 1997,

then England in 1999, Scotland in 2002 and Wales in 2003 (Parkinson and Pritchard

2005). Whilst the NI Department of Education has specified these, the actuality

is different. There is great disparity between a system that is based on providing

induction for new teachers and a situation in which most fail to find continuous

employment upon entering the profession. Despite this, there is a paucity of

research on BTs engaged on a short-term or supply basis (Tromans et al. 2001),

defined as any teacher not contracted to a school (Department for Education and

Skills 2002).

What does induction comprise?

At the prelude to a teaching career, the provision of support is vital and complex

(Draper, O’Brien, and Christie 2004). The purpose of induction includes protected

time for review meetings, structured discussion with colleagues and systematic

collection of evidence for ‘a crucial summative assessment’ (Harrison 2002, 256). A

mentor (or teacher tutor) should be assigned, observation of (and by) experienced

colleagues arranged, and the capacity for critical self-reflection developed. This

process of enculturation must also include helping new teachers to create safe

classroom environments and to work effectively with parents (Feiman-Nemser

2003).

What, then, are the arrangements for induction de nos jours? An Organisation for

Economic Co-operation and Development (2005) study of 25 countries found that

many lacked systematic induction programmes for beginning teachers, and

throughout the UK opinion appears divided as to what actually constitutes a

relevant, fulfilling experience. Induction is by no means unproblematic and, as Bubb

asserts, at the bridge between training and the rest of a teacher’s career ‘there will be

turbulence’ (2003, 19). This is greatly exacerbated when new teachers cannot gain

permanent employment, as Sharp, writing in Australia, states. She refers, indeed, to

the ‘negative repercussions for all stakeholders’ (2006, 12), although the most

damaging consequences apply to the most vulnerable teachers – ‘those beginning in

the profession’ (Tromans et al. 2001, 27) – who can feel insecure, deskilled and

excluded (Menter et al. 2004). In Canada too, where ‘the annual new teacher

‘‘surplus’’…at the beginning of the decade grew more than 400 per cent’ (Ontario

College of Teachers 2007, 3), the undesirable impact was that most teachers did not

progress beyond occasional teaching in their first year, and the New Teacher

Induction Programme (NTIP) in 2006–2007 centred mainly on those with regular

contracts (9). Totterdell et al. (2004, 4) have called for the translation of political

commitment into financial resources, insisting that good practice will require ‘a

transfusion of induction-supporting attitudes and dispositions into the bloodstream

of the teaching profession via a revitalised notion of the psychological contract

required with its aspiring members’.

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Current UK induction arrangements

England

In England, all NQTs must complete a statutory induction during which they must

meet the ‘standards’ necessary for Qualified Teacher Status (QTS) (Department for

Education and Employment 1999a, 1999b) as well as induction standards – the

‘mandatory gateway into the profession’ (Hextall and Mahony 2000, 323). Induction

is intended to last for three school terms and be completed within five years of

achieving QTS (Kyriacou and O’Connor 2003). Although it need not be started

straight away, a long delay might adversely influence employment prospects.

Concerning supply teachers, they can start induction once in a post lasting one term

or more. The head teacher must retain documentation relating to the support,

monitoring and assessment received, and these records must be obtained by head

teachers in subsequent schools to ensure ‘a consistent and coherent induction’

(National Association of Schoolmasters and Union of Women Teachers 2007a). The

Career Entry Development Profile (CEDP) is to help the NQT identify professional

development needs and goals.

Wales

Provision for induction in Wales (once QTS is attained) similarly requires reduced

teaching time, individualised programmes based on the CEDP and regular reviews of

progress (National Association of Schoolmasters and Union of Women Teachers

2007b, 11). Supply teachers, as in England, must be employed for one school term

and have a transfer form completed by the induction tutor for the next school. From

2007, NQTs in Wales were given a guaranteed three years’ mentoring, in-service

training and learning opportunities, with the incentive of funding to meet individual

needs. Short-term supply teaching is allowed for five years, after which a one-year

extension is required if induction is not completed (7).

Northern Ireland

As elsewhere, induction in NI is compulsory, but differs from England and Wales as

it has retained a competence (rather than a standards) approach to embrace Initial

Teacher Education (ITE), induction and early professional development (EPD)

(Moran, Dallat, and Abbott 1999). The dominant theme of ‘partnership’ signifies a

lead partner at each stage: the higher education institutions (HEIs) at ITE; the local

education authorities during induction (Education and Library Boards (ELBs)); and

the schools during EPD (Northern Ireland Teacher Education Committee and the

Committee for Early Professional Development 1998). The partnerships were

predicated upon an integrated model recognising the development of competence

over time and identifying the most appropriate aspects of learning to teach (21).

Because of the shortage of teaching posts in NI, there is no fixed time to complete

induction, although normal duration is one year.

The guidance document articulates the aims of induction and the effective use of

the Career Entry Profile (CEP), as it is termed here, stressing the importance of the

link with ITE. For short-term temporary teachers, a school should modify its

induction programme and, if they are ‘in post for a period of 8–10 weeks or more’

initiate them into this, ‘albeit a condensed version’ (Northern Ireland Teacher

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Education Committee and the Committee for Early Professional Development 1998,

49). Schools employing BTs even on a day-to-day basis should support them as far

as possible. They should register for induction, compile their teaching experiences

and keep a log reflecting professional development (Northern Ireland Teacher

Education Committee and the Committee for Early Professional Development1998). But it is difficult to see how the haphazard experience of graduates in multiple

posts as short-term temporary or supply teachers can meaningfully lend itself to this

arrangement. Moreover, the dearth of teaching jobs in NI means that many do not

teach the subjects, nor belong to the school sector, for which they were trained. A

range of factors therefore impacts on the kind of support they receive as the curtain

is raised on their teaching career, chief of which is their employment status.

Scotland

Scotland, however, has a very different model. The McCrone Report (Scottish

Executive Education Department 2000) ensured that ‘[e]arly engagement in, and thedevelopment of, positive attitudes and habits in relation to professional development

are now regarded as paramount for Scottish teachers’ (O’Brien 2004, 5). Thus, from

2002–2003 there has been a one-year guaranteed training post for all NQTs (Draper,

O’Brien, and Christie, 2004) and ‘remuneration … which compares well with that of

other professions’ (National Association of Schoolmasters and Union of Women

Teachers 2002, 4), their goal being the standard for full registration (SfR) (General

Teaching Council Scotland 2002, in Draper and O’Brien 2006). This was in response

to the hitherto fragmented teaching experiences of new teachers on short-termcontracts – ‘the ‘‘scandal’’ of teacher induction through short-term supply’ (McNally

2002, 149). McNally blames the ‘complex history of neglect’ for NQTs being used

increasingly for supply teaching and ‘subjected to a discontinuity of teaching

experience [undermining] any notion of a stable, supportive induction period’ (150).

Either that or they were turning to other forms of employment, thus ‘becoming lost

to teaching’ (150). This is reflective of a worrying trend in NI exacerbated by

demographic downturn and resulting in falling enrolment figures and subsequent

school closures. Added to this is the tendency of schools to re-employ retiredteachers for supply purposes in preference to NQTs.

There are key similarities, therefore, between the four jurisdictions, but striking

contrasts, too, and the implications for short-term temporary teachers in England,

Wales and NI may mean an unrewarding start to their career and an uneven

pathway from ITE to the successive stages of professional life.

Teacher education in NI – supply and demand

A vignette explains the five routes to teacher education: two universities provide the

one-year Postgraduate Certificate in Education (PGCE); two university colleges thefour-year Bachelor of Education; and the Open University offers the post-primary

PGCE. Some apply to train elsewhere, but most enrol and take up posts in NI – a

relatively ‘closed system’. The Department of Education uses the Teacher Demand

Model to determine the teachers required each year, considering factors such as the

steady decline in the school-age population, but the NASUWT (2006) spoke of BTs

being ‘let down…after the latest statistics revealed that only 22% [in 2003–

04]…secured jobs in their first year’.

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The Curran Report has already recommended a scheme ‘similar to that in Scotland’:

In our view the need for continuous employment during the initial year and theavailability of consistent mentoring during [EPD] is an essential part of establishingteaching excellence. (Department of Education 2003, Part 1, 11)

Most recommendations were implemented, but not this one, although Part 2 of the

report (Department of Education 2004, 6, para 78) also advocated ‘a support

scheme…to assist unemployed NQTs, immediately after qualification…[to] be in

place by September 2005’. This has not happened. BTs entering permanent

employment in 2002–2003 and 2003–2004 were far outweighed by those in

temporary positions (Education and Training Inspectorate 2005). In 2002–2003,

half could avail of induction (combining permanent and one-year temporary) and

half could not (the remaining three categories). The following year, those who could

not rose to almost 52%. Recent figures provided by the Department of Education

show a continuing decrease in those obtaining permanent posts, and correspondingly

fewer receiving full induction. Table 1 shows the key trends over five years in

permanent and temporary posts in all school sectors.

The Inspectorate nevertheless described current induction arrangements as

‘generally effective in a majority of schools [interpreted as 50–74%], especially [those]

in permanent employment or…one-year temporary contracts’ (Education and

Training Inspectorate 2005, 3). To improve the quality of induction, though, they

recommended, ‘arrangements that ensure the professional development of beginning

teachers on short-term contracts, part-time contracts or without employment is

equitable, coherent and progressive’ (8). They called, too, for the identification of

‘ways in which CASS (Curriculum Advisory and Support Service) and the [HEIs]

can share their expertise and work together more systematically to ensure…conti-

nuity and progression in the transition from [ITE] to induction’ (8–9). Likewise, the

General Teaching Council for Northern Ireland suggested that a ‘critical

examination of the current arrangements in Scotland for a ‘‘Guaranteed Induction

Year’’ should be undertaken with a view to evaluating the potential to introduce a

similar scheme in Northern Ireland’ (2005, 43).

The inevitable outcome of competition for teaching posts is the vastly uneven

nature of induction for many BTs, with access highly inequitable and utterly

dependent upon the kind of post obtained. Since all four UK nations require student

teachers to meet specific standards/competences for induction, those in short-term

Table 1. Employment patterns among NI beginning teachers from 2003–2004 to 2006–2007

(nursery, primary, post-primary and special sectors combined) (%).

Employment 2002–2003* 2003–2004* 2004–2005** 2005–2006** 2006–2007**

Permanent 25 22 23 17 13

1-year temporary 25 26 20 18 19

, 1-year

temporary

37 35 38 51 44

Part-time 3 6 1 8 13

Not in post 10 11 18 6 11

Note: All figures rounded to nearest whole number.

*ETI 2005, ** Department of Education 2007 – figures requested.

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supply teaching in England, Wales and NI are prevented from doing so effectively

through a lack of sustained employment. However, McNally warns of an over-reliance on the kind of support derived from a standards-based support system,

which may only be partial and may fail to take account of new teachers’ ‘important,

unvoiced needs’ (2006, 79–80). The importance of the ‘emotional–relational

dimension’ of early teaching is underlined (McNally and Gray 2006), and the need

is acknowledged for a formal arrangement to be in place for beginning teachers

which has a ‘natural mentoring environment’ in schools, described as ‘the priceless

ethos of personal and professional support’ (2). At best, the ‘haves’ register for

induction and are ‘signed off’ within a year. At worst, the ‘have nots’ begin inductionlate in their first year or not at all, which is both unfair and soul-destroying.

So what path ahead for teacher induction in NI? Places on teacher training

courses remain heavily oversubscribed, at 12 applicants for every primary place in

the present study (2004–2005). The situation was described as ‘reaching crisis point’

(Northern Ireland Assembly 2007), with a renewed call by the NI Assembly for

emulation of the Scottish policy which has received much praise (Draper, O’Brien,

and Christie 2004). The rhetorical question: ‘What happened to the Curran

Committee of Inquiry and all its recommendations?’ (Department of Education2003, 2004) was met with the response that they were still ‘in the wilderness’, as direct

rule Ministers were not prepared to seek the resources to implement them (Northern

Ireland Assembly 2007). The Minister has yet to respond.

Research design and methodology

A three-year study on teacher education was conducted at the University of Ulster,

funded by the Economic and Social Research Council’s Teaching and Learning

Research Programme (ESRC-TLRP), to seek the opinions of trainee teachers on a

range of issues, tracking them through ITE, induction and their first year of EPD.

Their induction experiences are explored here.

From the 40 PGCE student teachers selected by proportionate stratified random

sampling from the 2004–2005 cohort, 30 were contactable after qualifying in 2005–

2006 (15 primary (P) and 15 post-primary (PP); 5–11 and 12–18 years, respectively).Both groups were predominantly female (P: 3 males (m), 12 females (f); PP: 4 males,

11 females). Structured one-to-one interviews conducted in participants’ schools

were tape-recorded and transcribed. Following ethical good practice, information

was provided on the nature and purpose of the interviews, stressing it was not related

to assessment. Voluntary informed consent was sought at the outset and on a

‘dynamic and continuous’ basis (Israel and Hay 2006, 64) prior to each set of

interviews over the three years. BTs were advised that they could withdraw at any

time without giving a reason, the data would be treated with the utmostconfidentiality and their anonymity assured in any publications. The findings are

organised under sub-headings derived directly from the interview questions, with

themes and sub-themes identified during analysis.

Findings

Employment profile

Employment patterns shown in Table 1 are clearly mirrored in the sample group in

the same year (2005–2006) (part-time and not-in-post categories are not applicable

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here). Figures from the Education and Training Inspectorate (2005) and Department

of Education (2007) show that over the five years between 2002 and 2007, most BTs

continued to occupy temporary posts (short- or longer-term), with progressively

fewer in permanent positions and those in temporary capacity at their highest in

2005–2006. Official figures do not record data on supply teachers, although they

appear in the sample group which showed that most BTs were in temporary (t) posts

(54%) (one-year or longer combined), and 26% had supply or short-term(s)

employment or both. Just 20% had permanent jobs (see Table 2). Findings must be

interpreted tentatively because of small numbers.

Experiences of first year of teaching

Both positive and negative experiences emerged. One supply teacher compared his

highly sporadic experience in various schools with the benefits of a few months in the

same place:

I started off feeling like a travelling salesman…had to sell myself to so manyschools…from September to Christmas, no long stint…complete lack of routine. Butfrom December until recently…in the same school…different and much better. Got toknow the other teachers, got to know the kids, and got to know my own teaching style.(P, m)

Two female colleagues spent periods of varying duration across sectors, resulting in

patchy experience, uncertainty and no financial security:

[Until] December…all key stages from nursery…a large urban school with over 600children [and] a small rural school with eight pupils in Key Stage 1. From December toafter Easter…subbing in…bigger…smaller…and middle-sized schools. (P, f)

I got a Saturday job between from September to Christmas, because I was never surehow much money I’d be getting. I had a car to pay off. Towards Christmas…on average15 days a month….From Easter to June a Primary 1 class every day…a wee bit ofresponsibility. (P, f)

By contrast, two permanent teachers (one in NI, one in Scotland) said:

I’m through induction…been to five courses…for the first action plan I worked onbehaviour management – really, really useful…how do I control these children? (P, f)

Table 2. Employment profile of beginning teachers interviewed during induction year (2005–

2006) (n530) (%).

Primary

(raw figures)

Post-primary

(raw figures)

(%)

Permanent 2 4 20

1-year temporary 6 5 37

Long-term temporary 3 2 17

Short-term temporary 1 2 10

Supply teaching 2 2 13

Supply + short-term teaching 1 0 3

15 15 100

Note: Percentages rounded to nearest whole number.

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No jobs for teachers newly qualified in NI…so when West Lothian Council came to UUand talked to the PGCE primary I was interviewed in June…and started in August. (P,f)

Post-primary employment varied substantially, too, also in sector and subjects

taught. One BT had two main blocks of substitute cover in the same school with

other individual days; a second had supply teaching amounting to ‘29 hours teaching

time [weekly] from January to June’ (PP, m); a third, qualified in art and design, was

in eight schools (two primary), the longest time for one week:

[It] could be English, Science, Maths which I have no idea about…just there to cover aclass. (PP, f)

A technology and design graduate in a permanent post was teaching ‘art,

citizenship…PE and…a couple of junior IT classes’ (PP, f). An English teacher

had a one-year contract to teach RE, but felt fortunate to have a job.

Registration for induction

Most BTs registered for induction with their local education authority (ELB) (24:

14P, 10PP) – all six permanent (2P, 4PP), 11 temporary (6P, 5PP) and five supply

teachers (5P), but a full one-fifth did not begin induction at all. Those who did so

clearly understood its structure and had completed or would shortly do so.

I registered the moment I started my permanent post. (P, f, t)

My induction year is completed now…[the teacher tutor] said to me: ‘Organise with theteachers for observations throughout the year, do your lesson plans, have all yourpreparation done, show us what you’ve prepared’. (PP, f, p)

You register with the GTC Scotland…I’m nearly finished…weekly meetings with amentor…ten classroom observations and feedback. (P, f, p)

One supply teacher managed to continue induction although spanning two schools.

Another registered but withdrew, believing time spent in the classroom was more

valuable, thereafter regretting his decision:

Thought I preferred the experience of being in the classroom to having an inductionyear. With hindsight…it would have been great, something to have almost completed inmy first year. I’ve put it on hold. (P, m)

A post-primary colleague, however, had a better experience thanks to an

encouraging vice-principal:

She said although I was subbing, the courses are for supply teachers too…so I wentalong. You got to meet other people exactly the same as yourself. (PP, f)

School circumstances, though, could militate against supply teachers. When this

same BT moved schools after Easter and was told she could not complete induction

because of staff shortages:

I [did] the lessons and observations, but…they [couldn’t] free up teachers to observe me.I still have the second half to do. (PP, f)

The picture differed strikingly for the six BTs who had not registered for induction

(6: 2P, 4PP). Not all knew they could attend ELB courses and avail of support – a

perception prevailed that they had to be in a school for six weeks before they could

register, and any observation of their teaching would be limited. Most were

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convinced that induction simply was not for supply teachers, with one voicing

concerns about adverse career implications:

I missed out on…courses so though I’m half way through my induction year, I’m goingto have to go back and [complete] them…why don’t you just do induction witheverybody else and that way if you’re applying for jobs you can at least say that you’vestarted? (P, m)

I don’t think it’s relevant for me at the moment because I’m just going into schools on aday-to-day basis. (PP, f)

I sort of feel there is no point until you get a permanent job. I got one person [observing]me [who] gave me feedback, but only one. (PP, m)

Career Entry Profile

Just over half the BTs were asked for their CEP (16: 7P, 9PP), all either permanent or

temporary – ‘definitely prominent’ (P, f, t), but an almost equal number were not,

mostly temporary or supply teachers (14: 8P, 6PP) – ‘nobody asked for it’ (P, f, s);

‘one VP sort of scanned over it, but didn’t comment’ (P, m, s). One supply teacher in

seven different primary schools was asked for her CEP only once she obtained a

permanent position: ‘they were concerned that I still had it so I could do my

induction…no other school mentioned it’ (P, f, s). Another believed the short

duration of his employment in different schools precluded sustained work on his

CEP, but tried to focus on a limited area himself:

The CEP was left to me and what I thought I had to improve on…but I did take onboard what I wanted to achieve…took a smaller section [as] it would have beenimpossible to take a big topic and work on that in just a few months. (P, m, s)

Post-primary counterparts also had vastly differing experiences dependent on

employment status, with permanent BTs proclaiming:

Complete [and] two action plans done. (PP, m, p)

Excellent. It made total sense and I knew exactly what to do. It wasn’t just a paperexercise, but an integrated part of professional development. (PP, f, p)

The areas, we’ll call them weaknesses, that I really wanted to improve upon, I thought,‘OK, let’s go for that for induction year’ – things that all beginning teachers worryabout, classroom management, owning the space in your room and really motivatingthe kids…all part of my induction. (PP, f, t)

By contrast, two in a supply capacity – one in three schools and the other in eight –

when asked if their CEP had been requested said, respectively: ‘No, never’ (PP, m, s)

and (emphatically) ‘No!’ (PP, f, s). Another, teaching in two schools, perceived it as

‘a complete waste of time. Complete waste of time’ (PP, m, s).

Personal Action Plans

Most BTs pursued a Personal Action Plan linked to their own (and classroom/

school) needs, usually drawn up in consultation with the teacher tutor (23: 13P,

10PP). However, the nature and extent of interest taken in it varied markedly, as did

the links between this and the school development plan.

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The first one, it kind of fitted in with the school development as well…integratinginvestigative maths lessons into the six-week planner…then I found that the literacyhour tended to slump, so…I went to the induction training day for literacy…it gave medifferent ideas for developing comprehension skills. (P, f, t)

The first [one] I did on positive discipline and introduced strategies into theclassroom…the second was on pastoral care [as] our school was reviewing the pastoralcare policy, so I became part of the core action group to bring it up to date. (P, f, t)

From the seven less fortunate individuals who were not pursuing an action plan (3P,

4PP) (5s, 2 t), one said despondently: ‘Maybe next year’ (P, m).

Sources and nature of support during induction

The main source of support during induction was other beginning teachers –

‘another P7 teacher…we work very closely together’ (P, m), followed by other

teachers – ‘any I turned to [were] willing’ (P, f), then teacher tutors – ‘observed and

gave me good feedback’ (P, f); ‘[f]antastic…[said] ‘‘That isn’t really a criticism, just

something you can improve on’’’ (PP, f). Head teachers and ELB induction officers

were each cited by about half the respondents (the former less so at post-primary

level). Few, however, mentioned support from former PGCE colleagues, vice-

principals or heads of department, and a small number in each case referred to

friends (especially those who were teachers) and relatives, and PGCE tutors (see

Table 3). No beginning teacher received support from the General Teaching Council,

typically commenting: ‘I only hear from them when they’re taking money out of my

bank account!’ Clearly, support was not quite as expected from the lead partner

arrangements, which, during induction, was the responsibility of the ELBs, since the

support that was most valued (apart from support from peers) came from the

schools rather than induction personnel.

Most who identified the nature of support received said it concerned professional

development (14: 8P, 6PP) and the provision of resources (14: 6P, 8PP). Twelve

referred to advice and encouragement (6P, 6PP), six to help with action plans (4P,

2PP) and three to guidance on discipline (2P, 1PP). Seven primary BTs received help

with teaching strategies and four got information about their ELB. Data on these

Table 3. Sources of support for beginning teachers during induction (n530) (raw figures).

Source of support No. of beginning teachers Primary Post-primary

Other beginning teachers 24 15 9

Other teachers 20 11 9

Teacher tutors 18 10 8

Head teachers 16 12 4

ELB induction officers 15 10 5

Former PGCE colleagues 7 5 2

Vice-principals 5 5

Heads of department 3 3

Friends 2 2

Relatives 2 2

PGCE tutors 2 1 1

Teacher friends 2 2

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two questions came from 15 temporary, six permanent and three supply teachers. Six

supply teachers could offer no responses to either source or nature of support.

Overall view of induction experience

From those who saw induction as favourable (23), all but two were in permanent or

temporary posts – eight saying ‘excellent’; ‘couldn’t have asked for more’ (3P, 5PP),

five ‘very good’ (3P, 2PP) and four ‘good’ (3P, 1PP). Three in each case said ‘OK’(1P, 2PP) or ‘not much good’ (3P). In sharp contrast, again, the remaining seven

BTs, all in a supply capacity, had no induction experience and could not respond.

I have no idea how to answer that one. I just didn’t get [it] done. I didn’t feel isolated,but I didn’t feel like I got lots of support. (PP, m)

Another completed only the first half of induction, starting with a temporary period

of employment that was eventually extended in piecemeal fashion:

I never got that second part of the induction portfolio completed, or even started. Ididn’t think, and the teacher tutor didn’t think, that it would be worthwhile, which wasunfortunate because, in reality, I would have had enough time to complete it. (P, m)

This was regrettable as he believed that the pupils, the school and he himselfbenefited from his first action plan:

I took on the topic of thinking skills within the class…an excuse to researchsomething…benefits in the classroom and for the school. [Not] old-fashioned, but a lotof chalk, talk, work sheets and no chance for the kids to really think, ‘why are we doingthis?’ and ‘how are we doing it?’ and ‘what are we learning from it?’…it really helped thekids, but it helped me as well because I was able to assess their work a lot better, and seeif they didn’t understand something. (P, m)

Three supply teachers, whilst describing induction as ‘Not good’, nonetheless found

solace in peer support (3P):

If you’re getting support from other teachers in the same situation…it’s great…We oftenswap resources…planning things together, getting ideas…it’s good in that respect. (P, f)

The plight of the ‘have nots’

Compared with the satisfying induction experiences of the ‘haves’, the plight of the

‘have nots’ showed that whilst a very small number had some positive experiences,

most endured a post-qualification year characterised by random employment

obtained by ‘selling themselves’, even teaching subjects or working in a sector forwhich they were not trained. They did not register for induction, were unclear about

local authority provision, had no lesson observation or feedback, no mentoring and,

hence, no ‘growth-producing experiences’ (Feiman-Nemser 2001, 35).

The scattered pattern of time in schools meant little or no interest was shown in

the Career Entry Profile, and all were disconsolate at not completing a PersonalAction Plan to focus on their own strengths and weakness within whole-school

development. Most could not identify sources of support, nor could they offer an

overall impression of induction simply because they did not have one, much less one

that embraced the ideal of coordinated, structured support, emotional relationality

(McNally and Gray 2006) and a process of enculturation (Feiman-Nemser 2003)

leading to ‘the many ways to stimulate, guide and support the development of

professionals’ (Stokking et al. 2003, 333).

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Conclusions

The key message is that the lived, professional reality of many beginning teachers

stands in unremittingly stark contrast to the induction policy put in place a decade

ago (Northern Ireland Teacher Education Committee and the Committee for Early

Professional Development 1998), developed for an era that no longer exists for most

new to teaching. Induction worked well for those in permanent or temporary posts,

but not for the rest, and any engagement with the process was disjointed and

disappointing. Clearly, there was no guarantee of the minimum entitlement, as

experiences were varied and entirely dependent on the school(s) in which supply

teachers found themselves. Without a contract, they could not develop their

professional identity and self-esteem (Kelchtermans and Ballet 2002), yet Sharp

(2006, 21) stressed that ‘[a] comprehensive and adequate induction needs to be

provided to all beginning teachers, regardless of locality, teaching role and teaching

status – contract or permanent’. Further, what does induction mean for those

teaching outside their own subject specialism(s) (Veenman 1984) or school sector?

Moreover, given the lack of interest by some schools in CEPs (Bubb 2003), their

relevance for short-term and supply teachers must be questioned as ‘not working as

intended’ (Totterdell et al. 2002, vii).

One option is the Scottish model, although a flexible approach is deemed

necessary as ‘a ‘‘one size fits all’’ approach to determining the content of an ITE…or

induction programme…for the early years of teaching will no longer work’ (General

Teaching Council for Northern Ireland 2005, 21). Pearson and Robson (2005, 18)

reported that the Teacher Induction Scheme was ‘working well and [was] providing a

very positive experience’ for many probationer teachers, although inter alia the need

for careful selection of the supporter/mentor and more effective communication

between local authorities and schools were emphasised. There is strong support,

however, among NI stakeholders such as the General Teaching Council for Northern

Ireland, the Assembly and the teacher unions, for the benefits of a guaranteed induction

year for all BTs, although a ministerial response is still awaited. It may only be a

temporary solution and a more sustainable model is obviously needed, but the BT is at

least inducted into the profession at the right time. A number of key mechanisms are

suggested by which such a model might be achieved.

First, head teachers and induction staff should aim to give as much stability and

sustained support as possible to each supply or short-term temporary teacher, by

discussing, identifying and responding to their ongoing professional needs. Schools

would thus assume a key role in supporting all phases on the teacher education

continuum. The local education authorities should consider how this might best be

achieved and link it with relevant courses for induction tutors to help manage such

individuals – ‘support for the supporters’ (O’Brien 2004), as ‘Many…have had

insufficient support and guidance themselves’ (Martin and Rippon 2005, 542). The

latter currently has the lead partner role in induction, yet BTs here found peers offered

most help, highlighting the need to focus on the ‘emotional–relational dimension’

(McNally and Gray 2006). Again, the lead status is not as effective as envisaged.

Second, a different means of supporting induction may be through the

government-funded pilot project already underway involving all NI teacher training

institutions, whereby BTs moving between schools record their work using the

medium of e-portfolios (Osler 2005). They record planning, practice and reflection,

build confidence and capture enthusiasm, which may lead to the parallel

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development of academic and professional qualifications. All new teachers should be

enabled to embed their practice through a coherent programme starting with

induction and embracing the whole career spectrum, and be able to explore the key

question: ‘In what ways am ‘‘I’’ showing, or not showing, the qualities of a good

teacher?’ (McNally and Oberski 2003, 68). Seven of the 30 beginning teachers in this

study did not have an induction. They may be few, but they are there, they are

important and they reflect the wider picture.

Third, Osler (2005), in the recent policy review of teacher education in NI,

proposed extending and strengthening the role of HEIs across induction, early and

continuing professional development. This would be conditional upon having a

commitment to teaching duties in schools ‘in parallel with their role as teacher

trainers and that the initial training which they will provide will be taught in part by

high quality serving teachers seconded by the employing authority for this

purpose…This would be a contractual commitment’ (14). Additionally, he suggested

that HEI staff involved in teacher education should teach in a school for a period of

not less than four weeks every year, and have a sabbatical on full-time attachment to

a school, staff filling a post every fifth year (22). He advocated much greater use of

high-quality teachers as part-time contributors to the ‘ITE Theory in College’,

adding that mentoring by such teachers should be part of professional development

for ITE staff. The language and tone of this document is unambiguous. It specifically

advocates integrating induction more seamlessly with ITE but with responsibility

moving from the HEI to the school, with support from a teacher education mentor.

This would result in continuity of style in training and a maximising of the influence

of known mentors in the early weeks of teaching. A more sustainable model could

therefore be created, characterised by ‘interconnectedness, variety, co-ordination,

responsiveness and dynamism’ (Britton et al. 2003, 5), in which new teachers are

likely both to develop and thrive (Darling-Hammond 2006).

As the General Teaching Council for Northern Ireland re-writes the Teacher

education partnership handbook, this paper gives a voice to BTs whose professional

future depends on its deliberations. Their voices should also be heard in the

consultations which must take place to ensure that the revised arrangements are

more appropriate than the existing ones. BTs deserve a more flexible, more

pragmatic and more professional induction, providing a model for other countries

who share with NI the rare luxury of having talented young people clamouring to

enter the profession. Professor Christopher Day, addressing the General Teaching

Council for Northern Ireland, urged that ‘teacher commitment, resilience and

effectiveness – a passion for teaching – cannot be taken for granted. Rather, it needs

to be nurtured and sustained’ (Day 2007, 4). This is a compelling vision within the

collective endeavour of induction, the cornerstone of the teacher education

continuum and, as Britton et al. assert:

Comprehensive induction systems go far beyond support or assistance, using a varietyof co-ordinated means tailored to perceptions of the novices’ and the general educationsystems’ requirements. (Britton et al. 2003, 5)

Note

1. This Northern Ireland (NI) term is used interchangeably with newly qualified teacher

(NQT).

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Notes on contributors

Lesley Abbott is a lecturer in education (research methods) at the University of Ulster. Her

research interests lie in the professional needs of newly qualified teachers, learning support

staff, inclusive practices and integrated education.

Anne Moran is professor of education and dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences at the

University of Ulster. Before taking up the post of dean in 2002, she was head of the School of

Education. Her research interests are in the areas of teacher education and inclusive schooling.

Linda Clarke is a lecturer in education (geography) at the University of Ulster. Her research

interests lie in teacher education, critical reflective practice, the use of virtual learning

environments (VLEs) to support teacher education in online communities of practice,

geography education and local and global citizenship.

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