Native Pastoralism in the South Andes

University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher Education

Native Pastoralism in the South AndesAuthor(s): Steven WebsterSource: Ethnology, Vol. 12, No. 2 (Apr., 1973), pp. 115-133Published by: University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher EducationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3773341 .

Accessed: 22/06/2014 23:54

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher Education is collaborating with JSTOR todigitize, preserve and extend access to Ethnology.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 188.72.126.55 on Sun, 22 Jun 2014 23:54:39 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=upitt

http://www.jstor.org/stable/3773341?origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


Steven Webster University of Auckland

Although it has usually been recognized that the Andean llama and alpaca (Lama glama and Lama pacos, respectively; Gilmore I950) were aboriginal domestic herd animals, it has been widely assumed that pastoralism never became a primary mode of adaptation in the New World, and that even subsequent to the conquests it was anomalous and restricted to European animals. Ethnographers of the Central Andes have considered the herding of lamoids a subsidiary enterprise undertaken by communities based primarily on cultivation. The early chronicler Poma asserted that it was invariably a task of age-grades, and in I93I Troll was sure that no pastoral economy had developed anywhere in the Andes apart from tuber cultivation (Murra I965: I88-I89). Murra's research has revealed the important role of alpacas and llamas in the economy, social stratification, and ritual of the aboriginal Andean states, but he too concludes that herding was always carried out in upland grazing stations by kin, retainers, or a social class based in agricultural communities. However, because control of herds was a key basis of wealth and prestige in the south central Andean plateau and Titicaca basin, such hierarchical situations were likely to develop under the centralized regimes of this area whether or not pastoralism was pre- viously an independent enterprise in some communities. Even under these regimes independent pastoral communities could have continued in the harsh puna uplands or remote cordillera flanks, jurally subservient but in de facto control of their herds. The elitist bias of most colonial reports, usually overlooking provincial situations, could have continued to obscure the existence of such communities. I suspect that a similar research bias has perpetuated our ignorance until recently. Gade (I969) has reconsidered several misconceptions regarding the Andean lamoids, but does not directly consider the question of pastoralism. This matter remains to be resolved by ethnography and ethnohistory.

Recent evidence in Andean ethnography substantiates the contemporary existence of pastoral communities based on herding of native lamoids, and strongly suggests that similar adaptations were ancient. Lynch (I97I )

has analyzed archeological data from the Callejon de Huaylas of the north central Andes which suggests that pastoral transumance may have developed in preceramic times and furnished an appropriate human ecosystem for the domestication of cultigens. Insofar as this area is peripheral for the distribution of the llama and probably outside the range of the alpaca one suspects that these lamoids were neither late domesticates nor nec-

II5

Native Pastoralism in the South Andes



I I6 ETHNOLOGY

essarily subsidiary to cultivation in their aboriginal habitat. This is the south central Andean plateau and cordillera centered on the Titicaca basin (Gade I969; Gilmore I950: 433; 44I)*

As late as the I940S Mishkin's (I946: 4I4? 425) observations that herding of Arldean lamoids and sheep was a "primary activity" in nzany high aItitude communities of the south cerltral Andes failed to excite investiga-

tion. NTot until the late I960S was substantial ethnographic evidence of pastoral communities reported, notably by Flores Ochoa (I964, I968) and NTachtlgall (zg66a, Ig66b). Bo.h these reports describe large self-sufficierlt communities of herders primarily dependent on the products of their lamoid herds. These communities are inr7olved in traditional networks of exchange with separate communities of cultivators, but are not bourld t} them by subservience or an integral class structuren and apparently share fesv ties of kinship or arinity with them. These reports and others discussed below still furnish only a sketch of native pastoralism and socttal organizatioln in the south central Andes. However? this information should soon bear interesting comparison with the ethnologv of Old World pastoralism.

Flores appears to have been first to recognize the significance of his data in this regard. He pointed out (Flores 968: II6-II8, I42-I43) that Paratia situated in t}ne puna of Lampa province east of Lake Titicaca. derives woola meat, blood hides, fuel, and transport of burdens from their herds of alpaca and llama and culti+7ate virtually no part of their territory. The Paratia pastoralists trade dried meat, hides, and textiles nzade from the wool for tubers, cereals, and ather staples produced in the cultivating communities of lower valleys in the region (Flores I968: I RI ) . Nachtigall Ig6bb: Iga) has described such communities in the punS of both Moquegua (southwestern Peru) and Atacama (northern Argentina)s a]so at elesations

in excess of 4,ooo meters and above the local limits of cultivation. Flores (I968: I45) furthermore reports knowledge of such exclusisrely pastoral communitles in the higher reaches of the south central Andean provinces of Lampa, Chucuito, Canchis E:spinar, and the department of Apurimac. From reports of itinerant merchants and John Ricker a mountaitleer carto ,- rapher thoroughly familiar xvith the areas, I caru support F]ores' cIaims regarding Canchis and Apurimaca and further suspect that at least several cornmunities of pastoralists who must trade for cultivated produce are located on the northeastern flanks of the Cordillera Vilcanota in the pro-

vinces of Quispicanchis and Carabaya. Flores (I968: I47-I48) accepts the possibility that such a mlode of sub-

sistence may have originated among native refugecs withdrawing to remote

and less coveted lre^,ions subsequent to the conquest, or amonv herding stations severed from their cultivating community base in similar disruptions) but suggests that the balance of evidence implies an aboriginal origin. NachtigaIl (I966b: I98), to the contrary, argues that the Andean pastoraI trait complex indicates original development among cultivators? only recently disrupted into complementary enterprises. Only much more archeological and ethnohistorical evidence can begirl to resolve this question, but it must be recognized that it 1S only marginally relevant to the issue of



PASTORALISM IN TLIE SOUTH ANDFXS I I7

pastoralism as a mode of adaptation in the Andes. It is now clear, thanks to the evidence reported by Flores and Nachtigall, that herding of aboriginal stock without direct dependence upon cultivation is a viable human ecosystem in the south cerltral Andes.

It is unlikely, however, that there are pastoral communities in this area which are not closely involved in trade networks for cultivated produce, and many more pastoral communities are directly dependent on some amount of cultivation. The autonomy of pastoralism in the New World may be limited by the absence of millking or bleeding from the herding regime, precludirlg these nutritious resources from the pastoralist diet. Little research has been done on this problem, but it appears likely that the Andean larnoids may not be suited to such uses because their health is pre- carious in the high altitudes and severe climate, especially among rlewborn and pregnant females, and all are skittish in handling. It also appears likely that there is a high rate of lactose intolerance among Andean natives, and lamoid milk has the highest concentration of this sugar.1 In any case, it iS

likely that all pastoral communities of the area, however crucial the eco- nom;c and social role of their herds, consume large quantities of potatoes, tnaZze, and coca leaf, all of which are dietary or ritual staples.2 These pastoralists often cultivate their own tubers, adapted to high altitudes, and sometimes their own maize, but trade dried meat, wool, woven textiles and cordage, dried potatoes, and salt for the cultivated products which for ecolegical reasons they cannot themselves raise. Complex and far-ranging exchange networks involving these items appear to be integral aspects nf coll-temporary as well as aboriginal Andean social organization (Murra 1973; Burchard I97I, I972; Custred I97I, I972).

Ptlblished ethnography is still scant and general, and has usually focused UpOTl the more accessible communities xvhich irz virtue of their more pro- ducti-e and strategic location have developed a specialized commercial economy (Webster I970). Ethnographies focused upon agrarian communities are still fewer and, perhaps as a consequence of the dooma that pastoralism is nowhere significantl are liable to have overlooked the degree tO which herding may be a key enterprise and influence upon social organi- rzation. Even Flores' and Nachtigall's descriptions are unsatisfying in this last respect. Mishkin's (I946: 425ff; I964) reports on Kauri are unable to clarify the question because the herding enterprise in this case appeared to be a compensatory response to land scarcity as well as subsidiary to cultivation. Custredis (I97I; 972; 4 25) reports regarding Alccavitoria in the province of Chumbivilcas clearly outline a community which is primarily dependent upon the products of its herdsS deriving no more than a few months' supply tlf potatoes and grains £rom Iimited cultivation and involved, like Paratia (FIores I968r: II4) in transhumance between scattered pasture zones. CCustred's concerns so far, hosvever, have been with the commercial trade networks ritual, and kinship, with no explicit consideration of pastoralism. S;milarly, Isbell (I972) reports aspects of social organizatlon in an Ayacucho community which appear to have some important emphasis Otl herding. Finally, the intriguing comments of Nunez del Prado (I958; I968: 25I-256)



I I 8 ETHNOLOGY

and Escobar (I958) regarding the "nomadism" and herding emphasis of the community of Q'ero north of the Cordillera Vilcanota suggest a situation in which pastoralism is the central enterprise in a highly diversified and relatively self-sufficient native ecosystem.

My own research in I969-70 investigated the social organization and ecology of this community, comprised of about 370 inhabitants and 50 domestic groups.3 The following discussion will elaborate upon the particular mixed pastoralist adaptation which characterized this and several adjacent communities of the cultural region. I will discuss aspects of community ecoloigy, economy, and social organization which bear upon the pastoral regime, laying the ground for some final comparisons and generalizations.

PASTORALISM IN Q ERO

The Q'ero culture region is located along the ceja de h montana, or "eye- brow" of the high cordillera, where it overlooks the upper reaches of the Amazon basin to the north and east. The precipitous descent of terrain throughout this ceja produces a highly fragmented ecological system in which communities of natural biota change radically within only a few hundred feet of altitude. The resulting seriation of ecological zones is distributed over a relatively small horizontal distance, but through a great vertical distance. Between the heavily glaciated peaks of the Ayakachi range at 5,300 meters and the subtropical forest or yunta at I,800 meters the terrain descends II,500 feet in only 30 kilometers of rugged trail. Each of the communities of the region is extended nearly the full range between these extremes, able to exploit the wild and domesticated resources adapted to the several zones because of their relative proximity and because inter- ference from outside the rugged and rather isolated region has not been

. R

c .lsruptlve.

Besides the radical differences in altitude, the precipitation which is ex- tracted from the damp air of the lowlands as it moves up and over the crest of the cordillera is the next most decisive factor in the ecology of the region. The perpetual masses of snow and ice on the crest of the range sustain expanses of alpine moor in the several valley heads, which are the pastures of the herds and also the site of the permanently occupied hamlets. The moderate rainfall of the middle altitudes sustains a series of Andean tuber crops in locations constricted by steep gorges and bedrock, but in soil which is suiciently dry to abate rots and aggressive vegetation, and the heavy rain and humidity of the lower reaches support a dense vegetation which precludes all cultivation except in a few propitious localities, where the moderate temperatures and soil characteristics permit the raising of maize and several subtropical crops. Mtith the exception of salt and coca leaf, the peopIe of Q'ero are able to produce all the staples of subsistence within the bounds ot their own community. These items and a few luxuries such as sugar are traded for, generally by way of the trickle of itinerant merchants which enter the region on foot.

The communities pursue a regime of transhumance which responds to crops rather than herds. This is because arable soil is sparse, dispersed, and of limited fertility, needing long periods of fallow, and because localized



PASTORALISM IN THE SOUTH ANDES I Ig

pastures are perpetually sustained in the valley heads by glacial seepage independent of the seasonal cycle. Each family operates independently, but the community moves through the several integrated cycles in concert. The middle altitude tuber crops are rotated around the breadth of the community basin (about IO kilometers) in successive years of a six-year cycle) and in the lowest zone the slash horticulture of maize and other subtropical crops is shifted in overlapping three-year and eight-year cycles through a few square kilometers. The seasonal cycles of cutting, clearing, seeding, weeding, guarding, harvesting and transporting in the lower zone, and spade-ploughing, fertilizing, planting, hilling, cultivating, harvesting, and transporting in the intermediate zones, require closely integrated and short intensive investments of labor in widely dispersed localities (also see Nunez del Prado I968). Cultivation in the intermediate zones is further arranged in a progression of such cycles which ascend the valley flanks, exploiting a series of Andean tuber varieties adapted to different altitudes and micro-climates.

The requisites of herding, on the other hand, are continuous throughout the year and locally focused in each valley head, only one or two kilometers in breadth. No intensive investment of labor is required except during the closely successive periods of shearing, lambing, and rutting. However, the continuous watchfulness of one competent person is necessary for the conduct of the family herd through the local circuit of pastures, shared among the habitants of each valley, and for protection against predators (puma, fox, and condor), straying, exposure, and theft. Family labor resources are hard pressed to maintain the tempo of the several cyclic regimes of herding and cultivatioin in widely dispersed localitiesn but are generally successful because the various tasks follow in a manageable sequence and no two tasks coincide which both require the joint labor of most of the family.

The inhabitants of Q'ero have minimized the difficult logistics and com- munications problems of their ecosystem by establishing their primary domiciles in hamlets in the herding zone and moving family encampments around the intermediate and lower zones as necessary to maintain their cultivation regimes. Although highly mobile, the system is certainly not nomadic, and transhumance better characterizes the cultivation cycles than the sedentary herding regime. The single location in which continuous attention is necessary, the pastures of the valley heads, is considered the most logical and efficient base of operations. AIthough cultivation tasks require that major components of the family be absent from the primary domicile most of the timeS it is felt that no labor, resupply or movement time would be saved by establishing the permanent base in one of the several cultivation encampments instead The routine tasks of herd supervision are usually assigned to women or children, while the balance of the family is occupied in the more intensive tasks of cultivation movement or transport. Further- more, the other continuous but unintensive tasks of household maintenance, food preparation, and weaving can be efficiently discharged by the herders because pastures and household are separated by no more than a half-hour's walk.

Another factor which is probably important in the location of the



I 20 ETHNOLOGY

primary domiciles is that the upper alpine reaches of the region are considered ritually pure and sanctified. This purity gives way to ritual un-

cleanness in the lower zones in proportion to their distance from the snowy peales. The sick or vulnerable, men or lamoids, withdraw to the rock and thatch homes and stone corrals in the upper reaches of tlle comnaunity, although these locations are often cold, damp, and windy.

Most of the communities of the region are composed of several such herding hamlets distributed in the heads of several valleys which converge in the intermediate altitude zones. Somewhere near this convergencen or in another central location convenient to all constituent hamlets of the community, is a settlement of relatively larger rock and thatch houses. These lack the storage houses and corrals associated with the hamlet domiciles but are accompanied by one or more chapels of the same construction and, more recently, a school lDuildillg. Except for the few school children and teacher sporadically in attendance, one or two aged cotnmunity members attended by a grandchild, or a few transient cultivators resting overnight, this village is usually deserted. Its traditional function is that of a ceremonial center for the community; it serves as a gathering point for meetings, preparations, feasts, and rituals at certain times of year and is characteristically silent and vacant the rest of the time. The ceremonial center is the focal expression of the social communityn dispersed and transient throughout the year and gathered together as a visibly operatirlg group in this location only on special occasions. The center and its activities are a social compensation primarily for ecological requisites of the herding regime, which necessarily fragment the community into small hamlets in several

valley heads of limited pasture capacity and separated from one another by high passes. Although the crop locations are also w idely cI;spersed the community has overcome this deterrent to cohesion by operating ill concert through each rotation site and cultivation phase.

In short) the settlemtrlt pattern and ecosystem of the coinnzunity are very largely determined by the herding regime. The herdsn in turn, are closely adapted to a highly specialized ecological niche which in this region is found only in the valley heads. Here the glacial run-oS and seepage throughout the yearn poorly drained soil, and a specific micro-climate sustain an alpine moor plant community upon which the alpaca is dependent for optimum health and reproduction.4 Eflicient mastication) fine fleece, and resistance to disease are attributed to pasture composed primarily of 4'Juntuna (Distichia muscoides and Plantago rigida) found in the high altitude moors called wayl. These plants are varieties of dwarf rush which grow in tough dense cushions close to the groundn with all but the leaf tips protected from the severe environment in a subsurface peaty mass which conserves water like a sponge. Without large amounts of this type of pasture the alpaca suffers mallautrition, apparently due to both vitamin deISciency and inefficient mastication caused by overgrowth of incisors otherwise worn at suScient rate by the tough t"untuna. The ich?w grasses of the lower zones, adequate pasture for the llama and sheep, can precipitate a fatal pulmonary disease among alpacas. The alpaca is also more vulnerable than the llama to a fata! hoof disease if pastured for long on the dry and



PASTORALISM IN THE SOUTH ANDES I2I

rocky terrain of the lower altitudes, rather than on the soft damp surfaces in the vicinity of the moors.

Llamas, with their broader tolerances of forage and terrain, are sometimes pastured in the intermediate or lower zones when their services in burden bearing are locally needed. The entire herd may be transferred to peripheral valleys of ichu grass for short periods when it is in succulent growth at the onset of the wet season, but these valleys remain uninhabited because there are no waylla moors available. Usually the entire herd is pastured together in the valley head moors immediately above the hamlets, where it can be cared for by a single family member. Both llamXa and alpaca fare better in the colder high zones where the infestation of dermal parasites is abated and the precipitation, often semi-solid, does not penetrate the fine thick pelt. Sheep, on the other hand, are much more vulnerable to cold, predation, and intestinal parasites than the lamoids. Unlike the lamoids, their pelt is penetrable to icy precipitation, they defecate and graze at random and so are likely to transmit their parasites, and they are more liable to stray and panic, requiring extra attention and corraling every night.

The alpaca is considered to be by far the most important component of the family herd, and consequently the narrower habitat requirernents of this animal, i.e., the alpine moors, are the primary determinants of the herding regime. The family herd averages about 50 head, but ranges between none and 300 depending on the wealth of the family. Reflecting their greater importance, alpacas outnumber llamas about 3: I; sheep are usually fewer than llamas, but some families with abundant labor resources can afford to have many more. In such cases the higher reproductive rate of sheep and the salability of mutton in the outside market ofiset the disadvantages of raising them in this environment. Alpaca are more important than either llama or sheep primarily because their wool is worth two to four times as much in traden either for labor from other natives of the community or in the procurement of staples, luxuries, or cash from itinerant merchants.

Alpacas are also held in the highest esteem as the most important indicator of status in the community and as special objects of esthetic interest. In addition, fine and elaborately decorated weavings of alpaca wool are the product of highly developed skill among the women and a tremendou investment of labor. These textiles are displayed and ritually sanctified in ceremonies each year, and worn on special occasions by men and women, but are rarely sold or exchanged. Llamas are an almost indispensable component of the herd, and are equal to the alpaca in exchange value because of the ability of the males to transport burdens of I0-30 kilogranas. This is a crucial service in the movement of harvests, seed, fertilizer, and household and cultivating equipment between the scattered domiciles and encampments of the community, and in trading expeditions to other communities. Dead people are occasionally buried with small clay ISgurines of llamas, resting prostrate and loaded in readiness for the arduous journey to hanah pacha, "the upper world."

A few horses are kept by most families and used for transport or riding



EI22 THNOLOGY

but are primarily a matter of prestige. In contrast to llamas they are expensive, unsure on narrow, rocky trails and undulating bridges, undependable in reproduction, bear no wool, and are considered inedible. A few cows are left to roam unattended in the intermediate altitudes; they are hlghly valued for feasts, but they are rarely milked and are extremely prone to fatal falls in the precipitous terrain Compared to the lamoids these animals are of limited usefulness and are consequently considered extravagant as well as valuable.

Together the alpacas and llamas, and secondarily the sheep, furnish wool for the manufacture of clothing, blankets, sacks, cordage, and carrying cloths; dung for fertilizer crucial in tuber cultivation and fuel important in cooking; meat for roasting fresh on special occasions or drying and smoking for boiled stews on a routine basis; viscera, blood, and crushed bones for special potages consumed soon after slaughter; fat for candles, flavoring, and ritual offerings; pelts and hides for bedding, seats) storage containers, and saddles; sinew and thongs for binding tools and roof frames. Alpaca wool is preferred for garments, llama wool for other equipment, and these animals furnish the whole of the fertilizer and fuel used because they defecate in restricted localities which can be swept and gathered in the dry season for transport to hearth and plot. The alpaca and llama are aIso favored for sacrifices on community feast occasions and family rituals sheep being substituted only by the poor or stingy. Slaughtering occurs several times a year for this purpose, ancl all but the poorest families butcher also for routine consumption, as well as salvaging the carcasses of animals recently lost to disease or predation. Although the products of cultivation, especially tubers, constitute the bulk of the diet, meals are virtually always accompanied by or at least flavored with meat as a minimum

. P . .

requlrement ot c .lgnlty.

The herd is considered by the natives to be the primary determinarlt of social status. In attempting to ascertain the nature of my country, a Q'ero would always first ask about the lamoid herds there and then sllr- prised that there are none, discuss the potential for raising them. Herding is also considered the superior strategy because whereas the herd is always a potentially expandable resource, land is in limited supply. Although the people of Q'ero have only recently gained formal title to their land, this is not the reason for the key role of their herds in social status (contra Nunez del Prado I958: I9). The natives have never considered themselves landless and have apparently always maintained virtual de facto control of their land with mirlimum compromise conceded to outside interests. Regardless of a remote hacierlda jurisdiction they have in fact tended to gain or lose control of land among themselves in accord with the fortunes of their family herds over the years.

Lack of animals is tantamount to a condition of irremediable poverty, and the term for poverty (watchay) is used equally to denote lack of parents or lack of herds. On the other hand, a man may be designated as relatively wealthy simply by the appellation uywayoh ("possessed of a herd") or paqochayoh ("possessed of alpaca"). Families who establish permanent



PASTORALISM IN THE SOUTH ANDES I23

homesteads out of practical range of the alpine moors having been induced to give up herding through demise of the herd or associated portents such as ill health, appear to accept relative poverty and low status among the communityv In such cases, owing to the crucial role of alpaca herds in the economic and social system of the community, specialization in tubers, maize, sheepn or even llamas is ineflectual in regaining solvency and prestige. Land ownership tends to decline in such situations through piecemeal transference in disadvantageous marriages to families with herds; in this way a family's fortunes in land tend to follow closely upon its fortunes in herding.

A little good fortune in the family herd tends to promote more of the same at least within the limits of the valley pasture capacity and barring unusual disease, theft, or predation. No formal bride compensation checks the growth of the herd; rather each family party to a marriage contract is expected to contribute to the herd, land, and other property of the new couple in jUSt proportion to their respective means. Neolocal residence and autonomous property control is rarely established until a third generation of children are old enough (6-8 years) to supervise the family herd un- assisted. Postmarital residence tends to be with the wealthier and more influential of the parents until this time, despite a weak norm of patrilocal residence. Regardless of jural rights of eventual inheritarlce the actual benefits of a connubial estate tend to accrue to the domestic group in which the prospective heirs reside The elders of this group, regardless of whether postmarital residence is patrilocal or matrilocal, usually enjoy the balance of influence and control over the new couple, their offspring, and their claims to property. Consequently the wealthier domestic group tends to continue to benefit from its contribution to the estate of the new couple, as we]l as to be augmented in membership and claims to additional property,

until the new couple wins autonomy as a developed family. Although some services must be reciprocated to the afiines bereft of a member, the augmen- tation of domestic group membership is a substantial benefit in labor force and flexibility.

Property, whether in land or herds, tends to be redistributed in accordance with this process) usually but not always to the beneISt of the currently wealthier families. Females often marry with some herd animals but rarely with land if residence is patrilocal; males marrying matrilocally usually contribute both a small portion of land and a few herd animals. Because of this difference and the predominance of patrilocal marriage (65 per cent), the herd animals are the more fluid component of the property redistribution. The amount of pasture moor available in each valley head is the crucial limiting factor in the growth o£ family herds, and increasing wealth or poverty in herds is primarily a function of the degree to which this capacity is saturated. Although the pasture capacity in each valley remains relatively steady, the pressure upon it appears to change irl accordance with the number of families and the size of the family herds which share it in common. Resolution of postmarital and eventual neolocal residence responds mainly to perceived disparities in local herding potential or associated discontents. However, imbalances between valleys tend tO



I 24 ETHNOLOGY

oscillate rather than resolve as a result of group expansion and cohesion somewhat beyond the promise of the habitat. The redistribution of both inhabitants and herds throughout the community consequently tends to be cyclic and ecosystematic.

The organization and development of the domestic group are largely determined by the herding regime and the limited resources of the community ecosystem. The elder couple of an extended domestic group enjoy considerable control because the family of each resident offspring is not economically viable until its oldest child is able to herd alone and thereby free the parents to pursue their pressing sequence of tasks in widely separated localities elsewhere. Management of the several integrated herding and cultivating cycles is furthermore optimized by a larger domestic group with centralized authority, encouraging subordinate families to remain until they are ready to sacriISce this joint affluence.

Limited resources, especially in local pasture capacity eventually require dispeIsion, but this is dictated by the leader of the domestic group. His authority is also sanctioned by a monopoly of ritual property, especially the feast house maintained in the ceremonial center and sanctified heirlooms identified with the herd, rights to which are not readily released with good will until deemed appropriate by the domestic group leader. This leader also retains the prerogative to conduct all the rituals of status elevation of his children and oversee those of his grandchildren. Early roles in community leadership are often carried out by men still coresident with their parents or wife's parents and dependent upon them for support in this endeavor. Event- ual separation of alloted portions of the joint herd is avoided until Catholic matrimony is arranged by the domestic group leader, ideally when children of the subordinate family are ready to herd alone.

The dispersion of component families to new residences, or of sons to matrilocal residence, is consequently a prolonged sequential process tightly controlled by the domestic group leaderv This sequence is determined at the outset by birth order among siblirlgs, dictating the order of all subsequent rituals of status elevation including establishment of independent residence. Whereas elder siblings enjoy priority in the authority which devolves among kin, younger siblings have priority in the inheritance of larger and choicer portions of the herd land, domiciles and camps, and usually come to control the feast house. As a consequence, elder siblings early begin the quest for a spouse with an assured inheritance and access to promising pastures usually achieved in the case of males through matrilocal marriage into another valley. The youngest son eventually succeeds to the residence and property remaining with his parents, sometimes shared with brothers who have maintained patrilocal residence in a promising herding habitat. A1- though a female sibling usually joins in the role of her spouse among his siblings in matrilocal marriage her role develops similarly to that of a son, and she may even become the primary heir if she is the youngest. In cases of matrilocal marriage the husband shares in his wife's role rather than vice versa.

In any case, the influence of women in the system of domestic group




authority is co-ordinate with that of males of equivalent age in all practical situations, and is limited only by the belief that all females are ritually pro- fane and physically less rugged than males. Although females are segregated on most ritual occasions and precluded from accession to formal political Officen they are nevertheless openly consulted and frequently deferred to, and occasionally some have even become shamans of wide repute.

The influence of the domestic group within the community and in adjacent communities is primarily a function of wealth, and consequently of the family herd. Qapah ("powerflll") implies possession of a substantial herdt However, as noted below, influence which has not been legitimized by prestige is debilitated. Influence can be generated to a certain extent through a network of kin, affines, ritual kin, and friends maintained in allegiance simply by the manipulation of advantages based on wealth. Interdepend- ence in subsistence crises or the extraordinary expenses of community feasts is crucial to kin group cohesion, which is otherwise liable to dissipate at the ambiguous fringes of a parallel kindred (Webster Ig72b). Through debt and dependence, a wealthy family is able to retain the loyalty and co-opera- tion of a wider circle of kin. Accusations or conflict also occasion the mobil- ization of kin as a solidary faction, and wealthier families parlay their influence among kinsmen in order to gain further adherents.

Although reciprocity between families in affinal alliance is supposed to be balanced, it actually tends to manifest asymmetric status difTerentials ad- vantageous to the wife-giving family, which is never formally compensated for its loss. If the wife-giving family is also the wealthier, the wife-receiving family becomes virtually subservient, especially if residence is close. Such a situation frequently results in matrilocal marriage, but owing to the onerous disadvantages accruirlg to the wife-receiving family this arrangement is rarely consummated between neighbors in the same valley. Even when the wife-receiving family is the wealthier party, in practical situations it can frequently press the advantage it enjoys by virtue of its influence and the ambiguity of de jure balanced reciprocity and de facto asymmetry between aflines.

The development of networks of influence through the astute management of wealth cannot proceed far unless legitimized by prcstige. The mere possession of a large and thriving herd and the display of its products, particularly in rich weavings, warrants the esteem of the communityn but must be backed by generosity. Prestige of politically significant proportions iS primarily gained through successful fulfillment of community roles in leadership and feast sponsorship. These endeavors require the redistribution of large amounts of wealth and constitute the most severe check on development of the herds of the wealthy, because these families are most often assigned the responsibilities of such roles or called upon by poorer relatives for contributions. If wealth is not thus legitimized by generosity and dedication to traditional community endeavors it is soon debilitated. It is assumed to reflect surreptitious influence in the community, with agents OUt-

side the community, or with malignant supernatural powers, and becomes the object of suspicion and enmity.



I26 ETHNOLOGY

Occasionally5 a family which has developed inordinate wealth by avoiding expenditure in leadershipn feast and ritual is forced to reduce themselves to poverty in order to absolve stigma and regain a tenable position in community adairs. This is done through renewed activity of members or sponsorship of poor aspirants to public office and acceptance of disadvantageous marriage conditions. Usually, however wealth need not be exchanged for prestige in this way, but rather tends to be enhanced by the provident mar- shalling of prestige and influence. Consequently the most eflecti+re checl on the development of wealth is not in the long run the prestige economy of civic expenditure but rather the demise of good fortune, usually precipitated by the saturation of local pasture capacity and competition between family herds.

Prerequisite to paramount leadership in the community are besides wealth and prestige, certain characteristics of personality which engender respect. Integrity in personal affairs, deference to elders and dedication to the traditional labors of the herding and cultivation regimes for the sake of one's family are fundamental prerequisites. Beyond this, special respect is won by the individual who maintains a bearing of cool dignity and restraint especially in crises or confrontationsn and manifests the ability to gauge consensus and reserve his pronouncements for appropriate moments. Wry understatement and dramatic rhetorical questions are an irnportant aspect of forceful oratory on such occasions.

A quite diSerent and apparently incompatible pattern of behavior achieves respect more through fear than esteem. Several highly influential individuals in the community command respect through their unpredictable and independent behavior and their often bellicose confrontation of other leaders in public situations. Insult, slight, or crisis can arouse these individuals to barely controlled rage, facing the offerlder with starting eyes and violent threats, quivering and stuttering in a feigned attempt to regain composure. ()nly persons of secure status in the community chance such a radical de- parture from usual norms of behavior. Whereas the type of leader who de- pends on dignity and restraint is termed an ?wnu ruFna ("water-man" in the sense of calm and tranquil stability), the man who indulges effectively in bellicosity and unpredictability is often termed a manan qasi ranacha ("unquiet man'). Certain ceremonial occasions furnish opportunities for the display of these personality stereotypes, often in dialectic confrontation. For instance, in the triumphant reunion of the community in the ceremonial center, or in the climax of feasting, a respected elder often confronts a tam- achitmh (leader, "he who causes it to be done") of the community and de- livers a loud and threatening harangue, to which the leader is expected to respond with urlperturbed dignity and silenceS almost indifference.

The stereotyped personality of the "unquiet man" is associated with powers derived from intimate relationships with certain spirits and deities. These powers are characteristically denied by those reputed to possess them, but a large and thriving herd, prescient decisions, and widespread influence are accepted as sufficient evidence, especially if "unquiet" personality traits are also manifest. The supernatural beings which are the source of these powers are apu, deities ident;fied with nearby glaciated peaks; awki, spirits iden-



PASTORALISM IN THL SOUTH ANDES I27

tified with lesser surrounding landmarks, especially hills and promontories; and t)uyaJ spirits identified with stone amulets representing herd animals (see also Nunez del Prado I970; Mishkin I946: 427). These extraordinary forces are the routine object of propitiation and exhortation among ordinary men, but paqo, men endowed with shamanistic skills of divining and me- diumship, can apprehend, converse with, and inIduence them more edec- tively. Although beneficient by nature these forces are capable of retribu- tion and malice, and consequently the men who enjoy more intimacy with them are liable to be viewed with suspicion as well as respect. The family herd, in particular, is considered to be vulnerable to afflictions from shamans whose malice has been incurred and spirits of the dead who remain wronged or resentful. Men, animals, and pastures are threatened by malignant forces including nawpa runa ("ancient men," banished survivors of an antisolarian world), tutuchi (monstrous ghosts), and wayra (poisonous air)

Divination (watusq), libations (tinta} choglasqa, p"ututuy), burnt offerings (t intusqa, qolpasqa), and presentations (misasf a, punusf a)

are the rituals used to propitiate or enjoin assistance of the beneficent forces. Requests to them usually concern the health and prosperity of herd and family. Slaughter of herd animals is accompanied by a libation of maize beer or fresh blood cast in the direction of a named awki identified with a prominence in the nearby pasture. When the animal's spinal cord is severed the head is extended toward the rising sun to facilitate reincarna- tion in the herd, and the entrails of the dead animal are examined for a prognosis of the herd (Nunez del Prado I968: 252). Bezoar stones, hard balls of pith sometimes found in the rumen of the lamoids, become sacro- sanct family heirlooms along with the t"uya amulets.

A few of the shamans of the community have traveledt widely, exchang- ing their skills in curing herds of other communities for a few alpacas or llamas to augment their own herd. Outside the cultural region its inhabitants are reputed to wield fearful powers over the behavior as well as health of lamoids, even though their average herds are not large compared to those of some other regions. C;uring techniques involve the rituals mentioned above, and the direct apE>lication of fumes, infusions, or massaged poultices of several wild native plants. These are gathered in the high passes and crests, a sanctified region, and as wayside tokens or decorations upon clothing also serve as oGerings to the spirits and deities. Reflecting the intimate association between men, herds, altitudes, and extraordinary forces is the applica- tion of these same curative or precautionary techniques to both runa ("peo ple," i.e., natives) and lamoids. However, they are generally thought to be ineGective upon European herd animals or mt'sti, highland Perusians of westernized culture.

Two seasonal rituals celebrated by each family mark critical turning points in the cycles of herding and cultivation, and are carried out in a symbolic idiom directed primarily to the family herd. Both are also closely associated with key harvests, and may in general be considered rituals of renewal. P'9alchay, named after the bright gentian blossoms which carpet the high passes in early February when the ritual is performed, occurs soon after the planting of maize in the lowest zone and immediately before the earliest



I28 ETHNOLOGY

harvest of middle-altitude tubers, BUt iS expressly directed toward the fertility of the alpacas. At this time the herd is in the midst of lambing the rutting season is about to begin? and most of the shearing dyeing, spin- ning, and weaving of £resh new garments has been completed. Shata Ux- uchichis} named after the forced-feeding of maize beer to the male llamas and performed in August or September, occurs soon after the maize harvest and during the planting of the middle-altitude tubers but is expressly directed toward the fertility of male llamas. These animals have just completed the arduous transportation of the maize harvest up some 7,ooo vertical feet and over 30 kilometers of tortuous paths and bridges from the lowest zone to the alpine hamlets. The P'Jalchay family ritual is intermediate in a season of community celebration imbued with symbolism of renewal, including the triumphant assumption of office by the newly elected community leaders, first fruits in potatoes, and a variety of playful status re- versals coincident with Carnivales.

Both P'Jalchay and Shata Uxyuy gather each domestic group around the key objects and symbols of its corporate solidarity: the joint herd3 corrals, and households in the pastoral setting, and the t"uya amulets which are guardian spirits of the herd. On the floor of the main household, these storle figurines are placed in a wooden bowl of maize beer (Nunez del Prado I968: 252-253) or left obscured in their wrapping along with bits of native grains and grass which sustain them while stored, and are placed upon a piece of sod. This waylla chJampa is cut from and eventually returned to the nearby pasture, and represents its bounty in this symbolic context.

Coca leaf is shared about and offered to the awki; libations are made on the amulets, the piece of sod, the floor of the corral, and the backs of the assembled herd; bundles (tintu) of coca leaf, lamoid fat, maize seed) and other symbolic valuables are burned in a bowl of dung coals; songs re- served for each specific ritual, and dedicated to alpacas or to male llama are played upon flutes and sung in chorus; toasts are drunk from wooden goblets or gourds, and petitions for prolific herd births and special colors of fleece are spoken into the empty vessels. These ablutions attract the benev- olent attention of vpu and awkiJ and the sanctification of the herd pro- ceeds. In P"a;lchay, batches of these gentian blossoms gathered by the children in the passes are cast gently upon the herd, and the family dances among them, singing and playing flutes. In idhat Uxyay, another seasona] bloom of gentian may be used, and exemplary males are grasped and decorated with pendarlts of dyed wool pierced through the ears and bells or alpaca hooves hung around the neck, after which they are forcibly fed several pints of thick maize beer. In both rituals, special attention is paid to the salutation of vigorous leaders, proli;c bearers of young, and t)'uya winah) individual animals supposed to be sired by the stone amulets by virtue of similar physiognomy.

COMPARATIVE PASTORALISM IN THE AREA Akhough I am not directly familiar with other pastoral regimes outside

the cultural region of the eastern cordillera ce1a described above, the




sources cited offer sufficient information for some preliminary generalizations regarding pastoralism in the south central Andes. Ecologically, a key determinant of the pastoral pattern appears to be whether the herding is carried out in a ceja or a pana habitat, respectively cordillera flanks or highland plateaus. Whereas in a ceja habitat a community can exploit both herding and cultivation potentials through a variety of altitudinal zones in relatively close proximity (eg., Q'ero), a community in a puna habitat has limited access (e.g., Alccavitoria according to Custred) or no access (e.g., Paratia according to Flores; Moquegua according to Nachtigall) to cultivable zones, and so must specialize more exclusively in pastoralism and the exchange of its products. It is likely, however, that many puna pastoralists are at least able to raise several varieties of the bitter potato, which can be cultivated at altitudes up to I4,000 feet and requires the dependable- frosts of these altitudes for processing into a comestible freeze-dried product (ch'ufiu; cf. Mishkin I946:430). The pastoral communities of upper Canchis are said to trade widely and exclusively in ch'unu arld cA'arqi, dried lamoid meat.

Some communities on the flanks of deep intermontane valleys, such as the upper Apurimac, may be ecological equivalents of the ceja mixed pastoral habitat. Aside from Isbell (I972), few of these have been ethnogra- phically described. However, the uplands of these intermontane flank habitats may frequently be too arid to oder significant herding potential. Fur- thermore, communities originally in control of resources in several different altitudinal zones have often lost possession of one or more of these, usually in the more coveted qeshwa or valley bottoms, and consequently need to trade for many more staples, as do the puna communities. In the Q'ero cultural region, similar truncations of community ecosystems are correlated with degrees of accommodation to- outside influences. This situation leads me to suspect that loss or absence of control over staple resources of several diSerent altitudinal zones is a primary cause of peasantization and acculturation in the south central Andes. Communities with resources more limited in kind or quantity are more liable to annexation and exploita- tion because of their needs. They are also more likely to develop specialists in regional commerce and political dealings, and consequently a stratified social organization integrated on a regional basis.

Variations in settlement and transhumant patterns among pastoral communities also appear to be closely determined by ecological conditions, as is typically the case with Old World pastoral regimes. All the pastoral communities described above have a dispersed settlement pattern, part of which is nucleated in a village which could be called a ceremonial or at least a commercial and administrative center (Flores I968: 37-39, 48-54, II4; Es- cobar I958; Nachtigall Ig66a; Custred I972: 2-3, 24-5). The presence or absence of commercial and civil specializations such as stores, schools, and offices permanently situated in this center is probably a fair indicator of the intensity of economic and political interdependence with other communities of the region, and of relative acculturation. However, judging by the settlement patterns of the Q'ero cultural region it appears likely that where re-



I30 ETHNOLOGY

gional integraiion has not advanced, the central village functions primarily in community ceremonies and other internal affairs, remaining virtually unoccupied much of the time and periodically drawing together inhabitants widely dispersed by the requisites of the community ecosystem

Location of the primary domiciles in all cases appears to be determined by the requisites of herding rather than by those of cultivation or commerce. Howeverl it appears that in the case of puna habitats these primary domiciles medlate between dispersed herding stations, whereas in the ceia habfitats (at least those of the Q?ero cultural region) they are themselves the herding station. This is because in the semi-arid puna appropriate pasture is seasonally variable and scattered according to the availability of the scant groundwaterS whereas in the ceja situation it is perpetually maintained by glacial or watershed seepage. In the puna, transhumance from the primary domicile base is determined by the nature of the pastuxe niche, but in the ceja a strictly analogous pattern of seasonal mobility from the herding base is determined by the nature of the cultivation niches. iE7inally, it might be speculated that in the puna habitat the location of the ceremonial center mediates between herding exigencies and commercial requirements, whereas in the ceja it mediates between herding exigencies and cuItiYation requirements. Beyond these generalizations it i5 likely that further research will encounter for illstance, ce?a habitats that require pastoral transhumance owing to insuicient groundwater or commerce owing to loss of cultivable land, and puna habitats which offer localities of perpetual pasture supported by glacial seepage arld require no transhumance at all.

In the foregoing description of Q'ero pastoralism I also outlined the interrelationship of herds with wealth property control, domestic group development) social status in terms of influence, prestige, and respect, shamanistic skills and seasonal rituals of the family. Information on these mat- ters from other pastoral communities of the area remains scant and un- systematic, and comparisons would not yet be fruitful. In all cases it is at least implicit that wealth is primarily determined by success in herding or in trading herd products. Rituals appear to be important in all cases, and have been described in some detail (Flores I968: 92-I06; Nachtigall Ig66b; Custred I97I). Propitiation or divination are important themes, but this also appears to be true of ritual in nonpastoral communities of the highlands. Nachtigall (I966b: I98) argues that the ritual of Moquegua pastoralism is typically agrarian, but it is apparent that the rituals which I have described are fundamentally structured by reference to the herds. The main deterrent to the fruitful comparison of pastoralism in the south central Andes is the lack of analyses specifically concerned with pastoral adaptation and its im- plications for social organization, even in the ethnographies which sub- stantiate this mode of adaptation.

This is certainly not the casen however with regard to pastoralism in the Old World. Goldschmidt (I97I) iS probing the possibilities of a comparative analysis of pastoral nomadism arld has proposed (Goldschmidt I965)

a general "pastoral model" for tesiing in a comparative East African project. Jacobs tIg65) also outlines and criticizes some of the general characteris-



P^, , XT T t C ttrH &- I<I ASTORazISN1 I. Hn vO v . w 5

ties whieh have become accepted regarding Old World pastoral traditions, specifically those of Afriea. Contrary to some of the distinetions made by Nachtigall (I966b: I97-I98) with the aim of demonstrating the "inde- pendence" of a pastoral tradition in the New World, many aspects of this adaptation are comparable to those accepted as general among Old World pastoralists. This is perhaps more the case with pastoral communities of native cultural orientation than with those which manifest a mestizo culture (cf. Webster I97I).

If not aetual nomadism, a very flexible mobility and frequently trans- humanee between temporary stations are eharacteristie of south eentral Andean pastoralists. Neither eorrals nor the more elaborate utensils of the base domicile are necessary in these rapidly eonstrueted or reeonstrueted camps. Mobility is facilitated by special foods such as tantaJ ch'arqi, and q"onqe (roasted, salt-dried and sun-dried meat), ch'unu (frost-dehydrated potatoes), and t"ncha (parched maize).

Extended or even collateral family organization appears to be rather fre- quent in native pastoral communities, and a highly structured kindred and system of affinal alliance is manifest in at least some eases, although uni- lineal, segmentary, and age-set systems appear to be absent. Individuals are ranked in aecordance with statuses determined largely by wealth in herds, and rather mobile upper and lower strata may be distinguished on this basis (also see Vazquez I965). Native pastoral eommunities also manifest leadership based on achievement, highly effective internal soeial sanctions, and a viable political strueture largely autonomous of outside forces. The lamoid herd animal is the object of elaborate rituals eoneerned with fertility, transport of harvests, euring, divination, and the textiles derived from their wool. These rituals symbolically integrate herds, herders, alpine pastoral habitat, and a pantheon of supernatural powers identified with high altitudes. Dominant personal characteristics include stylized arroganee and bellicosity as well as calm dignity and decisiveness. On the other hand, although a patrilateral bias is sometimes apparent in residenee and inheritance and males tend to maintain the initiative in labor, politics, and ritual, they enjoy little jural superiority, and it is clear that females do not suGer a subjugated role (also see Flores I968: 80)* Moreover the men do not ex- hibit exaggerated sexuality or aggression in their relationship with women.

There is as yet insufficient comparative information on agrarian eommunities in the Andes to determine with assuranee which aspects of so cial organization may and which may not be attributed to a pastoral mode of adaptation. However, most such determinations have not yet been eare- fully made with regard to the Old World pastoral traditions. Comparative studies of pastoralism should proceed with an awareness that it is a flexible mode of adaptation not restricted to a few well known soeieties of one hemisphere.

NOTES I. Mishkin (I946: 428), Gilmore (I950: 438), and Gade (rg6g: 342) reportthat the lamoids have never been milked for human consumption. Kenneth Lewis of the Institu to Veterinario de Inv estigaciones Tropicales y de Al tura ( Un iversid ad San



I 32 ETHNOLOGY

Marcos, Lima) in Huancayo was unsuccessful in recent attempts to encourage dairying in lamoid herds. Baker (I965: I3I) has reported native utilization of milk and cheese from "llama, alpaca, and sheep" in Nunoa, Puno Department, but this is probably based on misinformation. Insofar as I have been able to determine, raw milk of cows is consumed in very small quantities by natives and most often processed into sub- stances with lower milk sugar content such as cheese. Acurio (I970) has reported quantitative data which indicate an adverse reaction to milk very common among children of the Cuzco area and McCracken (personal communication, see also Mc- Cracken I97I) interprets these data to reflect adult lactase deficiency. 2. On native diet and nutrition in a puna community of the area see Mazess and Baker (I964). Social uses of coca leaf have been investigated by Goddard et al (I969)

and its medicinal uses reported by Fabrega and Manning (I972). The traditional basis of the ritual role of maize and potatoes is discussed in Murra (I960).

3. My research was supported by a predoctoral fellowship and research grant from the National Institute of Mental Health. For a fuller analysis of research results, em- phasizing ecology, family organization) and kinship, see Webster (Ig72a). 4. I am indebted to Eduardo de Bary of the Hacienda Ccapana, Cuzco Department, for considerable information regarding lamoids, and to Warren Roberts of California Polytechnic Institute and Dr. Ramon Ferreyra of the Museo de Historia Natural, Lima, for plant identifications.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Acurio V., Romolo. I970. Chronic Altitude Dyspeptic Syndrome. Cuzco. (Mimeo). Baker, P. T., et al. I965. A Preliminary Report of Cultural and Biological Char-

acteristics of a Peruvian Highland Population. Pennsylvania State University, Department of Social Anthropology.

Burchard, R. E. I97I. Coca and Food Exchange in Andean Peru: How to Change One Sack of Potatoes into Eight. Paper presented at the 70th annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association.

I972. Exogamy and Patterns of Interzonal Exchange. Symposium on Kin- ship and Marriage in the Alldes 7ISt annual meeting of the American Anthro

. . . .

po oglca. . Assoclatlon.

Custred, G. I97I. Ritual and Control Among the Peasants o£ ChumbiviIcas, Peru. Paper presented at the 70th annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association.

I972. Peasant Kinship, Subsistence, and Economics in a High Altitude Andean Environment. Symposium on Kinship and Marriage in the Andes, 7ISt annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association.

Escobar M., Mario. I958. Reconocimiento geografico de Q'ero. Revista Universitaria 47 CXV, I59-I88, CUZCO.

Fabrega, H.3 Jr., and P. K. Manning. I972. Health Maintenance Among Peruvian Peasants. Human Organization 3I: 243-256.

Flores Ochoa, Jorge. I964. Pastores del Ande sur-peruano. Revista de la Universi- dad Tecnica del Altiplano 2: 23I-238. Puno.

I968. Los pastores de Paratia. Instituto Indigenista Interamericano, Serie Anthropologia Social IO. Mexico.

Gade, D. W. I969. The Llama, Alpaca, and Vicuna: Fact vs. Fiction. Journal of of Geography 68: 339-343.

GiImore, R. M. I950. Fauna and Ethnozoology of South America. Bulletins of the Bureau of American Ethnology I46: Vi 408-464.

Goddard, D., S. N. De Goddard and P. C. Whitehead. I969. Social Factors As- sociated with Coca Use in the Andean Region. International Journal of the Ad- .. . d1ct1ons 4: 577-590.

Goldschmidt W. 965. Theory and Strategy in ie Study of CuIturaI AdaptabiIity. American Anthropologist 67: 402-407.

I97I. Pastoral Nomadism Questionnaire. Department of Anthropology, Uni- versity of California at Los Angeles.



PASTORALISM IN THE SOUTH ANDES I 33

Isbell, B. J. I972. Kuyaq, Those Who Love Me: An Analysis of Andean Kinship and Reciprocity within a Ritual Context Symposium on Kinship and Marriage in the Andes, 7ISt annual meeting of the American Anthropological Associa- tion.

Jacobs, A. H. I965. African Pastoralists: Some General Remarks. Anthropological Quarterly 38: I44-I54.

Krader, L. Ig6g. Pastoralism. International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences II:

453-46I . Lynch, T. F. I97I. Preceramic Transhumance in the Callejon de Huaylas, Peru.

American Antiquity 36: I39I48.

Mazess, R. B., and P. T. Baker. I964. Diet of Quechua Indians Living at High Altitude, Nunoa, Peru. American Journal of Clinical Nutrition I5: 34I.

McCracken, R. D. I97I. Lactase Deficiency: An Example of Dietary Evolution. Current Anthropology I2: 479-5I7.

Mishkin, B. I946. The Contemporary Qucchua. Bulletins of the Bureau of American Ethnology I46: ii, 4II-470.

I964. Posesion de la tierra en la comunidad de kauri, Quispicanchis, Cuzco. Estudios sobre la cultura actual del Peru, ed. L. E. Valcarcel et al. pp. I43-I49.

Ser ie Problematica del Peru 2 . Un iversidad Nacion al Mayor de San Ma rcos, Lima.

Murra, J. I960. Rite and Crop in the Inca State. Culture in History, ed. S. Diamond, pp. 393-407. New York.

I965. Herds and Herders in the Inca State. Man, Culture, and Animals: The Role of Animals in Human Ecological Adjustments, ed. A. Leeds and A. Vayda, pp. I85-2I6. American Association for the Advancement of Science, Publication 78. Washington.

I973. Reciprocity and Redistribution in Andean Civilizations. Lewis Henry Morgan Lectures I972. New York.

Nachtigall, H. Ig66a. Indianische Fischer, Feldbauer, und Vichzuchter. Beitrage zur Peruanischen Volkerkunde. Berlin.

Ig66b. Ofrendas de llamas en la vida ceremonial de los pastores del la Puna de Moquegua, Peru, y de la Puna de Atacama, Argentina, y consider- aciones historico-culturales sobre la ganaderia indigena. Actas y Memorias del 36 Congreso Internacional de Americanistas 3: I93-I98.

Nunez del Prado, Juan. I970. E1 mundo sobrenatural de los Qucchuas del sur del Peru atraves de la comunidad de Qotobamba. Departamento de Antropologia, Universidad de Cuzco, Peru.

Nunez del Prado, Oscar. I958. E1 hombre y la familia: Su matrimonio y organ- isacion socio-politico en Q'ero. Revista Universitaria 47: cxiv, 9-32. Cuzco.

Ig68. Una cultura como respuesta de adaptacion al Medio Andino. Actas y Memorias del 37 Congreso Internacional de Americanistas 4: 24I-260. Buenos Aires.

Vazquez, Mario C. I965. Changes in the Social Stratification of an Andean Hacienda. Contemporary Cultures and Societies of Latin America, ed. D. B. Heath and R. N. Adams, pp. 405-423. New York.

Webster, S. I970. The Contemporary Quechua Indigenous Culture of Highland Peru: An Annotated Bibliography. Behavior Science Notes 5: 7I-96, 2I7-247.

I97I. Social Organization of the Accommodated Tribal Society in Highland Peru. Paper presented at the 70th annual meeting of the American Anthro- pological Association.

Ig72a. The Social Organization of a Native Andean Community. Unpub- lished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington.

Ig72b. Kinship and Aflinity in a Native Quechua Community. Symposium on Kinship and Marriage in the Andes, 7ISt annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association.



Documents

Native Pastoralism in the South Andes