Self-Regulation Strategies for Combatting Prejudice

Mason D. Burns

Laura Ruth M. Parker

Margo J. Monteith

Purdue University

2

Abstract

Many individuals find themselves having unwanted evaluative or stereotypic biases toward

members of disadvantaged or stereotyped groups. Such biases are often subtle in nature and

driven by largely unconscious processes, but they result in wide-ranging discriminatory

outcomes. How can people effectively reduce their biases? In this chapter, we review various

self-regulatory strategies and their impact on prejudice reduction. As a starting point, we discuss

various types of motivations for self-regulating intergroup bias. Then, we review a number of

self-regulatory strategies, how they operate, and potential consequences. Specifically, we discuss

stereotype suppression and colorblindness as strategies aimed at avoiding stereotypical thoughts

and ignoring group-based membership, respectively. We discuss the Self-Regulation of Prejudice

Model, which entails motivational and learning processes aimed at deautomatizing biased

patterns of responding so that egalitarian responses may be generated instead. We also review

literature related to the use of implementation intentions to facilitate specific intergroup

responses that are unbiased. Although each of these self-regulatory strategies can be useful to

some extent, certain strategies have greater ability to produce sustained transformation of subtle

biases. Finally, we discuss research related to self-regulation, executive function and intergroup

contact, and also how interpersonal confrontations can encourage others to self-regulate. 

WC: 198

3

In September 2013, police shot and killed Jonathan Ferrell as they responded to a call

about a possible “breaking and entering” in a Charlotte, NC neighborhood (King & Stapleton,

2013). Jonathan had been in a serious car accident and sought help after escaping the car through

the back window. When he approached a nearby home, the homeowner called ‘911’ and reported

that Jonathan was trying to break in. When the police arrived, Jonathan ran toward them, likely

disoriented and seeking assistance for his injuries. As he approached, he was shot and killed by

an officer on the scene. Why were the homeowner and police officers so quick to assume that

Jonathan was dangerous? Would the evening have ended differently if Jonathan were not a

young, Black man? Perhaps. The evaluations and judgments of the officers and homeowner were

potentially swayed by the subtle but powerful influence of racial biases.

Despite the decline in overtly hostile and blatant forms of racial prejudice since the Civil-

Rights movement in the United States, subtle forms of bias remain widespread with pervasive

consequences. Data from Project Implicit, an online demonstration website assessing people’s

implicit biases, shows that on average people visiting the website demonstrate significant anti-

Black bias on a race implicit association task (Nosek, Banaji, & Greenwald, 2002). People also

show implicit biases related to other racial groups, and based on gender, religion, and age (Axt,

Ebersole, & Nosek, 2014; Nosek et al., 2002). These widely held implicit biases can become

activated automatically, without a person’s awareness or intention, and can meaningfully

influence people’s evaluations and judgments. For example, as implicit racial bias increased,

White doctors were less likely to treat Black patients presenting with symptoms of a heart attack

with a potentially life-saving treatment to reduce blood clots (Green, Carney, Palling, Ngo,

Raymond, Iezzoni, & Banaji, 2007). In addition, once activated, these subtle biases can influence

the responses of people regardless of their levels of explicit, consciously endorsed prejudice.

4

Even people who sincerely endorse egalitarian beliefs and believe themselves to be non-

prejudiced may possess and be swayed by subtle biases (e.g., Devine, 1989).

If these biases are widely held and influence people’s thoughts, feelings and actions, how

can people combat them? People’s biases may conflict with social norms and/or one’s internal

standards. If people remain unaware that their thoughts, feelings, and behaviors are inconsistent

with personal and societal standards, the bias will live on, unchallenged and unchecked.

Alternatively, people may become aware of the conflict between their biased response and

societal and personal egalitarian standards. In this case, awareness of the inconsistency may

prompt people to attempt to self-regulate their biased responses. In this way, self-regulation has

the potential to limit the influence of and ultimately reduce discriminatory outcomes.

Self-regulation involves goal setting and applying effort to achieve goals, often through

the exertion of self-control (Mischel, 1996). Whether the goal is to study more or eat less, in

order to achieve one’s goals, individuals must regulate related thoughts and behaviors. The

regulation of both implicit and explicit stereotyping and prejudice is no different. Like all forms

of self-regulation, the ability to regulate stereotyping and prejudice requires the detection of

discrepancies between one’s goals and actions, the initiation of behaviors to reach one’s goal,

assessing one’s progress toward the goal, and adjusting one’s behaviors accordingly (e.g., Carver

& Scheier, 1990). While different self-regulatory strategies may involve some unique processes,

all regulatory strategies highlight the importance of effort, ability, and motivation.

In this chapter, we first discuss the role of motivation in the self-regulation of bias. Then,

we turn to discussion of a variety of strategies for self-regulating outgroup bias and their

consequences. We review strategies that involve suppressing or blocking stereotypes from the

mind and the potential consequences of these strategies. We also discuss motivational and

5

learning processes that facilitate vigilance against biases, inhibition of biases, and ultimately

replacement of biases with non-prejudiced responses. Self-regulation can also involve

establishing simple if-then statements that can be effective in reducing biased expressions.

Following discussion of these self-regulation strategies, we address the consequences of people’s

use of self-regulation during interracial interactions, including possible costs to regulators but

also advantages for the quality of interactions. Finally, we consider how interpersonal

confrontations of biases may spark the self-regulation of prejudice in others.

The literature concerning the self-regulation of bias, like the broader literature on

stereotyping and prejudice, is marked by an over-representation of research concerning Whites’

bias in relation to Blacks in the United States context. This is due to a variety of factors,

including the pervasiveness of this type of bias both historically and contemporarily in the

United States. Readers will find that empirical research summarized in this chapter likewise

frequently focuses on the regulation of anti-Black bias, although certainly not exclusively.

Perhaps more important, we wish to highlight that the theories and strategies relevant to self-

regulation that we discuss should apply to intergroup biases broadly as long as the conditions for

regulation (e.g., sufficient motivation) have been met.

Motivation to Self-Regulate

Regardless of the specific self-regulation strategy, the ability to successfully regulate

one’s bias depends in large part on one’s motivation to do so. However, the motivation to control

prejudice is not a unitary construct that people either have or do not have. Instead, this

motivation can come from external and internal sources and vary according to their strength

(Plant & Devine, 1998). When motivation to regulate prejudice is primarily external, social

norms, fear of disapproval from others, or other pressures from external sources drive self-

6

regulation. However, when motivation to regulate is primarily internal, personal egalitarian

beliefs and internal standards drive self-regulation. Low prejudice individuals are often highly

internally motivated to regulate prejudice because egalitarianism is personally important to them

(e.g., Devine, 1989). Some people are simultaneously motivated by both external and internal

sources.

Drawing from self-determination theory (e.g., Ryan & Deci, 2000), Legault and

colleagues conceptualized motivation to regulate bias on a continuum from non-self-determined

to self-determined (Legault, Green-Demers, Grant, & Chung, 2007). Taking a developmental

approach, this view of motivation posits that individuals start with no motivation to regulate or

respond without bias. This lack of motivation, labeled amotivation, will develop into external

regulation as individuals begin to feel external pressures to be egalitarian (e.g., social norms).

For people with external regulation, the motivation to reduce prejudiced behaviors stems from

self-presentational concerns in specific situations. Over time, individuals may begin to develop

affective reactions to self-regulatory failures. Anxiety, guilt, and fear motivate these people to

engage in introjected regulation. When individuals start to value egalitarianism as an important

societal norm, but before it becomes incorporated into their self-concept, they engage in what is

referred to as identified regulation. With the integration of egalitarian values into the self-

concept, people will engage in more self-determined prejudice regulatory efforts, or integrated

regulation. Finally, when regulating one’s bias is purely internally driven, inherently satisfying,

and a core component of one’s self-concept, people are deemed intrinsically motivated to

respond without bias.

Motivation to respond without prejudice affects when people will engage in self-

regulation, and the effectiveness of their efforts. Because they are attuned primarily to external

7

norms and social pressure, people with less self-determined, more external forms of motivation

are more likely to engage in self-regulation only in situations where external forces are relatively

strong and salient. On the other hand, people with more self-determined and internal forms of

motivation are likely to engage in self-regulation more consistently, and even in the absence of

external pressure, because they are driven by their personal, deeply held beliefs and standards to

avoid bias (e.g., Plant & Devine, 1998). Furthermore, people with more self-determined, internal

motivations to respond without prejudice may be more effective at regulating bias and its

negative consequences. Self-determined motivations to regulate prejudice help individuals to

buffer the negative impact of intergroup threat, whereas non-self-determined motivations

exacerbate the effects of intergroup threat (Legault & Green-Demers, 2012). In addition, when

motivation to respond without prejudice was experimentally manipulated, individuals who read

brochures emphasizing their personal autonomy in regulating prejudice reported greater self-

determined motivations and lower levels of both implicit and explicit prejudice relative to

individuals who read a brochure emphasizing society’s expectations against prejudice (Legault et

al., 2007). Devine, Plant and Amodio (2002) likewise showed that self-reported motivations

vary with the ability to control implicit as well as explicit bias.

In sum, when people have sufficient motivation, they will engage in efforts to respond

without bias. Next, we examine a variety of strategies that people may use to regulate bias.

Strategies for Regulating Outgroup Bias

Stereotype Suppression

When faced with the prospect of having biased thoughts or engaging in biased actions,

people may attempt to avoid bias by suppressing any stereotypic thoughts that come to mind.

Unfortunately, stereotype suppression often backfires due to an ironic monitoring process in the

8

mind (Macrae, Bodenhausen, Milne, & Jetten, 1994; Wegner, 1994). According to Wegner’s

(1994) model of mental control, efforts to actively avoid certain (e.g., prejudiced) thoughts

require active monitoring of ongoing thought processes in order to detect and then suppress the

unwanted content. This monitoring process subsequently primes individuals with the unwanted

thoughts, unfortunately increasing their accessibility. To illustrate, Macrae and colleagues (1994)

instructed participants to suppress stereotypic thoughts when writing about a day in the life of a

skinhead. On a subsequent writing task, participants who had initially suppressed stereotypic

thoughts provided more stereotypic comments about skinheads than participants who did not

initially suppress stereotypes (Study 1). Similar effects have been obtained with behavioral

measures of stereotyping (Study 2) and stereotype accessibility measures (Study 3). This ironic

stereotype rebound also emerges when people self-instigate suppression rather than being

explicitly instructed to suppress (Macrae, Bodenhausen, & Milne, 1998).

Despite potential pitfalls, stereotype suppression can be effective if people possess

internal motivation or sufficient cognitive resources (Monteith, Sherman, & Devine, 1998).

People who are internally motivated to avoid stereotyping and/or low in prejudice are less likely

to experience stereotype rebound, presumably because they have practice with suppression and

accessible nonbiased replacements (Monteith, Spicer, & Tooman, 1998). Stereotype rebound

may also be avoided among people who are less practiced at suppression if they possess

sufficient cognitive resources to continue monitoring their thoughts following suppression

(Gailliot, Plant, Butz, & Baumeister, 2007; Monteith, Spicer et al., 1998; Wyer, Sherman, &

Stroessner, 2000).

Colorblindness

9

Whereas stereotype suppression involves the active avoidance of stereotypes,

colorblindness involves ignoring group-based differences (Goff, Jackson, Nichols, & DiLeone,

2013; Rattan & Ambady, 2013). For example, someone may claim “I don’t see color, I just see

people.” Colorblindness may appear to be an easy and straightforward way to avoid prejudice.

Unfortunately, colorblindness has limited benefits and many negative consequences. Correll,

Park, and Smith (2008) found that strategic colorblindness reduced explicit prejudice, but only

short-term. Following a 20-minute delay, adopting a colorblind ideology resulted in a rebound of

explicit bias. In addition, participants who adopted a colorblind ideology did not show any

differences in implicit bias. Other research similarly suggests that although colorblindness may

result in less stereotyping (e.g., Wolsko, Park, Judd, & Wittenbrink, 2000), avoiding racial

categorization may actually increase prejudice (Richeson & Nussbaum, 2004), ethnocentrism

(Ryan, Hunt, Weible, Peterson, & Casas, 2007), failure to recognize discrimination (Apfelbaum,

Pauker, Sommers, & Ambady, 2010), and failure to support programs aimed at discrimination

amelioration (Mazzocco, Cooper, & Flint, 2011). Troublingly, strategically ignoring race can

impede interracial interactions and cooperative tasks. For example, participants who adopted

strategic colorblindness in an interracial interaction were perceived as less friendly by Black

interaction partners (Apfelbaum, Sommers, & Norton, 2008). Finally, colorblindness can impair

performance on cooperative tasks where the discussion of race can be useful or beneficial

(Norton, Sommers, Apfelbaum, Pura, & Ariely, 2006).

In sum, although stereotype suppression and colorblindness may be useful forms of

prejudice regulation in some cases, these strategies are limited forms of regulation. By requiring

individuals to suppress intrusive thoughts of stereotypes or race, these strategies often lead to the

ironic increase of these unwanted thoughts. By focusing on preventing thoughts from entering

10

one’s mind, these strategies do not provide individuals with the tools to set long-term egalitarian

goals and may fail to produce lasting change.

The Self-Regulation Model of Prejudice

The Self-Regulation of Prejudice Model (SRP; Monteith, 1993) provides an alternative

self-regulatory strategy where individuals actively monitor their environment in order to detect

and replace biased thoughts rather than simply ignoring or attempting to suppress them.

As shown in Figure 1, the SRP begins by with the well-documented finding that the

automatic activation and application of stereotypes is very common, even among individuals

who are egalitarian-minded (e.g., Banaji, Hardin, & Rothman, 1993; Bargh, Chen, & Burrows,

1996; Devine, 1989; Greenwald & Banaji, 1995). For people who value egalitarianism and wish

to control prejudice because of their personal standards, reliance on stereotypes constitutes self-

relevant discrepancies. Similarly, externally motivated people can experience discrepancies

when their biased responses conflict with standards imposed by others (Monteith, Mark, &

Ashburn-Nardo, 2010; Monteith, Devine, & Zuwerink, 1993). When individuals become aware

of their discrepant responses, the SRP model outlines a series of consequences that facilitate

future self-regulatory efforts.

According to the SRP, once a biased response is recognized as discrepant with one’s

standards, individuals experience increased negative affect. This negative affect is directed

toward the self (e.g., guilt and disappointment with the self) if one’s biased response conflicts

with internalized personal standards, and is a more generalized discomfort if the biased response

violates external standards (see Higgins, 1987). In keeping with motivation and learning theories

(Gray, 1982; Gray & McNaughton, 1996), awareness of a discrepant response results in the

activation of the behavioral inhibition system (BIS) and in the momentary disruption of ongoing

11

responding. When the BIS is activated, individuals pay more attention to the features of the

situation related to the discrepancy, called retrospective reflection. Taken together, these

consequences of a discrepant response result in the formation of associations between the

discrepancy, stimuli present, and the negative affect experienced – referred to as cues for control.

When these cues are present in future situations, they will trigger activation of the BIS. BIS

activation causes behavioral inhibition and prospective reflection, prompting a person to pay

more attention to their ongoing thoughts and behaviors. This disruption of ongoing responding

and increased attention will allow individuals to inhibit prejudiced responses before they occur

and generate alternate responses.

To illustrate, imagine Andy, a White man, is walking through a crowded mall. Like many

people, Andy thinks of himself as a tolerant, fair, and egalitarian person. As Andy is walking, he

happens to see a Black man holding a purse. The thought, “I bet he stole that purse”

automatically enters Andy’s mind. Just then, he sees a woman emerge from a store, take the

purse, and put it over her shoulder. Suddenly, Andy realizes that he stereotyped the Black man as

a criminal. Andy might wonder why he had this negative thought. Why did he assume this man

was a thief when he was just standing there? Would Andy have responded the same way if the

man was White? He feels guilty, and the natural activity of the BIS causes him to momentarily

pause and note stimuli in this situation (e.g., his location, what he was doing, the race of the

other person, etc.). Upon encountering these cues in the future when a similarly biased response

may occur, Andy’s BIS will likely become activated and he will be able to inhibit biased

thoughts while maintaining an egalitarian mindset.

Empirical Support for the Self-Regulation Model of Prejudice

12

We turn now to an examination of empirical support for each aspect of the SRP model.

Central to the SRP is the idea that individuals are capable of detecting discrepancies between

their biased responses and their more egalitarian standards for responding. To understand

people’s ability to detect discrepancies, researchers have used the Should-Would Discrepancy

scale (e.g., Devine, Monteith, Zuwerink, & Elliot, 1991; Monteith, Devine, & Zuwerink, 1993;

Monteith & Voils, 1998; Monteith & Mark, 2005). The Should-Would Discrepancy

Questionnaire asks participants to rate the extent to which they should act in a biased ways and

the extent to which they would act in a biased way across numerous situations. For instance,

participants rate the extent they should feel uncomfortable sitting next to a Black person on a bus

and the extent to which they would feel uncomfortable doing so. Research using this task

consistently demonstrates that many participants report that their shoulds are more prejudiced

than their woulds, thus revealing discrepancies.

Importantly, people attend to and are aware of discrepancies in their everyday lives.

Monteith, Mark, and Ashburn-Nardo (2010) asked White participants to recall and describe past

instances in which they thought about, felt about, or behaved toward Blacks in ways that they

recognized were discrepant from their either personal standards or social standards. Following

this interview, participants completed the Should-Would Discrepancy scale. Most participants

reported discrepancy experiences (e.g., feeling afraid of Black men on the subway). In addition,

the number of reported discrepancy experiences was positively related to the magnitude of scores

on the Should-Would discrepancy scale. Monteith and Voils (1998) examined whether responses

on the Should-Would Discrepancy scale predict actual behaviors in situations where one might

respond in a prejudiced way. White participants who had completed the Should-Would

Discrepancy scale during a separate mass testing procedure were brought to the lab for a study

13

on humor. Participants evaluated many jokes, some of which played on negative stereotypes of

Blacks, while experiencing either high or low cognitive load. Low prejudice participants who

had reported larger discrepancies between their shoulds and woulds were more likely to

positively evaluate racist jokes if they were under high than low cognitive load. However, low

prejudice participants with smaller discrepancies evaluated these same racially biased jokes

unfavorably even when they were distracted. In other words, participants’ self-reported ability to

regulate biased responses corresponded to their actual ability to control biased responding to the

racial jokes.

Such discrepancy-related findings suggest that individuals are often aware of their

outgroup biases that conflict with their standards for responding. Does awareness of

discrepancies give rise to affective reactions, as the SRP suggests? Prior research has

consistently shown that individuals low in prejudice who experience larger discrepancies when

completing the Should-Would scale subsequently report elevated levels of negative self-directed

affect, relative to participants with smaller discrepancies. Importantly, this type of affect is

critical for consistently motivating subsequent efforts to control prejudice (e.g., Monteith, 1993).

Conversely, high-prejudice individuals who experience larger discrepancies when completing the

Should-Would Questionnaire subsequently report greater general discomfort, but not greater

negative self-directed affect, than their counterparts with smaller discrepancies (e.g., Devine et

al., 1991; Monteith et al., 1993). Although discomfort can motivate self-regulation in some

situations, it is less likely to do so as consistently as negative self-directed affect.

The discrepancy-affect link has been demonstrated in other ways as well. Fehr and

Sassenberg (2010) had participants complete an IAT and receive feedback suggesting they held

negative attitudes toward Arabs. To the extent that this IAT feedback was discrepant from the

14

individual’s self-standards, participants reported greater guilt and dissatisfaction with themselves

(see also Monteith, Voils, & Ashburn-Nardo, 2001). Discrepancy-related affect has also been

induced experimentally by leading participants to believe that they have made biased responses

(e.g., Monteith, 1993; Monteith Ashburn-Nardo, Voils, & Czopp, 2002). For instance, Amodio,

Devine, and Harmon-Jones (2007) provided participants with fixed feedback concerning their

neurological reactions in response to viewing images of White, Black, and Asian faces.

Participants low in prejudice were led to believe that EEG recordings indicated negative

reactions to Black faces relative to White and Asian faces. Following this fixed feedback,

participants reported greater guilt relative to baseline levels measured previously.

In addition to prompting feelings of guilt, the SRP model posits that awareness of

discrepant responses prompts behavioral inhibition, or the disruption of ongoing responses.

Monteith, Ashburn-Nardo, Voils, and Czopp (2002) gave low-prejudice, White participants’

fixed physiological feedback suggesting they were reacting negatively to images of Blacks. This

feedback caused participants to pause briefly, taking milliseconds longer than a comparison

condition to advance to the next screen. Such momentary pauses theoretically facilitate

retrospective reflection, or attending closely to features of the environment associated with the

discrepancy. Furthermore, this behavioral inhibition serves an important purpose, directing

attention to the discrepancy and related information. When the low-prejudice participants in

Monteith et al.’s (2002) investigation were asked to list their thoughts about the experiment at

the end of the study, participants who believed they had negative reactions to photos of Blacks

were significantly more likely to list thoughts associated with their negative feedback, their

reactions to the feedback, and race-related topics than participants who believed they had

negative reactions to neutral pictures (see also Monteith, 1993).

15

Awareness of discrepant responses leads to feelings of guilt and to behavioral inhibition;

however, these outcomes alone are not enough to facilitate effective self-regulation. If Andy

from our earlier example simply notices and reflects upon how he behaved in a prejudiced way,

he is no less likely to be biased in the future. Rather, in order to change his future behavior he

must form associations between the discrepancy, negative affect, and features of the environment

to encode cues for control. When he recognizes these relevant cues for control in the future, he

be able to inhibit or replace biased responses and prevent another discrepancy from occurring.

To examine the development and operation of these cues for control, Monteith (1993,

Study 2) gave low-prejudice participants feedback that they were prone to subtly biased

homophobic reactions. In an ostensibly separate study, these participants evaluated twelve jokes,

two of which were based on stereotypes about gays. Believing that this second task was

unrelated to their feedback, the participants recognized the cues they had established previously

(e.g., a task dealing with stereotypes of homosexuals) and inhibited their prejudiced responses.

Specifically, participants who received discrepant feedback took longer to evaluate these jokes

and evaluated the jokes less favorably than participants in a control condition. In other research,

low-prejudiced participants complete a race-based IAT and received bogus feedback that they

were biased against Blacks (Monteith et al., 2002). In a second supposedly unrelated task,

participants were presented with a single word one-at-a-time and were asked to indicate whether

they liked or disliked each word. Embedded among fillers were traditionally Black names that

had also been used earlier in the IAT. To the extent that participants experienced guilt following

IAT feedback, they took longer to evaluate the Black names (prospective reflection) and

evaluated them more favorably.

16

The process of generating alternatives to prejudiced responses can involve replacement

with non-biased responses, as in the examples above, or other processes. For instance, people

may gather more information and individuate outgroup members (e.g., Fiske & Neuberg, 1990;

Fiske, Lin, & Neuberg, 1999) or initiate positive intergroup contact (e.g., Esses & Dovidio,

2002) as a means to generating non-biased responses.

Before concluding this section, we wish to underscore that self-regulating prejudice

through the steps outlined by the SRP model applies well to low-prejudice individuals who

personally value egalitarianism. However, the SRP model can also apply to high-prejudice

individuals who are externally motivated to control their prejudice. For instance, when White

participants were led through a guided interview concerning the development of cues for control,

one high-prejudice participant reported:

My roommate’s Black and sometimes when we’re watching shows they kinda like make the Blacks look trashy, you know like on Jerry Springer… I was laughing at it but he wasn’t really and it kind of automatically made me feel like I had done something wrong so I felt bad… I didn’t want him to think, “Well he looks like some kind of racist.

When asked about future concern and intent to regulate, the same participant responded:

If something on TV comes up that’s like shady you know it’s like I think about it… you know I think about it to make sure that it doesn’t happen again in case he actually was mad about it. I wouldn’t laugh out loud if I thought maybe it would be offensive to someone else. I’m just a little more careful now (Monteith et al., 2010).

Through external pressures such as those reported by this one participant, the SRP can help

explain how individuals high in prejudice establish cues for control - albeit for external reasons.

Implementation Intentions

For people to successfully self-regulate, they must be able to recognize cues that lead to

prejudice responses. Upon acknowledging these situational features, people can take steps to

prevent themselves from falling into similar prejudiced patterns of behavior in the future. By

17

establishing implementation intentions (Fujita, 2011; Gollwitzer, 1999; Gollwitzer & Sheeran,

2006) people form specific “if-then” plans of action to follow when they encounter a specific cue

for control. In the case of regulating prejudice, an individual might form the if-then plan: “If I see

a Black person at the mall, then I will think this person is shopping.” When such implementation

intentions are formed, the cues activating these statements (i.e., seeing a Black person at the

mall) become more salient and the intended then response (i.e., assuming the person is shopping)

occurs more quickly, reflexively (Gollwitzer & Brandstätter, 1997), and with less effort (Bayer,

Achtziger, Gollwitzer, & Moskowitz, 2009).

As a means of regulating bias, implementation intentions can be useful by defining

desired outcomes. For example, Stewart and Payne (2008) instructed participants to form the

implementation intention to think “good” when they saw a Black person during a race-IAT or to

think “safe” when engaging in the weapon-identification task (a task assessing implicit

associations between weapons versus neutral objects with Whites and Blacks; Payne, 2001).

Forming this simple implementation intention significantly reduced automatic stereotype bias on

both tasks. Similarly, Mendoza, Gollwitzer, and Amodio (2010) investigated how

implementation intentions affect responding on the Shooter Bias Task (Correll, Park, Judd, &

Wittenbrink, 2005). The Shooter Bias Task is a computerized program where participants are

instructed to “shoot” when an image of an armed person appears and “not shoot” when an image

of an unarmed person appears. Previous research demonstrates a consistent bias where people

incorrectly shoot unarmed Black targets more frequently than unarmed White targets.

Participants given the implementation intention to ignore the race of the target or to focus on

whether the person was armed or not made fewer errors than those without such implementation

intentions.

18

Due to the specificity of if-then statements, forming specific implementation intentions

may not have generalized bias reductions effects. That is, although forming the implementation

intention “If I see a Black person at the mall, I will think they are shopping” may help in the

context of a mall or shopping centers, this implementation intention may be ineffective across

more diverse situations. Additionally, broader implementation intentions such as, “If I see a

Black person, then I will ignore their race” may result in ironic negative consequences

(Apfelbaum et al., 2008; Apfelbaum et al., 2010; Vorauer, Gagnon, & Sasaki, 2009).

Nonetheless, implementation intentions can be used effectively in conjunction with other

regulatory strategies. For instance, once a cue for control has been identified, pairing this cue

with an implementation intention to think carefully before responding can help slow down

automatic responding and encourage people to take in more information before engaging in a

behavior (Mendoza et al., 2010).

Self-Regulation, Executive Function, and Intergroup Contact

All of the self-regulation strategies discussed in this chapter require effort. Monitoring

one’s thoughts and behaviors, paying attention to cues in the environment, and inhibiting

prejudiced responses can be taxing. Because both implicit and explicit bias can affect how

interracial interactions are experienced by both White and Black interaction members (Dovidio,

Kawakami, & Gaertner, 2002), effective regulation is needed. However, cognitive depletion due

to effortful regulation may reduce the quality of the interracial interaction. Consistent with this

possibility, many of the problems Whites experience in interracial interactions stem from their

desire to appear nonprejudiced, their desire to avoid offending interaction partners, and their

uncertainty about the best way to achieve these positive outcomes (Apfelbaum et al., 2008; Plant,

2004; Richeson & Shelton, 2007).

19

Richeson and Shelton (2003) examined some of the difficulties associated with regulation

during interracial interactions by measuring Whites’ implicit racial attitudes (via the IAT) prior

to an interaction with a White or a Black experimenter. Interestingly, Whites higher in implicit

bias demonstrated more positive nonverbal behaviors toward their Black interaction partner

relative to Whites lower in bias. Following the interaction, participants completed a measure of

cognitive depletion. Because interracial interactions require a great deal of self-regulation among

individuals higher in implicit racial bias, these participants experienced greater cognitive

impairment after interacting with a Black, but not White, experimenter.

Increased regulatory efforts have also been induced experimentally through manipulating

concern with appearing prejudiced. In one line of research, White participants complete a race-

IAT before being randomly assigned to a prejudice concern condition or a control condition

(Richeson & Trawalter, 2005). Participants in the prejudice concern condition received IAT

feedback telling them that “most people are more prejudiced than they think they are.”

Participants then interacted with either a White or Black interaction partner and completed a

measure of cognitive depletion. Participants induced to be more concerned about prejudice prior

to the interaction experienced greater self-regulatory demands and suffered greater cognitive

depletion if they interacted with a Black partner than if they interacted with a White partner.

Though interracial interactions can be cognitively depleting, research points to a number

of strategies to help reduce depletion associated with self-regulation. For instance, individuals

who adopt an approach or promotion mindset are less depleted following self-regulation relative

to individuals who adopt avoidance or prevention mindsets (Oertig, Schuler, Schnelle,

Bandstätter, Roskes, & Elliott, 2013; Trawalter & Richeson, 2006). In addition, research from

the broader self-regulation literature suggests that positive affect (Tice, Baumeister, Shmeuli, &

20

Muraven, 2007), regulatory practice (Gailliot et al., 2007), and the use of implementation

intentions can reduce depletion following self-regulation (Webb & Sheeran, 2003).

Inroads to Self-Regulation: Interpersonal Confrontations

Even if individuals are motivated and able to self-regulate their biases, they may not

always notice their own biased responses. By pointing out biases, interpersonal confrontations

may encourage bias regulation. Czopp, Monteith, and Mark (2006) examined the self-regulatory

consequences of interpersonal confrontations of prejudice. At the beginning of the study,

participants generated inferences about individuals based on a single photograph and a small

amount of information about the person. For example, participants saw a picture of a White man

and the description “This person works with numbers.” Participants then freely generated a

description of this person such as “accountant” or “math teacher.” Embedded within 20

photograph-description pairs were critical trials with a photograph of a Black man paired with

descriptions likely to yield a stereotypic response (e.g., “This person can be found behind bars”

might elicit the response “criminal” rather than a nonstereotypic alternative such as “bartender”).

Then some participants were confronted about their stereotype-consistent responses. Following

the confrontation, participants reported greater guilt and self-disappointment, and provided

significantly fewer stereotypic responses on a later stereotype inference task than non-confronted

participants (Czopp et al., 2006).

Confrontations are more or less effective at reducing bias depending on the type of bias

confronted and characteristics of the confronter. For instance, confrontations of racism are often

effective in reducing subsequent racially biased responses. However, people may view

confrontations of sexism as illegitimate or unnecessary because social norms against sexism are

weaker than those against racism (Fiske & Stevens, 1993) and gender stereotypes are often

21

perceived as positive (Czopp & Monteith, 2003). Indeed, research directly comparing

confrontations of racism and sexism find that confrontations of gender bias result in less guilt,

less corrective behaviors, less concern, and greater amusement relative to confrontations of

racism (Czopp & Monteith, 2003; Gulker, Mark, & Monteith, 2013).

Characteristics of the confronter similarly influence the efficacy of a confrontation. For

instance, while nontargets (e.g., males who confront sexism toward women) may have difficulty

recognizing bias or may not feel comfortable confronting racism or sexism, these confrontations

may be more effective than confrontations by target group members (Czopp & Monteith, 2003;

Drury & Kaiser, 2014; Gulker et al., 2013; Rasinski & Czopp, 2010; Saunders & Senn, 2009).

Because confronting sexism/racism has no apparent benefit for men/Whites, nontarget

confrontations are perceived as less self-interested and more persuasive (Drury & Kaiser, 2014;

Gervais & Hillard, 2014; Gulker et al., 2013).

Finally, beyond bringing to light one’s own biases, confrontations also help encourage

self-regulation by creating egalitarian norms and expectations of others. These norms may then

help motivate individuals with egalitarian self-concepts to live up to these standards and regulate

negative thoughts and behaviors in the future (e.g., Blanchard, Crandall, Brigham, & Vaughn,

1994; Blanchard, Lilly, & Vaughn, 1991; Monteith, Deneen, & Tooman, 1996).

Conclusion

As we’ve seen in this chapter, the accumulated evidence of people’s ability to

successfully regulate stereotypes and prejudice demonstrates that bias can be tamed. Although

there are several strategies that may help people regulate their bias, some strategies are more

effective than others at promoting long term reduction of bias across a variety of situations.

Furthermore, people’s internal and external motivations to respond without prejudice play a role

22

in the effectiveness of their efforts to respond without bias. Importantly, self-regulation

strategies can have important consequences for people’s lives, as demonstrated by the reviewed

literature on self-regulation and interracial interactions.

Although we believe self-regulation is an effective and useful means for reducing

prejudice, it is no silver bullet. In order to successfully combat bias, people must first be aware of

the need for self-regulation of bias. For this reason, interpersonal confrontations of prejudice are

an effective way to jump start the self-regulatory process in others. Confrontations not only

increase people’s awareness of their own biased responses, but also decrease the likelihood that

they will make the same biased response in the future. Beyond awareness of the need for self-

regulation, people need to know how to implement effective strategies to achieve control, and

need to be sufficiently motivated to practice self-regulatory strategies with consistency and

persistence. These factors stand between the capability for and the realization of successful self-

regulation.

To the extent that subtle bias contributes to ongoing inequality and discrimination, self-

regulation strategies provide useful tools for combatting both subtle bias and its pernicious

consequences. Once again, the tragic death of Jonathan Ferrell has raised concerns in the eyes of

the public that subtle biases may contribute to harsher and more punitive treatment of young,

Black men at the hands of police officers. Sadly, this is not the only event of police shootings

involving Blacks where racial biases have been implicated. The deaths of Trayvon Martin,

Michael Brown, Sandra Bland and other young Black Americans have all led to greater media

coverage of and public attention toward persisting racial prejudice and inequality in the U.S. For

example, in his piece published in the wake of Michael Brown’s death, “The Science of Why

Cops Shoot Young Black Men,” Chris Mooney explored the role implicit bias may play in the

23

shooting deaths of Black men and women at the hands of the police. Although retroactively

determining whether race actually did play a role in these types of situations is not possible, we

do know from the vast literature that intergroup biases, often very subtle in nature and

unintended, continue to support unequal playing fields and disparate outcomes.  Efforts to raise

awareness of and teach strategies for effective self-regulation are sorely needed due to the

persistence of subtle bias and the potential of self-regulation to stop bias in its tracks.

24

References

Amodio, D. M., Devine, P. G., & Harmon-Jones, E. (2007). A dynamic model of guilt:

Implications for motivation and self-regulation in the context of prejudice. Psychological

Science, 18, 524-530.

Apfelbaum, E. P., Pauker, K., Sommers, S. R., & Ambady, N. (2010). In blind pursuit of racial

equality? Psychological Science, 21, 157-1592.

Apfelbaum, E. P., Sommers, S. R., & Norton, M. I. (2008). Seeing race and seeming racist?

Evaluating strategic colorblindness in social interaction. Journal of Personality and

Social Psychology, 95, 918-932.

Axt, J.R., Ebersole, C.R., & Nosek, B.A. (2014). The rules of implicit evaluation by race,

religion, and age. Psychological Science, 25, 1804-1815.

Banaji, M. R., Hardin, C., & Rothman, A. J. (1993). Implicit stereotyping in person judgment.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65, 272-281.

Bargh, J. A., Chen, M., & Burrows, L. (1996). Automaticity of social behavior: Direct effects of

trait construct and stereotype activation on action. Journal of Personality and social

Psychology, 71, 230-244.

Bayer, U. C., Achtziger, A., Gollwitzer, P. M., & Moskowitz, G. (2009). Responding to

subliminal cues: Do if-then plans facilitate action preparation and initiation without

conscious intent? Social Cognition, 27, 183-201.

Blanchard, F. A., Crandall, C. S., Brigham, J. C., & Vaughn, L. A. (1994). Condemning and

condoning racism: A social context approach to interracial settings. Journal of Applied

Psychology, 79, 993-997.

25

Blanchard, E. A., Lilly, T., & Vaughn, L. A. (1991). Reducing the expression of racial

prejudice. Psychological Science, 2, 101-105.

Carver, C. S., & Scheier, M. F. (1990). Origins and functions of positive and negative affect: A

control-process view. Psychological Review, 97, 19-35.

Correll, J., Park, B., Judd, C. M., & Wittenbrink, B. (2002). The police officer’s dilemma: Using

ethnicity to disambiguate potentially threatening individuals. Journal of Personality and

Social Psychology 83, 1314-1329.

Correll, J., Park, B., & Smith, J. A. (2008). Colorblind and multicultural prejudice reduction

strategies in high-conflict situations. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 11, 471-

491.

Czopp, A. M., & Monteith, M. J. (2003). Confronting prejudice (literally): Reactions to

confrontations of racial and gender bias. Personality and social Psychology Bulletin, 29,

532-544.

Czopp, A. M., Monteith, M. J., & Mark, A. Y. (2006). Standing up for a change: Reducing bias

through interpersonal confrontation. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90,

784-803.

Devine, P. G. (1989). Stereotypes and prejudice: Their automatic and controlled components.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 56, 5-18.

Devine, P. G., Monteith, M. J., Zuwerink, J. R., & Elliot, A. J. (1991). Prejudice with and

without compunction, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 60, 817-830.

Devine, P.G., Plant, E.A., & Amodio, D.M. (2002). The regulation of explicit and implicit race

bias: The role of motivations to respond without prejudice. Journal of Personality and

Social Psychology, 85, 835-848.

26

Dovidio, J. F., Kawakami, K., & Gaertner S. L. (2002). Implicit and explicit prejudice and

interracial interactions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 82, 62-68.

Drury, B. J., & Kaiser, C. R. (2014). Allies against sexism: The role of confronting sexism.

Journal of Social Issues, 70, 637-652.

Esses, V. M., & Dovidio, J. F. (2002). The role of emotions in determining willingness to engage

in intergroup contact. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 28, 1202-1214.

Fehr, J., & Sassenberg, K. (2010). Willing and able: How internal motivation and failure help to

overcome prejudice. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 13, 167-181.

Fiske, S. T. & Neuberg, S. L. (1990). A continuum of impression formation, from category-

based to individuating processes: Influences of information and motivation on attention

and interpretation. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 23, 1-74.

Fiske, S. T., & Stevens, L. E. (1993). What’s So Special About Sex? Gender Stereotyping and

Discrimination. Sage Publications, INC.

Fiske, S. T., Lin, M., & Neuberg, S. (1999). The continuum model. Dual-Process Theories in

Social Psychology, 231-254.

Fujita, K. (2011). On conceptualizing self-control as more than the effortful inhibition of

impulses. Personality and social Psychology Review, 15, 352-366.

Gailliot, M. T., Plant, E. A., Butz, D. A., & Baumeister, R. F. (2007). Increasing self-regulatory

strength can reduce the depleting effect of suppressing stereotypes. Personality and

Social Psychological Bulletin, 33, 281-294.

Gervais, S. J. & Hillard, A. L. (2014). Confronting sexism as persuasion. Effects of a

confrontations’ recipient, source, message, and context. Journal of Social Issues, 70, 653-

667.

27

Goff, P. A., Jackson, M. C., Nichols, A. H., & DiLeone, B. A. L. (2013). Anything but race:

Avoiding racial discourse to avoid hurting you or me. Psychology, 4, 335-339.

Gollwitzer, P. M. (1999). Implementation intentions: Strong effects of simple plans. American

Psychologist, 54, 493-503.

Gollwitzer, P. M., & Brandstätter, V. (1997). Implementation intentions and effective goal

pursuit. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 73, 186-199.

Gollwitzer, P. M., & Sheeran, P. (2006). Implementation intentions and goal achievement: A

meta-analysis of effects and processes. In M.P. Zanna (Ed.), Advances in experimental

social psychology (pp. 60-119). San Diego, CA: Academic Press.

Gray, J. A. (1982). The neuropsychology of anxiety: An enquiry into the functions of the septo-

hippocampal system. New York: Oxford University Press.

Gray, J. A., & McNaughton, N. (1996). The neuropsychology of anxiety: Reprise. In Hope,

D.A. (Ed.), Nebraska Symposium on Motivation, 1995: Perspectives on anxiety, panic,

and fear. Current theory and research in motivation, Vol. 43. (pp. 61-134). Lincoln,

NE: University of Nebraska Press.

Green, A. R., Carney, D. R., Palling, D. J., Ngo, L. H., Raymond, K. L., Iezzoni, L. I., Banaji, M.

R. (2007). Implicit bias among physicians and its prediction of thrombolyosis decision

for black and white patients. Journal of General Internal Medicine, 22, 1231-1238.

Greenwald, A. B., & Banaji, M. R. (1995). Implicit social cognition: Attitudes, self-esteem, and

stereotypes, Psychological Review, 102, 4-27.

Gulker, J. E., Mark, A. Y., & Monteith, M. J. (2013). Confronting prejudice: The who, what, and

why of confrontation effectiveness. Social Influence, 8, 280-293.

28

Higgins, E. T. (1987). Self-discrepancy theory: A theory relating self and affect. Psychological

Review, 94, 319-340.

King, J., & Stapleton, A. (2013, September 9). Charlotte police kill ex-FAMU player who may

have been running to them for help, CNN. Retrieved from http://edition.cnn.com/

2013/09/15/justice/north-carolina-police-shooting/

Legault, L., & Green-Demers, I. (2012). The protective role of self-determined prejudice

regulation in the relationship between intergroup threat and prejudice. Motivation and

Emotion, 36 143-158.

Legault, L., Green-Demers, I., Grant, P., & Chung, J. (2007). On the self-regulation of implicit

and explicit prejudice: A self-determination theory perspective. Personality and Social

Psychology Bulletin, 33, 732-749.

Macrae, C. N., Bodenhausen, G. V., & Milne, A. B. (1998). Saying no to unwanted thoughts:

Self-focus and the regulation of mental life. Journal of Personality and Social

Psychology, 74, 578-589.

Macrae, C. N., Bodenhausen, G.V., Milne, A. B., & Jetten, J. (1994). Out of mind but back in

sight: Stereotypes on the rebound. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67,

808-817.

Mazzocco, P. J., Cooper, L. W., & Flint, M. (2012). Different shades of racial colorblindness:

The role of prejudice. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 15, 167-178.

Mendoza, S. A., Gollwitzer, P. M., & Amodio, D. M. (2010). Reducing the expression of

implicit stereotypes: Reflexive control through implementation intentions. Personality

and Social Psychology Bulletin, 46, 512-523.

29

Mischel, W. (1996). From good intentions to willpower. In P.M. Gollwitzer & J.A. Bargh

(Eds.), The psychology of action: Linking cognition and motivation to behavior (pp. 197-

218). New York: Guilford Press.

Monteith, M. J. (1993). Self-regulation of prejudiced responses: Implications for progress in

prejudice reduction efforts. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65, 469-485.

Monteith, M. J., Ashburn-Nardo, L., Voils, C. I., & Czopp, A. M. (2002). Putting the brakes on

prejudice: On the development and operation of cues for control. Journal of Personality

and Social Psychology, 83, 1029-1050.

Monteith, M. J., Deneen, N. E., & Tooman, G. D. (1996). The effect of social norm activation

on the expression of opinions concerning gay men and Blacks. Basic and Applied Social

Psychology, 18, 267-287.

Monteith, M. J., Devine, P. G., & Zuwerink, J. R. (1993). Self-directed versus other-directed

affect as a consequence of prejudice-related discrepancies. Journal of Personality and

Social Psychology, 64, 198-210.

Monteith, M. J., & Mark, A. Y. (2005). Changing one’s prejudice ways: Awareness, affect, and

self-regulation. European Review of Social Psychology, 16, 113-154.

Monteith, M. J., Mark, A.Y., & Ashburn-Nardo, L. (2010). The self-regulation of prejudice:

Toward understanding its lived character. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 13,

183-200.

Monteith, M. J., Sherman, J., & Devine, P. G. (1998). Suppression as a stereotype control

strategy. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 2, 63-82.

30

Monteith, M. J., Spicer, C. V., & Tooman, G. (1998). Consequences of stereotype suppression:

stereotypes on and not on the rebound. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 34,

355-377.

Monteith, M. J., & Voils, C. I. (1998). Proneness to prejudiced responses: Toward

understanding the authenticity of self-reported discrepancies. Journal of Personality and

Social Psychology, 75, 901-916.

Monteith, M. J., Voils, C. I., & Ashburn-Nardo L. (2001). Taking a look underground:

Detecting, interpreting, and reacting to implicit racial biases. Social Cognition, 19, 365-

417.

Mooney, C. (2014, December). The science of why cops shoot young black men: And how to

reform our bigoted brains. Mother Jones. Retrieved from http://www.motherjones.com/

politics/2014/11/science-of-racism-prejudice

Norton, M. I., Sommers, S. R., & Apfelbaum, E. P., Pura, N., & Ariely, D. (2006) Color

blindness and interracial interactions: Playing the political correctness game.

Psychological Science, 17, 949-953.

Nosek, B. A., Banaji, M. R., & Greenwald, A. G. (2002). Harvesting implicit group attitudes and

beliefs from a demonstration website. Group Dynamics and Intergroup Relations, 6, 101-

115.

Oertig, D., Schüler, J., Schnelle, J., Brandstätter, V., Roskes, M., & Elliot, A. J. (2013).

Avoidance goal pursuit depletes self-regulatory resources. Journal of Personality, 81,

365-375,

Payne, B. K. (2001). Prejudice and perception: The role of automatic and controlled processes in

misperceiving a weapon. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 81, 181-192.

31

Plant, E. A. (2004). Responses to interracial interactions over time. Personality and Social

Psychology Bulletin, 30, 1458-1471.

Plant, E. A., & Devine, P. G. (1998). Internal and external motivation to respond without

prejudice. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75, 811-832.

Plant, E. A., & Devine, P. G. (2008). Interracial interactions: Approach and avoidance. In A. J.

Elliot, A. J. Elliot (Eds.), Handbook of approach and avoidance motivation (pp. 571-584).

New York, NY, US: Psychology Press.

Rasinski, H. M. & Czopp, A. M. (2010). The effect of target status on witnesses’ reactions to

confrontations of bias. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 32, 8-16.

Rattan, A., & Ambady, N. (2013). Diversity ideologies and intergroup relations: An examination

of colorblindness and multiculturalism. European Journal of Social Psychology, 43, 12-

21.

Richeson, J. A., & Nussbaum, R. J. (2004). The impact of multiculturalism versus color-

blindness on racial bias. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 40, 417-423.

Richeson, J. A., & Shelton, J. N. (2007). Negotiating interracial interactions: Costs,

consequences, and possibilities. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 16, 316-

320.

Richeson, J. A., & Shelton, J. N. (2003). When prejudice does not pay: Effects of interracial

contact on executive function. Psychological Science, 14, 287-290.

Richeson, J. A., & Trawalter, S. (2005). Why do interracial interactions impair executive

function? A resource depletion account. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology,

88, 934-947.

32

Ryan, E. L., & Deci, R. M. (2000). The “what” and “why” of goal pursuits: Human needs and

self-determination of behavior. Psychological Inquiry, 11, 227-268.

Ryan, C. S., Hunt, J. S., Weible, J. A., Peterson, C. R., & Casas, J. F. (2007). Multicultural and

colorblind ideology, stereotypes, and ethnocentrism among Black and White Americans.

Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 10 617-637.

Saunders, K. A., & Senn, C. Y. (2009). Should I confront him? Men’s reactions to hypothetical

confrontations of peer sexual harassment. Sex Roles, 61, 399-415.

Stewart, B. D., & Payne, B. K. (2008). Bringing automatic stereotyping under control:

Implementation intentions as efficient means of thought control. Personality and Social

Psychology Bulletin, 34, 1332-1345.

Tice, D. M., Baumeister, R. F., Shmueli, D., & Muraven, M. (2007). Restoring the self: Positive

affect helps improve self-regulation following ego depletion. Journal of Experimental

Social Psychology, 43, 379-384.

Trawalter, S., & Richeson, J. A. (2006). Regulatory focus and executive function after interracial

interactions. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 42, 406-412.

Vorauer, J. D., Gagnon, A., & Sasaki, S. J. (2009). Salient intergroup ideology and intergroup

interaction. Psychological Science, 20, 838-845.

Webb, T. L., & Sheeran, P. (2003). Can implementation intentions help to overcome ego-

depletion? Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 39, 279-286.

Wegner, D. M. (1994). Ironic processes of mental control. Psychological Review, 101, 34-52.

Wolsko, C., Park, B., Judd, C. M., & Wittenbrink, B. (2000). Framing interethnic ideology:

Effects of multicultural and color-blind perspectives on judgments of groups and

individuals. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 78, 635-354.

33

Wyer, N. A., Sherman, J. W., & Stroessner, S. J. (2000). The roles of motivation and ability in

controlling the consequences of stereotype suppression. Personality and Social

Psychology Bulletin, 26, 13-25.

34

Figure 1: The Self-Regulation of Prejudice Model