METALNI NALAZI KASNOGA BRONČANOG DOBA NA

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The Poega Valley is a distinct geographic unit in the centralportion of northern Croatia. Its strategic location between the vital courses of the Sava and Drava rivers accords this region with exceptional importance as a communications zone, which is conrmed by the numerous archaeologicalnds dating from prehistory to the Middle Ages. Therefore,the important nds dating to the Late Bronze Age are notsurprising. Since bronze metallurgy expanded consider-ably during that era, metal nds are very numerous inthe Poega Valley. Most often they appear as hoards or individual nds, while more rarely they are found withinthe context of settlements or graves. The category of LateBronze Age metal nds from the Poega Valley consists ofweapons, tools and jewelry which at some point were bur-ied either individually or jointly as hoards, and they can be dated to periods from Ha A to Ha B.

Key words: Late Bronze Age, Poega Valley, hoard, chance nds, mountain passes

The Poega Valley occupies a central position inthe Drava, Sava and Danube interuve. This areawas therefore permeated by all inuences associ-ated with the aforementioned rivers as channels of transport and communications. This enclosed unitbordered by Papuk, Psunj, the Poega Hills, Krndija

Poeka kotlina izdvojena je zemljopisna cjelina u sredi-njem dijelu sjeverne Hrvatske. Strateki poloaj izmeu vanih rijenih tokova Save i Drave davao je tom kraju znaaj izuzetno vanog komunikacijskog podruja to se oituje u brojnim arheolokim nalazima od prapovijesti do srednjega vijeka. Stoga ni znaajni nalazi iz vremena kasnoga bronanog doba ne predstavljaju iznenaenje. Kako se u to vrijeme sve vie razvija metalurgija bronce, u Poekoj su kotlini veoma brojni nalazi metala. Najee se pojavljuju kao ostave ili pojedinani nalazi, a rjee su pronaeni u kontekstu naselja ili grobova. Skupina metal-nih nalaza kasnoga bronanog doba s prostora Poetine sastoji se od oruja, orua i nakita koji su u jednom trenu-tku dospjeli pod zemlju pojedinano ili skupno kao ostave, a mogu se datirati u razdoblje od Ha A do Ha B.

Kljune rijei: kasno bronano doba, Poeka kotlina, ostave, sluajni nalazi, gorski prijelazi

Poeka kotlina zauzima sredinji poloaj u meu-rijeju Drave, Save i Dunava. Zbog toga taj prostor proimaju svi utjecaji koji su strujali spomenutim rijenim komunikacijama. Zatvorena cjelina koju omeuju Papuk, Psunj, Poeka gora, Krndija i Dilj predstavlja dobar strateki i lako branjiv prostor koji obiluje vlastitim prirodnim bogatstvima.

Hrvoje POTREBICA & Daria LONJAK DIZDAR

METALNI NALAZI KASNOGA BRONANOG DOBA NA PROSTORU POEKE KOTLINE

LATE BRONZE AGE METAL FINDS IN THE POEGA VALLEY

UDK 903.05(497.5-3 Poeka kotlina)6337Primljeno/Recieved: 15. 09. 2004.Prihvaeno/Accepted: 03. 10. 2004.

Hrvoje PotrebicaOdsjek za arheologiju

Filozofski fakultetIvana Luia 3

HR 10 000 [email protected]

Daria Lonjak DizdarInstitut za arheologiju

Ulica grada Vukovara 68HR 10 000 Zagreb

[email protected]

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Hrvoje POTREBICA & Daria LONJAK DIZDAR METALNI NALAZI KASNOGA BRONANOG DOBA NA PROSTORU POEKE KOTLINE

U starijoj fazi kasnoga bronanog doba postojalo je, sudei prema sadanjem stanju istraivanja, ne-koliko metalurkih radionica na prostoru Brodskog Posavlja. Prema njemu je prostor Poeke kotline otvoren tokom rijeke Orljave tzv. Pleternikim vra-tima koja su na istonom dijelu omeena Diljem, a na zapadu Poekom gorom. Stoga ne iznenauju nalazi bronanih predmeta oruja, orua i nakita koji su bili u upotrebi gotovo itavo kasno brona-no doba. Dosad poznati nalazi s prostora Poetine dvije su ostave, Lonice i Ciglenik (Vinski & Vinski-Gasparini 1956: 8486; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 100, 181, T. 74 B, T. 126 A), te nekoliko sluajnih nalaza sjekira i narukvica (Potrebica & Balen 1999).

Od veih skupnih nalaza poznata je ve u literaturi prezentirana ostava Lonica koja je datirana u fazu II kulture polja sa arama (Vinski & Vinski-Gaspa-rini 1956: 84; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 100, 181, T. 74 B). Ostava je sadravala koplje plamenastog oblika s dugakim tuljcem, ulomke drugih koplja, ma sla-vonskog tipa po Cowenu, ulomke maeva, tuljastu sjekiru s uicom, V-ukrasom i krunicom iznad njih te ulomak srpa s dugmetastim nastavkom. Ostavi pripada jo nekoliko ulomaka srpa, ulomak sjeki-re i ulomak drke noa sa zadebljanjem i trnom te amorfni komadi bronce (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 100, 181, T. 74 B).

Kod Vujaka Kamenskog pronaene su dvije bron-ane narukvice, tri ulomka jednog torkvesa i ulom-ci otrica maeva (T. 2, 15). Kako su svi predmeti pronaeni u usjeku umskog puta uz potok Velinac, a u Gradski muzej Poega dospjeli su podsredstvom istoga darovatelja (Soka 1969: 5859, T. II; III, 12), mogue je da se radi o nalazu ostave. Torkves se sastoji od triju ulomaka od kojih je jedan dio, savijen u spiralu zavrnog dijela, ukraen motivom jelove granice (T. 2, 1). Torkves ukraen motivom jelove granice sa spiralnim zavecima pronaen je u osta-vi Poljanci I koja se prema nalazima bodea datira u kasno Br D i rano Ha A razdoblje odnosno u II. fazu ostava (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 88, T. 49, 3). Naru-kvice imaju otvorene krajeve i polukruni presjek, a jedna od narukvica ukraena je urezima (T. 2, 2).

U Dragi kod Velike1 pronaena je ostava koja je ve-im dijelom raznesena i izgubljena. Poznate su nam tri uplje sjekire te jedna sjekira sa zaliscima. Jedna uplja sjekira ima zadebljali rub i vodoravno rebro ispod ruba. Iz njega izlaze dvostruke kose linije koje se ne zatvaraju u V-ukras. Druga uplja sjekira ima

and Dilj constitutes a sound strategic and easily de-fensible area that abounds in natural wealth.

All current research indicates that there were sev-eral metallurgical workshops in the Sava River zone around todays town of Brod during the early phase of the Late Bronze Age. The Poega Valley has anopening toward this zone along the Orljava River through the so-called Pleternica Gate, with the highlands of Dilj forming an eastern boundary and the Poega Hills forming its western boundary. Thus, nds of bronze weapons, tools and jewelryin use throughout the entire Late Bronze Age are not surprising. So far the best known nds fromthe wider Poega region are two hoards known as Lonica and Ciglenik (Vinski & Vinski-Gasparini 1956: 8486; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 100, 181, T. 74 B, T. 126 A), and several chance nds encompassingaxes and bracelets (Potrebica & Balen 1999).

Among the larger group nds, the Lonica hoardhas already been presented in the relevant litera-ture. It has been dated to phase II of the Urneldculture (Vinski & Vinski-Gasparini 1956: 84; Vin-ski-Gasparini 1973: 100, 181, T. 74 B). The hoardcontained a spearhead with a ame-like form anda long socket, the fragments of another spearhead, a Slavonian-type sword based on Cowens descrip-tion, sword fragments, a conical axe with a small hole, a V-decoration and a circle above them, and a fragment of a sickle with a button-like extension. Several more fragments of a sickle, an axe fragment, a fragment of a widened knife handle with a tang and bronze amphorae fragments also belong to this hoard (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 100, 181, T. 74 B).

Two bronze bracelets, three fragments of a torque and fragments of a sword blade (T. 2, 15) were found at Vujak Kamenski. Since all of these items were found in a depression of a forest trail along Velinac Creek, and they were donated to the Poega Town Museum by the same patron (Soka 1969: 5859, T. II; III, 12), it is possible that they con-stitute the remains of a hoard. The torque consistsof three fragments, of which one part, twisted into a spiral at the end, is decorated with a r branch(T. 2, 1). A torque decorated with a r-branch mo-tif and with spiral ends was found in the Poljanci I hoard, which based on a dagger has been dated to the late Br D and the early Ha A period, i.e. phase II of the hoards (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 88, T. 49, 3). The bracelets have open ends and a semi-circu-lar cross-section, and one of them is decorated with engravings (T. 2, 2).

A hoard that has been largely dispersed and lost was found in Draga, near Velika.1 Three socketed axesand one winged axe have also been registered. One of the socketed axes has an enhanced edge and a

1 Nalazi iz ostave danas se uvaju u Gradskom muzeju u Poegi i u Dijecezanskom muzeju u Velikoj. Podaci o porijeklu pojedinih nalaza nepouzdani su jer je za neke predmete jasno istaknuto kako potjeu iz Drage u Velikoj, dok se za druge navodi kako dolaze iz Velike, a vrlo je vjerojatno da se radi o predmetima iz iste ostave iz Drage.

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Hrvoje POTREBICA & Daria LONJAK DIZDAR LATE BRONZE AGE METAL FINDS IN THE POEGA VALLEY

uicu sa strane i zadebljali rub ispod kojeg je ukras od triju vodoravnih rebara. Ispod njih nalazi se ukras od triju okomitih rebara: sredinje izlazi iz etvrtog vodoravnog rebra, a dva pokrajnja rebra naglo skre-u iz naznaenih vodoravnih rebara (T. 1, 4). uplja sjekira s vodoravnim rebrom i dvostrukim V-ukra-som koji se ne zatvara potpuno, gotovo identina sjekiri iz Velike, pronaena je u ostavi Otok-Privlaka te u ostavi Bizovac, a karakteristine su za stupanj Ha A (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 84, T. 27, 11; T. 36, 6). uplja sjekira s uicom sa strane i kombiniranim ukrasom vodoravnih i okomitih rebara pronaena je u ostavi Kapelna koja je datirana u vrijeme Ha B1 i pripisana IV. fazi ostava (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 166167, T. 110, 13). Taj ukras nagovijeten je jo u II. fazi ostava sjeverne Hrvatske. O tome svjedoi nalaz jedne sjekire iz ostave Budinina. Njegov ra-zvoj poinje u III. fazi ostava, odnosno u vremenu Ha A2, te postaje karakteristian za mlae oblike Ha B1-2 (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 104, T. 78, 7). Trea uplja sjekira sa zadebljalim rubom, trima okomitim kanelurama ispod njega i uicom sa strane ima ma-nje dimenzije nego druge dvije sjekire iz Drage (T. 1, 5). Sjekira sa zaobljenim zaliscima italskog tipa, zabiljeena meu ostacima nalaza iz Drage (T. 1, 1), ima analogije u ostavi iz Brodskog Varoa i Bizovca, a datira se u vrijeme Ha A (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 93, T. 38, 4; T. 60, 8). U ostavi su pronaena i tri srpa od kojih jedan ima jeziasti izdanak. Od dru-gih dvaju srpova jedan ima jeziasto produenje i dva rebra na ruki koja zavrava u obliku lastavijeg repa. Izmeu rebara nalaze se dvije vodoravne linije povezane jednom kosom linijom (T. 1, 2). Drugi srp s dugmetastim izdanakom na drci ima tri okomita rebra (T. 1, 3). Ovakvi srpovi pronaeni su u ostavi Tenja i mogu se datirati u vrijeme Ha A (Vinski-Ga-sparini 1973: 84, T. 33, 4, 6).2

Ostava iz Ciglenika pripada V. fazi ostava i veim je dijelom raznesena. Sauvane su samo narukvice: jedna ima okrugli presjek i obruasti oblik s okomi-tim ukrasima jelove granice; druga narukvica ima D-presjek, otvorene krajeve i naizmjence je ukrae-na cik-cak, okomitim, vodoravnim i kosim urezima te motivom jelove granice. U ostavi je pronaena i uplja sjekira malih dimenzija s uicom sa strane (Vinski & Vinski-Gasparini 1956: 82; Vinski-Gaspa-rini 1973: 152, 178, T. 126 A).

Osim nalaza fragmentarnih ostava na prostoru Po-eke kotline zabiljeeno je nekoliko sluajnih nala-

horizontal rib under the edge. Two double slanted lines extend from it and then close in a V-decora-tion. Another socketed axe has a small hole to the side and an enhanced edge, under which there is a decoration consisting of three horizontal ribs. Un-der them there is a decoration consisting of three vertical ribs: the central one extends from the fourth horizontal rib, while the two outer ribs sharply turn from the horizontal ribs (T. 1, 4). The socketed axewith a horizontal rib and a double V-decoration that fully closes is almost identical to the axe from Velika, found in the Otok-Privlaka hoard and in the Bizovac hoard, and they are characteristic of the Ha A phase (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 84, T. 27, 11; T. 36, 6). The socketed axe with a small hole to the sideand combined decorations of horizontal and verti-cal ribs was found in the Kapelna hoard, dated to the Ha B1 period and ascribed to phase IV of the hoards (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 166167, T. 110, 13). This type of decoration was already heralded inphase II of the hoards of northern Croatia. The axend from the Budinina hoard testies to this. Itsdevelopment began in phase III of the hoards, dur-ing the Ha A2 period, and it became characteristic of the earlier forms of Ha B1-2 (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 104, T. 78, 7). The third socketed axe withan enhanced edge, three vertical cannelures under it and a small hole on the side is smaller than the other two axes from Draga (T. 1, 5). An axe with rounded Italic-type wings has been registered among the nds from Draga (T. 1, 1), and it has itsanalogies in the hoards from Brodska Varo and Bi-zovac, dated to the Ha A period (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 93, T. 38, 4; T. 60, 8). Three sickles were alsofound in the hoard, one of which has a tongue-like oshoot. Another one of these sickles has a tongue-like extension and two ribs on the handle that end in the form of a swallowtail. Between the ribs there are two horizontal lines linked with a single slanted line (T. 1, 2). The other sickle, with a button-like o-shoot on its handle, has three vertical ribs (T. 1, 3). These types of sickles were found in the Tenja hoardand they can be dated to the Ha A period (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 84, T. 33, 4, 6).2

2 Dok veina nalaza iz ostave u Dragi, dva srpa i uplja sjekira s V-ukrasom te sjekira italskog tipa, imaju karakteristike II. faze kulture polja sa arama, druge dvije uplje sjekire posjeduju ve karakteristike mlaih faza: ukras okomitim rebrima te manje dimenzije. Upravo zbog nejasnih okolnosti nalaza ove ostave pokuali smo pojedinano datirati svaki predmet.

1 Finds from the hoard are today kept at the Poega Town Muse-um and in the Diocesan Museum in Velika. Data on the origins of the nd are unreliable because certain items are clearly de-noted as coming from Draga in Velika, while others are denoted as coming from Velika, although it is very likely that the latter are items from the same hoard from Draga.

2 While most nds from the Draga hoard, the two sickles andsocketed axe with V-decoration and the Italic-type axe bear the features of phase II of the Urneld culture, the two othersocketed axes already exhibit the characteristics of the earlier phase: a decoration with vertical ribs and smaller dimensions. It is precisely due to the ambiguous circumstances of nds fromthis hoard that we have attempted to date each item separately.

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T. 1. 15: Nalaz iz Drage (crte: Marta Perki).

T. 1. 15: Find from Draga (drawing by Marta Perki).

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T. 2. 15: Nalaz iz Vujaka Kamenskog (crte: Marta Perki).

T. 2. 15: Find from Vujak Kamenski (drawing by Marta Perki).

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T. 3. 1: Pasikovci, 2 nepoznato nalazite, 3 njegavi (crte: Marta Perki).

T. 3. 1: Pasikovci, 2 unidentied site, 3 njegavi (drawing by Marta Perki).

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za bronanog oruja, orua i nakita. Iz ume Kleno-vac kod Velike poznate su dvije bronane narukvice okruglog presjeka. Jedna je ukraena motivom jelo-ve granice, a druga ima niz okomitih ureza. Mogu se usporediti s narukvicama II. faze kulture polja sa arama (Potrebica & Balen 1999: 19, T. 25; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 55, 29, 34; T. 59, 3; T. 71, 22, 29, 32, 36; T. 74, D 4).

Iz njegavia potjee ulomak koplja koji je pri dnu tuljca ukraen urezanim motivom jelove granice (Soka 1969: 59, T. III, 3). Koplje ispod lista ima dvije rupice sa strane za privrivanje drvenog nasada. ak tri primjerka ovakvog koplja, od kojih na dvama takoer nedostaje vrak, pronaeni su u ostavi Otok Privlaka (Holste 1951: T. 6, 12, 5) i mogu se datirati u itav stupanj Ha A1 (Vinski-Ga-sparini 1973: 81).

U Pasikovcima je pronaena uplja sjekira zadeblja-log ruba ispod kojeg je ukraena etverostrukim V-motivom (Soka 1969: 56, T. I, 1). Na tijelu sjekira ima dvije rupice na strani za privrivanje drvene drke (T. 3, 1). Takve sjekire pronaene su i u ostavi Podcrkavlje (Holste 1951: T. 7, 45) i datiraju se u vrijeme Ha A (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 93). U novije

The hoard from Ciglenik dates to phase V of thehoards and most of its artifacts have been taken away. Only bracelets have been preserved: one has a round cross-section and a ring-like form with vertical r branch decorations; the other has a Dcross-section, open ends and is decorated with an alternating zigzag of vertical, horizontal and slanted incisions and a r-branch motif. A small socketedaxe with a hole on the side was also found in the hoard (Vinski & Vinski-Gasparini 1956: 82; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 152, 178, T. 126 A).

Besides the nds from fragmentary hoards, severalchance nds of bronze weapons, tools and jewelryhave also been registered in the Poega Valley. Two bronze bracelets with a round cross-section are known from Klenovac Forest near Velika. One is decorated with r branch motifs, while the otherhas a series of vertical incisions. They are compa-rable to the bracelets from phase II of the Urneldculture (Potrebica & Balen 1999: 19, T. 25; Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 55, 29, 34; T. 59, 3; T. 71, 22, 29, 32, 36; T. 74, D 4).

The fragment of a spearhead with a r branch motifengraved at the bottom of the socket comes from njegavi (Soka 1969: 59, T. III, 3). There are twosmall holes to one side under the spearhead blade that were used to fasten the wooden pole. There arethree examples of such spearheads, of which one has a missing tip, found in the Otok-Privlaka hoard (Holste 1951: T. 6, 12, 5) and they can be dated to the entire Ha A1 phase (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 81).

An axe was found in Pasikovci which has an en-hanced edge with a four-fold V-motif decoration under it (Soka 1969: 56, T. I, 1). The body of theaxe has two holes on the side used for fastening the wooden handle (T. 3, 1). Such axes have also been found in the Podcrkavlje hoard (Holste 1951: T. 7, 45) and dated to the Ha A period (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 93). More recently, this type of axe has been registered in the Poljane hoard in the Drava valley, dated to the same period, which was found within a settlement (Kulenovi & Alekovi 2003: 157, T. 1, 1). At the site Babinjaa at the village of Gradac, the tip of a sword blade was found which has been dicult to ascribe to any type (Potrebica & Balen1999: 1112, 24, T. 6, 1). The same case applies to thefragments of a sword with a tang from Bila whose type, due to the damage it sustained, is dicult tospecify (Potrebica & Balen 1999: 10, 24, T. 1, 1). This is the reason why these nds cannot be dated.A chance nd of bracelet fragments and two butt-ons come from Pleternica; they are not chronologi-cally sensitive within the duration of Urneld cul-ture (Potrebica & Balen 1999: 18, 24, T. 24, 1, 45).

Slika 1. Metalni nalazi kasnog bronanog doba na prostoru Poeke kotline (Potrebica & Lonjak).

Figure 1. Late Bronze Age metal nds in the Poega Valley (by Potrebica & Lonjak).

OSTAVE ILI SKUPNI NALAZI / HOARDS OR GROUPS OF FINDS (1. Vujak Kamenski; 2. Draga kod Velike; 3. Lonica; 4. Ciglenik)

POJEDINANI NALAZI / INDIVIDUAL FINDS (5. Mali Bila, 6. Pasikovci, 7. njegavi; 8. Gradac; 9. Pleternica)

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vrijeme takva sjekira zabiljeena je i u istovremenoj ostavi Poljane na prostoru Podravine koja je prona-ena u naselju (Kulenovi & Alekovi 2003: 157, T. 1, 1). Na poloaju Babinjaa kod sela Gradac pro-naen je vrh sjeiva maa koji je teko pripisati bilo kojem tipu (Potrebica & Balen 1999: 1112, 24, T. 6, 1). Isti je sluaj s ulomcima maa s jezicem iz Bila-a kojem je uslijed oteenosti dosta teko odrediti tip (Potrebica & Balen 1999: 10, 24, T. 1, 1). Iz tih razloga nije mogue tonije datirati ove nalaze. Iz Pleternice potjee sluajni nalaz ulomka narukvice i dva dugmeta koji nisu kronoloki osjetljivi unutar trajanja kulture polja sa arama (Potrebica & Balen 1999: 18, 24, T. 24, 1, 45).

Na prostoru Poeke kotline pronaene su jo tri uplje sjekire: jedna iz Gradca i dvije s nepoznatih nalazita (Potrebica 2000: 44). Mala uplja sjekira sa zadebljalim rubom i uicom sa strane potjee s ne-poznatog nalazita (T. 3, 2).

U fazu V ostava ubraja se i neukraena uplja sjekira iz Gradita malih dimenzija s uicom sa strane. Taj tip karakteristian je za sam kraj kasnoga brona-nog doba na prostoru Slavonije (Potrebica & Balen 1999: 24, T. 13, 1).

Pokuamo li ove metalne nalaze promatrati u kon-tekstu naseljenosti Poeke kotline u kasnom bron-anom dobu, moemo iitati zanimljive kvantita-tivne i geografske odnose izmeu ostava i sluajnih nalaza s jedne strane te poznatih naselja i grobalja s druge strane.

Prema sadanjem stanju istraivanja iz vremena starije faze kulture polja sa arama poznato je na prostoru Poeke kotline pet grobalja (Vetovo, Zari-lac, Grabarje, Poega, Vlatkovac). U sluaju Vetova (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 17, 13), Grabarja (Soka-timac 1984: 129) i Poege (Soka-timac 1976: 45) rije je o sluajnim nalazima. U selu Vlatkovcu u istonom dijelu Poeke kotline sluajno su otkri-veni 1987. godine ostaci groblja grupe Barice-Gre-ani (Minichreiter & Soka-timac 1998). Jedino sustavno istraivano groblje ono je u Zarilcu gdje je otkriveno 28 grobova iz vremena virovitike grupe (Soka-timac 1977: 38). U otkrivenim grobovima, kao ni meu zabiljeenim nalazima iz naselja, nema metalnih predmeta.

Ova se groblja pripisuju dijelom virovitikoj grupi (Zarilac, Vetovo), a dijelom grupi Barice-Greani koja je u starijoj fazi kasnog bronanog doba bila rasprostranjena na podruju Posavine (od Okua-na prema istoku) te na prostoru Bosanske Posavi-ne (ovi 1958: 9394; Minichreiter 1982/1983) pa ne iznenauje izostanak metalnih predmeta u grobovima. Takvi nalazi openito su veoma rijetki u grobovima ove grupe (Minichreiter 1984a: 99). Jedino groblje grupe Barice-Greani u ijim grob-

Three more hollow axes have been found in thePoega Valley: one from Gradac and two from un-known sites (Potrebica 2000: 44). The small sock-eted axe with an enhanced edge and small hole on the side comes from an unidentied site (T. 3, 2).

A small, undecorated socketed axe with a small hole on the side from Gradite has also been ascribed to phase V of the hoards. This type is characteristicof the very end of the Late Bronze Age in Slavonia (Potrebica & Balen 1999: 24, T. 13, 1).

If an attempt is made to observe these metal nds inthe context of habitation of the Poega Valley dur-ing the Late Bronze Age, interesting quantitative and geographic relations can be discerned between the hoard and the chance nds on the one hand andknown settlements and cemeteries on the other.

Based on the current level of research into the ear-lier phase of the Urneld culture, ve cemeteriesare known to exist in the Poega Valley (Vetovo, Zarilac, Grabarje, Poega, Vlatkovac). The ndsfrom Vetovo (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: T. 17, 13), Grabarje (Soka-timac 1984: 129) and Poega (Soka-timac 1976: 45) are chance nds. The re-mains of a cemetery of the Barice-Greani group were found in the village of Vlatkovac in the east-ern section of the Poega Valley in 1987 (Minichre-iter & Soka-timac 1998). The only systematicallyresearched cemetery is the one in Zarilac, where 28 graves from the time of the Virovitica group were discovered (Soka-timac 1977: 38). There are nometal items, neither in the discovered graves nor in the nds from the settlement.

This cemetery is partially ascribed to the Viro-vitica group (Zarilac, Vetovo), and partially to the Barice-Greani group which was widespread in the territory of Sava River valley in both Croatia (from Okuani to the east) and Bosnia (ovi 1958: 9394; Minichreiter 1982/1983) during the ear-lier phase of the Late Bronze, so the lack of metal items in the graves is therefore not surprising. Such nds are generally very rare in graves of this group(Minichreiter 1984a: 99). The only cemetery of theBarice-Greani group in which the grave units con-tain metal items is the one in Perkovci, near Brod. Eleven metal items were found there in ve graves,generally components of attire: needles, bracelets, a ring ... (Minichreiter 1984a: 99). Virovitica group graves from the same period, widespread in the Drava valley, also very rarely contained metal items (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 42). Known metal items from the Poega Valley appear from the Ha A pe-riod, while the registered grave nds from Poega,Grabarje, Zarilac, Vetovo and Vlatkovac have gene-rally been dated to the Br D, possibly to the Ha A1 period.

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nim cjelinama ima metalnih predmeta groblje je u Perkovcima kod Broda. Tu je u pet grobova pro-naeno jedanaest bronanih predmeta, uglavnom dijelova nonje: igle, narukvice, prsten... (Minic-hreiter 1984a: 99). Grobovi virovitike grupe iz istog razdoblja, rasprostranjene u Podravini, tako-er vrlo rijetko sadre metalne predmete (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 42). Poznati metalni predmeti s prostora Poeke kotline pojavljuju se od vremena Ha A, dok se zabiljeeni grobni nalazi iz Poege, Grabarja, Zarilca, Vetova i Vlatkovca uglavnom datiraju u razdoblje Br D s moguim trajanjem u razdoblju Ha A1.

Time je jo jae naglaen fenomen deponiranja pre-dmeta koji je bio vrlo uobiajen u II. fazi ostava (ho-rizont Veliko Nabre), odnosno u razdobljima Br D i Ha A1 (Vinski-Gasparini 1983a: 655). Ovakav odnos metalnih predmeta u grobovima i istovre-menim ostavama vidljiv je na puno irem prostoru. Govorei o znaenju ostava K. Vinski-Gasparini istie prije svega njihovu znaajnu materijalnu vri-jednost, osobito u II. stupnju kada su one najvee, i istie kako mogui razlog deponiranja takve vrije-dnosti nije mogao biti trivijalne prirode: mirnodop-sko naputanje naselja, seoba i sl. (Vinski-Gaspari-ni 1973: 78.). Malen broj grobova iz toga vremena, osim nedostatkom istraivanja, K. Vinski-Gaspra-rini tumai i unitenou brojnih grobalja iz toga vremena (Martijanec, Bonjaci) (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 68).

O znaenju bronanodobnih ostava i povijesti tu-maenja toga fenomena iscrpan pregled dao je v. Brunn (v. Brunn 1968: 230239). Nastanak tzv. vo-tivne teorije u devetnaestom stoljeu plod je ideje J. J. A. Worsaaea u Danskoj zbog okolnosti nalaza ostava u movarama koje su bile svojevrsna sve-tita bronanodobnih ljudi. Ostave u movarama ee su u sjevernoj nego u srednjoj Europi. Sto-ga su njemaki istraivai izraavali sumnju u ta-kvo jednoznano objanjenje fenomena ostava (Sprockho) i ostavama srednje Europe otvorenopripisivali profano znaenje, odnosno smatrali su da su ti predmeti skrivani pred nadolazeom kata-strofom (Reinecke, Holste). Autor upozorava kako su novu interpretaciju ostava prihvatili i istraiva-i ostava u Karpatskoj kotlini i Poljskoj (v. Brunn 1968: 232). Usporedivi profanu interpretaciju po-dunavskih ostava sa sakralnom interpretacijom u sjevernom dijelu srednje Europe moe se zakljuiti kako se radi o istim fenomenima koji su promatrani sa razliitih regionalnih stajalita. Zaokret u tuma-enju dao je H. Mller-Karpe koji je pokazao kako se ostave kulture polja sa arama u junoj Njema-koj mogu tumaiti i kao rtvene ostave, pri emu su ukljueni movarni nalazi, nalazi u spiljama te

This thereby emphasizes even more the phenome-non of depositing items that was very customary in phase II of the hoards (Veliko Nabre horizon), i.e. during the Br D and Ha A1 period (Vinski-Gasparini 1983a: 655). This relationship toward metal itemsin graves and the simultaneous hoards is visible across a geographically much wider area. Speaking of the signicance of the hoard, K. Vinski-Gasparinirst and foremost emphasized their considerablematerial value, particularly in phase II, when they are quantitatively the greatest, and stressed that a possible reason for depositing such valuables could not be trivial in nature: peacetime departure from settlements, migrations, etc. (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 78.). Besides the lack of research, K. Vinski-Gasparini explains the small number of graves from this period with the general level of devastation of numerous cemeteries from that time (Martijanec, Bonjaci) (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 68.).

V. Brunn provided an exhaustive overview of the signicance of Bronze Age hoards and the historyof interpretations of this phenomenon (v. Brunn 1968: 230239). The emergence of the so-called vo-tive theory in the nineteenth century is the result of an idea by J. J. A. Worsaae in Denmark, based on the hoard nds in swamps which served askind of sanctuaries to Bronze Age people. Hoards in swamps are more frequent in Northern than in Central Europe. German researchers thus ex-pressed doubt in such a uniform explanation for the hoard phenomenon (Sprockho), so a profane im-port was ascribed to hoards in Central Europe, i.e. they were deemed items hidden in expectation of impending disaster (Reinecke, Holste). This authorpoints out that the new interpretation of hoards was also accepted by researchers into hoards in the Carpathian Valley and Poland (v. Brunn 1968: 232). A comparison of the profane interpretation of Dan-ubian hoards with the sacral interpretation in the northern part of Central Europe leads to the pos-sible conclusion that this is the same phenomenon observed from dierent regional standpoints. Adeparture from standard interpretations was made by H. Mller-Karpe, who showed that Urneld cul-ture hoards in southern Germany can also be inter-preted as sacricial hoards, and this encompassednds in swamps, caves and under and among rocks(v. Brunn 1968: 232233). If the votive meaning is ascribed to the hoards of the northern and Danu-bian sphere, then the regional dierences betweenthem can be interpreted by dierent ways of makingsacrices (v. Brunn 1968: 237). The paucity of metalitems in Urneld culture graves in the northeasternsection of Central Europe casts some doubt on the synchronization of cemeteries and hoards in this

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nalazi ispod kamena i meu stijenama (v. Brunn 1968: 232233). Ako se votivno znaenje pripie ostavama sjevernog i podunavskog kruga, tada se regionalne razlike meu njima mogu tumaiti ra-zliitim nainima rtvovanja (v. Brunn 1968: 237). Siromatvo metalnih priloga u grobovima kulture polja sa arama u sjeveroistonom dijelu srednje Europe dovodi u pitanje sinkroniziranje groblja i ostava na tom podruju (v. Brunn 1968: 1516) koje je bilo mogue u zapadnom dijelu srednje Eu-rope (juni dio alpskog kruga, Austrija, Tirol, juna Njemaka i vicarska). Tu su u grobove ee prila-gani metalni predmeti na temelju ega su se mogli iitati i relativnokronoloki odnosi (Mller-Karpe 1959). Jedno od intrigantinijih objanjenja ovakve pojave ponudila je B. Teran koja smatra kako se velik broj ostava pojavljuje u vrijeme Br D i Ha A, odnosno prije 1100. godine i pojave velikih grobalja kulture polja sa arama (Dobova, Rue). U razdo-blju Ha B javljaju se puno rjee pa se njihova pojava moe povezati s pogrebnim kultom i vjerovanjem u ivot poslije smrti (Teran 1987: 73).

Prostorno je taj fenomen odnosa brojnih ostava i grobova siromanih metalnim prilozima promatrao i S. Hansen. On je zakljuio kako su u vrijeme starije faze kulture polja sa arama na podruju sjeverno od Balatona u zapadnoj Maarskoj i sjeverno od Dunava u Slovakoj brojni prilozi u grobovima ista-knutih pojedinaca dok ostave nisu tako brojne kao u meurijeju Drave i Save te u Transilvaniji (Hansen 1994: 311). Pri prouavanju ireg prostora na kojem su se deponirali metalni predmeti tijekom starije faze kulture polja sa arama izmeu doline Rhne i Karpatske kotline Sven Hansen je zakljuio kako se radi o tri fenomena: u prostoru gdje su poznati grobovi s prilozima oruja nema ostava; tamo gdje nedostaju ovakvi grobovi, mnogobrojne su ostave koje sadre oruje; malobrojne ostave na podruji-ma gdje su zabiljeeni grobovi s orujem ne sadre oruje (Hansen 1994: 317318).

Prema tome izostanak metalnih priloga u istrae-nim grobovima starije faze kulture polja sa arama u Poekoj kotlini uklapa se u opu sliku meuri-jeja Drave i Save pa i ireg geografskog prostora istonog dijela Karpatske kotline gdje su ti predmeti ee prilagani u velike ostave.

Mali broj metalnih predmeta u naseljima na pro-storu Poetine moe se tumaiti trenutnim sta-njem istraivanja naselja iz vremena starije faze kulture polja sa arama. O tome svjedoe rezulta-ti istraivanja visinskog naselja na Kalniku gdje je istraen onaj dio naselja u kojem se, sudei prema nalazima brojnih bronanih predmeta i kalupa za njihovu izradu, odvijala bogata metalurka djela-tnost (Majnari-Pandi 1992: 63; Vrdoljak 1992).

region (v. Brunn 1968: 1516), which would have been possible in the western part of Central Europe (the southern part of the Alpine circle, Austria, Tyrol, southern Germany and Switzerland) where metal items were more often deposited in graves, whereby relative chronological relations could also be discerned (Mller-Karpe 1959). One of the most intriguing explanations of such phenomena was of-fered by B. Teran, who believes that a large number of hoards appeared during the Br D and Ha A, i.e. prior to 1100 BC and the appearance of large Urn-eld culture cemeteries (Dobova, Rue). During theHa B period they appear much less frequently, so their emergence can be associated with burial cults and belief in an afterlife (Teran 1987: 73).

Spatially this phenomenon of the relationship be-tween numerous hoards and graves with meager metal goods was examined by S. Hansen. He con-cluded that during the earlier phase of the Urneldculture in the territory north of Balaton in western Hungary and north of the Danube in Slovakia the goods in the graves of distinguished individuals are numerous while hoards are not as numerous as in the territory of the Drava and Sava interuve and Tran-sylvania (Hansen 1994: 311). Upon examination of the wider area in which metal items were deposited during the earlier phase of the Urneld culture be-tween the Rhne basin and the Carpathian Valley, Sven Hansen concluded that it was a matter of three phenomena: in areas where graves with weaponry goods are known to exist, there are no hoards. Where such graves are lacking, there are many hoards con-taining weaponry. The few hoards that exist in areaswhere graves with weapons were registered contain no weaponry themselves (Hansen 1994: 317318).

Therefore, the lack of metal items in researchedgraves from the earlier phase of the Urneld culturein the Poega Valley t into the general picture ofthe Drava and Sava interuve and even the widergeographic zone of the eastern part of the Carpathi-an Valley, where these items were often deposited in large hoards.

The small number of metal items in settlementsin the wider Poega area can be interpreted by the current level of research into settlements from the earlier phase of the Urneld culture. This point isproven by the results of research into the highland settlement on Kalnik, where a part of the settlement was examined which, judging by the nds of nu-merous bronze items and molds for making them, extensive metallurgical activity occurred (Majnari-Pandi 1992: 63; Vrdoljak 1992). Metallurgy in set-tlements of that time is also conrmed by nds fromsystematic research into the settlement of Novigrad on the Sava River, which existed from the Br D to

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Metaluku djelatnost u onovremenim naseljima potvruju i nalazi sustavnih istraivanja naselja Novigrad na Savi koje je postojalo od vremena Br D do vremena Ha B s teitem u razdoblju Ha A1 (Majnari-Pandi 1993: 157). Nalazi bronanih predmeta i kamenih kalupa za njihovo lijevanje svjedoi o djelatnosti radionica za izradu brona-nog orua i nakita, a vjerojatno i oruja u ovom na-selju (Majnari-Pandi 1993: 152, sl. 1112). O ve-likom intenzitetu metalurgije svjedoe brojne osta-ve na prostoru Brodskog Posavlja od kojih su neke zabiljeene u naseljima (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 78; Majnari-Pandi 2000: 106). Poznata je i ostava Makovac koja je sluajno pronaena u naselju Cri-njevi u Makovcu kod Nove Gradike, a datirana je u II. fazu ostava kulture polja sa arama u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj (Karavani & Mihaljevi 2001). Naselje se sustavno istrauje od 1997. godine i prema ke-ramikim nalazima pripisano je grupi Barice-Gre-ani, a prema velikom broju bronanih predmeta datirano je od vremena Br C/D do poetka stupnja Ha A (Karavani, Mihaljevi & Kalafati 2002: 55). Osim ostava koje su pronaene u naseljima postoji vei broj ostava koje su otkrivene u iroj okolici na-selja iz istog vremena. Takva je ostava iz Drage kod Velike3 dok su ostale ostave pohranjene izvan dosad poznatog kulturnog konteksta (Lonica, Ciglenik, Vujak Kamenski). Sadraj ostava iz vremena Ha A iz Poeke kotline ne razlikuje se mnogo od osta-va s geografski bliskog prostora Brodskog Posavlja, osim to se radi o mnogo manje predmeta. Razlog tomu prvenstveno lei u okolnostima pod kojim su ostave pronaene i dopremljene u muzeje jer nijed-na nije sauvana u cjelosti.

Ostave s prostora Posavine sadre velik broj i ra-zliite vrste predmeta: oruje, orue, nakit, dijelo-ve nonje, posude, konjsku opremu, ali i bronanu sirovinu. Takve ostave u svom sastavu imaju odre-eni udio slomljenih i/ili nedovrenih predmeta i interpretiraju se kao ljevake ostave. Velik broj tak-vih ostava sugerira postojanje metalurkih centara na tom prostoru, to potvruju i brojni tipovi pre-dmeta u kojima se moe prepoznati lokalni karakter (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 78; Majnari-Pandi 2000: 106). Nije iskljuena ni mogunost da su ostave imale plateni karakter, odnosno neku vrstu mone-tarne vrijednosti (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 78). Tak-vom objanjenju u prilog ide nalaz utega u jednoj od brojnih ostava iz Slavonskog Broda (Clausing 2004: 126, Abb. 36, 125). Analizom utega iz Slavon-skog Broda uoeno je da se uklapa u teinski sustav

the Ha B period, with emphasis on the Ha A1 pe-riod (Majnari-Pandi 1993: 157). Finds of bronze items and the stone molds used to cast them testify to the activity of workshops to produce bronze im-plements and jewelry, and probably also weapons, in this settlement (Majnari-Pandi 1993: 152, Fig. 1112). Numerous hoards, some of them found in settlements, in the Sava Valley area around Brod tes-tify to the intensity of metallurgy (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 78; Majnari-Pandi 2000: 106). There is alsothe Makovac hoard, which was found by chance in the settlement of Crinjevi in Makovac, near Nova Gradika, and dated to phase II of the Urneldculturein northern Croatia (Karavani & Mihaljevi 2001). The settlement has been systematically researchedsince 1997, and based on the pottery nds, it hasbeen classied as belonging to the Barice-Greanigroup, while based on the large number of bronze items, it has been dated from the Br C/D to the be-ginning of the Ha A phase (Karavani, Mihaljevi & Kalafati 2002: 55). Besides hoards found in settle-ments, there is a large number of hoards discovered in the wider environs of settlements from the same period. The hoard from Draga, near Velika3 is one of these, while the remaining hoards were depos-ited outside of the so-far known cultural context (Lonica, Ciglenik, Vujak Kamenski). The contentof the hoard from the Ha A period from the Poega Valley does not dier much from hoards from thegeographically close Sava Valley at Brod, except there are far fewer items. The reason for this pri-marily lies in the circumstances under which the hoards were found and delivered to museums, be-cause none have been preserved in their entirety.

The hoards from the Sava River valley contain alarge number and dierent types of items: weapons,implements, jewelry, parts of attire, vessels, horse-riding gear and even unprocessed bronze. Such hoards contain a certain share of broken and/or un-nished items that have been interpreted as foun-dry hoards. The large number of such hoards sug-gests the existence of metallurgical centers in this area, which is also conrmed by numerous types ofitems in which a local character can be recognized (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 78; Majnari-Pandi 2000: 106). One cannot exclude the possibility that these hoards had a currency character, i.e. that they had some sort of monetary value (Vinski-Gasparini 1973: 78). Such an explanation is conrmed by theweights found in numerous hoards from Slavonski Brod (Clausing 2004: 126., Abb. 36, 125). An analysis

3 Ostava iz Drage pronaena je nedaleko od kasnobronanodob-nog naselja Pli koje je otkriveno na temelju sluajno pronae-nih povrinskih nalaza keramike.

3 The hoard from Draga was found not far from the Late BronzeAge settlement of Pli, which was discovered on the basis of chance pottery nds on the surface.

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kasnobronanodobne Europe (Clausing 2004: 127) ime se istie vjerojatnost mjerenja vrijednosti u ostavama. Na taj nain povoljan rijeni prijelaz pre-ko Save daje ostavama pohranjenim u Brodskoj Po-savini i drugu dimenziju. Putujui trgovci i majstori bronanim su predmetima moda plaali vozarinu ili su jednostavno ostavljali odreeni namet u robi na mitnicama. Brodska Posavina je u neposrednoj blizini Poeke kotline s kojim je geografski pove-zana prirodnim prolazom preko Pleternikih vrata. Meutim, u vrijeme Ha A ostave nisu brojne samo na tom prostoru, nego u itavom meurijeju Save i Drave (Vinski-Gasparini 1973). Slina situacija za-paa se i u cijeloj Karpatskoj kotlini koja ve dugi niz godina plijeni panju istraivaa i predstavlja osnovu podjela kasnoga bronanog doba na relativ-no-kronoloke horizonte prema karakteristinom inventaru ostava u pojedinom razdoblju (Holste 1951; v. Brunn 1968; Petrescu-Dmbovia 1977; Mozsolics 1985; Turk 1996).

O razlozima deponiranja ostava i osobito o njiho-vom rastuem broju u razdoblju Ha A1 na prostoru Karpatske kotline govori A. Harding. Iznosi nekoli-ko razloga: opskrba metalom bila je neujednaena, naini deponiranja mijenjali su se u vezi s metalur-kim operacijama (taljenjem, kovanjem), a s vreme-na na vrijeme varirala je i dostupnost sirovina koje su pokrivale proizvodnju (Harding 2000: 358360). Zato porast broja ostava i predmeta deponiranih u njima u razdoblju Ha A treba promatrati kao rezul-tat ogromne koliine nove sirovine koja je prije toga ukljuena u tehnologiju (Forenbaher 1995: 271). A. Harding promatra ostave prije svega kao rezultat psiholokog poriva ljudi koji su ih deponirali, a ma-nje kao utilitarni princip koji je dominirao ivotom kasnobronanodobnih populacija (Harding 2000: 368). Unato tomu, u ovom je trenutku teko sa si-gurnou utvrditi pravi razlog deponiranja brona-nih predmeta.

Osim tumaenja kako se radi o ljevakim ostavama zakopanim zbog opasnosti, nemira ili jednostavno odloenim u neku jamu u naselju, postoje i tumae-nja kako su takve ostave rezultat religiozne prakse, a ne politike organizacije, privrede ili razmjene u prapovijesnim drutvima (Hnsel 1997: 13; Hansen 1994: 3). S. Hansen smatra da se akumulacija eko-nomskog kapitala ocrtava samo u simbolinoj for-mi prestinih dobara u kojoj materijalno bogatstvo nije bilo roba u modernom smislu, nego je rije o darovima. Oni su u isto vrijeme uzdizali darova-telja i obvezivali darovanog, odnosno pokretali su drutvene veze i bili su odraz drutvenih dunosti (Hansen 1994: 3). B. Teran takoer vidi ostave kao odraz duhovnog ivota populacija kasnog bron-anog doba. Ona je kvantitativno podijelila ostave

of the weight from Slavonski Brod has shown that they correspond to the weight system of Late Bronze Age Europe (Clausing 2004: 127) which highlights the probability of measuring values in hoards. In this manner, the convenient river crossing across the Sava gives the hoards deposited in the Sava River valley in the Brod area another dimension. Traveling merchants and master craftsmen used bronze items to pay cartage or they simply left a certain levy in goods at toll-gates. The Sava valley around Brod isin the immediate vicinity of the Poega Valley, with which it is geographically linked by the natural pass through the Pleternica Gate. However, during the Ha A period, hoards are no longer just numerous in this area, but throughout the Sava and Drava interuve(Vinski-Gasparini 1973). A similar situation can ob-served in the entire Carpathian Valley, which has for many years attracted the attention of researchers and which represents the basis for dividing the Late Bronze Age into relative chronological horizons based on the characteristic inventory of hoards in an individual period (Holste 1951; v. Brunn 1968; Petres-cu-Dmbovia 1977; Mozsolics 1985; Turk 1996).

The reasons for depositing hoards and especially fortheir growing numbers during the Ha A1 period in the Carpathian Valley were discussed by A. Harding. He cited several reasons: the supply of metal was unequal, depositing methods changed in relation to metallurgical operations (smelting, forging), while from time to time the availability of raw materials to cover production varied (Harding 2000: 358360). This is why growth in the number of hoards and theitems deposited in them during the Ha A period must be viewed as the result of enormous quanti-ties of new raw materials that were encompassed in technology prior to this (Forenbaher 1995: 271). A. Harding views hoards rst and foremost as the re-sult of the psychological urge of the people who de-posited them, and less as a utilitarian principle that dominated the lives of Late Bronze Age populations (Harding 2000: 368). Despite this, at the moment it is dicult to state with certainty the actual reasonsfor depositing bronze items.

Besides interpretations to the eect that foundryhoards were buried due to imminent threat, unrest or simply deposited in some pit in a settlement, there are also interpretations that such hoards are the result of religious practices, rather than politi-cal organization, economy or exchange in prehis-toric societies (Hnsel 1997: 13; Hansen 1994: 3). S. Hansen believes that the accumulation of economic capital is only reected in the symbolic form of pres-tige goods, in which material wealth did not consist of goods in the modern sense, but rather of gifts. This simultaneously elevated the giver and bound

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i smatra da se prema broju i vrsti predmeta moe raspoznati i simboliki karakter ostava. Ostave s manjim brojem predmeta obino sadre nekoliko sjekira, poneko dlijeto ili srp te ih B. Teran tumai kao osobnu svojinu pojedinca. Ostave s velikim bro-jem razliitih predmeta interpretira kao kolektivnu svojinu, odnosno kao rtvene darove skupine ljudi (Teran 1987: 72). Ovakvi tipovi ostava pojavljuju se u vrijeme Br D i Ha A, odnosno prije 1100. go-dine i prije pojave velikih grobalja kulture polja sa arama (Dobova, Rue, Ljubljana) kada su metalni predmeti u grobovima pokojnika mnogo ei. Sto-ga pojavu ostava Teranova povezuje s pogrebnim obiajima i vjerovanjima u zagrobni ivot (Teran 1987: 73). Prekretnicu koju je B. Teran zamijetila u duhovnom ivotu ne oslikava se u strukturi, nego u kvaliteti ostava: one vie nisu tako brojne. Pored oruja i orua ove ostave sadre elemente nonje i ingote. Mijenjaju se samo neki tipovi predmeta ili varijante tipova, a novost su ingoti koninog oblika jer su u ranijim razdobljima bile uobiajene ovalne pogae bronane sirovine (Turk 1996: 112114). Promjena starije u mlau fazu kulture polja sa ara-ma na prijelazu iz 2. u 1. tisuljee prije Krista vidi se u opadanju broja ostava i u metalurgiji bronce. Na to ukazuju rezultati analize metala. U mlaim predmetima nalazi se vei udio olova koji se poja-vljuje u kombinaciji s bakrom ili s bakrom i kosi-trom. Takva se leita nalaze u srednjoj i sjevernoj Italiji te u vicarskoj (Trampu Orel 1999: 428). U vremenu Ha A u metalurgiji bronce zamijeena je upotreba bakra s malom koliinom neistoa te do-davanje kositra u slitine bronce u razliitim omje-rima, sukladno namjeni predmeta (Trampu Orel 1996: 210). Tako se manji udio kositra u srpovima povezuje prije svega s karpatskim obrtnikim kru-gom jer su se u zapadnoeuropskome krugu doda-vale vee koliine kositra bez obzira na vrstu pre-dmeta. Pri tome je dokazano kako su se srpovi iz ostava upotrebljavali i kao orue za etvu, to je u suprotnosti s uobiajenim miljenjem da je njihova uloga u ostavama bila votivnog ili predmonetarnog karaktera (Trampu Orel 1999: 427). S obzirom na tehnoloke postupke i tipoloke oblike nalaza pro-naenih na prostoru Slovenije metalurgija bronce u vremenu Ha A toga prostora moe se povezati s tzv. karpatskim obrtnikim krugom, to svjedoi o razgranatoj mrei proizvodnje, trgovine i razmjene (Trampu Orel 1996: 210).

Opisani nalazi iz tog vremena s prostora Poeke kotline odnose se na nepotpunu ostavu Lonicu te na dva nalaza iz Drage i Vujaka Kamenskog koje prema okolnostima nalaza i strukturi moemo vrlo vjerojatno pripisati ostavama. Ostavu iz Lon-ice i nalaz iz Vujaka Kamenskog moe se s obzi-

the receiver, i.e. it fomented social ties and reectedsocial duties (Hansen 1994: 3). B. Teran also sees hoards as a reection of the spiritual life of LateBronze Age populations. She categorizes hoards quantitatively and believes that the symbolic charac-ter of the hoard can be recognized based on the number and types of items. Hoards with a smaller number of items normally contain several axes, and perhaps a chisel or sickle, which B. Teran inter-prets as the personal property of an individual. She interprets hoards with a large number of items as collective property, as the sacricial gifts of a groupof people (Teran 1987: 72). This type of hoard ap-pears during the Br D and Ha A period, i.e. prior to 1100 BC and prior to the appearance of large Urn-eld culture cemeteries (Dobova, Rue, Ljubljana),when metal items in graves of the deceased were much more frequent. Thus Teran ties the phenom-enon of hoards with burial customs and beliefs in an afterlife (Teran 1987: 73). The watershed thatB. Teran noticed in spiritual life is not reected inthe structure, but rather in the quality of hoards: they are no longer as numerous. Besides weapons and tools, these hoards contain elements of attire and ingots. Only certain types of items or variants of types change, while conical ingots are a novelty, since in earlier periods oval cakes of unprocessed bronze were customary (Turk 1996: 112114). Thetransition from the earlier to the later phase of the Urneld culture at the turn of the second into therst millennium BC can be seen in the decline in thenumber of hoards and in bronze metallurgy. This isbacked by the results of metal analysis. More recent items contain a larger share of lead, which appears in combination with copper or with copper and tin. Such casings are found in central and northern Italy and in Switzerland (Trampu Orel 1999: 428). Theuse of copper with a small quantity of impurities and the addition of tin to bronze alloys in various ratios, corresponding to the purpose of the item, has been noted in bronze metallurgy during the Ha A period (Trampu Orel 1996: 210). Thus, the smaller shareof tin in sickles is above all associated with the Car-pathian artisan circle, because in Western European circles larger quantities of tin were added regardless of the type of item. It has also been proven that the sickles from hoards were used as harvesting imple-ments, which runs contrary to the standard view that their role in hoards was votive or pre-monetary (Trampu Orel 1999: 427). Given the technologi-cal procedures and typological forms of nds fromSlovenia, bronze metallurgy during the Ha A period from this area can be associated with the so-called Carpathian artisan circle, which is proven by the well developed network of production, trade and

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rom na strukturu promatrati i kao ostave ljevaa i kao rtvene darove. Naime fragmentarnost pre-dmeta ne mora oznaavati ostavu ljevaa ili imati monetarnu vrijednost, nego moe biti i posljedica kultnog unitavanja predmeta (Bader 1999: 139). Lomljena bronca pojavljuje se u ostavama od ra-nog bronanog doba u sjevernoeuropskom krugu, a ima je vrlo mnogo u zoni juno od Alpa i Karpa-ta pa se nekada pojava lomljenja bronce tumaila utjecajem koji se irio od juga prema sjeveru, iako sada postoje i drukije indicije (v. Brunn 1981: 127). Stoga ulomci otrice maa iz Vujaka Ka-menskog (T. 2, 45) i Lonice mogu ukazivati i na ritualno unitavanje predmeta radi rtve (Teran 1996: 255).

Oba znaenja koja se pripisuju ostavama, i profano i duhovno, mogu biti tona. Naime ako je i neka sku-pina vrijednih predmeta zakopana u zemlju u vrije-me opasnosti, vrlo je vjerojatno tamo odloena zbog zatite nekog boanstva kojem su se njihovi posje-dnici utjecali (Bouzek 1996: 421). J. Bouzek dri kako su ostave kasnog bronanog doba posljednji stupanj ritualnog ina povezanog sa rtvovanjem koje se odvijalo kraj rijeka, na planinskim prijevoji-ma, u peinama i sl. Meutim on smatra da ostave istovremeno odraavaju i sliku distribucijskog su-stava izmeu kraljevstva u europskoj kulturi po-lja sa arama na ijem su elu bili kraljevi-svee-nici (Bouzek 1996: 422). Pomirbeno objanjenje o znaenju ostava pokuao je iznijeti R. Bradley koji je zakljuio kako nije lako razlikovati ostave profanog od onih votivnog znaenja. On istie kako brona-nodobni sustav prikuplja i ujedinjuje kapital i mo-da se ak njihova razmjena odvija u standardnim jedinicama. Tijekom vremena prikupljeni predmeti mogu biti posveeni nadnaravnom ili sahranjeni s mrtvim, dok metalni predmeti koji ne pripadaju lo-kalnom sustavu mogu biti akumulirani i reciklirani (Bradley 1987: 360).

Vaan podatak o znaenju ostava ima i mjesto na kojem su deponirane (voda, gorski prijevoj, kame-nolom i sl.). Ostave iz Poeke kotline pronaene su ili blizu naselja iz istog vremena (npr. Draga) ili u umskom usjeku uz potok, odnosno uz prirodan gorski put (Vujak Kamenski). U vremenu Ha A ostave se, osim uz naselja ili njihovu bliu okolicu veu i za onodobne prometne komunikacije. One su dobro popraene nalazima s gorskih prijevoja, to je vrlo dobro istraeno na primjeru Alpa (Mayer 1979; Stllner 1997: 20), a slino bi znaenje mogli imati i nalazi na prijelazima preko Karpata s obzirom na vane metalurke centre u Transilvaniji (Soroce-anu 1995: 2930, bilj. 59). Na temelju tih podata-ka T. Bader iznio je teoriju o nalazima na vanim prometnim i stratekim prijelazima preko Karpata.

exchange (Trampu Orel 1996: 210).

The described nds of this period from the PoegaValley pertain to the incomplete Lonica hoard and two nds from Draga and Vujak Kamenski, which,based on the circumstances of the nds and theirstructure, can be classied as hoards. Given theirstructure, the hoard from Lonica and the ndfrom Vujak Kamenski can very likely be classiedas foundry hoards or as sacricial gifts. Namely,the fragmentary nature of the items does not have to denote a foundry hoard or have monetary val-ue, but it may be the result of cultic destruction of items (Bader 1999: 139). Fractured bronze appears in hoards from the Early Bronze Age in the north-ern European circle, and there are very many such hoards in the zone south of the Alps and Carpathi-ans, so that formerly the phenomenon of fractured bronze was interpreted as an inuence that spreadfrom south to north, although currently there are dif-ferent indications (v. Brunn 1981: 127). Therefore,the fragments of sword blades from Vujak Kamen-ski (T. 2, 45) and Lonica may indicate the ritual destruction of items as sacrices (Teran 1996: 255).

Both meanings ascribed to the hoards, profane and spiritual, may be accurate. Namely, if some group of valuable items was buried in the ground during a time of danger, it is very likely that it was put there to protect some deity that accorded their holders with some inuence (Bouzek 1996: 421). J. Bouzekbelieves that Late Bronze Age hoards are the nalstage of a ritual tied to sacrices that was conduct-ed next to rivers, on mountain passes, in caves, etc. However, he believes that hoards simultaneously re-ect the picture of the distribution system betweenthe kingdoms in European Urneld culture thatwere headed by priest-kings (Bouzek 1996: 422). R.. Bradley attempted to make a compromise expla-nation, concluding that it is not a simple matter to distinguish between profane and votive hoards. He stresses that under the Bronze Age system capital was collected and consolidated and its exchange perhaps proceeded in standard units. Over time, the collected items may be dedicated as supernatu-ral or interred with the dead, while metal items not belonging to the local system may be accumulated and recycled (Bradley 1987: 360).

The place at which a hoard is deposited (water,mountain pass, quarry, etc.) is also an important in-dicator of its meaning. The hoards from the PoegaValley were found either near a settlement dated to the same period (e.g. Draga) or in forest clearings next to creeks, or next to natural mountain passes (Vujak Kamenski). During the Ha A period, besides settlements and their immediate vicinity, hoards are also tied to the transport communications of

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Povezao ih je s visinskim naseljima i oblinjim nala-zima naselja i grobalja te ih protumaio kao dokaze postojanja prapovijesnog prometa. Nalaze ostava i sluajne nalaze uz putove protumaio je kao putne rtve, odnosno kao rtvene darove trgovaca, a visin-ske je nalaze interpretirao u vezi s transhumantnim stoarstvom te rtvom stoara bogovima planina (Bader 2001: 26). Uzrok pohranjivanju predmeta na podruju Alpa valja traiti u topografskim, prome-tnim, vremenskim i osobito stresnim situacijama, kada je putnik na taj nain komunicirao s planin-skim boanstvom. Manje je vjerojatno da su uzrok bile ope ratne ili sline opasnosti jer nisu dopira-le do teko prohodnih Alpa (Neubauer & Stllner 1996: 124). U alpskom je prostoru najvie nalaza pronaeno na nadmorskoj visini od 1000 do 1500 metara, a najbrojniji su u kasnom bronanom dobu kada su koplja najei prilog (Neubauer & Stllner 1996: 106, Abb. 56).

Nalaz koji se s velikom vjerojatnou moe tumaiti kao rtveni dar nalaz je bronanog koplja u njega-viu iz vremena Ha A. Koplju je oteen vrh, a kako je pronaeno na teko prohodnim obroncima Psu-nja, moe se pretpostaviti kako ga je lovac u nevolji ili kakav putnik namjernik rtvovao svom boan-stvu za sretan ishod prijelaza preko planine (Ter-an 1987: 7677). Nalazi ostava (Vujak Kamenski) ili pojedinanih bronanih predmeta (njegavi) u gorskim predjelima Psunja ne iznenauju nakon nedavnih otkria visinskih naselja na Papuku. Tra-govi visinskih naselja otkriveni su na Rastovoj kosi, Papuku (istoimeni vrh Papuka), Pliu iznad Velike i Gradcu iznad Lukaa, a prema nalazima keramike mogu se datirati od razdoblja Ha A do razdoblja Ha C (Potrebica & Lonjak 2003: 11, 16). Ne udi to su obronci vee nadmorske visine bili naseljeni jer su imali vaan strateki poloaj s kojeg se mogao kontrolirati iri prostor Poeke kotline ili nizine prema Dravi i vani prijevoji preko Papuka. No, postavlja se pitanje o tipu naselja i privredi njiho-vih stanovnika. U Moravskoj su pronaeni tragovi metalurke djelatnosti i u nizinskim i u visinskim naseljima (Sala 1995: 576). Zato se moe pretpo-staviti da se metalurka aktivnost vjerojatno odvi-jala i u visinskim naseljima u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj, za to zasad imamo potvrde u istraivanom naselju na Kalniku (Majnari-Pandi 1992). Moda e bu-dua istraivanja otkriti tragove takve djelatnosti i u naseljima na Papuku zbog resursa koje nudi oko-li. Bez obzira na to je li rije o privremenim sezon-skim boravitima ili o stalnim naseljima i neovisno o tome kojom su se djelatnou bavili stanovnici, zasigurno su i oni sudjelovali u komunikacijama i razmjeni koja se nedvojbeno odvijala i u tim gor-skim podrujima.

the time. They are extensively accompanied by ndsfrom mountain passes, which has been very well re-searched in the example of the Alps (Mayer 1979; Stllner 1997: 20), while nds at passes crossing theCarpathians may be have a similar meaning, given the important metallurgical centers in Transylvania (Soroceanu 1995: 2930, note 59). Based on these data, T. Bader proposed a theory on nds at impor-tant transit and strategic passes over the Carpathi-ans. He associated them with highland settlements and nearby settlement and cemetery nds, and in-terpreted them as evidence of the existence of pre-historic transportation. He interpreted hoard ndsand chance nds next to thoroughfares as travel sac-rices, i.e. as sacricial gifts of merchants, while heinterpreted the highland nds as being associatedwith transhumant livestock herders and the sacri-ces they made to the mountain deities (Bader 2001:26). The reason for deposition of objects in the Al-pine area is probably more connected with topogra-phy, communications, weather, and personal stress-ful situations in which traveler in such manner com-municated with mountain deities. It is less probable that such phenomena were caused by war or similar dangers which did not reach hardly passable Alps. (Neubauer & Stllner 1996: 124). The highest con-centration of nds in the Alpine area was establishedin the zone between 1000 and 1500 meters above sea level, and the largest number of those belong to the Late Bronze Age with spears as the most frequ-ent nds (Neubauer, Stllner 1996: 106, Abb. 56).

A nd that can be interpreted with great probabilityas a sacrice is the bronze spear in njegavi fromthe Ha A period. The tip of the spear is damaged,and since it was found on the rugged terrain of the Psunj foothills, it can be assumed that a hunter in peril or a chance traveler sacriced it to a deity forsafe passage over the mountain (Teran 1987: 7677). Hoard nds (Vujak Kamenski) or individualbronze items (njegavi) at the higher elevations of Psunj are not surprising given the recent discovery of highland settlements on Papuk mountain. Traces of highland settlements were discovered at Rastova kosa, Papuk (the eponymous peak of Papuk), Pli, above Velika, and Gradac, over Luka; based on pottery nds that can be dated from the Ha A toHa C periods (Potrebica & Lonjak 2003: 11, 16). It is not unusual that slopes of higher altitude were inhabited, because they had a major strategic loca-tion, from which the wider territory of the Poega Valley or the lowlands toward the Drava River, and the important passes over Papuk, could be over-seen. However, the question arises as to the type of settlements and the economies of their inhabitants. Remains of metallurgical activity were discovered

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Nalazi bronanih predmeta iz Poeke kotline koji se datiraju u vrijeme Ha B jesu ostava iz Ciglenika i tuljasta sjekira iz Gradita. U vrijeme Ha B po-javljuje se manji broj ostava i drukijeg su sastava nego ostave iz starije faze kulture polja sa arama. Nakon 10. stoljea prije Krista pojavljuju se ostave drukijeg sastava u kojima je naglaen osobni ka-rakter razliitih priloenih predmeta (nakit, oruje, orue). Prilozi tako mnogobrojni ni raznovrsni kao to su bili u ranijim razdobljima (Metzner-Nebel-sick 2002: 5657). Ostava iz Ciglenika i pojedina-ni nalazi sjekira koji se datiraju u vrijeme Ha B svjedoe o naseljenosti ovoga prostora i u mlaoj fazi kulture polja sa arama. Iako su zasad podaci o istovremenim naseljima i grobljima na podruju Poeke kotline vrlo oskudni, uskoro se s pravom mogu oekivati novi brojni nalazi. Naime razdoblje starijeg eljeznog doba, odnosno Ha C koje slijedi, posvjedoeno je iznimnim nalazima naselja, groba-lja pod tumulima i raznovrsnom materijalnom kul-turom upravo na ovom prostoru. Sve to upuuje na vrlo vaan strateki poloaj Poeke kotline u irem kontekstu meurijeja Save i Drave, pa i srednje i jugoistone Europe.

Ovakvom je procvatu svakako prethodilo vrijeme intenzivnog razvoja ovog kraja, a odraava se u bo-gatim nalazima iz starije faze kulture polja sa ara-ma. U to vrijeme Poeka je kotlina, sudei prema dosadanjim nalazima, bila uklopljena u komuni-kacijsku mreu s vanim metalurkim centrima na prostoru Brodske Posavine. Preko tog je prostora bila povezana i s pretpostavljenim leitima kositra na Motajici i Prosari u Bosni i u zapadnoj Srbiji na planini Bukulja (Durman 1997: 9; 2004: 57). Siro-vine bakra potjeu vjerojatno s prostora sredinje Bosne ili iz istonih Alpa (Forenbaher 1995: 271), a mogui je izvor bakra i planina Rudnik u zapadnoj Srbiji (Durman 2004: 57). Veze izmeu bronanih predmeta pronaenih na prostoru Poeke kotline i moguih leita sirovina od kojih su izraeni moda e se moi utvrditi nakon arheometrijskih analiza predmeta. Uspostava takvih veza uklopila bi i ovu zatvorenu mikrocjelinu u distributivnu metalurku mreu kasnoga bronanog doba u junoj Panoniji, ali i na irem prostoru Karpatske kotline. Razmje-na jednostavnih bronanih predmeta zasigurno se odvijala na lokalnoj razini, izmeu susjednih nase-lja ili podruja, a tako je vjerojatno bilo i na pro-storu Poeke kotline i Brodske Posavine. Mnotvo iroko rasprostranjenih tipova predmeta u vrijeme kasnoga bronanog doba ukazuje prije na dobru razmjenu znanja i iskustva ljevaa, nego na centra-liziranu proizvodnju i iroku distribucijsku mreu (Forenbaher 1995: 272). S druge strane, izrada ne-kih tipova bronanih predmeta (bronanih posuda,

both on lowland and highland settlement in Mora-via (Sala 1995: 576). Accordingly we may presume that simmilar metallurgical activity was also present in highland settlements in northern Croatia which was conrmed in excavated settlement on Kalnik(Majnari-Pandi 1992). Considering the environ-mental resources, perhaps such activity will also be established in future research of the settlements on Papuk. Regardless of whether they are seasonal re-sidences or permanent abodes, and regardless of the occupation of the inhabitants, they also partici-pated in communications and exchange that cer-tainly proceeded in these highland zones.

The bronze nds from the Poega Valley dated to theHa B period constitute the hoard from Ciglenik and the socketed axe from Gradite. During the Ha B a smaller number of hoards appear and they have a dierent composition from the hoards of the earlierphase of the Urneld culture. After the tenth centu-ry BC, dierently composed hoards appear in whichthe personal character of the various deposited items is marked (jewelry, weapons, implements), and these items are deposited in smaller numbers and types than previously (Metzner-Nebelsick 2002: 5657). The Ciglenik hoard and individual axe nds dated tothe Ha B period testify to the habitation of this area even in the later phase of the Urneld culture. Al-though the data on the concurrent settlements and cemeteries in the Poega Valley are still very meager, numerous new nds can rightfully be expected inthe near future. There are exceptional nds of settle-ments, grave-mound cemeteries and a diverse mate-rial culture precisely in this area testifying to the ear-lier Iron Age, Ha C, which follows. All of this indicates the very important strategic location of the Poega Valley in the broader context of the Sava and Drava interuve, and of Central and Southeastern Europe.

Such a blossoming certainly preceded a period of in-tense development in this region, and it is reectedin rich nds from the earlier phase of the Urneldculture. At that time the Poega Valley, judging by previous nds, was incorporated into the com-munications network with important metallurgi-cal centers in the Sava River valley around Brod. By this means, the area was linked to the assumed tin deposits at Motajica and Prosara in Bosnia and in western Serbia, on Bukulja mountain (Durman 1997: 9; 2004: 57). The copper ore probably comesfrom central Bosnia or the eastern Alps (Forenbaher 1995: 271), and a possible source of copper was also Rudnik mountain in western Serbia (Durman 2004: 57). The ties between bronze items found in PoegaValley and the possible deposits of the ore from which they were made may perhaps be ascertained after the items undergo archeometric analysis. The

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maeva ili pojasa) zahtijevaju sloeniji tehnoloki proces koji je morao biti organiziran u nekoj veoj metalurkoj radionici, a ona je vrlo vjerojatno bila pod ingerencijom lokalne elite (Forenbaher 1995: 272). Primjer takvog ekskluzivnog predmeta ostaci su pojasa iz ostave Livadieva ulica u Brodu (Mi-kiv 1982: 177, T. VIII). Pojas je bogato ukraen i zasigurno je bio dio nonje nekog kasnobronano-dobnog odlinika ili odlinice (Majnari-Pandi 2000: 107). Zasad nema sigurne potvrde da je taj predmet izraen na brodskom podruju, ali nije iskljueno postojanje i radionice koja je mogla proi-zvesti takav umjetniki predmet (Majnari-Pandi 2000: 108). Nalaz ovog pojasa bez sumnje dokazuje postojanje mree proizvodnje, trgovine i razmje-ne u koju je bio ukljuen i prostor Brodske Posa-vine. Prema dosadanjim spoznajama na prostoru Poeke kotline nema tako ekskluzivnih predmeta iz vremena kasnog bronanog doba. Na tom pro-storu repertoar poznatih bronanih predmeta ima uobiajenu utilitarnu funkciju. Izuzetni predmeti, poput spomenutog pojasa, bili su prestina dobra monika, odnosno ljudi koji su kontrolirali resurse ili komunikacije. Takvim predmetima bile su pla-ane njihove usluge, a darovi su osiguravali i dobre odnose. U tu skupinu ubrajaju se oruje (maevi, koplja, strelice), bronane posude i predmeti od zlata, bronani dijelovi kola koji svjedoe o eliti koja ih je u tom vremenu posjedovala (Clausing 1999: 320). Tako je odlinik iz Slavonskog Broda mogao pojas dobiti kao dar. Moda mu je time plaena vo-zarina preko Save ili jednostavno naknada za prolaz kroz njegovo podruje, a moda je predmet dio ra-tnog ili pljakakog plijena. Sudei prema nalazima bronanih predmeta na prostoru Brodske Posavine oito je kako se radi o strateki vrlo vanom po-loaju za privredu. Moemo zakljuiti da je takvu vanost u sljedeem razdoblju starijega eljeznog doba imao upravo prostor koji je predmet ovoga rada. O tome svjedoe brojni ekskluzivni nalazi iz grobova pod tumulima u Kaptolu (Potrebica 2001: 68). Vano je uoiti da su u razdoblju starijeg elje-znog doba takve izuzetne dragocjenosti priloene u grob odlinika jer ih je vjerojatno posjedovao za ivota, iako ne nuno i koristio. U kasnom bron-anom dobu prilagani su u velike skupne nalaze, i to vjerojatno kao rtva koju su ondanji odlinici prinosili boanstvima tovanima u svakodnevnom ivotu. Ovo je samo jedna u nizu promjena koje su se zbivale tijekom kasnog bronanog doba i na prijelazu u starije eljezno doba. Treba naglasiti kako su tijekom kasnoga bronanog doba postojale mree proizvodnje, trgovine i razmjene; komunika-cijski procesi odvijali su se i na lokalnoj razini i na irem prostoru. Na temelju naselja, grobalja, ostava

determination of such ties would connect even this closed micro-unit into a distributive metallurgical network of the Late Bronze Age in southern Panno-nia, but also into the wider region of the Carpathian Valley. The exchange of simple bronze items certain-ly occurred at the local level, between neighboring settlements or areas, and this was probably the case between the Poega Valley and the Sava River valley around Brod. A multitude of broadly dispersed types of items during the Late Bronze Age more likely indi-cates extensive exchanges of knowledge and experi-ence by smelters rather than centralized production and a broad distribution network (Forenbaher 1995: 272). On the other hand, the production of certain types of bronze items (bronze vessels, swords or belts) requires a more complex technological proc-ess that had to be organized in a larger metallurgy workshop, and it was very likely under the inuenceof the local elite (Forenbaher 1995: 272). An example of such an exclusive item is the remains of a bronze sheet belt from the hoard found in Livadieva street in Brod (Mikiv 1982: 177, T. VIII). The belt wasrichly decorated and was certainly part of the at-tire of some distinguished Late Bronze Age man or woman (Majnari-Pandi 2000: 107). So far there is no unambiguous evidence that this item was crafted in the Brod area, but the existence of a workshop that could have produced such an artistic item can-not be discounted (Majnari-Pandi 2000: 108). This belt certainly proves the existence of a produc-tion, trade and exchange network that encompassed the Sava valley in vicinity of Brod. No such exclusive items from the Late Bronze Age were discovered in the Poega Valley so far. In this area, the repertoire of known bronze items has a customary utilitarian function. Exceptional items, such as the aforemen-tioned belt, were the prestige items of powerful individuals people who controlled resources or communications. Such items were used to pay for their services, while gifts helped insure good rela-tions. This group includes weapons (swords, spears,arrows), bronze vessels and gold items, and bronze wagon parts, which testify to an elite that possessed them at the time (Clausing 1999: 320). Thus a manor woman of power from Slavonski Brod could have received the belt as a gift. Perhaps it was means to pay for transport across the Sava River or simply a fee for safe passage through his territory, or even a component of wartime booty or brigandry plunder. Judging by the nds of bronze items in the Sava Rivervalley around Brod, it is obvious that this was a stra-tegically very important economic location. We can conclude that such importance was accorded to the area examined in this work during the subsequent period of the earlier Iron Age. This is shown by the

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i sluajnih nalaza moemo zakljuiti kako je po-druje Poeke kotline u starijoj fazi kasnog bron-anog doba bilo gusto naseljeno, unato tome to se, prema sadanjem stanju istraivanja, nalazilo na periferiji bogatih metalurkih centara u Brodskoj Posavini kojoj, sudei prema grobnom ritualu, i kulturoloki pripada. Meutim, u sjevernom dijelu Poeke kotline zamijeeni su nalazi koji se mogu pripisati virovitikoj grupi (Vinski-Gasparini 1983: 554). Ove dvije kulturne grupe obiljeile su stariju fazu kasnoga bronanog doba na prostoru sjeverne Hrvatske i mogue je da su se ispreplitale upravo na ovom prostoru, zahvaljujui sredinjem polo-aju kotline izmeu Posavine i Podravine. Prema sadanjem se stanju istraivanja oskudni metalni predmeti virovitike grupe ne razlikuju od grupe Barice-Greani. Isto tako vjetinu ljevaa bronce treba promatrati kao vjetinu koja je iroko raspro-stranjena i zahtijeva konstantnu razmjenu ideja. Podaci o naseljenosti tijekom mlae faze kasno-ga bronanog doba malobrojni su, ali nisu izostali nalazi bronanih predmeta koji se mogu datirati u vrijeme Ha B. Moe se pretpostaviti da je postojala gua naseljenost tijekom razdoblja Ha B upravo zbog injenice da kasnije postoji jak haltatski cen-tar u Poekoj kotlini. U to vrijeme nestaju ostave i pojedinani nalazi bronanih predmeta koji su karaterizirali itavo razdoblje kasnoga bronanog doba, a osobito su brojni u vrijeme Ha A.

Poeka kotlina u kasnom je bronanom dobu pro-matrana na temelju dosad zabiljeenih i istraenih naselja, grobalja i ostava. Kako su nalazi ee do-lazili do muzeja kao sluajno otkrie, a rjee kao rezultat strunog iskopavanja, jo uvijek smo pri-kraeni za mnoge podatke o ovom vremenskom ra-zdoblju u zatvorenoj mikrocjelini u sreditu meu-rijeja Drave i Save. Upravo radi geografskog polo-aja promatranog prostora ivot u vrijeme kasnoga bronanog doba moe se prema nekim naznakama, zasad jo oskudnih istraivanja, promatrati kroz nekoliko hipoteza. Prva hipoteza: U vrijeme starije faze kasnoga bronanog doba na ovom su prostoru mogle postojati dvije kulturne grupe virovitika, koja je rasprostranjena u Podravini, i grupa Barice-Greani rasprostranjena u Posavini prema kojoj je reljefno i orijentirana Poeka kotlina. Proimanje ovih dviju grupa biti e mogue pratiti prije svega prema razliitim grobnim ritualima i prema nekim karakteristinim keramikim oblicima. Drugo hipo-teza: Treba istovremeno prouavati odnos naselja, grobalja i ostava kako bi se dobila cjelovitija slika o naseljenosti ovoga prostora. Rezultati novijih te-renskih pregleda svjedoe o brojnim naseljima iz vremena kasnoga bronanog doba na uzvisinama Papuka koji je prirodna razdjelnica prostora Poe-

numerous exclusive nds from grave mounds in Ka-ptol (Potrebica 2001: 68). It is important to note that during the Early Iron Age, such exceptional valu-ables were deposited in the grave of a powerful man or woman because he or she probably possessed them although not necessarily used them during his/her lifetime. Large group nds were depositedduring the Late Bronze Age, probably as sacriceswhich the potentates of the time oered to deitiesrevered in everyday life. This is only one in a seriesof changes that occurred during the Late Bronze Age and during the transition to the earlier Iron Age. It should be noted that during the Late Bronze Age there were production, trade and exchange net-works; communications proceeded at the local level and over a broader area. Based on settlements, cem-eteries and chance nds, we can conclude that thePoega Valley was densely populated during the ear-lier phase of the Late Bronze Age, despite being lo-cated at the periphery of rich metallurgy centers (an assumption based on the current level of research) in Sava River valley around Brod, to which, if grave rituals are any indication, it belonged in terms of culture. However, nds were noted in the northernpart of the Poega Valley that can be ascribed to the Virovitica group (Vinski-Gasparini 1983: 554). Thesetwo cultural groups marked the earlier phase of the Late Bronze Age in northern Croatia, and it is pos-sible that they intermingled in precisely this area, thanks to the central location of the valleys between the Sava and Drava Rivers. At the current level of research, no dierences were discerned betweenthe metal items from the Virovitica group and the Barice-Greani group. By the same token, the skill of bronze smelters should be viewed as a widespread craft that required a constant exchange of ideas. Data on settlements during the earlier phase of the Late Bronze Age are few in number, but there is no lack of bronze items that can be dated to the Ha B period. It is plausible to assume greater population density during the Ha B period, precisely due to the fact of the later existence of a strong Hallstatt center in the Poega Valley. At this time, hoards and individual nds of bronze items which characterized the entireperiod of the Late Bronze Age, and particularly nu-merous during the Ha A period, began to disappear.

The Poega Valley in the Late Bronze Age has beenobserved on the basis of settlements, cemeteries and hoards registered and researched so far. Since the nds often came to museums as chance discoveries,and more rarely as the result of professional excava-tions, there is still much missing data on this period in the closed micro-region in the center of the Drava and Sava interuve. It is precisely due to the geo-graphic location of this area that life during the Late

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ke kotline i Podravine. Prisutnost kasnobrona-nodobnih populacija na Papuku i Psunju na teme-lju sluajnih nalaza metalnih predmeta svjedoi o resursima ovih podruja koje su stanovnici koristili u privredi ili pak o komunikacijama koje su se ne-dvojbeno odvijale na tom podruju. S obzirom na dosad zabiljeena i istraena groblja i naselja u Po-ekoj kotlini ne trebamo biti iznenaeni ni brojem ostava i sluajnih nalaza na ovome podruju koje prema dosadanjem stanju istraivanja valja pro-matrati kao periferiju vanog i nalazima bogatog metalurkog centra u Brodskom Posavlju. Znaenje ostava i sluajnih nalaza metalnih predmeta kojima se bavi ovaj rad treba traiti prvenstveno u uem regionalnom krugu, a zatim u irem kulturnom krugu kojem pripada ovaj prostor. To je prije svega meurijeje Drave i Save s velikim brojem ostava iz istog razdoblja, a zatim prostor Karpatske kotline koji se prema novijim istraivanjima moe uklopi-ti u iru komunikacijsku i trgovaku mreu Euro-pe (Hansen 1994; Pare 1996: 119). Znaenja ostava i pojedinanih nalaza metalnih predmeta dvojako su interpretirana. S jedne strane njihovo se znae-nje tumai profanim razlozima kao tu su skrivanje vrijednosti pred nemirima ili pohranjivanje drago-cjenosti; s druge se strane povezuje s duhovnom praksom kasnoga bronanog doba kada su se na taj nain astila, podmiivala ili udobrovoljavala bo-anstva. Postoje i pomirbena tumaenja o vie ra-zina znaenja istoga predmeta u razliitim zajedni-cama iz ega proizlaze razliiti naini prilaganja ili odlaganja metalnih predmeta koji su nedvojbno bili vani kasnobronanodobnim populacijama. Veina tumaenja pri pojedinim nalazima ostaje na razini pretpostavki jer znaenje se moe odrediti samo na temelju vrlo preciznih okolnosti nalaza koje obino izostanu pri sluajnim nalazima ili nalazima izvan naselja, groblja i sl. Trea hipoteza: Pretpostavlja se da je Poeka kotlina u mlaoj fazi kasnog brona-nog doba (Ha B) bila gusto naseljena. Smatra se da je tada postojao velik broj naselja, grobalja i razvi-jena mrea komunikacija. O tome svjedoe podaci sa sustavnih istraivanja koji se odnose na razdoblje starijega eljeznog doba kada je na ovome prostoru bilo sredite utjecajne zajednice. U novijim istrai-vanjima otkrivena je grobna cjelina koja se datira u poetak starijega eljeznog doba (Potrebica & Bezi 2002: 49) koje je svoje ishodite imalo u zasad slabo poznatoj mlaoj fazi kasnoga bronanog doba na ovom prostoru.

Odgovore na ove hipoteze dat e budua istraiva-nja ovoga nadasve zanimljivog prostora na sjecitu komunikacijskih pravaca i u sreditu ire regije koja je u kasnom bronanom dobu pripadala razliitim grupama istoga kulturnog kruga. Reljefna speci-

Bronze Age can, based on certain indications of (at this time) still meager research, be observed through the prism of several hypotheses. First: during the ear-lier phase of the Late Bronze Age it is possible that two cultural groups existed here: the Virovitica, wide-spread in Drava valley; and the Barice-Greani, wide-spread in the Sava River valley, oriented toward the Poega Valley by its relief features. The interminglingof these two groups can above all be followed on the basis of burial rituals, which are dierent, and on thebasis of certain characteristic pottery forms. Second: the relationship between settlements, cemeteries and hoards should be examined simultaneously to obtain a comprehensive picture of this areas population density. The results of more recent eld examina-tions testify to numerous settlements from the Late Bronze Age at the higher elevations of Papuk, which is a natural partition between the Poega Valley and the Drava River valley. The presence of Late BronzeAge populations on Papuk, based on chance metal nds on Psunj, testify to the resources of this area,which these inhabitants used in their economy or to the communications that undoubtedly occurred in this area. Given the so far registered and researched graves in the Poega Valley and the number of regis-tered settlements, the number of hoards and chance nds in this area are not surprising; based on the cur-rent level of research, these should be viewed as the periphery of the important metallurgy center, rich in nds, in the territory of the Sava River valley aroundBrod. The signicance of the hoards and chancends examined in this work should rst be soughtin the narrower regional circle given the content of the nds, and then in the broader cultural sphere towhich this area belonged. Above all this is the Drava and Sava interuve with a large number of concurrenthoards, and then the Carpathian Valley, which based on newer research can be included in the wider com-munications and trade network of Europe (Hansen 1994; Pare 1996: 119). The importance of hoards andindividual nds of metal items have been doubly il-luminated. On one hand their signicance has beeninterpreted on profane grounds, such as concealment of valuables during times of unrest or for storage; on the other hand they are associated with spiritual practices of the Late Bronze Age, when deities were honored, received tribute or implored in this manner. There are also compromise interpretations to the ef-fect of multi-layered meanings for the same item to dierent communities, which then implies dierentmethods for placing or depositing metal items which were undoubtedly valuable to Late Bronze Age popu-lations. Most interpretations of individual nds re-main at the level of assumptions, because their mean-ing can only be ascertained based on the very precise

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nost i zatvorenost ovoga prostora ocrtavaju i stra-teki znaaj koji je bio zanimljiv za naseljavanje ne samo u vrijeme kulture polja sa arama nego i u du-ljem tisuljetnom razdoblju.

circumstances of the nds, which are normally lack-ing for chance nds or nds outside of the contextof settlements, cemeteries, etc. Third: the assumption of high population density in the Poega Valley dur-ing the earlier phase of the Late Bronze Age (Ha B), when one could expect based on the so far meager nds of a large number of settlements, cemeteriesand a developed network of communications. Thisis conrmed by data from systematic research per-taining to the earlier Iron Age, when the center of a powerful community in the wider geographic context was recorded in this area. In more recent research, a grave unit was found that was dated to the begin-ning of the earlier Iron Age (Potrebica & Bezi 2002: 49), which had its origins in the so far lesser known earlier phase of the Late Bronze Age in this area.

The answer to these hypotheses will be illuminatedby future research into this entirely interesting area that lay at the hub of communications routes and in the center of a wider region that belonged to dierentgroups of the same cultural sphere during the Late Bronze Age. The specic relief and insularity of thisarea also highlights its strategic importance, which made it a destination for immigration not only during the Urneld culture but over an entire millennium.

KRATICE / ABBREVIATIONS

AnaliOs Anali Zavoda za znanstveni rad u Osijeku Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti (Osijek)

AP Arheoloki pregled, Beograd AV Arheoloki vestnik. Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, LjubljanaBRGK Bericht der Rmisch-Germanischen Kommission, Frankfurt am MainGZMS Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu, SarajevoIzdanjaHAD Izdanja Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva, ZagrebJbRGZM Jahrbuch des Rmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, MainzKatMon Katalogi in monograje, Narodni muzej LjubljanaMonographien RGZM Monographien des Rmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, MainzObavijestiHAD Obavijesti Hrvatskog arheolokog drutva, ZagrebOA Opuscula archaeologica, Radovi Arheolokog zavoda Filozofskog fakulteta Sveuilita u

ZagrebuPAS Prhistorische Archologie in Sdosteuropa, Mnchen-BerlinPJZ Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja, SarajevoPIAZ Prilozi Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu RGF Rmisch-Germanische Forschungen, BerlinUPA Universittforschungen zur prhistorischen Archologie, Berlin/BonnVAMZ Vjesnik Arheolokog muzeja u Zagrebu, 3. serija, ZagrebVijestiMBP Vijesti, Godinjak Muzeja Brodskog Posavlja, Slavonski BrodZborSlavBrod Zbornik radova sa znanstvenog skupa o Slavonskom Brodu u povodu 750. obljetnice

prvog pisanog spomena imena Broda (Slavonski Brod)

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LITERATURA / BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bader 1999 T. Bader: Bronzefunde von Surduc, Bez. Slaj, Rumnien. Bemerkungen zu den bronze-zeitlichen Pafunden um Samosch-Engpa, Transsilvanica 7, Archologische Untersuc-hungen zur lteren Geschichte des sdstlichen Mitteleuropa, Rahden, 1999, 133141.

Bader 2001 T. Bader: Passfunde aus der Bronzezeit in den Karpaten, Communicationes Archaeolo-gicae Hungariae 2001, Budapest, 2001, 1539.

Bouzek 1996 J. Bouzek: European Bronze Age hoards and their Mediterranean parallels, Studien zur Metallindustrie im Karpatenbecken und den benachbarten Regionen, Budapest,

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