1.1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: MAKING SENSE OF SOUTHEAST ASIA

1.2 A Southeast Asian Snapshot

Southeast Asia is a geographical identity which includes 10 countries that lie between the Indian subcontinent and China. Southeast Asia consists of the countries in mainland and island. The mainland consists of large peninsula that is occupied by 5 countries which are Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand and Vietnam whereas the island consists Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Brunei and Singapore. These countries has distinctions by sheer geography, the historical development and also the strategic position.

As we can see, countries like Thailand, Vietnam and Burma provide the basic for population growth, development and conquered in political power in the river systems way before the colonial era. In contrast, the economic and political development in Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines was always in a line with the material environment. There was a vast difference compared to the countries in mainland and in the island itself.

These was not an impact at all to the Southeast Asia countries to expand in trade networks that ranged from China to India and the Persian Gulf. Expansion of Southeast Asia not only gives a good commercial interaction but also act as a trading centres across the region in places like Malacca, Java and Sumatera and also it became a platform in introducing all of the world's major religions to the region via the traders.

Southeast Asia also became a spur in existence of different, religiously demarcated social groups. The major religious traditions has therefore left an enduring legacy with Christian, Muslim, Buddhist and Hindu communities. These religions conquered countries like Malaysia and Indonesia. Buddhist, Christians and Muslims in Burma, the Philippines and Singapore. Buddhist and Muslims in Thailand and Buddhist and Christians in Vietnam.

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Singapore has a multi-ethnic population and has the highest living standards in the world. Indonesia has a very large population but has a low per capita incomes. Singapore and Brunei only enjoyed the developed-country living standards whereas Malaysia and Thailand occupy an intermediate rung and the other regions have a much lower annual incomes.

There is a vast differences in income and population size, social development because not all of the new arrivals in Southeast Asia's rapidly expanding cities are able to realize their ambitions. Indeed, the numbers living in slum conditions remains high in some of the region's poorer countries. Besides that, the remarkable variety of forms political life in Southeast Asia is another major distinguishing.1

These distinctive modes of political organization are important and the challenges become more vast as it has a complex ethnic and social relations. As we can see, migrants from China played an important role in economic development. Chinese community seen as occupying a privileged position relative to indigenous population.

Thus, Southeast Asia is blessed with national differences and also been facing mediate global forces which subsequently determine the political, economic and even strategic outcomes at the regional level.

1.3 From the Local to the Regional

The development of formal political organizations like the European Union and latterly the North American Free Trade Area and the ASEAN has given greater scholarly impetus to the study of regions. 'Intrusive regionalism' or regionally meditated external forces and pressures, may contribute to the dialectical interaction between the regional and the global (Acharya, 2002:20). It is for this reason that aspects of regional processes in Southeast Asia remain distinctive and make its regional dynamics rather different to elsewhere.

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One of the most noteworthy comparative qualities of the Southeast Asian experience on this regard is that regional integration has primarily been uncoordinated and principally driven by multinational corporations and the evolving logic of cross-border production strategies.

Strategic concerns have continued to play a prominent role in helping define and consolidate the idea of a distinct Southeast Asian Region, with the formation of the idea of a distinct Southeast Asian region, with the formation of the South-East Asian Treaty Organization (SEATO) in 1954 and ASEAN in 1967. These developments build up the external forces be the economic, political, that played a big role in defining a Southeast Asia region.

So, in general we can conclude that the increasingly important initiatives that are happen at the transnational, regional level or social, political and economic relations within increasingly porous national boundaries, then both national and region levels should be considered.

1.4 The Structure of This Book

Chapter 2 by Robert Elson briefs about the impact of the crucially important colonial period on Southeast Asia and also the period of transformation of Southeast Asia, the lives and livelihoods of its people. Besides that this chapter also touches about the economic political structures in the colonial era, the present situation and its particular challenges.

Chapter 3 by Mark Berger talks about the impact of the Cold War on the seminal nation-building period. Chapter 4 by Greg Felker, analyses the economic development of Southeast Asia that has been shaped by a complex array of internal and external factors.

Chapter 5 by Scott Fritzen, discusses about the way public administration has developed in Southeast Asia in the post-independence period. 'Colonial Inheritance' played a major part in determining

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subsequent state capacity. William Case in chapter 6 consider the fate of democratic reform in Southeast Asia.

Chapter 7 by Chua Beng extends the focus on Southeast Asia's political and social practices to consider the impact of communitarian ideas on political thinking of and practice in East Asia. Chapter 8 by Caroline Hughes looks at the development of civil society in Southeast Asia and also the development of 'associational life' and its relationship to the region's often states and also the impact of Islam in the political and also religious life of the region.

Chapter 9 by David Brown demonstrates the importance of national and ethnic factors that remain in Southeast Asia. In Chapter 10 by Greg Fealy explores the role of Islam in regional affairs and also the impact of rising pietism in Southeast Asia. Chapter 11 by Alex Bellamy remarks about the security challenges both internally and externally in Southeast Asia. Chapter 12 by Alice Ba talks about the countries that has a arguably become East Asia's most important foreign policy actor and how it change the region as a whole.

Chapter 13 by Julie Gilson points out Japan's relation with the region and also China's importance in the region as well. Chapter 14 by Jorn Dosch explains how Southeast Asia's relationship with the United States has evolved over the recent years. In Chapter 15, by Richard Stubbs considers the historical development of regional cooperation in Southeast Asia. In Chapter 16 by Lorraine Elliot, discuss about multidimensional challenges that confront Southeast Asia in economic and political wise.

In Chapter17 it concludes and overview of some important and helpful debates that attempted to make sense of Southeast Asia' s historical development and the region's place in the international system and also to sense about the different and distinctive about Southeast Asia that seem more universal.

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2.1 CHAPTER 2 SOUTHEAST ASIA AND THE COLONIAL EXPERIENCE

2.2 Early Western Imperialism

Early phase of Western imperialism in Southeast Asia is an important sense. Europeans powers could interpose themselves only as brokers of the common items of Asian trade. Trade and other interactions with a multiplicity of powers and markets outside the region remained the motif of Southeast Asian life and politics until deep into the nineteenth century.

European colonialism had more implication in Southeast Asia region itself. It has somehow transformed the livelihoods and its people. Besides that, Southeast Asia is transformed in entirely into new and foreign way. The European colonialism created a new system in Southeast Asia. The control of people was more important than the control of territory.

The principles of modern took place in Southeast Asia. These region is built on more arbitrary principles. In some senses, new ethnics identities were constructed as a result of the classificatory interventions of colonial powers. The manifestation of colonialism was merely to enhance their prosperity, imposing administrative languages and basically to 'civilize' the people in Southeast Asia.

2.3 Economies and Production

The development on Southeast Asia was both in political and economic aspect. Politically, the colonial powers and neo-imperial Siam consolidated their territories through force of arms, persuasion and the technology of

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railways and the telegraph and the administrative. Economically, it was the level of national economies.

The colonial states which came about focused on the economic benefits that makes them as a metropolitan controllers. The over-weening impulse of the colonial powers was the production in their colonies of a limited number but vast qualities of tropical consumption goods.

In the outer regions, in areas of East Sumatera, centred of Medan, the Dutch planted tobacco, rubber, palm oil. In the Philippines, sugar was brought up. To produce products like tin and rubber, British organized the transfer of Chinese and Indian immigrants to work in tin mines and rubber plantations.

British also imported huge quantities of rice from the rapidly developing rice frontier of Lower Burma, the Central Plain of Siam and the Mekong delta region of Southern Vietnam whereas the oil industry was promoted in Sumatera and northern Burma. Coal production was brought about in Vietnam. The colonies sold most of what they produced and purchased n the market much of what they had to consume.

As we can see, all these developments stimulated an extraordinary increase in Southeast Asia's population. It was proven true that the political stability created the conditions which transformed the demographic profile. Consequence of these larger process was a rapid growth in land fragmentation, in tenancy, in landlessness, in credit dependency, in general territorial mobility, and in the variety of occupations practised.

As a conclusion, the colonial period created directly or indirectly fundamental new Southeast Asia that was mutually beneficial regional purpose that will be strewn with inherited and created difficulties.

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3.1 CHAPTER 3 THE END OF EMPIRE AND COLD WAR

3.2 From Colonialism to Nationalism

The rise of nationalism in Southeast Asia was bound to the history of colonialism. All of the Southeast Asia was colonized except Thailand. Soon there was a rise of capitalism and industrialization of Western Europe, North America and Japan.

Nationalism represented the main site of anti-colonial resistance. Regardless the historically contingent character of the new post-colonial nations, the assumption about the natural integrity of nations is underpinned by the powerful post-colonial politics.

The consolidation of authoritarian, post-colonial states, national and ethnic identities have been constructed and reconstructed in a continuous process. The overall power of national elites in Southeast Asia flows in part from their ability to command loyalty by invoking and rearticulating traditional symbols. There was an uneven economic development and nation-building in the region.

The decolonization involved in three overlapping trends. First, the emerging nationalist movements combined with alterations in the global order after 1945 causing interests in the colonial capitals. Second, the process of decolonization interacted with the Cold War. Finally, armed and unarmed nationalist movements and the pressure for change had

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strengthened by the Japanese invasion and occupation of virtually all of Southeast Asia during the pacific war.

3.3 From Colonies to nation-states

British Malaya achieved independence in 1957 and the nation states of Malaya was formed in 1963. Immigrants from South India and Southern China waved in Malaya. The colonial rule was well developed by the Japanese who took over British Malaya during second world war. The Japanese guerrillas led by the Communist Party of Malaya.

Soon, future independent nation-state which eventually gave birth to United Malays National Organization (UMNO) IN 1946. During this period also saw emergence of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) and the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC). In 1957, the Federation of Malaya still excluded Singapore, Sarawak and North Borneo.

Sukarno presided over an Independent Indonesia in 1945. Modern Indonesia built directly on the Netherlands East Indies which was consolidated by the Dutch in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. During the Dutch period, economic expansion and politico-military took place.

The priyayi dominated the lower and middle ranks of the Dutch colonial state. Anti-colonialism did not take hold in Netherlands East Indies until the early twentieth century. However in the years followed, liberalism, nationalism, socialism and communism increasingly interacted with more traditional cultural and religious ideas, giving rise to varied political organizations and mass-based anti-colonial movements.

Sarekat Islam was brought in 1912 while Partai Komunis Indonesia in 1014. The nationalist movement as a political organization was effectively repressed by the Dutch colonial state in the 1930s.

The Japanese gave Sukarno and other Indonesian nationalist important opportunities in form of various mass-based political organizations. They also set up auxiliary armies and also encouraged use

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of Bahasa Indonesia. On 17 August 1945, just after the Japanese surrender, Indonesia declared its independence.

French Indochina fragmented into the nation-states of Vietnam whereby it was divided in 1954 and 1975 as the Republic of Vietnam and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. This is because Vietnam had been an important pre colonial polity that the French had only conquered and absorbed into Indochina. The remaining territories of Laos and Cambodia were left to pursue their own paths to independence. The Javanese elit had by large more successfully incorporated by the early twentieth century into an increasingly Dutch colonial bureaucracy.

The rise of nationalism was increasingly underpinned by growing poverty in countryside. The communist movement in Vietnam was seen as a crucial turning point. The Chinese Nationalist occupied the northern half of the country and British took the southern half.

The French who clung to their Southeast Asian colonies more than Dutch embarked on a major military effort to hold onto French Indochina between 1946 and 1954 against a determined national liberation movement led by Ho Chi Minh and the Vietnamese Communist Party. In 1946, marked the beginning of 30 years of war and the increasing involvement on the part of United States of America.

3.4 Revolution and Counter-revolution

The future of the colonies in Southeast Asia had a direct influence on the security and economic reconstruction of Britain, France and the Netherlands and the need for these countries to play a full role in the Cold War Alliance arrangements. Dutch effort to restore their empire on Southeast Asia was in their hands. Dutch faced highly localized popular military.

In conclusion, constraints that the colonial framework imposed, particularly in terms of the types of states that emerged at the centre of the new nations. The rise of nationalism and decolonization and the

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consolidation of nation-states were conditioned by Cold War. The Cold war came to an end in 1980.

4.1 CHAPTER 4 THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF SOUTHEAST ASIA

4.2 Out of Diversity, Unity? Southeast Asia and outward-oriented development

Southeast Asia includes a diverse set of economic and political systems. The city of Singapore regarded one of Asia's first-generation NIC's along with South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong, has attained developed-country levels of income and social welfare with a mixture of sophisticated manufacturing and service industries. Brunei gain income level from oil exports, Malaysia with wealth and industrialization. Thailand exports by textiles, electronics and food-processing industries.

The Philippines and Indonesia together with Malaysia and Thailand as ASEAN Four. Indonesia made notable in raising incomes and reducing poverty during early New Order regime of Suharto. A large gap divides Southeast Asia's capitalist societies from much poorer socialist and

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transitional economies. Vietnam has consolidated its position in global level and achieved growth rates than Indonesia and Philippiness. Isolated Laos remains the poorest country in the region. Southeast Asia nations varying income levels and economic structures in the colonial past. The cold war decisively shaped the decolonization process.

By contrast, a longer-term view of Southeast Asia's development hstory highlights a deeply rooted pattern of regime-conserving adaption in response to similarly momentous shifts .

4.3 Domestic and International politics of resource-based Development

Southeast Asia has been a hub of long-distance trade and a supplier of tropical resources in global markets. Southeast Asia's comparative success in resource-based growth might be viewed as supporting a liberal analysis of regional growth.

Although resource sectors were oriented towards global markets, Southeast Asia governments controlled and taxed them heavily. In agriculture, the government regulated land development, provided much of the sector's credit, controlled the pricing and taxed exports.

Colonial era ethnic divisions of labour had left indigenous groups concentrated in smallholder cultivation, and post independence regimes drew their primary political support from rural areas. The introduction of Green Revolution techonology in the 1970s increased governments' roles in regulating the rural economy.

In short, the prolonged relatively successful, focus of Southeast Asian states on resource-based development was a largely defensive adaption to internal challenges. The pressure of cold war indicated the developments. The security also developed during this period.

4.4 Import-substitution and export-oriented industrialization

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ISI policies typically included quotas or tariff protection against import competition, licensing schemes for manufacturing industries, and investment incentives such as corporate tax holidays. Overall economic growth, as well as state revenues, remained tied primarily to agriculture and other resource-based sectors. International trade maintained realistic currency exchange rates.

Southeast Asia's linkages to the international economy and laid the foundation for a more integrated regional economy. The 1970s and early 1980s period of transition in Southeast Asia's development. At the heart of emerging economic order, then lay an accomodation between Japan's pursuit of economic security through enhanced network-governed investment trade in Asia, and Southeast Asian leaders' efforts to bolster regime legitimacy by delivering rapid growth.

The new export industries and legal ways from the domestic economy, Southeast Asia's capitalist states could globalize their economics without risking. The multinational corporations who flocked to the new export processing zones had less interest in reforming government systems. The new international division of labour (NIDL) fostered by the globalization of manufacturing multinational interests that strengthened, rather than chalenged, the state's role as an economic gatekeeper and hence, that indirectly enhanced the state's domestic political auhority.

4.5 The political economy of the 'Southeast Asian miracle'

The regional economic integration took a major leap forward starting the late 1980s. Southeast Asia governments began to lower tariffs and other trade barriers after a collapse of global commodity prices in the middle of the decade. FDI created new regional interdependence based on an intra-industry division labour in Asia.

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Southeast Asia's boom-era liberalization appeared to reflect a new consensus on the advantages of market-led growth. Many scholars viewed policy change as the product of domestic political transformations. In fact, Southeast Asia's political rulers retained tremendous leverage over their domestic economies and continued to manipulate investments patterns. Political leaders turned privatization financial systems to direct resources towards favoured sectors.

Southeast Asia ability to achieve rapid growth without major changes to state-clientelist politics owed much to the non-market features of the Asia's economic boom. Even as tariffs were lowered on most traded goods, Southeast Asian goverments extempted domestic financial and other services sectors, giving political elites continued leverage over their domestic political economics.

In conclusion, Pacific-Asia Japan-centred political economy of the 1990s allowed Southeast Asia to internationalize their economics while preserving liberal domestic regimes.

4.6 The new regionalism in Southeast Asia

The 1990s saw new initiatives to build an institutional framework for regional economic cooperation. ASEAN's earlier institutional framework for regional economic cooperation schemes failed.

The FDI boom, created shared interests in sustaining the regional growth dynamic. Southeast Asian governments in 1992 agreed to form an ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). Southeast Asian stated became active participants in trans-Pacific cooperation under APEC. AFTA first emerged as a response to a perceived threat that foreign investment would be diverted t newly formed trade areas. APEC's formation reflected a balance between US demands for greater economic reciprocity from its Asian partners, and the desire of Asian countries to restrain America's use of unilateral pressure.

4.7 The political economy of the crisis

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Asia's economic crisis was almost completely unforeseen. The economic opened themselves to international financial flows without putting in place adequate domestic financial regulations. The combination of external and internal financial liberalization led to a surge in foreign borrowing, which in turn fuelled domestic credit booms.

The rising US dollar pulled local currencies upwards in value, contributing to current account deficits and placing pressure on the defence by local central banks of quasi-fixed exchange rates. The sudden downturn effects the globalization and regional integration. Southeast Asia's political leaders had seen nothing but globalization's upside, having enjoyed decade favoured location for the global manufacturing investments. Government leaders fatally underestimated the difficulty of monitoring and regulating international financial transactions, which proved a much greater challenge than managing export-manufacturing FDI.

Finally, Southeast Asia's political elites failed to grasp the implications of broader changes in Pacific Asia's political economy.

4.8 Southeast Asia's post-crisis political economy

Scholars of varying ideological persuasions agreed that the state-interventionist political economies had become non-viable as globalization continued to sweep Asia's shaken economies and as liberal economic rules were more vigorous by international financial institutions.

On the contrary, efforts to attract foreign investment and promote exports intensified. A recovery was under way by 1999, but the region's erstwhile tiger economies faced new structural challenges to their pre-crisis developments model.

Some policy pronouncements called for a renewed focus on agro-based industries, making a virtue out of many feared would be an inevitable deindustrialization at the hands of the Chinese manufacturing juggernaut. As targets revamped growth strategies, however these "new

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economy" sectors were almost universally though to require hyper-liberal institutional environment. Throughout the region, domestic economic reforms proved contentious and gradual at the best, amounting to something much less than a clear systemic transformation.

As the new millennium advanced, however, it became clear that Southeast Asia's range of interventionist political economic had adapted more or less successfully to changes in the regional and global environment.

New promotional and infrastructural policies successfully lured international investments in high-end business services like R&D and design. A key point here is that continuing investments of MNCs in Southeast Asia's development did not depend, as was often heard during the crisis. The rise of a new economy remains bargaining for a national advantage.

In conclusion, implication is that Asia's regional political economy systems will continue to integrate in a way that allow the consolidation of interventionist and clienteles domestic systems.

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5.1 CHAPTER 5 PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

5.2 Crafting modern administrative systems

Administrative strength, in turn is in part of a function of another complex bargain that struck between politicians and their desire for control, and various elements of the administrative apparatus that develops, over time, varying degrees of autonomy in pursuit of its won interests (Peters, 2011).

One of the core challenges facing every Southeast Asian polity in the post-Second World War period was to build state capacity quickly enough to keep new, or newly modenized, states from essentially falling apart (Tarling, 1992)

The task of crafting modern polities, whether as part of the decolonization agenda or revolutionary struggles, was thus one of developing and cementing an elite consensus within functioning organizations capable of commanding a necessary degrees of legitimacy and of exercising state power. The bureaucracy became part and parcel of revolutionary administrations utilizing neo-Stalinist forms of political organization.

The internal contradictions of colonialism, couples with the political structure turbulence that followed decolonization and the modernization period, left bureaucracies in all these countries. Administrative systems played a critical role as an explanations of success in the latter group (Evan, 1995). Malaysian, Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia were all held up at one tie or another as exemplary "new tigers", primarily due to their success in achieving, for extended periods, high rates if economic growth.

The Asian financial crisis of 1997 intensified tow sets pressures that had been building across several Southeast Asian countries. Public anger over the closed working political-bureaucratic elites reached a fever pitch

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in several countries including Thailand, the Philippines and particularly Indonesia. This increased mobolization and citizen consciousness carried over into the democratic politics in these countries; anger over the perceived misuse of the bureaucracy for narrow purposes continued to motivate calls for both political and bureaucratic reform in several contexts.

In sum, the impact of these pressures on Southeast Asian administrative systems had been varied, in ways that can be examined through the case of one umbrella category of reform-decentralization.

5.3 Contemporray pressures: decentralization as a test case

Decentralization as a reform idea lies at the conceptual centre of contemporary reform pressures on Southeast Asian administrative systems. The government which are empowered meet challenges which are responsive to the need of society. The rhetoric decentralization has often been far-reaching as a response to the pressures of both democrazation and the need to improve administrative performance across a range of Southeast Asian systems.

In Myanmar and Laos, the rhetoric of administrative reforms has in recent years failed to translate into coherant measures due to a combination of effective external pressures to change to political authoritarianism and a lack of well-developed legal structures (Steinberg, 2001).

Vietnam began process of sweeping economic reforms known as doi moi in 1986. Such reforms brought tremendous welfare gains to the people. Whereas Cambodia represent a case of cautious administrative decentralization coupled with political devolution in the service of system stability and the consolidation of the continued dominance of the Cambodian People's Party (CPP ) under the prime minister Hun Sen ( Slocomb, 2004). The reforms was indeed politically ambiguous. The attempt to introduce significant decentralization reforms in such a resource institutionally challenged country.

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Thailand's administrative framework has been highly centralized throughout the modern era. Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra had effectively used insensible decentralization reforms as a means of centralizing political power in his own hands. Thaksin had politicized and gained dominance over the bureaucracy to an unmatched extent in recent decades.

The political context of Philippines was underpinned by the country's decentralization reforms. The people Power movements in the ousting Ferdinand Marcos and Joseph Estrada renowed in the service delivery. The political democratization shows the down-fall of the Marcos regime. The second is the separist tensions on the island of Mindanao.

In Indonesia, a big bang encompassing political, administrative and fiscal aspects effects the decentralization. Whereas Malaysia in the only federal country in Southeast Asia. The overwhelming electoral dominance of the Barisan Nasional has further resulted in a considerable de fact of centralization power.

In short, the bureaucratic landscape has a s a result become more, not less fragmented. Nevertheless, the administrative systems to perform far beyond their capacity will be unrelenting, leaving bureaucracies in these countries on the boilerplate.

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6.1 CHAPTER 6 THE EVOLUTION OF DEMOCRATIC POLITICS

6.2 Electoral authoritarianism and low-quality democracy

Singapore and ASEAN 4, colonial experience brought implications for regime outcomes with deeply interventionist bureaucracies and plural societies that lead ti authoritarianism. The statist industrial policies that followed deterred the new business elites and class formations that merged from political participation.

New forms of international pressure, whether diplomatic, financial or cultural have tested state capacities in the region and emboldening civil society. Evenly poised legacies have constrained regime outcomes of electoral authoritarianism and low-quality democracy. It is also worth underscoring that while progress from electoral authoritarianism to low quality democracy. Under this control, governments ensure their iterated electoral victories by severely constraining civil liberties are tolerated, elections are more competitive and governments do change.

6.3 'Bottom-up' transitions

Bottom-up transitions have been much rarer than changes affected through top-down or evenly negotiated dynamics. He also argued also that bottom-up transitions convey more potent reformism, thereby incurring authoritarian backlashes (Huntington, 1991).Southeast Asia's democratizing is in two ways where third wave democracies emerged in Indonesia, Philippines and Thailand. But in Indonesia, elites were thereafter able to protect their new democracy.

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Since independence in Singapore, they had 3 prime ministers. Each forged the central executive commitee of the ruling People's Action Party (PAP). Malaysia also had 3 prime ministers based on the prime Minister's Department alongside with UMNO. In Indonesia, Suharto drew massive patronage in his presidential office. In Philipinnes, Marcos absorbed large amounts of patronage into his presidential office. Transition from electoral authoritarianism to democracy also took place in Thailand.

6.4 Low quality democracy and reversal

Democracy in Southeast Asia has to reform relations involving national leaders, generals, top bureaucrats, business tycoons and politicians in ways that are associated with governance. In Philippines and Thailand South, activitist murdered took place due to separatism.

In sum, Singapore and the ASEAN 4, caused regime categories to be formed and critical divide occurred. The executive abuses and corrupt practices that result have alienated the urban middle classes. Distant from the state largesse have been buoyed.

Cleavages reappeared between elites, some factions in their new warring. In this way, middle classes prior alienation over corrupt practices deepened. Indeed low quality of democracy to which they have themselves contributed can now be deployed as mobilizing resource.

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7.1 CHAPTER 7 THE INFLUENCE OF COMMUNITARIAN POLITICS

7.2 Hegemony of liberalism

Liberal indivualism had undoubtedly become ideologically haegemonic in the West and strove to become global (Fukuyama, 1992). A central tenet of liberalism is the right to self-determination, and what matters is not so much that people make good choices as they are free to make their own choices ( Mulhall and Swift, 1992).

Objections to the asocial conceptualization of individuals constitute the basis for the new communitarianism in the West. The ontological realism is a mode of vernacular communitarianism. As in case, Singapore government's conceptualization of 'Asian Values' as national core values (Chua, 1995).

Communitarianism is a reformist stance with which to contest the potential slide of liberalism into libertarianism or at a mundane level. Against this weak communitarian sentiment, many political theorists and parctising politicians in Asia have taken pilitical and social realist positions and strongly endorse the community as the starting point of political practice and theorizing.

7.3 The Asian context

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Liberalism had conceptual and practical developments and refinements. Cold war was a very hot war in Asia. it was because of unresolved ideological differences between communism and democracy so long as North and South Korea remain divided.

Second, it is the presumption of the norm of liberalism that provides ideological ground for Fukuyama to conceptualize. This merely points to the facts that such traditions remain resources for the constructions of local ideologies, including the nationalism of new states.

For many intellectual political leaders the ideological trajectory of liberal individualism in West appears to be a lesson that emerging capitalist Asia, particularly in Southeast Asia.

A major contributing factor to the rapid rise of post-war enterprises in Japan was an industrial relations system that emphasized employer-employee cooperation like in America. In Japanese industrial relations, company unions worked closely with management in maintaining industrial peace.

The second example comes from Singapore. The long ruling PAP, has engineered a system of industrial relations that is built in tripartite partnership of state, employers and unions. These state indirectly contribute to profitability of enterprise by legislation. The capitalist economy does not require a democratic structure in all its public and private institute.

7.4 A hard emphasis of the 'social'

The industrialization of Southeast Asia, at different times and speed, is continuing under the above political and cultural conditions. In all instances, industrialization and economic transformation took place less than democratic conditions under an authoritarian state.

Rejection of authoritarianism in these places tends to be against a list ideological underpinning of the system. Nationalism, anti-individualistic traditions and values produced in Southeast Asia at the

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close of the twentieth century a counter-discourse to the liberal individualism. Thos anti-liberal individualism is effective when professed communitarian values are observably put into administrative practice.

7.5 Communitarianism in practice

Communitarian practices in Southeast Asia can be seen in Singapore whereby land is natinalized in order to provide efficent infrastructure and affordable high-standard public housing for the entire nation. The communitarian ideology was sought as the national idelogy in the guise of shared values among citizens and in terms of Asian values (Chua, 1995).In Malaysia, NEP was established to redress the economic inequality between chinese and malay ethnic. It was necessary to avoid racial animosity and violence. In Indonesia, after violent suppression of communism by military, the authoritarian government of late President Suharto decreed that Panca Sila would be the national ideology (Chua, 2004).

7.6 Negative consequences: corruption and authoritarianism

Authoritarianism claim to be working for common good can readily become a thin veil of the governing group's own interests in plundering the national wealth: avenues for financial corruption abound in public projects that are meant for the common good. President Marcos and the late President Suharto enriched themselves in patriarch's rule. Malaysia and Thailand, financial corruption is more diffused.

In Singapore, the hegemonic PAP government's economically ingenuous and efficient working for the national economic growth whole. The PAP government's political practices has been benefited the entire population that leave much to be desired.

PAP has come to occupy the central position in defining the right present and furtherance of Singapore for all citizens. Singapore will continue to prosper as a non-liberal ideological framework for people.

7.7 Positive consequence:resurrection of the social

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Privileging the social over the individual, the historical concurrence of the collapse of European socialism and the rise of the Asian NICs is highly ironic. The collapse of European socialism suggests the collapse of an ideology that emphasizes the social as in socialism the rise of the Asian NICs celebrates the emphasis on the social as collective well being.

Globally, the economy had by the end twentieth century become unavoidably capitalist when the remaining communist states in Asia had to marketize their economies. In spite of the different mode of redistribution of accumulated national surplus, the economic policies of Singapore explicitly articulated against social welfarism of the liberal-capitalist. Against real socialism, the market is maintained as an instrument efficency that easily succumbs to corruption. It is juxtaposition to this same ambition against Western liberalism that political analysis of Asian nations can contribute to the substantive knowldege and theorization of politics.

As sum, it is precisely at the historical conjecture when liberalism appears to be achieving its greatest promise that misgivings as to its ultimate unfolding, expressed through unlimited selfish desires masquerading as rights producing new liberal-communitarianism in the West.

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8.1 CHAPTER 8 CIVIL SOCEITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

8.2 Associational Life in Southeast Asia

The diversity of Southeast Asian societies makes for a complex picture of associational life across the region. In Malaysia and Singapore, this division gives an impact on civil society. In Malaysia, the anti-chinese riots of 1969 resulted in NEP implemented from 1971 to 1990. The NEP was presented as a social compact by which positive discrimination was elevated by the rights of the bumiputera. The division entrenched by NEP encouraged the organization of civil society.

In Singapore equally, the PAP has used both the threat of ethnic conflict and the legitimacy to be gained from the achievement of developed status to justify the leadership of the state.

In Thailand, Cambodia and Philippines, ethnic diversity is a major issue. The radical movement that topped governments in Thailand and

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Philippines were overwhelming urban in nature while NGOs led the educated urban classes. There was a lack of divergent views of democracy on the part of both middle class and the poor (Franco, 2004).

Religious also play a significant role in the emergence of new social movement. Islamization example reaches beyond the middle class. There was arise in variety of cults such as El-Shaddi movement in the Philippines and Sai Baba movement in Malaysia. Such religious movements vary in their aspirations

In Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah movement were active that brought up good islam teachings and helped the people. In Burma, patronage of Buddhism by military regime cause problematic for the country's rulers. Whereas in Cambodia. government made so much politically of its reopening of temples. In East Timor, the role of Catholic church transformed significantly.

As conclusion, ethnic divisions, the urban-rural divide and the importance of religious movements that determines the Southeast Asian civil society. The state of Southeast Asia transformed within which civil society operates.

8.3 Elites, Clientelism and civil society

The state in Southeast Asia is shaped by powerful alliances between political and business elites. Elite coalitions across region have managed the business of mass mobilization through cultivation of clientelist relationships with local bosses and strongmen who deliver support to their patrons through mobilization or by votes in elections.

A different face of elite patronage of civil society activities is revealed in the increasing interest in what has been termed "uncivil society" in Southeast Asia. The weakness is might be cause of Asian Financial Crisis in 1997. Besides that brokering relations between urban, industrialized centre and a periphery that remains poor and undeveloped.

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8.4 Transnational activism

Southeast Asian associations have unprecedented opportunities to form national civil societies and global also. The emergence of region-wide non-governmental associations has been significant in international politics. The Asian NGOs produced by Asian governments strengthened the international human rights.

Asian governments claim that equate global norms in issue areas such as human rights to Western impositions are clearly self-serving opportunistic. Increasing networks of NGOs are properly representative of the poor. Transnational and global networking by professional NGO workers is regarded by some analysts as a representative of bottom-up interests.

As a conclusion, associational activity in Southeast Asia has flourished but still remain poor in political realm and civil society. NGO activism varied in helping the society and gives great impact to the elites and ethnics. The tensions inherent in relations between NGO sector cannot represent the grassroots of society.

9.1 CHAPTER 9 ETHNIC AND NATIONALIST POLITICS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

9.2 The plural society approach

Studies of Southeast Asian politics essentialize ethnicity but the political salience of ethnic identities is taken for granted. The states of Southeast Asia vary enormously in their characters to control their population through some mix. The crucial factor influencing such variations in government legitimacy is the extent to which citizen have developed a strong sense of national identity.

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Most modern states seek to build national identity in one linguistic, religious ir racial community as the ethnic core of the nation (Smith, 1998). Malaysia is conquered by Muslim core, Laos Buddhist core, Indonesia its Javanese culture is very high and in Timor Catholic core is more common.

9.3 The political marginalization of ethnic minorities

The widespread identification of modern nation as built historically or in status terms on an ethnic core community has in some cases led governments to attempt the forcible assimilation of ethnic minorities into religion, language and culture of the ethnic core.

The ethnic core element gives traditional authenticity and cultural specificity to modern nation. It also carries danger that the divergent of language, religion, race and place of birth become essential zed and cemented into ethnic categories and that those identified as outside the ethnic core begin to feel resentful.

The ethnic minorities also face discrimination and exploitation such as the Moro rebellion in the Philippines, the Patani rebellion un Thailand, the Acehnese and Papuan rebellions in Indonesia and the Hmong insurgency in Laos.

Exclusion was the factor of the cultural and political mobilization of ethnic minorities against ethnic cores. The nations have repeatedly been depicted by governments as multicultural societies that is claimed by each ethnic segment or autonomy. Then, national communities have also repeatedly been depicted by state elites as in process of overcoming contemporay corruption and nepotism.

9.4 Dillusionment and distruption

Ethnic minority become oppositionist or alienated which develop power and facilitate the cultural or political autonomy of minority communities as they open up new identity. The outcome was conflicts in ethnically

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heterogeneous localities as to whose identity was that of homelander and migrant.

Such fragilities of national integration have often been linked to globalization upon region. Economically, it has undoubtedly exacerbated wealth disparities between countries, regions, classes in ways which have modifies ethnic interest and grievances.

The uneven development of the region has left some feeling economically marginalized as well as culturally dislocated whereby that groups arise from social dislocation and relative deprivation. The intensification of ethnic identity fulfils both instrumental and affective functions. The impact of economic marginalization in pushing deprived or dislocated towards the moral certainties of ethno linguistic or tehno-religious collective rights movements restricted to minority communities.

9.5 Democratic disillusionment and ethnic politics

Ethnic tensions also generated by the spread of disillusionments with democracy or with authoritarian or patrimonial variants of democracy which is characterized. Governments are under pressure to hold competitive elections and enhance political freedoms of their citizens.

9.6 The Post 9/11 mindset

Thaksin's capacities to mobilize support by targeting Malay-Muslims in Thailand was facilated by widespread post 9/11 mindset. As can been seen, Southeast Asian ethnic politics has been deeply influenced by insecurities relating economic inequalities, democratic disillusionment and terrorism. The ideologization of ethnic helps to explain the perpetuation and deepening of the long-standing ethno-regional autonomy rebellions and hill tribes. These majority-minority tensions are now intersected and complicated by the political contentions which arise out of the various attempts at civic integrations and multiculturalist accommodation.

In short, politics in Southeast Asia involve personalist rivalries, class tensions and ideological disputes and divergent interest groups and

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institutional self-interests. In most region's countries, the state has attained sufficient capacity to ensure non-violent forms. Ethnic identity provides insecure individuals with feelings and authenticity and security.

10.1 CHAPTER 10 SOUTHEAST ASIA'S MUSLIM COMMUNITY

10.2 Southeast Asia's Muslim community

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Muslims male up almost half of Southeast Asia's population which is about 231 million. They can be found in all regions like Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia. The Philippines, Thailand and Burma have minority Muslim communities.

Southeast Asia Muslim is described as one of the world's most moderate and tolerant expressions of faith. They are blending with pre-existing Hindu, Buddhist and folk practices. Islam was prepared to adapt the local conditions and seek persuasion. Muslims live in peacefully in religious mixed communities.

There is also great interaction with other Islamic world such as in Middle East. These factor lead to a cultural efflorescence of Islam as Muslims not only seek to deepen their understanding of the faith but to find new ways to interpret rapidly modernized world.

10.3 Islam in domestic affairs

Islam's influence within national life of Southeast Asian stated has been limited. Indonesia provides striking polity in determining factor in shaping the state and social relations. The islamic law and parties was brought up vigorously.

Besides that Islam has greater impact on Malaysian life though they are only 30%. Malays regard Islamic belief as an essential and defining characteristic of Malay-ness. The dominant part is UMNO that promote Malay interest in Islam. These both countries provide a wide spread of Islam in political parties as well as in law making.

10.4 Islam in diplomacy and trade

For the ASEAN nations, Islam intruded into their foreign policies but generally been a peripheral concern. Economic relations provide an indicator of the role of Islam in Southeast Asia affairs. In this case, Indonesia and Malaysia have only limited integration with the rest of Islamic world. This trade has, in Indonesia's case almost trebled since

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1980 and rose 60% in Malaysia's case with both countries having growing economic interest in Middle East.

10.5 Estremism and security issues

Muslims insurgency and terrorism have been significant security problems in the Philippines and Indonesia but Thailand, Burma, Malaysia and Singapore have had either sporadic violent extremism within a single country.

Globalization, relates to the transmissions of the information, has also had a significant effect. Cyber technology and satellite televisions stations such as Al-Jazeera and Al-Arabiyah have greatly increased speed flow of radical groups in Southeast Asia and other parts of Islamic world.

In short, the frequency and persistence of Muslim insurgency and separatism across region, coupled with the rise of terrorism since 2000, has made Islam a critcal element in regional order.

For ASEAN as whole, Islam remains as issue of great sensitivity. The seven non-muslim majority states are mindful of the capacity of Islamic groups to stabilize the region and also wary of actions that may provoke Muslim sentiment in three majority Muslim states. In current environment, thick terrorist threat and risk of economic downturn has rarely been a greater importance.

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11.1 CHAPTER 11 SECURITY

11.2 The strategic Background

Southeast Asian strategic environment is influenced by mutual suspicion and security competition. Preparations are made for their own defence are perceived as threats by others (Booth and Wheeler, 2008).

States like Thailand, Burma, Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos security concerns as much more closely connected with their neighbours, and, on the other hand, states like Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines are essentially maritime states that shape their own security.

The geographical and historical factors is not surprising during and immediately after decolonization there was a variety of challenges to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of many region. Although defence spending has increased in the region but the levels of defence spending are not indicative of an overwhelming preoccupation with military security.

11.3 Contemporary challenges

One of the reason of challenges to Southeast Asian security is from rapid economic and military rise of China. China's relations with the region have dramatically improved in the past two decades. In 1990, it established full diplomatic relations with Indonesia and Singapore and the relations with the region has improved.

The second major security challenge is the Islamist terrorism. Regional disputes have been grafted onto transnational terrorist networks with the rise of Islamist terrorist in the region. While Islamist terrorism constitutes a new and important security challenge.

11.4 Building Security in Southeast Asia

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ASEAN was also framework for the establishment of a security community. Southeast Asian states have built a framework of norms known as the ASEAN way to enhance regional security.

Southeast Asian security diplomacy make use of informal, non-official and bilateral relationships more than it uses grand summitry and formal meetings. Then, heart of the ASEAN way from a distinctive style of decision-making. This style focuses on building consensus through extensive consultation.

Next, the ASEAN way is the non-use or threat of force to settle international disputes through the use of force to settle internal disputes has sometimes been encouraged. The role of given to so-called TRACK II played a wider role.

In conclusion, clashes over territories and the konfrontasi policy proved incapable of easing Southeast Asia's security predicament.

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12.1 CHAPTER 12 A NEW HISTORY? THE STRUCTIRE AND PROCESS OF SOUTHEAST ASIA'S RELATIONS WITH A RISNG CHINA

12.2 The challenge of geography and history

The improvements seen in China's relations with Southeast Asia are made all the more so by its having been one of Southeast Asia's more complicated major power relationships. China looms larger than other securities despite shares boarder lands with three Southeast Asian states. China is relatively more interested in what happens in Southeast Asia as part of its backyard. Chinese power has greater significance for continental states that are more affected for better and for worse by their proximity to it.

Southeast Asia's international relations with the rest of the world have also been profoundly shaped by the states geographic to China and the result is the extension of cold war.

12.3 The contemporary challenge of Chinese power

China has become a more impressive military, political and economic power. ASEAN-China trade has grown and also the exports to ASEAN have increased. China's exports include agricultural products and electronic components. China once was CLMV's primary economic competitor.

End of twentieth century, all Southeast Asian states had come to view China as both economic challenge and an opportunity result of its tremendous economic opportunity.

Geography, history and power have been salient and intensifying features of Southeast Asia's relations with China.

12.4 Southeast Asia's dual strategy

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Southeast Asian especially ASEAN is a member and a dual strategy of China's growing power (Khong, 2004). Southeast Asian states continue to facilitate external security relations with major powers like the UK and US.

Such actions and policies reflect a general insecurity and belief in Southeast Asia. While addresing about China in securities, it must be in a broader calculus. Southeast Asia view s China as a threat to its national existence.

Both pieces of ASEAN's dual strategy have been critical to improvement relations.

12.5 Engaging China

Southeast Asian's states individual and institutional engagement of China in early 1990s helped to create the social and institutional context to build initial exchanges. The general emphasis was to focus on situational challenges and the consequences of policies. Southeast Asia also banished the word threat from their security rhetoric and replace with challenge and concern. Such efforts create more permissive accommodations.

12.6 Managing China's rise: the politics and processes of mutual reassurance

The new pattern of emergence was also a new pattern of relations. This new pattern has not completely eliminated the fears and suspicions that there remain legacies of their past histories but contributed to social climate of cooperation. New images seem to conquer the relations with China.

China and ASEAN has become more understanding and great agreements take place. China's efforts in various regional of ASEAN continue to be a positive look. China changed its view upon ASEAN that played an institution role.

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In short, relationship have their differences. Southeast Asia-China basically came a long way that gives benefit to both regions but they have to still face challenges so that recent improvements seem durable.

13.1 CHAPTER 13 JAPAN AND SOUTHEAST ASIA

13.2 A difficult History

Japan succeeded in occupying most of the region of Southeast Asia until it is defeated by US in 1945. Japanese included its Article Nine and use the force as means of settling international disputes.

Japan get closer to Southeast Asia but it was deepen in 1980s when economic cooperation was intensified and Japan economic powerhouse was imitiated in many parts of the region. Japan-ASEAN economic and Industrial Cooperation Commitee reflected a growth significance of Southeast Asian in official Japanese circles.

The significance was to reinforce economic partnership and to develop relationship into a dynamic environment.

13.3 National Interests

The negotiations surrounding FTAs have been used as means of promoting Japan's broadening. The signing of it with Indonesian leaders also reafirmed the importance of sea-lane security for energy trade. It is clear that Japanese government is simultaneously following bilateral and multilateral agendas across a range of activities.

As a sum, Japanese government has changed its agenda over time toward Southeast Asia and now is focused in more strategies. Japan offers a possible partner for cooperation after China gives an internal tension. The interest was shaped increasingly by the growth in institutional

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developments which facilitate great communication and cooperation that developed multilateralism within East Asia.

14.1 CHAPTER 14 THE US AND SOUTHEAST ASIA

14.2 Security relations and their strategic context

United States leading security role is structured on NATO. Southeast Asian has always welcomed the US presence in the regions as a decisive contribution to maintain peace and stability.

US military power is based on the presence and mission of the 7th Fleet, the largest of the Navy's forward deployed fleets. Besides that US also contributed to the Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOC). US ensured the freedom of navigation continues in Southeast Asia and East Asia.

US military involment marked increasingly. From a US perspective, not only are free trade agreements with Southeast Asia aimed but it moves closer economic integration ad also intended to bind more tighter relationship from a geostrategic and security point of view.

14.3 Economic relations

The new emphasis on expanding economic relations with Southeast Asia was first highlighted by US-Singapore free trade agreement. Modelled on the successful Enterprise for America Initiative was a web bilateral to the region.

The FTA with Singapore has been called a step to anchor the US in Southeast Asia in business, economics and security. The US has used FTAs as political rewards for countries that support US foreign and security

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policies. The strategy worked because its a two way street. Singapore provided a good example.

This deep security complex also drives foreign economic policy. Singapore's initiatives to establish bilateral FTAs on a global scale was successful. Conversely, stability and security was down with economic development. Singapore placed on ensuring our defence and security since early days of independence.

14.4 Democracy and human rights

Burma/ Myanmar is also one of the main reasons for US's earlier mentioned lukewarm relations with ASEAN as a collective actor. US criticized ASEAN's attitude of barking without biting towards its own members. In 2003, ASEAN indicated Burma is adopted a tougher approach aimed at committing a serious political change.

In short, despite changing actors in US foreign policy-making and significant alterations both American interests and strategies towards Southeast Asia have been remarkably persistent. US's perception of Southeast Asia's centrality as a battlefield in the war on terrorism has reinforced these parameters. Multilateralism played important role and US foreign-policy makers ASEAN has lost credibility on organizing Burma's democratic reforms. US role in the region is a continuation of bilateral patterns in economic and security relations. The likelihood that the fact that both US and Southeast Asia governments are preparing themselves for a more assertive China.

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15.1 CHAPTER 15 MEETING THE CHALLENGES OF REGION-BUILDING IN ASEAN

15.2 ASEAN challenges

ASEAN faced a series of major challenges from the beginning. First, ASEAN had to overcome diversity of its members, size, culture and colonial experience. There is a large disparity within the region in terms of levels of economic development and annual per capita income.

The diversity found among the societies of Southeast Asia has prepetuated a scepticism about the ability of the members of ASEAN to find enough common ground to maintain an effective regional organization. Besides that, the security issues have plagued the region for many decades. The original members had a history of violent domestic conflict.

Threats from Asian communism and secessionist organizations continued to preoccupy ASEAN members as the Association evolved. Each member basically had neighbours who were also members. Over the years, other security issues continued to divide the region.

ASEAN members are relatively minor players on the world stage which witnessed great power confrontations in past. Keeping the

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Association together was a major problem. ASEAN essentially a collection of weak states without a clear leader. The association would appear to be vulnerable to external manipulation.

15.3 Reasons for success

Reasons of success is through sound economic management that promote a level of prosperity which helped to ease conflicts and facilitate cooperation. Besides that, the economies of ASEAN members have flourished since the Association was established. The ASEAN members have gone from being marginal in international economies that promote success.

Not only that, rapid growth in the region's economies helped to ensure the continuing stability of ASEAN members and the region which helped to attract investment. Benefits also occurred among the members as the Association led the way in promoting regional cooperation. The Association's principles and norms with regard to the conducts of regional and international relations become tighter. The respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and peaceful settlement became vast. Slow development of ASEAN appear to be more suited to the expectations of ASEAN members.

15.4 ASEAN's future

ASEAN future remains uncertain. ASEAN had to face the issue of strengthening its institutions as to promote great cooperation. ASEAN also has to ensure that it remains as the centre of the institution-building in wider East Asian region. Besides that, ASEAN members has to ensure the continuity of the prosperity which the Association's institutional development has depended which is the AFTA. ASEAN also have to take charge of the security of the region so that there will be no terrorist threats to maintain stability and peace in the region.

Generally, the growing pressure in ASEAN gives a great solution in upholding the future.

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As conclusion, ASEAN is generally developed its own institutional to have gain a level of legitimacy. However it has clearly shown that the members have collectively determined is best for them.

16.1 CHAPTER 16 ENVIRONMENTAL CHALLENGES, POLICY FAILURE AND REGIONAL DYNAMICS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

16.2 Environmental degradation: causes, consequences and costs

Southeast Asia has become Asian Development Bank that has put more environmentally vulnerable. Environmental degradation changes political economy and the demographic and also the resource pressures. Economic growth in the region has been characterized by increasing rates of consumption and waste-intensive industrialization. The intensification of resource and energy consumption extends to rural modes of production. Land-use patterns have changed more quickly in Asia globally. Shifting cultivation and subsistence agriculture have been overshadowed by permanent, commercialized to increase agricultural yields.

The vesting of resource and access rights in private, corporate and state hands been a major factor of exploiting. Poverty and population pressures are generally assumed to be major contributors to environmental degradation. Besides that, degradation of terrestrial,

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coastal and marine habitat has had consequences for species survival. Toxic and hazardous wastes also pollutes the air, water and land. Most Southeast Asia suffer from extensive water pollutions.

16.3 Regional policy responses: vision, mitigation and adaption

Coordinated regional responses hold out the promise of mutual benefit through a more effective use of scarce expertise, knowledge and capacity, ecologically as well as economically sustainable resource and in the end a better environment. AMME is responsible for the region's environment.

Southeast Asian governments participate in environment, sustainable development and natural resource management programmes and projects under the supraregional bodies.

16.4 Regional dynamics: why not clean and green?

There is a growing local activism in Southeast Asia and the emergence of a distinct ecological politics in Southeast Asia. This activism builds on community agitation that embedded in village. Civil society networks have become transmission belts for ideas, crossing and challenging the boarders of nationalism. NGOs and public intellectuals widen their role in monitoring the regional environmental policy.

In sum, A clean and green ASEAN by 2020 requires giving greater priority to local communities, encouraging necessary strict rules on integrating environmental policy. It requires greater national attention on the environment challenge.

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17.1 CHAPTER 17 SOUTHEAST ASIA IN THE LONG RUN

17.2 The big picture : Southeast Asia in a global context

Southeast Asia highlights an issue with global resonance and was comparatively thinly populated. The ecological footprint seem of little threat to natural environment. Lifestyles of inhabitants have changed since impact of colonial.

The possibility that Europe enjoyed advantages and employed strategies is their own development. The post cold war generally sort state-led. neo-mercantilist development strategies. The rather behaviour of a military constrained by its economic role highlights a more general comparative point about Southeast Asia.

Southeast Asia have played conspicuous parts. The sobering conclusion of this long-run interaction between the global, the regional

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and the local is that while Southeast Asia has an impressive record of economic development in many ways, its continuity is threatened by forces it is doing little control.

As a conclusion heterogeneity makes Southeast Asia such a distinctive and fascinating place. Global forces may actually be a great fragmentation and difference at local level or separatist movements. Interaction between local and international forces has been a central element of Southeast Asia's development history. The ability of Southeast Asia's political elites to develop national capacities with which to enhance a regional presence may prove to be one of the defining challenges pf the coming century.

REFERENCE

Mark Beeson. 2009. Contemporary Southeast Asia. England:Palgrave Macmillan

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