Madgearu Byzantinoslavica 2008

The mission of Hierotheos:location and significanceAlexandru MADGEARU (Bucharest)

The development of the archaeological excavations in the earlymedieval cemeteries from Alba Iulia provided new arguments for the sup-porters of the theory that this fortified settlement was the center wherethe Byzantine bishop Hierotheos exerted his mission among the subjectsof the Hungarian chief Gylas who was baptized at Constantinople aroundthe middle of the 1Oth century. The studies and the archaeological reportspublished by Radu HrnEL,l Mihai BuL;ax,2 Horia Crucuonex,3 and AurelDnacor,L4 are emphasizing that the large number of Christian graves, theexistence of an ecclesiastical monument and the recent discovery of threepectoral crosses in one of these cemeteries could support this theory. Thenew pieces of evidence were used by A. Dnecori to deny our differentpoint of view, which was expressed since 1994 in several works.5 Did they

1 p. R. Hrrrnl, Archriologische Beitrrige zur Geschichte d,er romanischen Baud,enkmriler inSiebenbiirgen, II. Im Zusammenhang mit dn zeitlichen Bestimmung der riltesten ,,RotundaEcclesia" Rumciniens und der Kathedral I in Alba lulia. Revue Roumaine d'Histoire deI'Art, Beaux-Arts 12 (1975) 5-9; idem, Contrihulii la problcma genezei raporturilorfeudaletn lumina cercetdrilor arheologice de la Alba lulia, Muzeul Nagonal 2 (1975) 345-350;idem, Die Archtiologie der Ersten und Zweiten Phase d,es Eindringens der L'ngarn in dasinnnkarp atis che Transilu anien, D acia, NS 38-39 ( I 994-1 995 ) 4 I 7 . 127 428.2 14. Bra:eN - A. Popn, Cercetdrilc arheologice de la Atba lulia "stayia de salztare",Materiale qi cercetiri arheologice 15 (1983) 37G379; M. Br-i.;.r-x, Alba lulia, jud. Alba(Apulum). Punct: IzuoruI tmpdratuluf, in: Cronica cercetd.rilor arheologice. Campania2001, Buziaq 2002, 33; idem, in: Cronica cercetdrilor arheologice din Rominia.Campania 2005, Constanla 2006, 70-72; idem, in: Cronica cercetdrilor arheologicedin RomAnia. Campania 2006, Tulcea 2007,5G57.3 g. CIucuoneN, Catalogul expoziliei ,,Anul 1000 ta Alba lutia - intre istorie Si arheolo-gie", Alba Iulia 1996, 3, 10.4 A. Dnecor,i., Aspecte funerare la Alba Iutia tn secolzlz X-XI, in Relafi interetnice inTransilvania (secolele M-XIII), ed. Z. K Pinter - I. M. Jiplic - M. E. Jiplic (=Bibliotheca Septemcastrensis, XIII), Bucuregti 2005, 158-163; idem, Aspecte de multi-culturalitate spirituald. Rit Si ritual funerar tn Transilaania Si Europa Centrald Si de Sud-Est (secolele IX-XI), Alba Iulia 2006, 4l-45.s 4. Meocranu, Misiunea episcopului Hierotheos. Contrihulii la istoria Transiluaniei SiUngariei tn secolul al X-lca, Revista Istorici, SN 5, 1-2 (1994) 147-154; idem, Genaa Sieuolu{ia uoieuodatului bd.nd.lean din secolul al X-lea, Studii qi materiale de istorie medie16 (1998) 203-204; idem, Rom6,nii tn opera Notarului Anonim, Cluj-Napoca?}}7,132-l3-1; idem, Transyluania and the Bulgarian Expansion in the th and lfh Centuries, Acta\Iusei Napocensis 39-40 (2002-2003) II, 55; idem, The Romanians in the AnonymousC*sta Hungarorum, Truth and Fiction, Cluj-Napoca 2005, 97-98, 137-138; idem, Sa/rTrade and Warfare: The Rise of the Romanian-Slaaic Military Organization in Earlyfkdia'al Trans\luania, in East Central & Eastern Europe in the Early Middle Ages,cc. F. Curta. .\nn Arbor 2005, 107. II9

Alexandru MadgearuTypewritten TextBYZANTINOSLAVICA, LXVI, 2008, 1-2, P. 119-138

Alexandru Madgearu

really prove that Hierotheos was sent to Alba Iulia, as many other histori-ans and archaeologists6 sustained, based on the identification of the bap-tized Gylas with a ruler attested by the Hungarian sources at Alba Iulia?This paper will examine again the Hierotheos problem.

The chronicle of Skylitzes is speaking about two Hungarian chiefswho became Christians during their visits at Constantinople, not in thesame time, but in similar circumstances. The first one, Boulosoude,s, enti-tled archegos, received the dignity of patrikios and a big amount of money.After some time came the second one, called @lot, archon ton Tourkon.Hebecame too patrikios,but unlike the first one, he went back accompaniedby the monk Hierotheos, who was appointed bishop of Tourkia. Thesource says that Hierotheos has converted many people, being supportedby Gylas, who did not abjure Christianity, as did Boulosoudes, rvhose deathat Lechfeld in 955 was seen as a divine punishment for the apostasy.TAlmost the same data were recorded by Zonaras, who specified that Gylaswas the ruler "of a part of the Hungarians".S

Skylitzes did not speci$, the Christian names received by Bulcsu andGylas, but a 12th century Byzantine legend preserved in a Russian transla-tion from the 14th century has remembered, two Hungarian princes whowere baptized in the Orthodox rite. One of them, called Stephen, whoremained a faithful Christian, was identified with Gylas,g but the late dateof the source makes possible a confusion rvith the future king Stephen I.

Different and ferver data \rere recorded in De Administrando Imperio.The relation about fu-pad's heirs includes a short digression about one ofthem, Termatzous, son of Tebelis. rrho \ras a grandson of Arpad.Constantine Porphrrogenitus said that "he came recentlv as friend withBoultzous, third prince and karchas of Tourkia".l0 The latter is obviouslythe same with Boulosoudes. the chief recorded bv Skrliues. The word phi-

6 Older works are quoted in A. \I-rocmnu , )Iisittnea..., 148.7 loannes Sqlitzes, Synopsis histmiarum. recensuit I. Thurn, Corpus FontiumHistoriae Byzantinae (further CFHB), Series Berolinensis, V, Berlin - New York!?73,239;Jean SkylitzDs, Histoire des empereurs de Byzance, traduction frangaise par B.Flusin, notes parJ.-C. Cheynet (= Rdalitds byzantines, 8), Paris 2003, 202.8 Ioannes Zonaras, Epitomae Historiarum, vol. III, ed. Th. Buttner-Wobst, CSHB,Bonn 1897, 484 (X\1. 21. 14-19).9 6. Monevcsrr, The Role of the Byzantine Church in Medinal Hungary, AmericanSlavic and East Europe?n Review 6,3-4 (1947) 138-139; idem, Byzanie it k christian-T1ry hqngrois du Moyen Age, Corso di cultura sull'arte ravennate e bizantina^16 (1969)327;idenn, Byzantium and the Magyars, Budapest 1970,108; I. R{uunnaNv, inceputurilecreStindrii ungurilor tn credinla ortodoxd a rdsdritului. Ortodoxia la unguri pdnd, tn ti,mputdomniei regelui Stefan cel Sf6,nt, Studii Teologice 9, l-2 (1957) 30; I. BoNn, zeit desungarisch+lawischen Zusammenlebens (895-1172), in: Kurze Geschichte Siebenburgens,Bgdapest 1990, 120; G. Krust6, Die Arpaden Dynastie. Geschichte Llngants uon 895 bis!?0l,Budapest 1993, 51; G. GvOnrrv, King Saint Stephen of Hungary, Boulder - NewYork (= East European Monographs, 403) ,1994, 45.10 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Administrando Impnio,vol. I., ed. G. N{oravcsik - R.J. H.Jenkins, Washington DC 1967, 179 (cap. 40. 63-65).r20

The mission of Hierotheos: location and significance

los is clearly an allusion to the establishment of a client state type alliancethat involved payments for the barbarian ruler. It is strange that Skylizesdoes not remember Termatzous, who had a higher rank than Boultzous,but we can suppose that he transmitted in a selective manner the infor-mation. The chapter was focused on the visit of Gylas, not on the previousone, because the mission of Hierotheos was the most important event forhim. The source does not speak about the Christianization of Termatzous,but some historians supposed without proofs that this happened.ll

We should remark the unusual character of the mission ofHierotheos, seen in comparison with other conversions organized byByzantium in the 9th and 10th centuries. All of them concerned sedentarypeoples, which had states and sometimes incipient towns (the Bulgarians,the Moravians, the Serbs and the Russians, and even the Alans). Thenomadic life was usually seen as incompatible with Christianiq.tz Eventhe failed mission to the Khazars (863) belonged to the same pattern,because this people was no more entirely nomad. Instead, the conversionof the Hungarian chiefs Bulcsu and Gylas concerned a territory peopledby nomads who were not yet organized in a state and where the cities van-ished centuries ago. Likewise interesting is that, contrary to the usualpractice, it was not baptized the supreme chief of the confederation(kende), but two subordinate rulers.13 The emperor acted in this way inorder to stimulate the dissent between the Hungarian tribes. This actionwas one of the causes of the breaking of the tribal alliance.la

The first problem is the chronology of the events. The terminus antequern is the battle of Lechfeld (955), when Bulcsu died. Because Gylas wasnot recorded in De Administrando Imperio, it was supposed that the eventtook place after the writing of this text, achieved in 948-952. As a conse-quence, the visit of Gylas was dated by many researchers around 952-953.15 We shared too this opinion in our previous stud,ies. However,James

ll G. Monevcstx, Byzance...,325; idem, Byzantium..., 106; F. MRxr, Les relations hun-gartblzantines aux K-XIIq siicles, in: European Intellectual Trends and Hungary, ed.F. Glatz (= Etudes historiques hongroises 1990, publi6es d l'occasion du XVIIeCongrds International des Sciences Historiques par le Comitd National des HistoriensHongrois, vol. 4), Budapest 1990, lz;P.Ytczv, Somz Questions of Early Hungarian Historyand Material Culture, Antaeus. Communicationes ex Instituto ArchaeologicoAcademiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 19-20 (1990-1991) 314; G. Gvonrrv, King..., 33;M. Fowr, Missions, Conuersions, and Power Legitimization in East Central Europe at the Tumof the First Millenium, in: East Central & Eastern Europe..., 286.\2 J. SHrreru, Spreading the Word: Byzantine Missions, in: C. Mango (ed.), TheOxford History of Byzantium, Oxford 2002, 243.13 P. ANroNopoulos, Byzantium, the Magyars Raid,s and their Consequences,Brzantinoslavica 54 (1993) 263;P. SrrpsnNsov, Btzantium's BalkanFrontier: A PoliticalStur/r of the Nofihern Balkans, 900-1204, Cambridge 2000, 41.r{ \I. Fosr, Missions....283-284.'1 I. Rirrunu-ru, inceputurile...,30; G. MonRvcsrr, Byzantium..., 106; G. Gy6nrry,5'i.;;,.',;r.' dts residences d'hiuer et d'6t/ chez les nomades et les chefs hongrois au Xe siicle, 12I

Alexandru Madgearu

Douglas Howenn-JouNsrox has recently remarked that Constantine VIIdid not carefully update the work that had been previously prepared forLeo \4. The chapters about Hungarians contain very few recent data. Thevisit of Terunatzous and Boultzous is in fact the single new event recordedin these chapters, and it is a short digressiott.16 By this reason, the absenceof Gylas in De Administrando Imperio does not necessary mean that the visittook place after the final redaction of this work, that is after 952. We con-sider that the date could be established only according to Skylitzes' chron-icle.

The conversion of the Hungarian chiefs is the first internationalevent recorded in the relation of Constantine's single reign. The previousOne, from the chapter about Romanos Lekapenos, was very important, therecovery of the Edessa Mandylion in 944, an'd before this it was brieflymentioned the Hungarian attack of 943.17 The selection of the externalevents operated by Skylitzes is showing the great importance given by himto the visits of the Hungarian chiefs. The visit of Boulosoudes was men-tionedjust after the coronation of Romanos as associated emperor, whichnow is surely dated on the Easter of 946.18 On the other hand, the nextevent record,ed after the visit of the Hungarian chiefs was another visit ofa foreign ruler, the Russian princess Olga. Its date was disputed by the his-torians, but now it is clear that the right year is 946, and not 954 or 957.reThis reinterpretation of the contextual evidence changes the accepted

Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi I (1975) 109;J. P. RIpocHt, Constantin VII Porph2'rogdn\te et sa politique hongroise au milieu du X' siicle, Sudgst-Fo^rschungen 36 (1977)5-6; L. Kovhcs, Byzantinische Miinzen im Ungarn des 10, tahrhunderts, ActaArchaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 35, 1-2 (1983) 146; G. GvoRrrv,Landnahmi, Ansiedlung und Streifziige der Ungarn, Acta Historica AcademiaeScientiarum Hungarica-e 31,3-4 (1985) 264; idem, La christianisation de la Hongrie,Harvard Ukrainian Studies 12-13 (1988-1989) 67; T. von Bocvev, Ungamziige gegenund, ftir Byzanz: Bemerhungen zu nzunen Forschungen, Ural-Altaische Jahrbucher.Internationale Zeitschrift lur Nord-Eurasien 60 (1988) 37; l, BoNe, hit..., 120;F. Mexr, Les relations..., 13; P. ANroNoPoULoS, Byzantium...,266; K Bexeg Hungary inthe tenth and, elsuenth centuries, in: I( Bakay (ed.), Sacra Corona Hungariae, Budapestlgg4, 15; G. GvORrw, King...,33; R. M-tnsIN.t, Christianization of the Mag_ars_andHungary between the East and the Wsst, Studia Historica Slovaca 19 ( 1995) 44; F. MAKK,Ungiriiche Aussenpolitik (895-1196),Herne 1999, 13; P. SrnpHENSoN, Byzantium's..., 40;M.'FoNr, Ungarn und die Kianer Rus'um 1000, in: F. Glatz (ed.), Die ungarischeStaatsbildung und Ostmitteleu (= Schriftenreihe des Europa InstitutesStaatsbllclung uncl (Jstmrtteleuropa (- JCnrlr[crrrerrrc ucs

_f-rrl uP4 rrtsLrLLrLcrBudapest, 15), Budapest 2002, 211; B. Lr Cenoc':n, Le Xe-' siicle et les Hongrois (-Bibliothdque finno-ougrienne, 12), Paris 2002, 31.16 J. D. Howenn-JonxsroN, The De Administrando,Imperio: a-re-exam,ination of the textand,"a re-eualuatioi of its anidence about the Rus, in: M. Kazanski - A. Nersessian - C.Zuckerman (ed.), Les Centres proto-urbains russes entre Scandinavie, Byzance etOrient (= Ralit6s byzantines, 7), Paris 2000, 325-17 loannes Scylitzes, Synopsis historiarum...,237 (lean SkylitzDs, Histoire...,195).18 C. ZucxnnueN , Le uoyage d'Olga et la premiire ambassade espagnole d,_Constantinopleen 945, Travaux er M6moires 13 (2000) 669-670; Jean ShylitzDs, Histoire..., 200,footnote 17.

122 le C. Zucxnru,mN, Le uoyage... ,647-672.

The mission of Hierotheos: location and sisnificance

chronology of the visits. Inserted between two events occurred in 946, thevisit of Termatzous and Bulcsu should be dated in the same year, and notin 948, as most historians consider.20 Skyliues did not speci$' the timepassed between the two visits, but he said it was short. This means thatGylas came at Constantinople after one, two, or at most three years. Noprecise terminus ante quem could be established, but it could be taken intoconsideration the year 948, when the five years peace agreement estab-lished after the invasion of 943 came to end.2r The resolution of the con-flict occurred in 943 was important for the future of the Byzantine-Hungarian relations, because an offi cial, the parakoimomenos Theophanes,was sent to the Hungarians to close the treaty and to take high rankhostages that guaranteed the peace. The same Theophanes, when he waspatrihios and protouestiarios, received a similar mission after the Hungarianattack of 934.22

The particular circumstances of the baptism of Bulcsu and Gylascould mean that the mission was extremely important for the Byzantineforeign policy. Constantine \rII has accepted to convert them because itwas necessary to stop in some way the Hungarian attacks. Few yearsbefore, in 943, these warriors caused great damages in different places ofBulgaria and the Byzantine Empire. If some enemy rulers were eager tobecame Christian friends of the empire, this was an opportunity to estab-lish an alliance. Bulcsu and Gylas received the rank of patrikios. This title,which was very high in the 6th century, was no more so important in thelOth century, being granted to many people, Byzantine or foreign, like theprinces of Salerno, an archon of Zachlumia, or a ruler of Armenia.23 Evenso diminished, the title of patriAios indicates the intentions of Constantine,since all the foreign patrihioi were vassals of the empire.

The initiative of the contacts with the emperor belonged to Bulcsu

20 I. R{nunn,q,rrrv, fnceputurilz..., 28-29; G. Mon-*'cstx, Byzance..., 325; idem,B1zantium..., 104; G. Gvonrrv, S1stime..., 101; J. P. Rreo

Alexandru Madgearu

and Gylas. In fact, almost all the conversions made by Byzantium in the gthand 10ft centuries were requested by the foreign rulers.24 However, wecould suppose that the idea of conversion was somehow suggested by theByzantines, and more precisely by Theophanes, in 943.If two Hungarianrulers came to Constantinople before the end of the five-year-interval ofpeace, this means that they looked for a special treatment from Byzantiumin comparison with the supreme chief of the confederation (who was thenFajsz), in order to consolidate their regional power.25 The second visitfrom 948 was a reaction of another chief, willing to gain similar or evenhigher advantages. The events look like a competition between rivalrulers. More zealous or maybe more realistic, Gylas remained Christianand all ied with the empire.

The years 941-944 were quite difficult for the northern policy ofByzantium. In 941, a Russian fleet attacked Constantinople, and in 943another expedition against the Khazars took control over one side of theKerch Strait. A planned campaign against Constantinople was stopped bythe Byzantines who convinced Igor to close in 944 or 945 a treaty whichdefended Crimea.26 The visit of Olga was the direct consequence of theestablishment of a peaceful relationship after 945. Her conversion said tohave happened at that occasion was thought to be an instrument of thisnew policy, implemented by Constantine Porphpogenitus at the begin-ning of his independent reign. The same type of policy could be observedin the Hungarian case. The diplomacy applied in 946 involved two paral-lel actions, directed toward two people that had a common enemy, thePechenegs. The Christianization was only one of the means that support-ed the alliance. In the Kievian Russia, the conversion of Olga did notresult in the conversion of the people, but in the case of the Hungariantribe led by Gylas, the archaeological evidence that will be presentedbelow testifies a penetration of the new religion among the upper and thelower classes.

The purpose of the alliances with Bulcsu and Gylas was twofold: tocreate discord among the supreme ruler (hende) and the other chiefs whoreceived Byzantine support, and, on the other hand, to prevent futureattacks of the tribes which were now allied with the empire. In the case ofGylas, the action was successful, because he remained an ally ofConstantine, but Bulcsu launched several attacks with all his men. accord-

2a 1. Suerexo, Spreading...,234.25 L. VAruq.ov, Reaision des Llngarn-Image aon Konstantinos Porphyrogennetos.Textana\sen und Rrintnlnetation zu den Aussagen des Konstantinos Porphyrogennetos iiberdie Politikgeschichte der Ungarn, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 82,7-2 (1989) 36 emphasizedthat the title of patrikios indicates that both rulers had independent military power.26 M. Wnrrrow, The Mahing of Blzantium, 50G1025, Berkeley 1996,257; S. Fnerqxr.rx- J. SHtnaru, The Emergence of Rus'. 75G1200, London - New York 1996, 113-117; V.

124 Sp"rNer, Iftz Crcat..., 117".


ing to Skylitzes andZonaras. The single Hungarian inroad dated between943 and 955, when Bulcsu died, is recorded ing47, in Apulia, but this can-not be taken into consideration, because it happened too short time afterthe conversion and because we know that it was conducted by TaksonyzT.Yet, we could suppose that Bulcsu started other attacks after 948, becausethe second alliance closed with Gylas could cause a rivalry between them.The diplomacy had in this case a bad result for the Byzantine inrerests.

Gyorgy Gyonrry sustained that C'1las was in fact only the name of thedignity of the person recorded by Skylizes and Zonaras. He identified thisruler with Zombor, son of Horka, who was in the same time the brother ofGyrla from Transylvania, the father of Sarolt.Z8 Gylas and Boulosoudeswere remembered among the seven Hungarian chiefs ruling ing42 by theArabian historian Ibn Halyan, according to the data provided by a prison-er in Spain: Djiktand VuKudi. The source says that "the highest of them inrank was called Djila"zg, which suggests indeed that this was not a personname, but a dignity, the military commander of all the tribes. In this case,it is possible that the ruler who came to Constantinople after six years wastoo a person who hold the title of gl,os, understood by the chronicler as aproper name. This means that in the second visit was involved the highestmilitary commander of the Hungarians in that moment. This matches withthe expression used by Skylitzes: archon ton Tourhon.

Hierotheos was entitled bishop of Tourkia.In the work of ConstantinePorphpogenitus, written by the same time when the bishop was sentthere, Tourkia was called the region crossed by the rivers Tisza, Timiq,Mureq and Criq, that is the area that presented the major interest for theempire because it was connected with the Morava way, and that it was bet-ter known by rhe Byzantines through the diplomatic contacts.30 However,because the emperor knew that the Hungarians are living too in otherregions,3l it seems that the word Tourhiarneant all the territory peopledby Hungarians by the middle of the 10th century, described with moredetails in its eastern part,3z and not only the region between Danube and

27 T. von Bocye! LIngarnziige...,36.28 G. Gyonrrv, Systi 'me... ,109; idem, Landnahme... ,264; idem, Kng... ,33,35,44. ForB. Lt Cluoc'n,lx X'*'siicle...,lT,Zombor was the same lvith the TransylvanianGyula.2e G. Gvon-rrv, Dual Kingship and the Snen Chieftains of the Hungarians in the Era ofConquest and the Raids, Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 47 , I-2( r9g4) 9G97.30 C. BArrNr, S,tidungam im 10. Jahrhundert,Budapest 1991, 120.31 P. ANrouopoutos, Byzantium..., 264.32 Ibidem, 264265; S. L. T6rH, The Teffitories of the Hungarian Tribal Fednationaround 950 (Some Obsentations on Constantine VII's ,,Tourhia"), in: G. Prinzing - M.Salamon (ed.), Byzanz und Ostmitteleuropa 950-1453. Beitrige zu einer Table-Ronde des XIX International Congress of Byzantine Studies, Copenhagen 1996 (=Mainzer Veroffentlichungen zur Byzantinistft, :;, Wiesbaden 1999, 31-*. I25

Alexandru Madgearu

Tisza, as other historians maintained.33 Therefore, we can suppose thatthe title of bishop of Tourhia given to Hierotheos concerned all theregions peopled by Hungarians, and that the missionary action was theo-retically extended over the entire people, regardless the tribal ruler. Assaid Gyrrla Moravcsik, "this was a strategic measure; it stressed the mis-sionary character of the bishopric by pointing out that the authority ofHierotheos, the first Hungarian bishop, extended over the whole territo-ry of the Magyars".34If Skylitzes called Gylas archon ton Tourkon he did thisbecause he supposed that only a supreme ruler could receive a bishop,and that the mission will concern the entire people.

This policy of alliance with two Hungarian chiefs suggests that at leastone of them mastered an area from where these attacks were launched.Since the main direction of the inroads against Bulgaria and theByzantine Empire was the Morava valley, it is high probable that this tribewas located somewhere on the Tisza valley. Of course, this does notexcludes other locations, for instance Transylvania, but the paynentsmade to Bulcsu and Gylas should be reflected in the numismatic discov-eries. Already in 1994 we observed that many gold and silver coins issuedby Constantine \rII between 948 and 959 discovered on the territory mas-tered by Hungarians in the 10th century are concentrated in a smallregion, in the Csongr6d and B6k6s counties. No such coins were insofardiscovered in Transylvania,3S despite the archaeological researches con-ducted in many sites, including the large cemeteries from Alba Iulia.From the total of 29 coins found in 16 places, 19 are of gold,7 of gildedbronze, and 3 of silver. The coins from the large hoard from Veliki Gaj36are not included because the composition of the treasure shows that it wasaccumulated elsewhere and hidden much later. Ten gold pieces wereincluded in the hoard from Tokaj, while other three belonged to anoth-er hoard, from Nagyharsdny. The map (Fig. 1) shows a clear concentra-tion between the mouths of Mureg and Criq, on the left and rights banksof Tisza. This situation was explained by several researchers as the resultof the payments given to Gylas and Bulcsu after their conversion3T. Thehoard of 60 coins issued between 937-944 found in the same area, atKundgota, was linked with the invasion of 943.38

33 G. Monevcsrr, Byzantium..., 57 ; P. Y Aczv, Some Questions..., 307.34 G. Monwcsrr, The Ro\e... ,138. See also idem, Byzance... ,326; idem, Byzantium...,t07.35 A. M. Vu-rEn, Transiluania in secolele V-XIL Intnlnetdri istorico-politice Si economicepe baza descoperirilor monetare din bazinul carpatic, secolele V-XII, BucureEti 2002,78.36 lbidem, 318-319.37 L. KovAcs, Byzantinische..., 14G148; I. B6Ne, Zeit..., I2l; C. B;tr-tNr, Sildungarn...,118-120; A. M. Vnlrrn, Transi luania... . , 80-81.

126 38 L. KovAcs, Byzantinische..., 148.


Fig. I

o Gold coinsO Gilded bronze coinsE Silver coinsO Gold coins from treasures

Even more suggesting is the mapping of the pectoral crossesdiscovered on the territory dominated by Hungarians in the 10e century(Fig. 2). The list includes only those pieces that could be dated in the 10ftcentury. Two places from Transylvania provided such finds. At Dibica, areliquary cross dated in the lOth-llth centuries was found on the area ofthe fortified settlement, but without a known archaeological context. Thismeans that its use after the conquest of Stephen I is not excluded, Theother Transylvanian site is the cemetery Izuonrl Inpri,ratuluifromAlba Iulia,dated in the 10rt century. Two bronze reliquary crosses and a simple pec-toral cross were found here in the last years.3g It could be admitted that

3e M. Br-4an, Alba lul;ia..., 2002, 33; M. Br-1pN, Alba lulia..., 2006, 70-71; A.Dnq.core, Aspecte de multiculturalitate..., 140. I27

5at2

2o

J

Nexandnr Madgear-u

Fig. 2

they are dated during the period when Hierotheos and his followers exer-ted the mission, but the problem is that no other Transylvanian cemeteryor settlement provided such crosses. Instead, other 14 places are con-centrated roughly in the same area like the coins issued between g4B and959 (Fig. 3). Another cross comes from Szob in northern Hungary, andeven in this case the object is associated with two coins found in the samecemetery and in the neighborhood. The large group of crosses is in factdivided in two areas. In the region between Mureq and Cri; and on theopposite part of Tisza were found ten crosses. A smaller group of sixcrosses from five places is located on the upper Tisza valley, in the samearea where it was discovered the Tokaj treasure. It should be emphasizedthe coexistence of the precious pectoral crosses, that belonged to richpeople, with modest crosses, some of them without decoration, whichcould be local products. This let us to suppose that the Christianity wasembraced by people of different social positions, which means that themissionary action of Hierotheos and his priests started a kind of massconversion. A Christian mission implied a large Byzantine cultural andeconomic penetration, which should be reflected in the archaeologicalevidence (gold coins and other Byzantine imports). The region between

IZg the lower sectors of MureE and CriE matches with this condition. As


Fig. 3

emphasized Kateiina HonNiirovA, the counties Csongr6d and B6k6s'fuere a gate through which Eastern Christianity found its way to Hun-gvry".40

The striking difference between these two areas of concentration ofthe crosses and coins, and what could be observed in Transylvania, has onlyone explanation: it is more probable that Hierotheos exerted his missionin the area between the lower Mureq, the lower Criq and the middle Tisza.The coins came as pa)rynents for Gylas, and entered later in the possessionof his subjects. Their spreading area approximates the territory ruled byGylas. It is possible that this ruler had the power center in the place of thepresent day town Qula (Gula, in Romanian), in the Bdk6s County. Theoldest recorded name of the place was Julamonostara,4r which could con-

40 IL HonNierovA, The Byzantine fuliquary Pectoral Crosses in Central Europe,Byzantinoslavica 60 (1999) 226.4r I. B6Ne, kit..., 122; K Mrsrnnrugv, Der byzantinisch-balkanische Handel nachUngarn im 10.-11. Jahrhundert im Spiegel dn Grtibafunden, in: Byzance et ses voisins.M6langes i la m6moire de Gyrla Moravcsik ) I'occasion du centidme anniversairede sa naissance (= Acta Universitatis Szegedinensis de Attila J6zsef Nominatae. 129

t

Alexandru Madgearu

cern a disappeared monastery built during the mission of Hierotheos. Inthe neighborhood, at Fovenyes, it was discovered a rotonda church datedin the lIft century, maybe in the 10ft centurya2. Another church thatcould be linked with the mission of Hierotheos is that from Kis-Zombor,but its building by the middle of the 10ft century is not yet certain43.

The payrnents for Bulcsu should be too reflected in the archaeologi-cal discoveries. According to the place-names supposed to have inheritedhis name, G. Gvdnrrv has established that Bulcsu had a residence nearSzombathely and another one near Turda, in Transy'vania. The placeButcs (Bulci) on the lower Mureg is on the way between them.44 In fact, itis possible that this place name located within the area of the concentra-tion of the Byzantine coins could indicate a power center of Bulcsu. C.BAIINT has remarked that there are no Christian finds and coins aroundthe supposed residence near Balaton, and that Bulcsu had his territorysomewhere near that of Gylas.a5 A different location was proposed by G.Kmsro: at the confluence of Drava with the Danube.46

We conclude that the mission of Hierotheos was directed toward a ter-ritory bordered by the lower Mureq, lower Criq and middle Tisza, domi-nated by two competing Hungarian chiefs, Bulcsu and Gylas. The mostprobable date of the mission was 948. Our opinion is not a new idea. It wasalso sustained by several historians like B6lint H6ueN, Ioan R.i.lrunntNu,Gyula Monevcsx, Nikolaos OIxoNonmns, Eugen GLUCx, Liiszlo KovAcs,Csaniid BArmr, Kurt HoRrnr, Istv6n BoNA, Karoly MrsrnrurAzv, Korn6lBexag Gfr-rla KRrsro, Ana Maria VnLrnn, Petru Ielreon.aT

Opuscula Byzantina, 9), Szeged 7994, 120; idern, Die Beziehungen zwischen Byzanz unddern frtihmittelalterlichen Ungam im Lichte der materielkn Kultur, in: Mitteldonaugebietund Sudosteurooa im fruhen Mittelalter. Zbornik refer6tov z kolloouia. Bratislavar995, 76.12 V. Gnnr''nns, Les rotondes de l'dpoque rotnane dans la Hongrie mddinale, Cahiers deCivi l isat ion M6di6vale (Xe-XIIe sidcles) 11,4 (1968) 530.43 As supposed G. Gyonrry, Landnahme...,265.44 Idem, Sys/lnze..., 10G108. The location was accepted by R. NI-*srNt, Christiani-zat ion. . . ,43.45 C. BArmr, Siidungarn..., ll9.16 G. Knrsr6, Die Arpaden... ,4I.47 B. H6la+N, Geschichte des ungarischen Mittelalters, I, Berlin 1940, 147-148; G.MonwcsIr, The Role..., 330; I. RANtunncNu,. Inceputurik..., 3l-36; G. Moruwcstr,Byzantium..., 55-56, 108; N. OtroNovtons, ,4 propos..., 531; E. Glucr, Contribuliipriai.nd istoria pdrlilor arddene tn secokle IX-X" in: Studii privind istoria Aradului,BucureEti 1980, 92; L. KovAcs, Byzantinische..., 148; C. BAuNr, Zur Frage dn blzanti-nischen Beziehungen im Fundmatnial Ungams. Archriologische Forschungen zwischen 1970und 1984, Mitteilungen des Archiologischen Instituts der Ungarischen Akademieder Wissenschaften 14 (1985) 2I7; K Horulr, Siebenbtirgen im Frtihmittelalter, Bonn1986, 105; C. B.,irtxr, Sitdungarn..., 120; I. B6Ne, Zeit..., l2I-722; K. Mnsrnnstzv, Derb1zantini,sch... 120; K BAXAv, Hungary..., l8; A. M. Vrr-rrn, Transilaania...,72,7+78,80-81; G. Krusrd, Early Transylvania (895-1324), Budapest 2003, 64-65; P. IAMBoR,

130 Asnari forlifratc din Tiansiluania (scrolele IX-XIl), Cluj-Napoca 2005. 255.


How does this opinion fits with the arguments invoked by the sup-porters of the different location, in Transylvania, of the baptized Gylas?They identified him with Gyula, the father of Sarolt, who ruled inTransylvania, and who established his residence at Alba Iulia.a8 For thesupporters of this theory, the christian faith of Sarolt is seen as a result ofthe missionary action of Hierotheos. In fact, there is no proof for thisidentity. His brother Gy'ula Minor was certainly pagan, as results from therelations of the Hungarian chronicles about the war of Stephen I againsthim. The expression noluit esse christianos cannot concern the orthodoxfaith, as some historians have wrongly sustained,49 because the believersof the Greek rite were never considered so by the Latins. on the otherhand, it was supposed that king Stephen I received this name at the bap-tism in the memory of his christened grandfather,5o but it was demon-strated that this name was given because this saint was the patron of thePassau bishopric, which was involved in the conversion.5l As for the Greeknunnery of Veszpr6mvolgy, it is not sure that is was founded for Sarolt;another opinion links itwith the Byzantine wife of prince Emerich.s2 Evenif Sarolt was Christian, this does not necessary mean that she was baptizedby Hierotheos, since Transylvania was already peopled by christians whenher father occupied Bdlgrad.

We have demonstrated elsewhere that the real conqueror ofTransylvania was a chieftain called Gyula, and that this conquest was madefrom north-west, after 930.53 He was the brother of Zombor, who accor-ding to G. Gvonrrv was the chief baptized in 948. This Gyrla from

:" R. Tnrolonnscv, (Jn mileniu d,e artd la Dund,rea d,e Jos, Bucuregti 1976, 94; M.\y-ty, lo fqrynalions p9lltiques roumaines et leur lutte pour ltautonomie, Renre roumained'histoire 21, 34 (1982) 372; L. Maxxer, Politische c*schichte siebenbiirgens im 10.Ighrhundet, in: Forschungen fiber Siebenbtirgen und seine Nachbarn. Feitschrift ftirAttila T. Szabd und ZsigmondJak6, hrsg. von K Benda, I, Mtinchen 1987,4G47;1.\or1, rrlTs2luania and Hungar\. From the Tima of Atmos ana Arpaa tu the Times of KingStephm, lbidem, 31; F. I4q,xr, Zes relations..., 13;-G. Knrsr6, Di) Arpaden..., 40-4I, bf,54; H. ctucuoteN, catalogul...,3;1. A. Pop, Romd,nii si maghiarii tn secorere IX-yv.Gena,a statului rnedianl tn Transiluania cluj-Napoca 1996, I+z;vt. sAcrry, Aspects...,5G57; G. KRISr6, The Bisholwics of Saint Stepien, King of Hungary, in: In honorem paulCernovodeanu, ed. V. Barbu, fiucuregti 1SSS, SZ-5S; F. M;Ki( Unsarische..., lZ; M.FoNr, ungarn...,277; idem, Missions..., 286; A. Dnecor.{, As'becte di murtiatrturalitatespirituald, 4l-45.4e H. CrucutraN, Catalogut..., 11; I. Bone, Trans1laania...,31; I. A. pop, Romftnii...,144.50 G. Monevcsrr, Byzance..., 328; R. MensrNe, Christianization..., 44.5r M. SAcnv, Aspects...,58.

?'- G. Monevcsm, Byzance...,329; idem, Byzantium...,111; G. Gvonnw, King...,151; R.MensrNe, Christianization..., 57; B. Lr Cerloc'lr', It X'-' siicle..., 117-tO$ Z.Koszrotmax,^Byzantine Christianity and the Early Magyars in the Rzcmil of the Byzantinechroniclers, specimina Nova. Pars Prima.'sectio Mediaevalis. DissertationesHistoricae collectae per cathedram Historiae Medii Aevi ModernorumqueTemporum Universitatis Quinqueecclesiensis, P6cs 1 (2001) 84-85.53 A. trzfA.DcEARu, Romd.nii... ,12G134;idern, The Romanians...,9!gg. 131

Alexandm Madgearu

Transylvania and his heirs remained unknown to Constantine Porphlro-genitus and they were not recorded in other sources than the Hungarianones. It is very important that the so informed work of ConstantinePorphlrogenitus does not mention anything about Transylvania. Thismeans that nothing real important was there at the middle of the 10m cen-tury, from the Byzantine point of view. This fact goes against any attemptto locate a Byzantine ally in Transylvania in the period when De Admi-nistrand,o Imperiowas achieved, by the middle of the 10ft century.

Another proof used for the alternate theory is the rotonda discoveredunder the present Catholic cathedral of Alba Iulia. The author of theexcavations, Radu HEITEL, as well as other archaeologists and historians,54linked this monument with the establishment of Hierotheos in the cityruled by Gyrla, considering that the data provided by the Hungarianchronicles about the Hungarian chief called Gyula, who discovered thiscity, concern the same person with that one baptized at Constantinople.A different opinion was sustained by I. B6Ne, C. BAuNr, K Mrsrnnrnzv' G.KRISTo, and P. IaMson. They ascribed the rotonda to another Gyrla,moved from the Tisza region in Transylvania after 971, the momentwhenthe restoration of the Byzantine administration on the Lower Danube hasstimulated the religious contacts and the relations with the empire. Intheir view, this Gpla was the father of Sarolt.55 Nor this idea can be sus-tained, because no Blzantine gold coins issued during this period werefound in Transylvania until now. The relations with the empire wouldlead to a situation similar with that encountered in the area betweenMureq, Criq and Tisza.

The rotonda consists of a circular structure inherited from a Romantower, modified by the construction of an apse on the eastern side. Theinterior diameter of the round part is of circa 5 m. The stratigraphy makescertain a date before the llft century,56 but does not excludes an earlydate, in the 9ft century, as the same R. Hnnnr has observed in anotherstudy.57 In this case, the rotonda was built for the ruler of that Romanian-Slavic polity which was under Bulgarian domination during the secondhalf of the 9th century and in the first decades of the l0th century. Beforethe Hungarian conquest, Bilgrad was the center of this polity emerged

54 R. Tnnouonr,scu, Ltn mileniu..., 108-110; M. Rusu, Les formations..., 380; G.PETRov, Consid,nalii. asupra unor hiserici medinak at plan central din Transiluania, ActaMusei Napocensis 33 (1996) II, 38; H. Crucuon-tx, CataloguL..,3.55 I. B6Ne, kit..., 122 C. BArrNr, Slidungarn..., 121; I( MnsrnnnAzv, Der byzanti-nisch...,120; G. Krusr6, Early...,66; P. Iertnon, ASezdri..., I94.56 R. HEITEL, Archriologische..., 5-8; idem, Contribulii,..., 346-350; idem, DieArchriologie..., 417, 427.57 ldem, Unele considerali,i priuind ciailizalia din bazinul carpatic tn cursul cebi de-ad.oua jumd,td.li. a secolului al lX-lza in lumina izuoarekv arheohgice, Studii $i cercetiri deistorie veche gi arheologie 34, 2 (1983) 103. This idea was shared by G. AucunL AlDa

I32 lulia, Bucuresti 1987, 65, 84 and by us.


after the end of the Avarian domination, organized by the local Romanianand Slavic population, subjected by Bulgaria after 830. The survival of theRoman precinct of Apulum was the reason why this place became the cen-ter of the Bulgarian enclave. It is undoubtedly that the recent finds58 aregiving a more clear picture on the population living at Alba Iulia in the9tn-1gth century. The Christian faith of this population is certain even ifthe crosses would not be discovered, because this settlement was since thelast decades of the 9th century and until the third decade of the 10th cen-tury under the domination of a Christian state, Bulgaria.59 On the otherhand, the Romanian population from Transylvania was Christian. A By-zantine mission directed to an already Christianized territory seemsunthinkable. The crosses from Alba Iulia were found in graves of the localRomanian and Slavic population. They do not necessary illustrate theChristianization of the Hungarians made by Hierotheos.

In these circumstances, the building of a princely round chapel in thelast third of the 9ft century, after the conversion of Bulgaria, is not exclud-ed. The source of influence was in this case Great Moravia, a state that hadeconomic and perhaps religious relations with the Transylvanian space.Several rotondas of Frankish inspiration dated in the last third of the gthcentury were discovered in Moravia at Mikuldice and Star6 Mdsto, and inSlovakia at Nitrianska Blatnica and Ducov6 (former Great Moravia).60Good analogies for Alba Iulia are the Stard M6sto rotonda under the SaintMichael cathedral, and that one from Ducov6; both have the same shapeand similar dimensions (G7 meters the interior diameter).6r In a recentcritical overview of the Transylvanian history in the lOth century, FlorinCunre has remarked that these analogies with the Moravian rotondasrequire a careful analysis of the social and political context of this pre-sumable influence.62

58 H. CtucuoreN - A. Dnecori, Catalogul expoziliei ,,Ciuilizafia medinald timpurie dinTransilaania: rit Si ritual funerar (secolelz N-XI), Llba Iulia 2002, 10-14 and the illus-trat ions; A. Dnqcore, Asperte funrarc... , 157-169.59 A. I\{,qocnqnu, Trans1luania..., 55.60 1. Pour-ir, The Origins of Christianity in Slauonic Countries North of the Middtz DanubeBasin,.\Norld Archaeology 10 (1978) 2 (= Archaeology and Religion), 164.166, fig.2 / 2, 3 / 10 ; V. Gtr*'nnsMoLNAR, Origins of Romanesque Rotundas in East-Central Europe,in: Rapports du IIIe Congrds International d'Arch6ologie Slave, Bratislava 1, 1979,309; D. Cepr-or,ri, Archaeologl and the beginnings of Christianity in the taritory of Slouakia,in: Early Christianity in Central and East Europe, ed. P. Urbanczyk, I, Warszalv 1997.98.u_t L. GeruSxe, The Question of Eaaluating and the Present Lnel of Knowkdge about theGreat Morauian Agglomeration of Stard Mdsto-Uhershd Hradiite, in C. Staiia - L. Poldiek(hrsg.), Fnihmittelalterl iche Machtzentren in Mitteleuropa. MehrjahrigeGrabungen und Ihre Auswertung. Symposium Mikuliice, 5.-9. September 199f.Brno 1996, 192, fig. 2.62 F. Cunre, Transyh.tania around A.D. 1000, in: P. Urbanczyk (ed.), Europe aroundthe Year 1000, Warsaw 2007,752. 133

Alexandru Madgearu

As a bishop, Hierotheos needed a real church and not a simple smallchapel. The rotonda could not be his residence. It could be supposedinstead that this monument was the private chapel of the prince rr-horuled at Alba Iulia. Of course, the existence of an episcopal church at A]baIulia, erected by the middle of 10th century, could not be excluded, butno such building was found insofar. Because the building date of therotonda could be also placed in the last third of the 9th century, this mon-ument cannot be certainly ascribed to Hierotheos.

In conclusion, the chief Gylas-Zombor, who was christened around948, was not the same with that G1'ula who mastered Transylvania and whowas the father of Sarolta. The mission of Hierotheos was directed to theterritory which was in that moment under the control of the highest mil-itary commander of the Hungarians, namely between the lower streams ofMureg and cri;. This region was later included in the metropolitanate ofTourhia, created perhaps in 1018, which, according to recent researches,coexisted during the llth cenrury with the Latin bishoprics created. inHungary after the coronation of Stephen L A successor of Hierotheos wasTheophylactos, bishop of Tourkoi.In 1028 is recorded a metropolite ofTourkia,John, while another metropolite of rourkia, Antonios, is attestedby an llth century lead seal.63 The Byzantine religious orientation of theHungarians was however abandoned after 973, when prince Geza was bap-tized by the bishop Bruno sent by rhe German emperor Otto I. Thischange was caused by the Byzantine recovery of the Danubian region,which became a danger for the Hungarians, but also for the Germansphere of influence.64 According to a tradition preserved in the chronicleof the Priest from f)ioclea, the Byzantine army has occupied Raska soonafter the conquest of Bulgaria, but the local Zupan expelled it after thedeath of John Tzimiskes. This is confirmed by the seal of John, proto-spatharios and katepano of Ras, dated in the same period. The Byzantinesadvanced to this region by DFrachion. Another seal, of AdralestosDiogenes, protospatharios and strategos of Morava, attests that thiskatepanate was extended up to this city on the Middle Danube. He wasrecorded in the age of rzimiskes, and he was appointed after g7b, the dateof raktikon Scorialensis (this source does not mention the katepanate of63 G. Moruu'csrx, The Role..., 329; idem, Byzance..., 32G227 ; idem, Byzantium..., 107 ;N. OKoNor,rrnns, ,4 propos..., 527-533; I. B,\AN, The Metropoktane of Tourkia. TheOrganization of the Blzantine Churrh in Hungary in the Middlt,4grs. in: G. Prinzing - M.Salamon (ed.), Byzanz und Ostmitteleuropa 950-1453. Beitrege zu einer Table-Ronde des XIX International Congress of Byzantine Studies, Copenhagen 1996 (=Mainzer veroffentlichungen zur Byzanrinistik, 3), wiesbaden- 1ggg, 4g-b2; p.SrnrHENsoN, Blzantium's..., 4I.64 G. Szrxrry kt, Hongrie et Byzance aux K-XIF siicles, Acta Historica AcademiaeScientiarum Hungaricae 73,3-4 (1967) 291; G. Gyonrry, La christianisation...,63-69;M. SAcsv, Aspects...,57-59; F. Maxr, idem, A l'ombre de la menace b.gzantine (Le choixpolitiro-religieux du prince^-Gcza).

-Chronica. Annual of rhe Instiiute of History.134 University of Szeged 1 (200 I ) 20-21.


Ras and the strategy of Morava).65 The Byzantine penetration at theMiddle Danube caused the alliance of Geza with Samuel, the ruler of therevived Bulgarian state, by means of the marriage of his daughter withGabriel Radomir, which lasted until around 997.66

l-c)

.') -4-5-6-

n

8-9-

Appendix I. Gold and silver coins issued by Constantine VIIand Roman II, 948-959:

Hajduszoboszl6, Hajdu-Bihar County, gold, from grave 109.67H6dmezov6s6rhely-Kopdncs, Csongrdd County, gilded bronze.68Kiskunfdlegyh6za, Bdcs-Kiskun Councy, gilded bronze.6eKiszombor, Csongrdd County, gilded bronze.70K6spallag, Pest County, gold.71Nagyharsdny, Baranya County, three gold pieces, together with otherWestern silver coins, in a hoard./zS6rrdtudvari, Hajdu-Bihar County, two silver pieces.73Senta, Serbia, gold.TaSzeged, Csongrdd County, silver, from an equestrian grave.7s

65 1. FEnruce, Die Chronih des Priesters uon Diokleia ak Quelle rtir die blzantinischeGeschichte, Byzantina 10 (1980) 437-438;J. NESBrrr - N. OrroNovrors, Catalogue ofByzantine seak at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of ArL vol. l. haly, North ofthe Balkans, North of the Black Saa, Washington, DC 1991, 100-101, 195-196; S.PnwernrC, Vizantijshe terna Moraaa i ,,Morauje" Konstantina WI Porfirogeryeta, ZbornikRadova Vizantoloikog Instituta 36 (1997) 173-201; N. OrxouorrlrDEs, I propos de lapremiire occupation byzantine de la Bulgarie (971-c. 985), in: Eupsychia. M6langesofferts ) H6ldne Ahrweiler (: Byzantina Sorbonensia, l6), II, Paris 1998, 589.66 G. Moruqvcstr, B1zantium..., 62; F. Mexx, Relations hungaro-bulgares au temps deprince Geza et du roi Etienne 14, in: Hungaro-Bulgarica, V. Szegedi Bolgarisztika,Szeged 1994,27; idem, A I 'ombre...,2l.67 L. KovAcs, Mi)nzen aus der ungarischen Landnahmezeit. Archtiologische Llntnsuchungder arabischen, byzantinischen, westeuroptiischen und rtjmischen Miinzen aus derKarpatenbecken des 10. Jahrhundert, Budapest, 1989, 31, nr. 99; A. M. Vnrrrn,Transilaania.... 305. nr. 224.68 L. KovAcs, Miinzen..., 32, nr. 131; C. B.'ir-rNr, Siidungam...., 223, nr.94; A. M.VELTER, Transiluania..., 305, nr. 227.69 L. KovAcs, Miinzen...,31, nr. 99; A. M. Vnlrnn, Transiluania..., 176, nr.1723.70 L. KovAcs, Miinzen...,41, nr. 198; C. BAuur, Siidungarn...,236, nr. 134; A. M.Vrlrrn, Transilaania..., 306, nr. 242.7r L. KovAcs, Miln2en...,90, nr. 1091; A. M. VELTER, Transilaania...,305, nr.243.72 L. KovAcs, Miinzen..., 4546; A. M. Velrrn, Transiluania..., 307, nr. 254.73 L. KovAcs, Miinzen..., 173, nr.165; A. M. Vurrnn, Transiluania..., 308, nr. 268,269.74 L. KovAcs, Miln2en...,77, nr.450; C. BAlnqr, Siidunqarn...,26l, nr. 328; A.Vnlrnn, Transilaania..., 322, nr. 801.75 L. KovAcs, Miinzen...,61, nr. 322; C. BduNr, Siidungant...,250, nr. 242 A.Vtlrr,n, Transiluania..., 308, nr. 27 4.

M.

M.135

Alexandru Madgearu

10 - Szegvar, Csongrdd County, gilded bronze.76ll - Szentes, Csongrdd County, nvo pieces, gilded bronze, perforated and

put in the graves in a 1Oth century cemetery, point Borb:isalfotd; anoth-er piece was found in the grave 73 of the Szentes-Szentldszl6 cemerery,together with a cross - see AppendixII, nr. 14.77

12 - Szob-Kiserdo, Pest Counry, gilded bronze, put in the child grave nr.60.78

13 - Tokaj, Borsod-Abauj-Zempln Counq,, a hoard of 10 gold pieces togeth-er with I gold piece struck in 921-931; the coins were trasformed inmedallions-.79

14 - T6tkomlos, Bks County, gold.8O15 - Ull6s, Csongrdd Counry, gold.8l16 - Vukovar, Croatia, gold, from a cemetery, perforated and put in the

grave nr. 2.82

Appendix II. Pectoral crosses dated in the 10ft centurydiscovered in Hungary and Transylvania:

I - Alba Iulia, Alba County, Romania. Two bronze reliquary crosses and asimple pectoral cross from a 1Oth century cemetery. No description.S3

2 - Algyo, Csongr6d County, Hungary. A pectoral cross from an oldHungarian cemetery, in association with other objects dated in the firsthalf of the 1Oth century.84

3 - Bdkscsaba, B6kis County, Hungary. A pectoral cross. Stray find, butsimilar to nr. 8.85

4 - Dibdca, Cluj County, Romania. A reliquary pectoral cross dated per-haps in the iecond half of the 1Oth centrrry.bo^

76 L. KovAcs, Miinzen...,62; C. B.,irrNr, Sildungarn..., 2b1, nr. 255; A. M. Vnlrrn.Transiluania..., 308, nr. 277.77 L. KovAcs, Miinzen...,62, nr. ZZ2; C. BArrNr, Siidungarn..., 2b3, nr.259; KHoRNieKovA, The Byzantine...,232, footnore 111; A. M. Vrlien, Transilaania..., Z0g,nr. 281 A. Dna.cor.{., Aspecte de multiculturalitate..., l3l.7a L. KovAcs, Miinzen...,67, nr.366; A. M. Vnlrrn, Transiluania..., 309, nr. 284.7e L. KovAcs, Miinzen..., 72; A. M.Vnrrsn, Transiluania..., 310, nr. 290.80 L. KovAcs, Miinzen..., 73, nr. 413; A. M. VrrrEn , Transih.tania..., 310, nr. 291.ur L. KovAcs, Miinzen...,91, nr. 1045; A. M. Vnrrnn, Transiluania..., 310, nr. 292.82 L. KovAcs, Miln2en...,77, nr. 445; A. M. Vrrrrn, Transilaania..., Z2Z, nr. 823.83 See footnote 39.84 C. BAurrr, Sildungarn..., 20G207, 262.85 I. Saru.,irr, Biztinci.ttpuxi erehlyetartti rnellhnesztek Bdhds ds Csongrrid, Megldben, AM6ra Ferenc Mtizeum Evkonlve. Srudia Archaeologica, Szeged 1 (1995) 258, Abb.2/I;K HoRNieKovA, The Byzantine...,236, nr. 18.86 N. Guom - C. Cosut, Crucea-relia,rar tlescoperitd, la Ddbdca. Consid,eralii briuind,tipologia gi cronologia mtrikr-relianr bizantine dii bronz, ru figuri in relief, descoiterite pe136 ttritoriul Romdniei,Ephemeris Napocensis 8 (1998) 272,2i6,295, pl. i.


5 - Grrla, Biks County, Hungary. A pectoral cross from a l0th centurycemeterv.ST

6 - H-ajdridorog-G;nil6s, Hajdu-Bihar County, Hungary. A bronze cross ofMaltuqpe, withfragments of a silver chain, from a child grave. probablya local product.88

7 - Kiskunfdlegyhdza, Bdcs-Kiskun county. A bronze pectoral cross from acemetery dated after the middle of the l0th century.8g

8 - Makd,, Csongrdd County, Hu^qgary. A pectoral cross, most probablefrom a l01h century cemetery.go-

9 - Mindszent-Koszonisdulo, csongrdd county, Hungary. A bronze cross ofMalta type found in a child grave, in u c.ttret.ry that includes aBlzantine belt buckle and with coins issued by Hugo d.e provence (92G945) and Lothar II (931-950).el

10 - Nagylak, -C,s91gr:id County. Hung^ary. A simple pectoral cross, from adestroyed lOth century cemelerv.g2

1l - Puspokladdny-lperjeshalom, Hajdri-Bihar Counry, Hungary. A simplepectoral cross from the_ child grave nr. 95 from a iOm cen'tury cemerery,associated with co_rdiform pendants ("zweigliedrigen palmetten-verzierte Gehringerr'). Another pectoral cross was found in a grave nr.107 dated in the llth century, but this does not concern the"presentstudy.93

12 - Sdrrdtudvari, Hajdrl-Bihar county, Hungary. A reliquary pectoral crossfrom the grave nr. 199 of a cemetery dated in the secbndhalf of the l0thcentury.94

l3 - Szeged., Csongr6d,Count/, ll-ungary. A reliquary pectoral cross, datedperhaps in the lOth century.gs14 - szentes-Szentldszl6, csongrdd county,. Hungary. A reliquary pectoral

cross from a cemetery dated in the lOrh -l I rFcenturies, fiom the grave73 of a child; another simple cross was found in another child graie.e6

87 K HonNidrovA, The Byzantine...,2Z7, nr.2l.88

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The Ancient Hungarians. Exhibition catalog.te, ed. by I. Fodor - L. R6vsz - M. wolf

- l. M. Nepper, Budapest 1996, 230.8e Ibidem,330.e0 I. Szerlulinr, Bizdnci..., 258, Abb. 2/2;K HonNiirovA, The Byzantine...,2z7-22g,nr.23.91 z. Lovtc, Bronzene Pektoralkreuze aus dn Arpadenzeit, Acta ArchaeologicaAcademiae scientiarum Hungaricle 32, 14 (1980) 3'66, nr. g;c. BArrNr, zurFrafie...,215; idem, Siidungarn...,239, nr. 170.e2 C. BArrNr, Siidungarn...,24I, nr.18l, Taf. LXII/8.e3 I. Nnppen, Name Gruibnfetd.n aus d,er Landnahmezeit aus Hajfui-Bihar Komitat, ADebreceni Deri Mrizeum.Evk6nyve (1993) 9b, Taf. b; The Ancieit Hungarians...,2,4b;Z. Lovtc, Mittelalterliche Bronzegegenstcinde iles ungarischen Nationalmusiuzs, Budapesi1999, 29.s4 I. Nnpprn, Nzuere ...,105, Abb. 15; K HonNieKovA, The Byzantine..., ZZl_222, nr.2; The Ancient Hungarians..., 277, 272.e5 I. szerrwinr, Biainci..., 261, Abb. 5; K HonNicrovt, The B1zantine...,24b,nr.4b.e6 K HonNidrovA, The Byzantine...,232, nr. 4. t37

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Alexandru Madgearu

Szob, Pest County, Hungary. A reliquary_pectoral cross from a cemererldated between the second half of the 1Oth centurv and the middle of rheI l 'h century.szTiszaeszl6r-Sinkahegy, Szabolcs-Szatm6r-Bereg County, Hungary. A reli-quary pectoral cross from a cemetery dated in the 1Oth century.g8Tiszafured-Nagykenderfoldek, Jiisz-Nagykun-Szolnok County, Hungan-.A simple pectoral cross and a reliquary pectoral cross from a cemeten'dated between the second half of tlie 1()th century and the middle of thel l rh century.99

97 Z. Lovtc, Byzantine Type Rctiquary Pectoral Crosses in the Hungarian NationalMuseum, Folia Archaeologica 22 (1971) 152, 154, frg. 3/3; K HowidrovA, ?ftaByzantine...,232, nr. 5; Z. Lovl.c, Mittelalterliche...,26, nr. 17.e8 K HonNierovt, The B1zantine...,234, nr. 12.ee Ibidem, 232-233,nr.6; The Ancient Hungarians..,29I;Z.Lovtc, Mittelalterliche...,

138 23,nr.3,28,nr.27.

Documents

Madgearu Byzantinoslavica 2008