Looking Back, Looking Forward: Reflections ... - · PDF fileLooking Back, Looking Forward: Reflections on Canada’s National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security December 2015

Looking Back, Looking Forward: Reflections on Canada’s National Action Plan

on Women, Peace and Security

December 2015

Women, Peace and Security Network – Canada

EditedbyBethWoroniukandSarahTuckey

PublishedbytheWomen,PeaceandSecurityNetwork–Canada(WPSN‐C)

December2015

©WPSN‐C,2015.Allrightsreserved.

Disclaimer:ThearticlespublishedinthisdocumentdonotconstitutethepositionoftheWomen,PeaceandSecurityNetwork–Canada(WPSN‐C)anddo

notnecessarilyreflecttheviewsandopinionsofallNetworkmembers.

www.wpsn‐canada.org

Table of Contents

Acronyms....................................................................................................................................................................1Introduction..............................................................................................................................................................2BethWoroniukandSaraWalde

PART1‐LookingBack

TheGovernmentofCanada'sResponsetoInclusiveSecurity'sMid‐TermReviewoftheC‐NAP...................................................................................................................................................................8MoniqueCuillerier MakingtheLegacyoftheC‐NAPaReality............................................................................................11JoRodrigues RecognizingtheFullValueoftheC‐NAP...............................................................................................15KristineSt‐Pierre OntheOneHand,OntheOtherHand:MakingSenseofC‐NAPReporting........................19BethWoroniuk TheHiddenIdeologyWithinCanada’sWhole‐of‐GovernmentApproach:WhereDoestheCanadianNationalActionPlanonWomen,PeaceandSecurityFit?............................25SarahTuckey SegregatingGenderinCanadianForeignPolicyinFragileandConflict‐AffectedStates..........................................................................................................................................................................31KirstenVanHouten

PART2‐LookingForward

BridgingtheGapbetweenConflictMineralsandtheWomen,PeaceandSecurityAgenda......................................................................................................................................................................38DorisBuss SexualViolenceinConflictProjectFunding:WhatShouldbeintheFutureforCanada’sCommitment?...................................................................................................................................42MeganNobert ImprovingCross‐sectoralCollaborationonGender,SecurityandDevelopment(ReflectionsonPastPracticeandFutureOpportunities)...........................................................45RebeccaTiessen

Conclusion...............................................................................................................................................................52BethWoroniukandSaraWalde Annex1:C‐NAPIndicatorCompilation..................................................................................................55Annex2:Contributors.......................................................................................................................67

Looking Back, Looking Forward: Reflections on Canada’s National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security

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Acronyms

1C OneCanada3D Defence,Diplomacy,DevelopmentATIP AccesstoInformationandPrivacyCAF CanadianArmedForcesCIDA CanadianInternationalDevelopmentAgencyC‐NAP CanadianNationalActionPlanonWomen,PeaceandSecurityCSO CivilSocietyOrganizationDFAIT DepartmentofForeignAffairsandInternationalTradeDFATD DepartmentofForeignAffairs,TradeandDevelopmentDND DepartmentofNationalDefenceDRC DemocraticRepublicoftheCongoFCAS FragileandConflict‐AffectedStatesGPSF Gender,PeaceandSecurityFundHI HumaneInternationalismLGBTQ Lesbian,Gay,Bisexual,Transgender,Queer/QuestioningMINUSTAH UnitedNationsStabilizationMissioninHaitiNAP NationalActionPlanNGDO Non‐GovernmentalDevelopmentOrganizationNGO Non‐GovernmentalOrganizationODA OfficialDevelopmentAssistanceOECD OrganizationforEconomicCooperationandDevelopmentPM PrimeMinisterRCMP RoyalCanadianMountedPoliceSCR SecurityCouncilResolution(s)SGBV SexualandGender‐BasedViolenceSTART StabilizationandReconstructionTaskForceUN UnitedNationsUNSCR UnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolution(s)WOG Whole‐of‐GovernmentWPS Women,PeaceandSecurityWPSN‐C Women,PeaceandSecurityNetworkCanada


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Introduction BethWoroniukandSaraWalde

Theyear2015wasaverybusyoneforthosefollowingtheWomen,PeaceandSecurity(WPS)agenda.Itwasthe15thanniversaryoftheUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolution(UNSCR)1325.UNWomenlaunchedTheGlobalStudyontheimplementationof1325(andthesubsequentResolutions)andtherewasaHigh‐levelReviewofprogressinregardstoresolutionsonWPSthatculminatedinanewSecurityCouncilresolution:2242.1ManyorganizationstookadvantageoftheanniversaryofUNSCR1325toreleasetheresultsofresearch.2Otherorganizations,includingtheWomen,PeaceandSecurityNetwork‐Canada(WPSN‐C),drewattentiontothelimitedprogressmadeontheoverallimplementationoftheobjectivesbehindtheResolutions.

2015wasalsoabusyyearininternationalpolicyforagenerally.NumerousdiscussionstookplaceincludingthefinalizationoftheSustainableDevelopmentGoals(withthewinsandlossesonwomen,peaceandsecurity3),the2015PeaceOperationsReviewandthe2015ParisClimateConference.

Asabackdroptotheseevents,armedconflictscontinuearoundtheworldandstatefragilitythreatensmillions.Womencontinuetobeexcludedfrompeaceprocessesandsexualviolenceinconflictremainsanongoingreality.Refugees,includingsignificantnumbersofwomen,continuetofleewarsanddevastation.Counteringterrorismandviolentextremismisedgingitswayintothewomen,peaceandsecuritydebate.4OneglimmerofhopewasthemovementtowardpeaceinColombia,markedbysignificantparticipationofwomenandwomen’sorganizations.5

HereinCanada,2015markedthefifthanniversaryoftheCanadianNationalActionPlan(C‐NAP).InJunetheGovernmentreleasedthethirdannualC‐NAPprogressreportcoveringApril2013toMarch2014.AlsoinJune,theStandingSenateHumanRightsCommitteeheardtestimonyonCanada’simplementationofResolution1325.MembersoftheWPSN‐C

1TheGlobalStudywascommissionedbytheUNSecretary‐General.http://wps.unwomen.org/en/highlights/global‐study‐releaseForananalyticaloverviewoftheStudy,seeRobJenkins(2015).ThePracticalisthePolitical:TheUN’sGlobalStudyonWomen,PeaceandSecurity.GlobalPeaceOperationsReview.http://peaceoperationsreview.org/thematic‐essays/practical‐political‐un‐global‐study‐women‐peace‐security/2Foralistofsomeoftheseresources,see:http://peacewomen.org/security‐council/2015‐high‐level‐review/resources#session‐documents3SeeDianaRivington(2015)WeNeedaCanada‐WideApproachtoAchieveWomen’sRights.DevelopmentUnplugged/HuffingtonPostCanadahttp://www.huffingtonpost.ca/development‐unplugged/sdg‐womens‐rights_b_8314320.htmlandBethWoroniukandJulieLafreniere(2015).Women’sParticipationMakesforPeacefulandInclusiveSocieties.DevelopmentUnplugged/HuffingtonPostCanadahttp://www.huffingtonpost.ca/development‐unplugged/womens‐participation‐society_b_8523152.html4SophieGiscardD’Estaing(2015).UNCallsforWomen’sEngagementinCounteringViolentExtremism:ButatWhatCost?50.50InclusiveDemocracy.https://opendemocracy.net/5050/sophie‐giscard‐destaing/gender‐and‐terrorism‐un‐calls‐for‐women‐s‐engagement‐in‐countering‐viol5UNWomen(2015).WomenBuildPeaceinColombia.HuffingtonPostBlog.http://www.huffingtonpost.com/un‐women/women‐build‐peace‐in‐colo_b_7502056.html


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appearedbeforetheCommittee,highlightinggapsintheimplementationoftheC‐NAPandnotingtheimportanceoffundinggrassrootsorganizations.6

Alsoin2015formerSupremeCourtJusticeMarieDeschampsreleasedherreportonsexualabuseandharassmentintheCanadianArmedForces(CAF)findingan“underlyingsexualizedcultureintheCAFthatishostiletowomenandLGTBQmembers.”7Further,thisyeartheGovernmentofCanadahostedUNUnder‐Secretary‐GeneralandSpecialRepresentativeoftheSecretary‐GeneralonSexualViolenceinConflictinAugustandannouncedsignificantfundingrelatedtosexualviolenceinconflict.8TheUpforDebateCampaignraisedwomen’srightsissues–bothdomesticconcernsandthoseinCanada’sforeignpolicy‐inthenationalelectioncampaign.9And–ofcourse‐2015sawachangeinournationalgovernmentwiththeelectionoftheLiberalPartyofCanada.

ThesearesomeoftheelementsswirlingaroundaswereflectonthereportingontheC‐NAPandthepossibilitiesmovingforward.

The C‐NAP

In2004theUNSecretary‐GeneralcalledonMemberStatestodevelopnationalimplementationplansforResolution1325.CanadarespondedbyreleasingtheActionPlanforImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityResolutionsonWomen,PeaceandSecurity(theC‐NAP)inOctober2010,aratherbelateddocumentgiventhemuchearlierpublicationsandrevisionsofNAPsbymanycountries,suchtheNetherlands,DenmarkandSweden.

TheC‐NAPoutlinesfivebroadcommitments:

Increasingtheactiveandmeaningfulparticipationofwomen,includingindigenousandlocalwomen,inpeaceoperationsandpeaceprocesses,inthemanagementofconflictsituations,andindecisionmakinginalloftheseareas.

6SeeSenateStandingCommitteeOnHumanRightsPresentationbyJessTomlin,ExecutiveDirectorofTheMATCHInternationalWomen’sFund.http://wpsn‐canada.org/2015/06/16/senate‐standing‐committee‐on‐human‐rights‐presentation‐by‐jess‐tomlin‐executive‐director‐match‐international/andSenateStandingCommitteeonHumanRightsPresentationbyBethWoroniuk,WPSN‐CSteeringCommitteeMember.http://wpsn‐canada.org/2015/06/16/standing‐senate‐human‐rights‐committee‐presentation‐by‐beth‐woroniuk‐wpsn‐c‐steering‐committee‐member/7NationalDefenceandtheCanadianArmedForces(2015).ExternalReviewintoSexualMisconductandSexualHarassmentintheCanadianArmedForces.http://www.forces.gc.ca/en/caf‐community‐support‐services/external‐review‐sexual‐mh‐2015/summary.page8DFATD(2015).MinisterNicholsonAnnouncesAdditionalSupporttoAddressSexualandGender‐BasedViolenceinArmedConflict.http://www.international.gc.ca/media/aff/news‐communiques/2015/07/29a.aspx?lang=eng9Seehttp://upfordebate.ca/

“Women continue to be excluded from peace processes and sexual violence in conflict remains an ongoing reality. Refugees, including significant numbers of women, continue to flee wars and devastation. Countering violent extremism is edging its way into the women, peace and security debate.”


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Increasingtheeffectivenessofpeaceoperations,includingtheprotectionandpromotionoftherightsandsafetyofwomenandgirls.

ImprovingthecapacityofCanadianpersonneltohelppreventviolenceandtocontributetoprotectingthehumanrightsofwomenandgirlsinthecontextofpeaceoperations,fragilestates,conflict‐affectedsituationsandinhumanitariancrisesorreliefandrecoveryoperations.

Promotingandsupportingreliefandrecoveryeffortsinfragilestatesandconflict‐affectedcountriesinamannerwhichtakesintoaccountthedifferentialexperiencesofwomenandmen,boysandgirls.

Makingtheleadershipofpeaceoperationsmoreaccountableforcarryingouttheirmandatedresponsibilitiesbyrealizing,tothemaximumextentpracticable,theintentoftheSCR’sonWomen,PeaceandSecurity.

ThePlanisstructuredaroundthegenerally‐recognizedpillarsof:

Prevention–integratingaperspectivethattakesintoaccountthedifferentialexperiencesofmenandwomen,boysandgirlsinconflictsituationsintoallconflictpreventionactivitiesandstrategies;strengtheningeffortstopreventviolence,includingsexualviolence,againstwomenandgirlsinpeaceoperations,fragilestatesandconflict‐affectedsituations.

Participation–advocatingfortheactiveandmeaningfulparticipationandrepresentationofwomenandlocalwomen’sgroupsinpeaceandsecurityactivities,includingpeaceprocesses.

Protection‐protectingwomen’sandgirls’humanrightsbyhelpingtoensuretheirsafety,physicalandmentalhealth,well‐being,economicsecurity,andequality;promotingandprotectingthesecurityandrightsofwomenandgirls;protectingwomenandgirlsfromviolence,includingsexualviolence.

Reliefandrecovery–promotingandworkingtoensurewomen’sequalaccesstohumanitariananddevelopmentassistance,promotingaidservicesthatsupportthespecificneedsandcapacitiesofwomenandgirlsinallreliefandrecoveryefforts.10

Todate,threeprogressreportshavebeenreleased:2011‐2012,2012‐2013and2013‐2014.Thelatestreportwasaccompaniedbythepublicationofthemid‐termreviewconductedbytheInstituteforInclusiveSecurity.

The Response of Civil Society

In2014,theWPSN‐CreleasedareportentitledWorththeWait?ReflectionsonCanada’sNationalActionPlan&ReportsonWomen,Peace&Security.11Acollectionofninechapterswrittenbynetworkmembersandsupporters(academics,organizations,andindividuals),thisreportoutlinedconcernsregardingtheC‐NAPandimplementationtothatpoint.Overall,WorththeWait?outlinedissuesrelatedtothedelaysinreporting;themonitoring 10Thisisthelanguagefromthe2010C‐NAP.11Thisreportisavailableathttps://wpsncanada.files.wordpress.com/2012/05/worth‐the‐wait‐report.pdf


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andevaluationoftheC‐NAP;thestorytoldbytheprogressreports;fundingforthewomen,peaceandsecurityagenda;andthelackofagender‐basedapproachwithintheC‐NAPitself.

Thisyear(2015)didseethestartofregularconsultationsbetweentheGovernmentofCanadaandcivilsocietyonWPSissues.InJanuary2015,STARThostedthefirstmeetingandinJune,theWPSN‐Chostedasecondmeeting.Therewerepositiveexchangesofinformationandviewsatbothmeetings.

This Report

Aswithourpreviousreport,WorththeWait?,theWPSN‐CsentoutacalltomembersandacademicsworkingontheseissuesforshortreflectionsontheC‐NAP,thethreeprogressreportsandrelatedthemes.Thispublicationistheresultofthatrequest.

Ourcontributorsareadiverselot–academics(bothemergingandestablished),practitionersandactivists.Theirperspectivesandareasoffocusareequallydiverse.Somelookback,analyzingandcommentingonthelatestprogressreportandexploringelementsinCanada’sapproachtoWPSissues.Whileacknowledgingthattherehavebeensomeadvances,contributorsnotethefailuretocapitalizeonthefullpotentialoftheC‐NAPasakeypolicydirectivethatinfluencesCanada’sapproachtoconflict‐affectedstates,thecontinuedchallengesintheannualreporting(asbothanaccountabilitymechanismandanopportunityforreflectiononthepartoftheinvolvedgovernmentdepartments),andtheongoinglackofinformationonresourceinvestments(overallnumbersandtrends).

Othercontributorslookforward,identifyingopportunitiesandoptionsaswelooktowardtherenewaloftheC‐NAP.TheseauthorshighlighttheimportanceofissuestheC‐NAPdoesnotaddress(extractiveindustries)andwaysCanadacanimproveonfundingafundamentalWPSissue:sexualviolenceinconflict.Aswell,thereisarequesttobroadenthediscussionsamonggovernmentofficials,civilsocietyandacademicstostrengthenCanada’soverallapproachandeffectiveness.TheConclusionalsolooksforward,outliningkeyissuestobeconsideredintheprocessofdraftinganupdatedandrevisedNAP.

ThegoalofthisreportiscontributetothedebateanddiscussiononCanada’sglobalcommitmentsandcontributionstotheimplementationoftheWPSagenda.WehopetostrengthenCanadianeffectivenessandcontributionsonthisimportantglobalissue.

Theopinionsandviewsexpressedineachcontributionarethoseofitsauthor(s)anddonotnecessarilyrepresenttheviewsofallNetworkmembersortheNetworkasawhole.

The Women, Peace and Security Network – Canada

TheWPSN‐Cisavolunteernetworkofover60Canadianorganizationsandindividualscommittedtothefollowing:

1)PromotingandmonitoringtheeffortsoftheGovernmentofCanadatoimplementandsupporttheUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolutionsonwomen,peaceandsecurity;and,


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2)ProvidingaforumforexchangeandactionbyCanadiancivilsocietyonissuesrelatedtowomen,peaceandsecurity.

TheNetworkhasitsoriginsintheGenderandPeacebuildingWorkingGroupofPeacebuild;however,givenPeacebuild’sreducedpresence,theWorkingGroupdisbandedin2011andtheWPSN‐CwasformedinJanuary2012.Weoperatewithnofundingandrelyonthegoodwillandvolunteercontributionsofourmembers–bothindividualsandorganizations.

MoreinformationontheWPSN‐Cisavailableatourwebsite:wpsn‐canada.org.

Acknowledgements

Wewouldliketothankallthecontributorsfortheirinsightsandanalysis.WearealsogratefultoJoséeLafrenièreforherreviewofthedraftversionofthisdocument.


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Part 1 – Looking Back


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The Government of Canada's Response to Inclusive Security's Mid‐Term Review of the C‐NAP

MoniqueCuillerier

In2014,theInstituteforInclusiveSecurity,aUS‐basedorganization,washiredbytheCanadiangovernmenttoconductanindependentmid‐termreviewofCanada'sNationalActionPlanonWomen,PeaceandSecurity,ascalledforintheoriginalplan.12

InclusiveSecurityconductedconsultationswithintherelevantgovernmentdepartmentsandorganizations,aswellaswithcivilsociety,whichincludedinvitingmembersoftheWomen,PeaceandSecurityNetwork‐Canadatotakepartinaday‐longconsultationinthesummerof2014.Theresultsofthisprocessarepresentedinthereport,AssessmentofCanada’sActionPlanfortheImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolutionsonWomen,PeaceandSecurity2010‐2016.13

WhileacknowledgingthesignificantimpactandprogressthathasbeenmadetodatebytheGovernment,InclusiveSecuritymadesixkeyrecommendationsforimprovementstobemadetotheC‐NAP.

Becauseofthetimingofthemid‐termreview,preparationofthe2013‐2014progressreport14bytheGovernmentwasalreadywelladvancedwhenInclusiveSecurity’sreportwasreceivedbyDFATDandtheotherinterestedparties.However,the2013‐2014progressreport,tabledintheHouseofCommonsinJune2015,discussesthereviewandrecommendationsinorderthattheymightbeaddressedinamoretimelymannerthanwouldotherwisebethecase.

ThefirstrecommendationistostrengthenthemonitoringandevaluationframeworkintheC‐NAP.Although,asInclusiveSecuritynotes,Canada’sNAPissignificantforincludingsuchaframework,itcouldbeimprovedbyadding“resultsstatementsandoutcomeindicators(toincludequalitativeindicators),establishingclearbaselinesandtargets,andprovidingdefinitionsorexamplesforeachindicator.”15

Intheprogressreport,theGovernmentacceptedthatthesemonitoringandevaluationpracticescouldbeimprovedandpledgedtomakeadjustmentsfollowingconsultationsbothinternallyandwithcivilsociety.Theyintendtobeabletoimplementthesechangesintimeforthe2014‐2015progressreport.

12DFAIT(2010)Canada'sActionPlanfortheImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolutionsonWomen,PeaceandSecurityhttp://www.international.gc.ca/START‐GTSR/women_canada_action_plan‐plan_action_femme.aspx?lang=eng13InstituteforInclusiveSecurity(2014)AssessmentofCanada’sActionPlanfortheImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolutionsonWomen,PeaceandSecurity2010‐2016http://www.international.gc.ca/start‐gtsr/assets/pdfs/Canada_Action_Plan_Women_Peace_Security‐2010‐2016.pdf14DFATD(2015)2013‐2014ProgressReport‐Canada’sActionPlanfortheImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolutionsonWomen,PeaceandSecurityhttp://www.international.gc.ca/start‐gtsr/women_report_2013‐2014_rapport_femmes.aspx?lang=en#toc_ann15InclusiveSecurityp.19


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Anotherrecommendationistoensurethattheannualprogressreportsarereleasedinatimelymanner,aswellasbeingsimplifiedandincludingmorestatisticalanalysis:inparticular,year‐by‐yearcomparisonsinordertoclearlyillustratechangeintheindicators.

AlthoughtheGovernmentaddressesthecontinuedproductionofannualreportsandthebenefitsofsimplificationalongwiththecomparativestatistics,thetimelinessofreportsisnotaddressed.Thisisofconcernandisanissuethathasbeenpreviouslynotedbycivilsociety.16

Thethirdrecommendationisfortheconcernedgovernmentdepartmentstomeetregularlywithcivilsociety.Theprogressreportacknowledgesthat,whiletheGovernmenthasinthepastconsultedwithcivilsociety,forexample,intheoriginaldevelopmentoftheC‐NAPandintheprocessofInclusiveSecurity’sreview,itrecognizesthebenefitofregularlyscheduledmeetings.Sincethemid‐termreview,therehavebeentwosuchmeetingsheldbetweengovernmentandcivilsociety,inFebruaryandJune2015.

Aswellasconsultingwithcivilsociety,InclusiveSecurity’ssuggestionsincludedthattheGovernmentfindwaystosharebestpracticesandchallenges,whetherthroughformaleventsorinformalmeetings.Additionally,itwassuggestedthatidentifyingandpromotingsenior‐levelsupporters—aso‐calledhigh‐levelchampion—oftheC‐NAPcouldhelptodemonstratethatitisapolicypriority.

TheGovernment’sresponsewasthat,whiletheydoholdregular,formalmeetings,theyunderstoodtheroomforimprovement,particularlywithrespecttoinformalapproaches,thatcouldbemadeinthesharingofpracticesandinformation.

Therewasalessenthusiasticresponseregardingnaminga‘high‐levelchampion.’TheGovernment’spositionis“thattheinternationalagendaforWomenPeaceandSecurity,includingthepreventionofsexualviolenceinconflict,isatthecentreofCanadianpolicyforpromotingtheequalitybetweenwomenandmen,andtheempowerment,humanrightsandwell‐beingofwomenandgirls”and,presumably,nospecificchampioningisneeded.17

Andlastly,itwasrecommendedthatthedepartmentsconsiderregularorganization‐wideremindersoftheC‐NAPandhowitisrelevanttoeachdepartment’swork.

TheGovernmentrespondedbypointingoutthatanimplementationplanwasdevelopedin2010inconjunctionwiththeC‐NAP,andthattheannualprogressreportsprovidegeneral

16WhenRobNicholsonbecamethenewCanadianMinisterofForeignAffairsinMarch2015,anumberoforganizationsandindividualsassociatedwithWPSN‐CwrotewithsuggestionsforimprovingtheimplementationoftheC‐NAP;seehttp://wpsn‐canada.org/2015/03/24/letter‐to‐foreign‐minister‐rob‐nicholson/.Thesesuggestionsincludedaddressingthetimelinessofthereleaseoftheprogressreportsandimprovingthetrackingofresultsandactualinvestmentsinwomen,peaceandsecurity,aswellasaddressingwomen’sparticipationinpeaceprocessesinareasofcurrentconflict,suchasUkraine,SouthSudan,andSyria.17DFATDp.3

“Although the Government addresses the continued production of annual reports and the benefits of simplification along with the comparative statistics, the timeliness of reports is not addressed.”


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suggestions.TheyacknowledgedthebenefitofanannualplanthatwouldensurethattheC‐NAP“isclearlyperceivedtobethepolicydirectivethatitis.”18

InadditiontoaddressingtherecommendationsfromInclusiveSecurity,the2013‐2014progressreportgoesontohighlighttheworkdoneinsupportofgenderequalityintheareasofhumanitarianassistanceanddevelopmentbytheformerCIDAandtheneedtodeterminethelessonslearnedfromthoseexperiencesthatcanbeappliedtothenow‐amalgamatedDFATD.

ThissectionoftheprogressreportconcludesthattheGovernmentis“determinedthatthetruelegacyofC‐NAPwillbeseeninchangedattitudes,aswellastheimprovementoftheskills,knowledge,processandpracticestosustainworkinsupportofwomenandgirlsinconflictsituations.”19

TheGovernment’sresponsetoInclusiveSecurity’srecommendationsappearstoshowawillingnesstoaddressmanyoftheareasofreportingthathavebeenidentifiedasproblematic.Inparticular,providingclearstatisticaldata,especiallyyear‐to‐yearcomparativedata,wouldallowforclearlyidentifyingareasofsuccessandthoseinneedofimprovement,inadditiontotrackingthesechangesovertime.

However,ignoringtheissueofthetimelyreleaseoftheprogressreportsisamatterofconcern.Whileacknowledgingtherearelayersofbureaucraticandpoliticaldecision‐makingthatarerequiredtoworktogetherinthepreparation,approvalandreleaseofeachreport,todateithastakenatleastayear(anduptoalmosttwo)foreachprogressreporttobereleased.Atthatpoint,theinformationisunfortunatelydatedandoflimitedusefulness,otherthanhistorical.

ThecurrentC‐NAPexpiresinMarch2016.Ideally,theeffortstoimprovetheC‐NAPwillnotgotowaste,butbeincorporatedintoanewfive‐yearactionplan.

18DFATDp.319DFATDp.3


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Making the Legacy of the C‐NAP a Reality JoRodrigues

Point Missed

Afterreadingthreeprogressreportsandthemid‐termreviewontheimplementationofCanada’sNationalActionPlan(C‐NAP),Iconcludedanimportantpointhadbeenmissed.ItisthattheplanisaninnovativeendeavourputtingtheCanadiangovernmentintheroleofacatalysttoeffectivelychangehowweaddressconflictandviolence.

TheC‐NAPaimstoimplementrecommendationsintheSecurityCouncilResolutions(SCRs)onWomen,PeaceandSecurity,namely,toinvolveandelevatethevoicesofwomeninconflictresolutionandpost‐conflictreconstructionandtoeliminateviolenceagainstwomenandgirls.It’salsoastepinacknowledgingandaddressingtheparticularexperiencewomenandgirlsfaceinarmedconflicts.

The2013‐2014progressreportstates:“WearedeterminedthatthetruelegacyofC‐NAPwillbeseeninchangedattitudes,aswellastheimprovementoftheskills,knowledge,processandpracticestosustainworkinsupportofwomenandgirlsinconflictsituations.”20

Thisisencouragingtoread,especiallyinlightoftheobstaclesthegovernmentfaces.TherearetwoIwishtohighlight.

Clarity and Transparency

Oneobstacleisthecontinuedvaguereporting.ThereportattemptstospeaktosomegapsthroughitsLessonsLearnedsection.Forinstance,itstatesthatcombiningCIDAandDFAIT–DFATD–willprovideopportunitiesforbettercoordinationbecauseC‐NAPpartnersarebetterabletoshareexperiencesandknowledge.21AnotherwaytoreadthisisthattherehavebeenchallengesinthecoordinationofreportingontheC‐NAPinthepast.Thequestionsthatariseare,whywasthisthesituation,whyhasittakentheamalgamationoftwobodiestopromptsuchcoordinationandwhatspecificopportunitiesaretherenowthatwerenottherebefore?Knowingtheanswerstothesequestionswouldmakeitclearonwhatisrequiredtomakereportingmoresuccessfulgoingforward.Thesectionalsoacknowledgesthatgapsareevidentinreportingresultsversusactivitiesandthatthereareproblemsprovidinginformationforindicators.Thereasonastowhythisisthecaseisnotexplicitlyreported.Thoroughinformationansweringallthesequestionswouldgivedetailedinsightonwhatthegapsareandhowtoeffectivelyclosethem.WithoutthisinformationIamlefttoguessonwhatthereasonscouldbe.

20DFATD(2015)2013‐2014ProgressReportCanada’sActionPlanfortheImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolutionsonWomen,PeaceandSecurity,p.3http://www.international.gc.ca/start‐gtsr/women_report_2013‐2014_rapport_femmes.aspx?lang=eng21Ibidp.25


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Theneedforclarityandtransparencyarisesagainwhenreviewingtheindicators.TakeforexampleIndicator2‐1,itasksforthepercentageofGovernmentofCanadadepartmentalpre‐deploymentorgeneraltrainingcourses.BothDFATDandDNDdonotprovidepercentagesnorexplainwhy.22Onecouldconcludethatthereisalackofresourcestoprovidesuchinformation,thattherehasbeensomeoversightorthatprovidingsuchdataisnotconsideredvaluable.

Indicator2‐3asksforareportontheextenttowhichcontentofmandatorytrainingcoursesfordeployedpersonnelorforpolicyandprogramstaffreflecttheSCRsonWomen,PeaceandSecurity.23DNDshowssomeprogressfromnotreportingonthisindicatorinthe2011‐2012progressreport24toreportingonitinthe2012‐2013report.25DNDhoweverrepeats,wordforword,whatitreportedonlastyearforthisindicatorinthe2013‐2014report.Itappearstobeacopy‐pasteapproach,whichseemscareless.AnapproachthatwoulddemonstratethatDNDtookreportingonthisplanseriouslyisifitwouldreportonhowtheyhaveimprovedinperformanceofthisindicatorfor2013‐2014,orwhytheyhavemaintainedthestatusquofromlastyearorthereasontheremayhavebeenregressionforthisindicator.

Reportingachievementsandprogressisimportant.Reportingfailures,gapsandwhytheyoccurredisalsoimportant.Iffailuresarenotexplicitlyacknowledged,howcanlessonseffectivelybelearned?TheCanadiangovernmentmustdemonstratetransparencyinordertobeaccountabletoitscitizens.ClearandtransparentreportingwillshowCanadiansthatthegovernmentistrulycommittedtoinvolveandelevatethevoicesofwomeninconflictresolutionandpost‐conflictreconstructionandtoeliminateviolenceagainstwomenandgirls.

22Ibidp.32Note:Theydoprovidesomedetailofthekindofcoursesstaffattendedorthatweredeliveredhoweverthisdoesnotmakeupforthelackofdatarequestedforthisindicatororprovidinganexplanationastowhytheycannotreportonitatthistime.23Canada’sActionPlanfortheImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolutionsonWomen,PeaceandSecurity,p.12‐13.http://www.peacewomen.org/sites/default/files/canada_nationalactionplan_october2010.pdf24Annex:AggregatedData:2011‐2012ProgressReportCanada'sActionPlanfortheImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolutionsonWomen,PeaceandSecurityhttp://www.international.gc.ca/START‐GTSR/annex‐annexe.aspx?lang=eng252011‐2012ProgressReportCanada'sActionPlanfortheImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolutionsonWomen,PeaceandSecurityhttp://www.international.gc.ca/START‐GTSR/women_report_2012‐2013_rapport_femmes.aspx?lang=eng

“Reporting achievements and progress is important. Reporting failures, gaps and why they occurred is also important. If failures are not explicitly acknowledged, how can lessons effectively be learned?”


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Shared Culture and Understanding

AnotherobstacletotheC‐NAPlegacyisalackofsharedcultureandunderstandingamongtheorganizationsimplementingtheplanandcollectingthedata.Thisiswithrespecttotheaimoftheplanandthecontextthatledtoitscreation.

TheRCMPandDND,twobodiesresponsibleforimplementingtheC‐NAP,needtospendmoretimeandresourcesindevelopinganuancedunderstandingofWomen,PeaceandSecurityissuesandaddressinggenderissueswithintheirrespectiveorganizations.TheRCMPhasaculturethatdoesnotadequatelyaddressandstopsexualharassmentandabusefromwithin.26FormerSupremeCourtJusticeMarieDeschampsnotedintherecentexternalreviewofsexualharassmentandabuseintheCanadianArmedForcesthat“thereisanundeniablelinkbetweentheexistenceofahostileorganizationalculturethatisdisrespectfulanddemeaningtowomenandthepoorintegrationofwomenintotheorganization.”27DNDisthesupportsystemoftheCAF.28Withculturesthatdonotdemonstratevalueandrespectforwomenbyadequatelyacknowledgingtheabuseandharassmentaswellaseffectivelyaddressingit,howseriouslycanCanadiansandtheinternationalcommunitytaketheclaimthat,aspartoftheimplementinggroup,theRCMPandDNDhopetoleavealegacyofchangedattitudes,aswellasimprovementinskills,knowledge,processandpracticestosustainworkinsupportofwomenandgirlsinconflictsituations?

Making the Legacy of the C‐NAP a Reality

Providingdetailedinformationoffailures,gaps,aswellasachievementsispartofwhatwillmaketheimplementationoftheC‐NAPasuccess.ItisalsoimperativethatallbodiesimplementingtheplansharethesamecultureandunderstandingofWomen,PeaceandSecurityissuesandtheC‐NAPtobeabletofollowthroughwiththecommitmentsandpillarsoutlinedintheplan.FailuretoattendtobothofthesechallengeswillundermineattemptstorealizetheC‐NAPlegacy.TheCanadiangovernmentisontherighttrackbyhavinganationalactionplan.InadditiontoaddressingthechallengesaboveitneedstoshowitscommitmenttotheC‐NAPandtheSCRsonWomen,PeaceandSecuritybyallocatingresources–includingsufficientfinancialresources–toimplementit,anddemonstratingaccountability.ThisincludesrenewingtheC‐NAPafterthecurrentoneexpires,usingtherecommendationsfromthemid‐termreview,WorththeWait?andthispublicationtoimprovetheplanandconsistentlyengage

26MichaelEnright,“ThecultureofsexualabuseintheRCMPandCanada'smilitary‐Michael'sEssay.”SundayJune14,2015http://www.cbc.ca/radio/thesundayedition/culture‐of‐sex‐abuse‐in‐rcmp‐and‐military‐zukerman‐and‐forsyth‐margot‐bentley‐s‐right‐to‐die‐1.3110989/the‐culture‐of‐sexual‐abuse‐in‐the‐rcmp‐and‐canada‐s‐military‐michael‐s‐essay‐1.311105527MarieDeschamps,“ExternalReviewintoSexualMisconductandSexualHarassmentintheCanadianArmedForces.”March27,2015http://www.forces.gc.ca/assets/FORCES_Internet/docs/en/caf‐community‐support‐services‐harassment/era‐final‐report‐%28april‐20‐2015%29‐eng.pdf28FrequentlyAskedQuestions.Seequestionandanswer7http://www.forces.gc.ca/en/about/faq.page#q7


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stakeholders,likecivilsociety,whocancontributetotheoverallsuccessoftheplanwiththeirinsightsandexperience.Indoingso,theCanadiangovernmentwillbeacatalysttochangehowconflictandviolenceisaddressedbyeffectivelyincludingandelevatingthevoicesofwomeninconflictresolutionandpost‐conflictreconstruction,andaddressingviolenceagainstwomenandgirlssothatitmaybeeliminated.ItwillmaketheC‐NAPlegacyareality.


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Recognizing the Full Value of the C‐NAP KristineSt‐Pierre

WhenthecallforthedevelopmentofNationalActionPlans(NAPs)toimplementUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolution(UNSCR)1325wasmadeina2004UNSCPresidentialstatement,therewasarecognitionofthesignificantrolethatmemberstatescanplayinfurtheringthewomen,peaceandsecurityagenda.NAPsbecameknownasanimportantmechanismfortranslatingUNSCR1325anditsrelatedresolutionsintospecificactions.

TheimportanceofNAPswasmeantfirstandforemosttoholdgovernmentsaccountablefortheimplementationofthewomen,peaceandsecurityagenda.Butaswereflectandlearnfrommorethan10yearsofnationalimplementation,ithasbecomeclearthatNAPsalsopresenttwoimportantopportunitiesforthegovernmentsthatadoptthem.29

First,NAPsprovidegovernmentswiththeopportunitytoassess,monitorandstrengthentheirprioritiesonwomen,peaceandsecurity.Second,NAPsprovidegovernmentswiththeopportunitytostrengthenpolicycoherenceandeffectivenesswithinandacrosstheirdepartments.

Theseopportunities,however,donothappeninavacuum.Fortheabovetotakeplace,agovernmentmustnotonlydisplaystrongleadershipandahighlevelofcommitmenttowardthewomen,peaceand

securityagenda;itmustalsobewillingtoallocateaspecificbudgetandcommittotheimplementationofamonitoringandevaluationprocessthatwilldirectlyfeedintofuturepolicyplanninganddecision‐making.

Withthisinmind,thisshortbriefarguesthattheGovernmentofCanada’sapproachtothemonitoringandevaluationofitsNationalActionPlan(C‐NAP)hasrestricteditsabilitytofullyrealizeitscommitmentsonwomen,peaceandsecurity.Thisassessmentisbasedonthefollowingobservations:

1. IntheWorththeWait?reportpublishedinMay2014,BethWoroniukarguedthattheCanadianNationalActionPlan(C‐NAP)indicators—24intotal—“donotfunctionasaneffectiveaccountabilitymechanism.”30Sheidentifiedanumberofshortcomings,including:

A“lackofconsolidation,analysisandorganization[making]itdifficulttounderstandwhathasactuallyhappenedornothappened;”’31

29Adaptedfromthe2014OSCEanalysisofthe27NAPsintheOSCEregion.30BethWoroniuk(2014).“C‐NAPIndicators:PuttingAccountabilityintoPractice.”InWorththeWait?ReflectionsonCanada’sNationalActionPlan&ReportsonWomen,PeaceandSecurity,eds.BethWoroniukandAmberMinnings.Ottawa,Canada:WPSN‐Canada,20.31Ibid,18.

“The Canadian landscape surrounding women, peace and security still points to an absence of strong priorities on women, peace and security and to a lack of policy coherence among and across government departments on the issue.”


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Anabsenceoftargetsandalackofoverallcontextaroundtheindicatordataintheannexes,makingyear‐on‐yearprogressdifficulttoassess;32and

Problemswith“overlapandduplication”ofinformation.33

2. TheWPSN‐Canadasubmissiontothe2015HighLevelReviewonSecurityCouncilResolution1325inApril2015madesimilarobservations,notingthat:

“Thereportsfocusonactivitiescarriedoutandthereislittleanalysisofprogress;”

“Thereportsdonotincludeyear‐to‐yearprogresscomparisons,soitisdifficulttoseewheretherehavebeenimprovementsintheindicators;”and

“ItisdifficulttoidentifywhatresourcestheCanadiangovernmentisactuallyinvestinginWPSinitiatives.”34

3. AnanalysisofthedatapresentedinthethreeprogressreportspublishedasofNovember2015(coveringthefiscalyears2011/12,2012/13and2013/14)35showslittleevidencethattheadoptionoftheC‐NAPin2010hasresultedintostrengthenedprioritiesonwomen,peaceandsecurityandbetterpolicycoherenceamonggovernmentdepartments.Forexample,thereremainanumberofinconsistenciesinthedata,includinginconsistentreportingacrossdepartmentsandfromyeartoyear.

Indicator2‐1,forexample,asksforthepercentageofGovernmentofCanadadepartmentalpre‐deploymentorgeneraltrainingcoursesthataddressgenderissues;however,notalldepartmentsreportedapercentageandevenwhenapercentageisprovided,thereislittleexplanationastotheexactnatureofthetraining,thecontentincludedorevenananalysisofongoingorremaininggapsthatneedtobeaddressed.

Indicator17‐3,forexample,askstheextenttowhichDND/CanadianForcesstrategicdirectionorequivalentpolicyguidancefordeployedCanadianpoliceaddressesinameaningfulwaytheimportanceofprotectingwomen’sandgirl’shumanrights.TheRCMPistheonlydepartmenttohavereporteddata,anditdidtwooutofthreeyears.

Thereisalsoalackofexplanatorycontextaroundthedataprovided.

Indicator17‐1,forexample,asksthepercentageofrelevantregion‐ormission‐specificpre‐deploymentorfieldtrainingmodulesforGovernmentofCanadapersonnelonprotectionissuesthataddressinameaningfulwaythedifferentialimpactoftheconflictonwomenandgirls.DFATDhasonecourseongender‐basedanalysis,whiletheRCMPsaystheyhaveonemodule,andDNDsaysthat“all”itstrainingaddressesthedifferentialimpactofconflictonwomenandgirls.However,thereisnoinformationonthetrainingmodulesthemselves,orinthecaseofDND,

32Ibid,19.33Ibid,19.34WPSN‐Canada.(2015).Submission–Canada’sNationalActionPlanonWomen,PeaceandSecurityandtheResponsefromCivilSociety.http://wpsn‐canada.org/2015/04/27/submission‐canadas‐national‐action‐plan‐on‐women‐peace‐and‐security‐and‐the‐response‐from‐civil‐society/#more‐8013035AsummaryofreportingontheC‐NAPindicatorsisincludedinAnnex1.


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howmanytrainingsthereareandforwhom,andmorespecifically,howthedifferentialimpactofconflictonwomenandgirlsisbeingaddressedorintegratedaspartofthesetrainings.

Inadditiontotheaboveobservations,anindependentmid‐termreviewundertakeninthesummerof2014byanU.S.‐basedorganizationidentifiedsixkeyrecommendationsforimprovingtheC‐NAP.36Oneoftheserecommendations(thefirstandarguablymostpressing)pointstotheneedtoimprovetheC‐NAP’smonitoringandevaluationframework.Accordingtothereview,“theCNAPdoesnotcontainanyresultsstatements,nordoesitcontainanyoutcomeindicators,whichmakesitdifficulttoassesstheimpactoftheCNAP.”37Inotherwords,whilethereviewarguesthatcurrentindicatorsdo“anexcellentjobofmeasuringprogressintermsofoutput”38—wecanseewhichactivitieshavebeendone—theydonotprovideabasisformeasuringactualprogresswithregardtoCanada’ssupportforthewomen,peaceandsecurityagenda.

Themid‐termreviewalsofindsa“lackofconnectiontoanoverarchingobjective.”ThisfindingissignificantwhenitcomestounderstandingthefullpotentialoftheC‐NAPindevelopingprioritiesandstrengtheningpolicycoherenceandeffectiveness.Withoutanexplicitconnectiontooneormoreoverallobjective(s)—atforeignpolicyand/orgovernment‐level—theC‐NAPwilllikelyremainanafterthought,asopposedtoarequirement.OneexampleofthisconnectioncanbeseeninNorway’snewactionplanadoptedinFebruary2015,whichidentifiesamainobjectivefromwhichfourpriorityareasarederived.39IntheCanadiancontext,suchanobjectivecouldnotonlyhelpfocusthegovernment’sefforts,butcouldalsofacilitatepolicymakers’understandingoftheoutcomesorresultsexpectedfromtheseefforts.

“ThemainobjectiveofNorway’sworkistoensurethatwomenareabletotakepartinpeaceprocessesandthattherights,needsandprioritiesofbothwomenandmenareaddressedinallpeaceandsecurityefforts.”

- National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security 2015-2018 Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Toconclude,whileCanada’sNationalActionPlanhashadimportantpointsofsuccess—includingaffirmingCanada’sgloballeadershiponwomen,peaceandsecurity,sparkingbehaviouralchangewithinDFATD,andpositioningtheC‐NAPasameaningfulplatformfor 36SeeMoniqueCuillerier’schapterinthiscompilationforamorein‐depthpresentationofthemid‐termreviewrecommendations.37InstituteforInclusiveSecurity(2014).AssessmentofCanada’sActionPlanfortheImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolutionsonWomen,PeaceandSecurity2010‐2016.NewYork,NY:InclusiveSecurity,3.Availableat:http://www.international.gc.ca/start‐gtsr/assets/pdfs/Canada_Action_Plan_Women_Peace_Security‐2010‐2016.pdf38Ibid,15(seefootnote6).Thereisadebateastowhetherthecurrentindicatorsactuallydoan“excellentjob”atmeasuringprogressintermsofoutputs.InherchapterinWorththeWait?,BethWoroniukarguedthattheindicatorsareconfusingandquestionedwhethertheyactuallymeasuredthebestthingstomeasure.SeeWoroniuk(2014).39NorwegianMinistryofForeignAffairs(2015).NationalActionPlanonWomen,PeaceandSecurity2015‐2018.https://www.regjeringen.no/globalassets/departementene/ud/vedlegg/fn/ud_handlingsplan_kfs_eng_nett.pdf


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action40—thisbriefarguesthattheC‐NAPisstillnotbeingusedtoitsfullpotential.TheCanadianlandscapesurroundingwomen,peaceandsecuritystillpointstoanabsenceofstrongprioritiesonwomen,peaceandsecurityandtoalackofpolicycoherenceamongandacrossgovernmentdepartmentsontheissue.

AlthoughtherearemanyactionsthegovernmentcantaketoimprovetheimplementationoftheC‐NAP,addressingongoinginconsistenciesinthemonitoringandevaluationprocesswouldbeanimportantfirststep.

Forthefuture—especiallywhenitcomestothedevelopmentofanewNAPin2016—itwillbeimportanttopositiontheC‐NAPwithinalargerforeignorgovernment‐levelpolicyobjective.Doingsowillmakeiteasiertounderstandresultssoughtand,inturn,identifyactualprogress.

40Ibid,p.9.


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On the One Hand, On the Other Hand: Making Sense of C‐NAP Reporting

BethWoroniuk

NationalActionPlans(NAPs)areincreasinglyusedaroundtheworldasamechanismtosupportnationallevelimplementationoftheUNSecurityCouncilResolutionsonWomen,PeaceandSecurity(WPS).WhilethereisstilldebateregardingtheeffectivenessofthesePlans,thereisaglobalconsensusontheirimportance.TherecontinuetobeglobalcallsforUNMemberStatestodevelopandimplementNAPsandreportonprogress.Oneofthe(many)recommendationsintherecentlyreleasedGlobalStudyontheImplementationofUNSecurityCouncilResolution1325isthefollowing:

Allrelevantactors–MemberStates,civilsociety,donorsandmultilateralagencies–should:strengthennationalandglobalreportingmechanismsformonitoringprogressinthedevelopmentandimplementationofNAPs,toenhancetransparencyandfacilitateexchangeoflearning,andscaleupgoodpractice.41

InJune2015,theGovernmentofCanadareleasedthethirdannualreportonCanada’simplementationofitsNationalActionPlanonWomen,PeaceandSecurity(C‐NAP),coveringtheperiodApril2013toMarch2014.TheReportrepresentsagreatdealofworkonthepartoftherelevantgovernmentdepartmentstodocumenttheiractivitiesinthisfiscalyear.Thisbriefreflectionoutlinesstrengthsandweaknessesofthereport,andaskswhetherornotthereportprovidesaclearpictureofCanada’sprogressonimplementingitsWPScommitments.

Positive Aspects of the Third Progress Report

WhiletheReportisunwieldy,repetitiveandlacksaresultsfocus(moreonthisbelow),thereareseveralpositiveelements:

ThereleaseoftheReportwasaccompaniedbythefulltextofthemid‐termreviewandtheExecutiveSummaryprovidesa‘managementresponse’ofsorts.Thisdegreeoftransparencyislaudable.

TheoriginalNAPcalledforamid‐termreviewandtheGovernmentmustbeapplaudedforfollowingthroughonthiscommitmentinaseriousmanner.STARTallocatedresources(financialandhuman)andcontractedareputableorganization(theInstituteforInclusiveSecurity),withsignificantinternationalexperiencetoundertakethereview.Thereview’smethodologyincludedconsultationwithCanadiancivilsociety,includingaone‐dayconsultationorganizedbySTART.The

41UNWomen(2015).PreventingConflict,TransformingJustice,SecuringthePeace:AGlobalStudyontheImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolution1325.(inparticularChapter10)http://wps.unwomen.org/~/media/files/un%20women/wps/highlights/unw‐global‐study‐1325‐2015.pdfp.250


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contributionbyMoniqueCuillerierinthiscollectionprovidesanoverviewoftherecommendationsfromthemid‐termreviewandtheGovernment’sresponse.42

Table1:Genderequalityintegrationandspendingbyfiscalyearforgender,peaceandsecurityfunded(GPSF)projectsismuchappreciated.TheTableisclearandcomplete(withnumberofprojects,percentageofprojectsandoverallspendingforeachcodingcategory).TheconclusionsthatthequalityofGPSFprojects(asitrelatestogenderanalysis)hasimprovedandthatthenumber/percentageofgenderequalityspecificinitiativeshasincreasedarebothclearlyillustrated.43

TheReportincludessignificantexamplesofconcreteinitiativesthatsupportWPSaimsandobjectives.Inparticular,thisreaderwasstruckbythefrequencyofexamplesfromAfghanistan.EithertheAfghanistanprogramisverygoodatreportingonitsinitiatives,ortherereallyhasbeenasignificantinvestmentinprogrammingandadvocacyinitiativestoaddresswomen’srightsandparticipationinthiscountrybyCanadianofficials.TheBurmaBorderAssistanceProgramiscitedinnumerousplacesaswell,andappearstobeanothergoodpractice.

DespitetheofficialperiodofthereportbeingApril2013‐March2014,theauthorshavechosentoincludeafewimportantupdatesthatgobeyondthatperiod,inparticularrelatingtothereportbyretiredSupremeCourtJusticeMarieDeschamps,examiningsexualmisconductandsexualharassmentwiththeCanadianArmedForces.Thisflexibilitytotrytoaddressmorerecentdevelopmentsisappreciated.

The“lessonslearned”sectiondoesincludecommentsonshortcomings,particularlyrelatedtoresultsversusactivities,reportingandindicators.Itispositivetoseethereportacknowledgethatthereareareasforimprovement.

TheAnnexprovidesdetailsonactivitiescarriedoutbythedifferentdepartmentsinsupportoftheActionsidentifiedintheC‐NAP.Whilethisannexprovidessignificant“rawdata,”itistime‐consumingtopulloutsignificanttrendsanddifficulttodetermineimpacts.

Someoftheindicatorsdoshowimprovements.Forexample,thepercentageofwomendeployedbytheRCMPhasincreasedfrom10.8%ofthefirstyearofC‐NAPreportingto19%inthisyear’sreport.

Areas for Improvement

Overall,itappearsthattheReportcontinuestobeasomewhatmechanicalexerciseandalostopportunityforreflection.TheInstituteforInclusiveSecurity’smid‐termreviewnotedsignificantdissatisfactionwiththeannualreports(onthepartofcivilsocietybutalsofromgovernmentofficials):

42ItshouldbenotedthatwhileInclusiveSecurity’sreportmentionstheCanadianCommitteeonWomen,PeaceandSecurityasoneofthesuccessesofCanadianleadershiponWPS,theCommitteewhichwasestablishedin2001,hadceasedtofunctionby2004.43Howeveritinterestingtonotethattheaveragesizeofthegenderequalityspecificinitiatives(approximately$346,000)wassmallerthantheprojectswith‘limitedintegration’(approximately$897,000).


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Amajorityofintervieweesseethereportasalargelyretroactive,attributionexercisemeaningthatinsteadofbeingusedasanopportunitytoreflectandasknotjust“Whatdidwedowell?”butalso“Whatcouldwedobetter?”,mostuseitonlyasanopportunitytoask“Whatdidwedothatfits?”44

AnewNAP(yettobedeveloped)offersachancetorethinktheroletheannualreportcanplay.Inadditiontobeinganaccountabilitymechanism,theGovernmentcanask:howcanthereportingprocessfacilitatereflectionandimprovementofCanada’sactionsandinvestmentsinsupportofWPSobjectives?

Atamoredetailedlevel,twoofthekeyweaknessesofthelatestProgressReportaredealtwithbyothercontributionsinthiscollectionandWPSN‐C’spreviousWorthTheWait?report:

Thetardinessinreporting(thisisaddressedinseveralcontributions,includingthosebyKristineSt‐PierreandJoRodrigues).Liketheprevioustwoprogressreports,thisonewasreleasedwelloverayearaftertheperiodcoveredinthereport.Eventshavemovedon.Dataisoutofdate.

Theincompleteuseofindicators(addressedbyKristineSt‐Pierreinthispublication,andmycontributioninWorththeWait?).45

Otherareaswereproblemsremaininclude:

a) Fundingdataremainincomplete.46DespitethepositiveinclusionofTable1(asmentionedabove),severalimportantquestionsregardingbudgetallocationstoWPSinitiativesremain.

- First,westilldonothaveaclearpictureofa)theoverallresourcesbeinginvestedinWPSoutcomes,andb)whetherornottheseresourceshaveincreasedovertime.WhileTable1outlinesGPFSresources,thereisnoreportingonoverallofficialdevelopmentassistance(ODA)investments.GPSFreflectsonlyonepartofCanada’sinvestmentsinfragileandconflict‐affected

44Page17.45ThepreviousreportoftheWPSN‐C(WorththeWait?)notedthattheindicatorreportingsufferedbecausetherewasnoyear‐on‐yearcomparisonprovided.Inthedocumentreleasedthisgaphadnotbeenremedied.Onceagain,civilsocietyhadtopulltheindicatorstogethertoprovideayear‐on‐yearcomparison.Howeverthereisanoteinthereportthathintsthatthegovernmentdiditsowncomparison.Underlessonslearned/reportingontheC‐NAPitsays“ThereviewoftheaggregatedmatrixforthelastthreeyearofC‐NAP’simplementation,whichisanewfeatureofthisannualreport,revealedsomeirregularities.”Ifthismatrixwasprepared,itisunfortunatethatitwasnotreleasedwiththereport.46Themid‐termreviewnotes:“it’sclearthatthereisnoeasywaytopullnumberseffectivelytodevelopatotalamountspentonwomen,peaceandsecuritydevoidofcaveats.”(page17)Iagreetotallywiththisstatementandacknowledgethedifficultieswithtracking“gendermainstreamed”investments.However,evenwithintheseconstraintsthereissignificantroomforimprovement.Wewouldwelcomeimprovedreportingoninvestments,evenwiththecaveats.


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statesanditisimportanttoknowhowandtowhatextenttotalODAspendingreflectsWPSpriorities.47

- Second,wedonotknowthehumanresourcesattachedtotheC‐NAP.WhileitisnexttoimpossibletoquantifyallthestafftimeinvestedinC‐NAP‐relatedactivities,itwouldbeusefultoknowwhospecificallyhasresponsibilityfortheC‐NAPintheirjobdescription.

- Third,thequalityofthe‘coding’systemforGPSFprojectsisunclear.Thetextseemstoimplythatallthatisneededtoscore“genderequalityintegrated”istheinclusionofagenderanalysis.However,onthedevelopmentsideofGAC(previouslyDFATD)thecriteriaincludeinclusionofanexplicitgenderequalityresultattheintermediatelevel,aswellasagenderanalysis.48ThisseemstobeamuchhigherstandardthanwhatisbeingusedbyGPSF.

- Fourth,itwouldbeusefultohaveanannexthatliststheprojectsconsideredtobe“genderequalityspecific”(title,implementingpartner,budget,timeframe)inordertobetterunderstandGovernmentofCanadainvestmentsandprioritiesinthisarea.Civilsocietyhasconsistentlyhighlightedtheimportanceoffundinggrassrootswomen’sorganizations,soitwouldbeinterestingtogetasenseofCanadiansupporttotheseunder‐fundedorganizations.49

ThelatestProgressReportidentifiesstrategiesusedbyCanadatoimplementtheUNSecurityCouncilResolutionsanditisinterestingtonotethatthislistdoesnotincludethemobilizationoffinancialresources,giventhatofficialdevelopmentassistanceisamajorpolicylever.50Aswell,thereisaglobalconsensusthatpredictableandsustainablefinancingisaprerequisitefortherealizationoftheWPSagenda.51

47Ideally,figuresonWPSspendingshouldbereported.Ifthisisnotpossiblewithcurrentlyaccountingframeworks,ataminimumdevelopmentprogramsinfragile/conflict‐countryprogramscouldreportongenderequalitycodingdata.48Whileagenderanalysisisimportantandrequired,byitselfitisinsufficient.IdeallytheanalysishasinfluencedtheoutcomesoftheinitiativeandthereareexplicitoutcomesthatsupportWPSobjectivesrelatedtoincreasedparticipationorimprovedprotection,etc.49See,forexample,thetestimonybyJessicaTomlin,ExecutiveDirection,TheMATCHInternationalWomen’sFundattheSenateStandingCommitteeonHumanRightsonJune11,2015availableat:http://wpsn‐canada.org/2015/06/16/senate‐standing‐committee‐on‐human‐rights‐presentation‐by‐jess‐tomlin‐executive‐director‐match‐international/50Section1.2notes:“Canadahaspledged,throughtheC‐NAP,tousediversestrategiestoimplementtheUNSecurityResolutions[sic].Theseincludeadvancinginternationalnormsandstandards,conductingsustainedadvocacyonabilateralandmultilateralbasis,seekingmechanismsforaccountabilityandimplementation;andbuildingknowledgeandskillsforpractitioners,amongothers.”51UNWomen(2015).PreventingConflict,TransformingJustice,SecuringthePeace:AGlobalStudyontheImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolution1325.(inparticularChapter10)http://wps.unwomen.org/~/media/files/un%20women/wps/highlights/unw‐global‐study‐1325‐2015.pdf

“Overall, it appears that the Annual Progress Report continues to be a somewhat mechanical exercise and a lost opportunity for reflection.”


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b) Discussionsof‘integratinggenderintotraining’remainproblematic.ThereportconsistentlynotesthatWPSissueshavebeenintegratedintotraining.Yetashasbeenconsistentlynotedbycivilsocietyrepresentatives,thisisadifficultandoftensubjectiveconcepttomeasure.Whatonepersonmayconsiderfullintegration,anothermayconsideronlysuperficialtreatment.

Apositiveexampleofcivilsociety/governmentcooperationontheissuesoftrainingistheinvitationfromtheRCMPtotheWPSN‐Ctoobserveandcommentontheirpre‐deploymenttraining.InAugust2015,twoWPSN‐Crepresentativesobservedtrainingsessionsandreviewedonlinematerials.TheypreparedareportanddiscusseditwiththeRCMPrepresentatives.Theywillbeinvitedbacktoobserveafuturesessionofthepre‐deploymentbriefingstoassesstheextenttowhichtheirrecommendationshavebeentakenintoaccount.Followingthisfinalphase,theywillmakeapublicreport.

ThereportnotesthattrainingforDFATDstaffwasdelayedgiventheCIDA/DFAITmerger.Welookforwardtoreportingonthedevelopmentandimplementation‐relevanttraininginitiativesinfuturereports.

c) Therearegeneralstatementsassertingprogressthatactuallytellusverylittle.Examplesinclude:

- “Canadacontinuedtointegrateintoitsinitiativesananalysisofthedifferentialexperiencesofmenandwomen,boysandgirlsinconflictcontexts”(Section3.1).

- “Canadaensuredthatwomeninfragileorconflict‐affectedstatesweregivenequalopportunitytocontributetothedesignorimplementationofprojects…”(Section3.2.1).

- “Programsincountrieshostingrefugees,suchasJordan…alsointegratedgenderequalityinhumanitarianactions…”(Section3.4.1).

Thesebroadstatementsareveryunclear.Evenifananalysiswasdoneforallprogramsandprojects,thereisnothingtoindicatewhetherornotthisanalysisinfluencedpolicydirectionsorprogramoutcomes.Wasthisasuperficialanalysis(providingsex‐disaggregateddata?)ordiditrobustlyexplorehowgenderroles,inequalitiesanddifferencesinfluencedandwereinfluencedbytheconflict?Weretheoutcomesfortheinitiativegroundedinthefindingsofthisanalysis?WerethereactualresultsthatnarrowedgenderinequalitiesorcontributedtoWPSobjectives?

d) ThereisagapbetweenwhatCanadaencouragesotherstodoandwhatwedo.Forexample,section3.2.1notesthatthe“GovernmentofCanadaencouragesitspartnerstoaimforatleasta20percentrepresentativegoalofincludingwomenindecision‐makingandpolicedeploymentsforpeaceoperations.”Yetlateroninthesamesection,thereportnotesthatCanada’spercentageofdeployedofficerswhoarefemalebetweentheApril2012andFeb2014isunder20%.Perhapsouradvocacywouldbemoreeffectivewithastrongernationalperformance?


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Conclusion

Overall,whiletherehavebeenimprovementsinreportingontheC‐NAPsincethefirstReport,gapsstillremain.TheReportnotesthatthestrongestareashavebeen“advocacyandpolicydialogueonthepreventionofsexualviolenceinconflictsituationsinarangeofforawithabroadgroupofmultilateralpartners”(Section4.0).Yetitispreciselythesetypesofactivitiesthataredifficulttoassessforresultsandoutcomes.Aswell,oneofthechallengeswithadvocacyinitiativesisthatcredibilityfortheadvocacyrestsonmanyfactors:dowebackupouradvocacywithresourceinvestments;dowepracticewhatwepreachintermsofourforeignpolicy,defenseanddevelopmentinitiatives;andisourdomesticperformanceconsistentwithourinternationalurgings?Inthelastseveralyears,Canadahasbeenlackingonnumerousfrontswiththefailuretobringarights‐basedperspectivetotheMuskokaInitiative(asignatureinvestmentinmaternalandchildhealth),thelackofanationalactionplanonviolenceagainstwomen,andthefailuretolaunchaninquiryintotheissueofmissingandmurderedindigenouswomen.

TherearealsonumerousreportingdifficultiesbuiltintothestructureandnatureoftheC‐NAPitself.Asnotedaboveandintheothercontributionsinthisdocument,manyoftheindicatorsaredifficulttoreporton.Manyoftheactionslackindicators.Thereisoverlapamongsections.ThesectionoftheC‐NAPonpreventiondoesnotreallydealwithsupportingWPSobjectivesrelatingtothepreventionofarmedconflict.Andsoon.

ThecurrentC‐NAPexpiresinMarchof2016.WiththedevelopmentofanewNationalActionPlan,thereisapossibilitytolearnfromthecurrentreportingstructureandprocess.Itwillbeimportanttoask:Whatmakesforagoodreport?Whyarethesereportsbeingprepared?Whatdowewantthesereportstotellus?Bycriticallyreviewingthisprocess,theaccountabilityandlearningpotentialofannualreportscouldbevastlyimproved.


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The Hidden Ideology Within Canada’s Whole‐of‐Government Approach: Where Does the Canadian

National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security Fit?

SarahTuckey

TheCanadianNationalActionPlanonWomen,PeaceandSecurity(C‐NAP)wasreleasedbytheConservativeCanadiangovernmentin2010,sixyearsafterthecallcamefromtheUnitedNationsformemberstatestoreleaseactionplansonUNSecurityCouncilResolution1325.Therewasapalpableeagernessamonggender‐equality‐focusedcivilsocietyorganizations(CSOs),activistsandscholarstoseewhatCanada’sNAPwouldlooklike,especiallyinlightofthelengthoftimebetweentheUNcalltoactionandtheC‐NAP’srelease.52However,uponitsrelease,manywerequicktocritiquethedocument’sshortlength,lackofdetailorclarity,andlackoftargetedfundingforthemanyindicatorsandactionslistedthroughout.53Moreover,despitethecommitmentmadebytheCanadiangovernmenttoannualreportsontheC‐NAP,thefirstreporttabledinParliamentdidnotappearpubliclyuntilJanuary2014,asecondfollowingquicklyinMarch2014,54andathirdinJune2015.Indeed,“TheWomen,PeaceandSecurityNetwork—CanadahadwrittentwoletterstotheHonourableJohnBaird,MinisterofForeignAffairs,enquiringaboutthedelayinreportingandaskingformoreinformation.Theseletterswentunanswered.”55TheC‐NAPreviewsappearedtobenoclearerormorerobustintheircommitmentstotheWPSagenda.56Thelackofinformationmadeavailabletothepublic,inadditiontotheopaquelanguageusedintheC‐NAPandsubsequentreports,leftmanycriticsthinkingpessimisticallyaboutthesupporttheWPSagendareceivedfromtheConservativegovernment.

Thispessimismamongcriticsisnotaneworunfoundedphenomenon.CSOsandacademicsalikehavenotedtheConservativegovernment’sunwillingnesstocooperateorcollaborateingeneral,andongenderequalityissuesinparticular.Indeed,DavidBlackhighlightsthat“theHarperConservativeshavedemonstratedtheirabilitytoimposefar‐reachingpolicyandinstitutionalchangeswithremarkablylimitedconsultationandconsensusbuilding,as

52BethWoroniukandAmberMinnings,“Introduction”,inBethWoroniukandAmberMinnings(eds.)(2014)WorththeWait?ReflectionsonCanada’sNationalActionPlan&ReportsonWomen,Peace&Security,Ottawa:Women,PeaceandSecurityNetwork–Canada,p.2.53WoroniukandMinnings,“Introduction”,4;RebeccaTiessenandSarahTuckey,“LoosePromisesandVagueReporting:AnalysingCanada’sNationalActionPlanandReportsonWomen,PeaceandSecurity”,inWoroniukandMinnings(eds.),p.14;RebeccaTiessen,“GenderEssentialisminCanadianForeignAidCommitmentstoWomen,PeaceandSecurity”,inInternationalJournal,70(1),2015.54WoroniukandMinnings“Inroduction”,p.4;TiessenandTuckey,“LoosePromises”,p.14.55WoroniukandMinnings,“Introduction”,p.4.56Jo‐AnnRodrigues,“ReflectionsonCanada’sProgressReportsfortheNationalActionPlanonWomen,PeaceandSecurity”,inWoroniukandMinnings(eds);LiamSwiss,“CanadianForeignAidinSupportofWomen,PeaceandSecurity2011‐2013”,WoroniukandMinnings(eds.)


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exemplifiedbytheabruptdecisiontorollCIDAintothenewDFATD”.57CarrierandTiessenhavehighlightedthelackofcommitmentbytheHarperConservativestotransformationalgenderequalityinitiativesviatheiranalysisoftheMuskokaInitiativeonMaternal,NewbornandChildHealth.58Theuseoftheterminology“equalitybetweenwomenandmen”ratherthan“genderequality”isindicativeofthe“editingout”andsilencingofgender‐relatedissuesinCanadianforeignpolicymorebroadly,andspeakstoanuncooperativestanceonissuesthatdonotalignwiththeHarpergovernment’sideology.59Thus,Black“suggestsaneedtogivecloserattentiontothemacro‐politicalroleofpoliticalpartyelitesinbuildingthefoundationforbetteraidpolicies.”60SeveralscholarshaveprovidedacloserinspectionoftheideologicalunderpinningsoftheHarperConservatives,andwhensynthesizedviaagenderperspective,theyshedsomelightonwhytheC‐NAPanditsreviewshavereceivedsolittleattention,andwhyCSOshavetoprodthegovernmentforanyinformationregardingstateactionontheWPSagenda.61

Asawhole‐of‐governmentdocument,theC‐NAPimplicatesmanyactors,andanevenmorediversesetofinitiatives,indeliveringontheCanadianimplementationoftheUNresolutionsonWPS.62FortheHarperConservatives,thewhole‐of‐governmentapproach,firstembracedbytheLiberalgovernmentofPaulMartinin2005,representedefficiency,accountability,andtransparencyacrosssectorsanddepartmentsengagedintheimplementationofforeignpolicy.63TheHarperConservativesstressedtheirdifferencefromtheoriginal,Liberalconceptualizationofwhole‐of‐governmentascomposedofthe“3Ds”–Development,Diplomacy,andDefence–to“1C”–oneCanada–implyingasynchronizedandbalanced,andaboveall,fundamentally“Canadian”approachthatincludesvoicesfromCanadianCSOsandNGOs.64YetCSOsreportedgreatdifficultyinattemptingtoengagewiththeConservativegovernmentonWPSissues.65WhyistheresuchadisconnectbetweenwhattheHarperConservativesclaimed,andwhatwasexperiencedfirst‐hand,particularlybythoseworkingtoadvancegenderequality?

57DavidR.Black,“HumaneInternationalismandtheMalaiseofCanadianAidPolicy”,inStephenBrown,MollydenHeyerandDavidR.Black(eds.)(2014)RethinkingCanadianAid,(Ottawa:UniversityofOttawaPress)p.26.58KrystelCarrierandRebeccaTiessen,“WomenandChildrenFirst:MaternalHealthandtheSilencingofGenderinCanadianForeignPolicy”,inHeatherA.SmithandClaireTurenneSjolander(eds.)(2013)CanadaintheWorld:InternationalisminCanadianForeignPolicy,ed.(DonMills:OxfordUniversityPress).59CarrierandTiessen,“WomenandChildrenFirst”,pp.187‐188.60Black,“HumaneInternationalism”,p.26.61DavidBlack,“TheHarperGovernment,AfricaPolicy,andtheRelativeDeclineofHumaneInternationalism”,inSmithandTurenneSjolander(eds);Black,“HumaneInternationalism”;JustinMassieandStephaneRoussel,“TheTwilightofInternationalism?NeocontinentalismasanEmergingDominantIdeainCanadianForeignPolicy”,inSmithandTurenneSjolander(eds.);JustinMassieandStephaneRoussel,“Preventing,SubstitutingorComplementingtheUseofForce?DevelopmentAssistanceinCanadianStrategicCulture”,inBrown,denHeyerandBlack(eds.);PaulGecelovsky,ThePrimeMinisterandtheParable:StephenHarperandPersonalResponsibilityInternationalism”,inSmithandTurenneSjolander(eds.).62Swiss,“CanadianForeignAid”,p.9.63Seehttp://ploughshares.ca/pl_publications/testing‐whole‐of‐government‐in‐afghanistan/64Ibid.65Tiessen,“GenderEssentialism”.


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Blackarguesthattherehasbeenawaningofthetraditional“humaneinternationalist”approachtoforeignpolicy,asitwasdefinedandespousedbyCranfordPratt,66whileMassieandRousselarguethatinternationalismisbeinggraduallyreplacedby“neocontinentalism”viatheideologicalunderpinningsoftheHarperConservatives.67Theseargumentsgohandinhandfromagenderperspective,whenconsideringtheimportance(orlackthereof)theHarperConservativesplacedontheC‐NAPandCanada’scommitmentstotheWPSagendaoverall.AwaningofourtraditionalunderstandingofCanadaasthekind,gentlebringerofpeace,onlytobereplacedbyahard‐linedconceptualizationofCanadaasamilitarymightalignedwithitsneighbourstotheSouthrevealsaparallel:thedichotomizationofweaknessandmightwithfeminineandmasculine.WiththisshifttoaConservativevisionofCanadaasamilitarystrength,ourfocusongenderequalityissues(whichoftengetconflatedwithwomen’sissues)naturallyfallsbythewayside.

AssynthesizedbyBlack,Pratt“arguedthatCanadianpoliticalcultureincorporatedarobustandpersistent,thougheroding,elementof‘humaneinternationalism’(HI),definedas‘anacceptancebythecitizensoftheindustrializedstatesthattheyhaveethicalobligationstowardthosebeyondtheirbordersandthattheseinturnimposeobligationsontheirgovernments.’”68Pratt“consideredHIthemostwidelyacceptedfoundationandjustificationforCanadianaid,aswellasthesoundestbasisforaid‘effectiveness’(toputthepointinmorecontemporaryterms).”69Withinhisconceptualization,PrattregardedthevastCanadiannetworkofNGOsandCSOsasthemosteffectiveandarticulatecustodiansofHI,andsupportedtheirimportancetoCanadianforeignpolicycreationandimplementationoverthecourseofhiscareer.70

However,Blackarguesthat“theethicalclarityofpurposeassociatedwiththe‘pure’articulationofHIisvirtuallyimpossibletoapproachinpractice.”71TheconceptualizationofHIaswhollyaltruisticandconsensus‐basedinitsdeliveryofforeignaidismoreofanideal‐typethatcannotbeeasilyorrigorouslymeasuredinpractice.Theclashingideologiesofthedominantclass(thosewhoareinpower)andthecounter‐culture(suchastheNGOsandCSOslookingtoaffectthoseinpower)havenotshowntobeeasilyreconciled.Indeed,BlackhighlightsthatundertheHarperConservatives,“therehasbeenasteadilygrowingestrangementbetweenthegovernmentandtraditionalpillarsofthecounter‐consensus,aswellasagrowinginstrumentalizationofNGDO[non‐governmentdevelopmentorganization]rolesinrelationtogovernmentpolicy.”72Thiswasreflectedintheoperationsofthewhole‐of‐government“1C”approachespousedbytheHarper

66Black,“TheHarperGovernment”;Black,“HumaneInternationalism”.67MassieandRoussel,“Twilight”;MassieandRoussel,“Preventing,Substituting”.68Black,“HumaneInternationalism”,18.69Ibid.,18.70Ibid.,19.71Ibid.,22.72Ibid.,24.

“Why is there such a disconnect between what the Harper Conservatives claimed, and what was experienced first‐hand, particularly by those working to advance gender equality?”


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Conservatives,inthatconsensuswasrarelyreached,andprioritywasoftengiventotheDefencebranchoftheoriginal“3D”approach,particularlyinAfghanistan.73Furthermore,instrumentalizationofgenderequalityinitiativeshasbeenwelldocumentedbycritics,whohighlighttheuseofthe“womenasvictims”tropetosupportcontinuedmilitary‐heavyintervention.74

Inlookingatthisphenomenonfromagenderperspective,MassieandRoussel’sconceptualizationofneocontinentalismassistsinexplainingthegrowingConservativeestrangementandaversiontotheWPSagenda.75NeocontinentalismisinformedbythecontinentalistideathatCanadianstateandsocietalinterestsareinextricablylinkedwiththeUnitedStates,butincludestheaddedelementofneoconservativism,whichinformstheideologyoftheHarperConservatives.76Canadianneoconservativismisnotfarofffromconservativism,inthatcertaincorevalues,suchasapessimisticviewofhumannatureasviolentandpronetoconflictandtheupholdingofChristianreligionandtradition,remaindistinctivelyassociatedwithit.77WherethedifferenceliesisintheideologicalandintellectualfuelprovidedbyamoreorlessconsistentcontemporarygroupofCanadianacademicsdubbedthe“CalgarySchool.”Theirbrandofconservativismincludes“theideathat‘evil’existsandthatitisthedutyofthecitizensandtheirleaderstoactaccordingto‘whatisright.’”78Moreover,“attheinternationallevel,Canadianneoconservativesexpressdistrusttowardsinternationalorganizations(especiallytheUN),moralfanaticismagainstthreatstoWesternliberaldemocracyandChristianvalues,unqualifiedbeliefinthebenefitsandbenevolenceofUShegemony,aswellasfaithintheuseofforceasalegitimatetoolofstatecraft.”79

Takentogether,thewaningofHIandthegradualemergenceofneocontinentalismofferapreliminarytheoreticalexplanationforthelackofsupportgiventotheWPSagendaandtheC‐NAP.Afocusongenderequalityissues,naturallyassociatedwiththeweaksideoftheweak‐strongdichotomy,didnotfitthemouldoftheHarperConservatives’visionofCanadagoingforward.FortheHarperConservatives,foreignpolicybecameareflectionofideologicalintereststhatbegantoseeagreateramountofmuch‐neededscholarlycritique.80Indeed,PrattensuredthatwithinhisconceptualizationofHI,thepowerofthedominantclasshighlighted“enduringbiaseswithinthestatepolicy‐makingapparatus—biasesthathavetendedtofadefromviewinpolicydebatesonaid(e.g.,regardingtheaid“architecture”andparticularthematicandcountrypriorities),butshouldnot.”81Andthe

73Seehttp://ploughshares.ca/pl_publications/testing‐whole‐of‐government‐in‐afghanistan/74CarrierandTiessen,“WomenandChildrenFirst”;ClaireTurenneSjolander,“CanadaandtheAfghan‘Other’:Identity,Difference,andForeignPolicy”,inSmithandTurenneSjolander(eds.);LiamSwiss,“Gender,Security,andInstrumentalism:Canada’sForeignAidinSupportofNationalInterest?”inStephenBrown(ed.)(2012).StrugglingforEffectiveness:CIDAandCanadianForeignAid,(MontrealandKingston:McGill‐Queen’sUniversityPress);Tiessen,“GenderEssentialism.”75MassieandRoussel,«Twilight».76MassieandRoussel,«Twilight».77MassieandRoussel,“Twilight,”p.39;Gecelovsky,“PrimeMinister”.78Ibid.79Ibid.,p.41.80Seetheauthorsandvolumescitedinthischapter.81Black,“HumaneInternationalism,”pp.20‐21.


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Harpergovernmentcertainlyespousedthat“theworldisadangerousplace,withmanypotentialenemiesthatmustbeneutralizedorchecked”,asevidencedmostrecentlywiththecampaigntacticsofthepartyduringthe2015electionrun.Becauseofthisdanger,alongwiththeultimateneedoftheConservativestoexhibitpowerontheworldstage,“forceisalegitimatetooltosecuretheinternationalorderandtoneutralizeand/orpunishthosewhothreatentheUS‐dominatedorder.”82ThispessimisticbeliefinhumannaturenaturallyallowsfortheHarperConservativestosupportpeacebuildingapparatusessuchasthewhole‐of‐governmentapproach,whichconnectsdevelopmentanddiplomacytodefenceandmilitaryspending,as“anintegratedandcoherentagendainvolvingmutuallyreinforcingdevelopment‐andsecurity‐relatedpolicies.Fromthisperspective,forexample,antiterroristpoliciesanddevelopmentassistanceareinextricablylinked.”83

Thisideologicallyconservativeconceptualizationofwhole‐of‐government,drivenbythetransitionfromhumaneinternationalismtoneocontinentalism,leaveslittleroomforgenderequalityinitiativessuchastheWPSagenda.Indeed,weseeevidenceofthisinthereviews,reports,andrequestsCSOsandNGOsputforthforthegovernmenttorespondto,whichitrarelydoes.AnalysisfromPloughsharesshowthattheC‐NAPislackinginmanyareas,includingmissingcleartimelinesforimplementation,lackingamechanismfortrackingtheactivitiesandresourcesdirectedtotheC‐NAP,andmissingmechanismsthatshouldexisttofacilitateongoingCSOinput.84SimilarcritiquesandcallstoactionbytheWPSN‐Cprovideanotherexample.WithinthereportWorththeWait?thecritiquesareplentiful.85SwissdemonstratesinhisanalysisofthetworeportsontheC‐NAPthatthecombinedaidinsupportofC‐NAPfrombothoftherecentlymergeddepartmentsofCIDAandDFAITamountstolessthan5%oftotalODAdisbursedbyCanadaineachofthe2011‐2012and2012‐2013fiscalyears,andissuggestiveofthelowpriorityaccordedtheWPSissuesinCanada’saidprogram.86Moreover,hesummarizesthatasawhole,“thereportssuggestthatCanadahasbeenactivelysupportingaidprogramsinsupportoftheUNresolutions,butalsosuggeststhat,inspiteofthepresenceofC‐NAP,thattheaideffortsinthisarearemainrelativelysmallandfragmentedintermsofhowtheyarebothimplementedandreported.”87

FurtherresearchintotheconnectionbetweentheriseofneocontinentalismandthedeclineofhumaneinternationalismisneededtoclearlyrevealifthischangeinforeignpolicyideologyresultedinalackoffocusongenderequalityissuesbytheHarperConservatives.However,theevidencepresentedhereisclear:despiteallthatwassaidanddonebytheNGOandCSO“counter‐culture”,theireffortsfellondeafears.Whengenderequalityissuesremainonthe“weak”and“feminine”sideoftheweak‐strongandfeminine‐masculinedichotomies,itismucheasierforthoseinpowertoignorecallstoactionbyCanadiancivil

82MassieandRoussel,“Twilight,”p.45‐46.83MassieandRoussel,“Preventing,Substituting,”p.145.84Seehttp://ploughshares.ca/pl_publications/a‐glaring‐omission‐landmark‐un‐resolution‐1325‐on‐women‐and‐peace‐makes‐no‐reference‐to‐small‐arms‐and‐light‐weapons/85SeethevariouscritiquesfromWorththeWait?https://wpsncanada.files.wordpress.com/2012/05/worth‐the‐wait‐report.pdf86Swiss,“CanadianForeignAid,”p.11.87Swiss,“CanadianForeignAid,”p.12.


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society.WiththechangetoaLiberalgovernmentinthefallof2015,itremainstobeseenwhetherthisconceptualizationandultimatedismissalofgenderequalityissuescontinues.Canadiancivilsocietycanonlycontinuetoworkandwaittoseerealpolicychange.


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Segregating Gender in Canadian Foreign Policy in Fragile and Conflict‐Affected States

KirstenVanHouten

Genderconsiderationsareanessentialcomponentoffragile‐statesprogrammingbecausetheyaddressgenderedpowerrelationswithinhouseholdsandinbroadersociety,whichreflectandcontributetoconflictdynamicsandoverallfragility.Inadditiontoaddressingthesedynamics,fragile,conflictandpost‐conflictsettingspresentanopportunitytoimprovewomen’sparticipationineconomicandpoliticalactivitiesaswellastoenactnewlegislationtoprotectwomen’srightsandenforcenewgendernorms.88

AreviewofCanadianpolicyandprogramminginFragileandConflictAffectedStates(FCAS)suggeststhatopportunitiestoaddresspowerrelationswithinhouseholdsarebeingmissed,andthateffortstoimprovewomen’sparticipationineconomicandpoliticalactivitiesarebeingcompromised.Despitecommitmentstogendermainstreamingelsewhere,C‐NAPandrecentprogrammingdemonstratethatgenderisincreasinglybeingapproachedasaspecificprogrammingarearatherthanbeingintegratedintoabroaderrangeofprograminginfragilecontexts.Asaresult,women’srepresentationinCanadianforeignpolicyinthefieldislimitedtotheirrolesasvictimsofsexualandgender‐basedviolenceandasmothers.89Whiletheseareimportantaspectsofsomewomen’sexperiencesinconflictanddevelopmentthatneedtobeaddressed,suchanapproachfailstopromoteotheridentitiesandrolesforwomeninpost‐conflictsettings,whichcanreinforceproblematicpowerdynamicsandperpetuateinstability.

TheconsiderationofgenderinCanadianFragileStatesPolicyislargelylimitedtotheCanadianNationalActionPlanfortheImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolutionsonWomen,PeaceandSecurity(C‐NAP).TheapproacharticulatedinC‐NAPiscentredonpromotingequalitybetweenwomenandmenandprotectingwomen’srights.Itincludesprovisionsfor“thedeliberateengagementofwomen,includingindigenouswomen,inbodiesthatareabletomakebindingdecisions,orindeedthedevolutionofdecisionmakingauthoritytoexistingvenues,statutoryandnon‐statutory,wherewomenhistoricallyhaveenjoyedgreaterinfluence.”90TheobjectivesofC‐NAPincludetheparticipationofwomeninpeacebuildingprocesses,thepromotionandprotectionoftherightsofwomenandgirls,improvingthecapacityofCanadianpersonnelinpreventingviolence,andprotectingtherightsofwomenandgirls,promotingareliefapproachthattakesintoaccountthedifferingexperiencesofwomen,men,boysandgirls,andholdingthemanagersofpeaceoperationstoaccountforupholdingUNSecurityCouncilresolutionsonWomen,PeaceandDevelopment.Yet,C‐NAPdoesnotcontainanyprovisionsfor

88AiliMariTripp(2010).“LegislatingGender‐BasedViolenceinPost‐ConflictAfrica.”SeethisandotherarticlesinthespecialissueofJournalofPeacebuildingandDevelopment5:389R,Tiessen(2015).“GenderEssentialisminCanadianForeignAidCommitmentstoWomen,PeaceandSecurity.”InternationalJournal,70(1),p.84‐100).90DFAIT(2010).Canada’sActionPlanfortheImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolutionsonWomen,PeaceandSecurity.


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mainstreaminggenderequalityorevenwomen,peaceandsecurityconsiderationsintobroaderCanadianFCASprogramming.Inthisway,itdivergessignificantlyfromDFATD’sPolicyonGenderEquality,91whichwasoriginallydevelopedforCIDAbuthasnowbeenintegratedintoDFATD.AlthoughthismaybetheintentionofaprogramrunbytheStrategicReconstructionTaskforcethattrainsCanadianofficialsworkinginFCASonthetopicscoveredbyUNSCR1325,92itfailstoensurethattheuniqueexperiencesofmenandwomeninconflictareapproacheddifferentlythaninotherdevelopmentcontextsinadditiontoessentializingwomenasvictimsassuggestedbyTiessen.93ThisalsocreatestheimpressionthatgenderequalityisnotconsideredtobeafactorinFCASprogrammingoutsideofspecializedprogramsunderthisverynarrowtheme.ThisfailuretoaddressgenderequalityandtomainstreamitdoesnotreflectbroaderCanadiancommitmentssuchasCanada’sPolicyonGenderEquality.

TheonlyotherareaofCanadianforeignpolicythatdiscussesgenderinrelationtostatefragilityistheWomen,PeaceandSecuritythematicpriorityundertheStrategicReconstructionTaskforce.ThepolicystatementspubliclyavailablethroughSTARTbroadlyreflectthelanguageofC‐NAP.Itisworthnotingthatdespitethisconnection,only42%ofSTARTdeploymentsofcivilianstofragileandconflict‐affectedsituationsreceivedtrainingonthedifferentimpactofarmedconflictonwomenandgirls.94Furthermore,STARThaslimitedimpactorpotentialgivenitsrelationshiptothegovernment.STARThasessentially

beensidelinedsince2014whichispartofwhattheyviewasacompleteabandonmentofFCASbythecurrentgovernment.95

AreviewofprojectsfundedbyDFATDconductedinMay2015suggeststhatthetrendtowardaddressingwomen’sneedsthroughanarrowlydefinedpolicyisalsobeingimplementedindevelopmentprogramminginFCAS.UsingtheInternationalDevelopmentProjectBrowsertosearchfortheterm“women”inoperationalprojectsinCanada’sfiveprioritycountriesthat

arefragileorconflict‐affected,includingHaiti,Afghanistan,theWestBankandGaza,theDemocraticRepublicoftheCongoandSouthSudan,96revealsahandfulofprojects

91DepartmentofForeignAffairs,TradeandDevelopment,(August22,2014),PolicyonGenderEquality.http://www.international.gc.ca/development‐developpement/priorities‐priorites/ge‐es/policy‐politique.aspx?lang=eng92M.Nobert(2014).“TheAction‐LackingPlan”inWorththeWait?ReflectionsonCanada’sNationalActionPlan&ReportsonWomen,Peace&Security.WomenPeaceandSecurityNetwork‐Canada,p.29‐30.93R.Tiessen(2015).94M.Nobert(2014).95D,Carment&Y.Samy(2015).“Canada’sFragileStatesPolicy:WhatHaveWeAccomplishedandWhereDoweGoFromHere?”inS,Brown,M.,denHyer,andD,Black(eds.)RethinkingCanadianAid,Ottawa,ON:UniversityofOttawaPress.p.22796DFATD(2015).WhereWeWorkinInternationalDevelopment.AccessedMay11,2015.http://www.international.gc.ca/development‐developpement/countries‐pays/index.aspx?lang=eng

“Despite commitments to gender mainstreaming elsewhere, C‐NAP and recent programming demonstrate that gender is increasingly being approached as a specific programming area rather than being integrated into a broader range of programming in fragile contexts.”


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specificallypromotingtheempowermentofwomen,whilethemajoritylistwomenaspassivebeneficiaries,oftenamongmen,womenandchildren.97

Overall,therewereseventy‐threeprojectdescriptionsinFCASintheDFATDdatabasethatcontainedthesearchterm“women.”Ofthese,twenty‐onewereinHaiti,seventeenwereinAfghanistan,sixteenwereinSouthSudan,tenwereintheDRCandninewereinWestBank/Gaza.ThecountrydescriptionsforbothAfghanistanandHaitiidentifyeither“genderequality”or“equalitybetweenwomenandmen”asprioritiesinthecountryprograms,whiletheothercountrydescriptionsaddresswomenandgenderinamoreindirectway.Giventhisobservation,itisunsurprisingHaitiandAfghanistanhavemorethantwicethenumberofprojectswherethedescriptionincludestheword“women”thanboththeDRCandtheWestBankcombined.Howeverthisindicatesthatthereisapronounceddiscrepancyinaddressingwomenandgenderbetweencountriesoffocus.

ProjectsweresearchedfromallsevensectorsofDFATD.Twenty‐onewereundertheheadingofemergencyassistance,twenty‐sixwerelistedunderimprovingbasichealth,eightwerelistedunderdemocraticgovernance,threeprojectsfocusedonprivatesectordevelopmentandoneprojectsoughttostrengthenbasiceducation.Twosectorsthatdidnotyieldanyresultswerepeaceandsecurityandtheenvironment,althoughsomeprojectsinthesedomainsmayoccurattheregionallevel.Intotal,approximatelytwenty‐fouroftheprojectsreviewedsignificantlydivergedfromnarrativespresentingwomenasvictimsandmothersandtookamoreemancipatoryapproachrootedinaGenderEqualityframework.Theytendedtofocusondemocraticengagement,creatingeconomicopportunities,andlegalandinstitutionalreformsinthejusticeandsecuritysectors.TheseprojectsweremosthighlyrepresentedinHaitiandAfghanistan.

Incontrast,essentializinglanguagereferringtowomenasmothers,victimsorbeneficiarieswasmostprevalentinthesectorsfocusedonemergencyassistanceandimprovingbasichealth.Womenwereoftenreferredtoasbeneficiariesintheseprojects,alongwithchildrenormen,womenandchildrenasacohesivegroup.Whiletheprojectsthattargettheneedsof“men,womenandchildren”mayreflectthelanguageof“equalitybetweenwomenandmen,”theyfailtorecognizethedifferentexperiencesofconflictandcrisisthatoccurwithinandbetweenthesegroups.Itisclearthatsuchprojectsarenotdesignedtoaddressproblematicpowerdynamicsandinequalitybetweenwomenandmen.

Finally,althoughthissearchyieldedonlyseventy‐threeresults,asubsequentsearchofoperationalprojectsinthesefivecountrieswithouttheterm“women”yieldsmorethanfivehundredresults.Thissuggeststhatconsiderationsofthedifferentexperiencesinbothdevelopmentandconflictbetweenwomenandmenmaybeabsentorpoorlydefinedinthemajorityoftheprojectsundertakeninthesestates.Theterm“gender”rarelyappearedintheprojectdescriptionsandresults,exceptwhendescribinggender‐basedandsexualviolence,gender‐sensitivehealthcare(Afghanistan),gender‐specificlatrinesandinthecontextofAfghanistan’scountrydescription,inrelationtoCanada’seffortswithothermultilateralactors.Asearchfortheterm“gender”inthedatabaseyieldsnoresults. 97DFATD(2015).InternationalDevelopmentProjectBrowser:AdvancedSearch.http://www.acdi‐cida.gc.ca/cidaweb/cpo.nsf/SearchAdvanceden?readForm


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ThesefindingssuggestthatdevelopmentprojectsinFCASareapplyingprinciplesofgenderequalityunevenly.Thediscrepancyintheapproachtogenderequality,whichisdemonstratedbetweenprojectsspecificallytargetingwomen’sempowermentindemocraticgovernanceandtheprivatesectorwiththoseinemergencyassistanceandimprovingbasichealth,demonstratesthatgenderanalysisandequalityprinciplesarenotbeingmainstreamedintheseprojects.Instead,theyarebeingwellappliedinprojectsspecificallytargetingwomen,andatbest,referencestowomenarebeingincludedasanafterthoughtifatallinbroaderprojects.Withoutastrongpolicyfoundationforanapproachtogenderinthesestates,itisimpossibletoidentifyabaselineatwhichgendershouldbeaddressedintheseprojects,whichwillresultingenderequalityprinciplesbeingappliedinconsistently,leadingtounevendevelopmentandstate‐buildingresults.

ExaminingprojectsacrossthefiveFCAScountriesoffocusidentifiedbyDFATDprovidesabroadunderstandingofgeneraltrendsindevelopmentpractice.Byconsideringoneofthecasesindepth,itispossibletogainamorefullunderstandingofhowgenderfactorsintoprogramminginthesestates.

TheDemocraticRepublicoftheCongowasthemostrecentFCASadditiontothelistofprioritycountries.DocumentsobtainedthroughanAccesstoInformationandPrivacy(ATIP)requestsuggestthatgenderisprimarilybeingdiscussedinrelationtoprojectsspecificallyaddressingwomen’sneeds,suchaseffortstoaddresshighratesofSexualandGenderBasedViolence(SGBV).Projectdocumentsfromtheseareasdemonstratestronggenderanalysisandanempowerment‐centredapproachgearedtowardprovidingneweconomicopportunitiesforvictimsofSGBV,aswellasimprovedaccesstojusticeandlegalandmedicalservices.Inaddition,projectsinthisareaalsoconsiderthedifferentexperiencesofbothmenandwomeninconflict.98However,aforthcomingstudyconductedbyTiessenandHartviksensuggeststhattheseconsiderationsarenotbeingappliedtootherprogrammingareas,particularlyartisanalmining,whichisamajorprogramingareaforDFATD.99ThefailuretoincludegenderconsiderationsinbroaderprogramingareaswasalsoreflectedinthefailureofanATIPrequestontheterms“genderequalityforwomenintheDemocraticRepublicoftheCongo”toyieldresultsbeyonddocumentspertainingtoSGBV.InordertoaddressinequalitybetweenwomenandmenintheDRC,womenneedtobeempoweredandconsultedinactionsaddressingallofthedomainsinwhichtheyworkandlive.

ThesetrendswithinprogramingsuggestthatwhileDFATDdoeshavethecapacityforstronggenderanalysisandprogrammingfocusedontheempowermentofwomentoparticipateinpoliticalandeconomicactivities,sucheffortsarebeinglimitedeitherbynarrowlydefinedpolicyorasaresultofalackofpoliticalwillfromtheoutgoingConservativegovernment.

98DFATD(2013).Congo(DemocraticRepublicoftheCongo)‐SexualViolence.WhatisCanadaDoingtoFightSexualViolenceintheDemocraticRepublicoftheCongo?AccessedthroughanAccesstoInformationRequest99R.Tiessen&J.Hartviksen(forthcoming)“Canada,WomenandArtisanalMiningintheDemocraticRepublicoftheCongo”inS.Baranyi.&R.TiessenObligationsandOmissions:Canada’sAmbiguousActionsonGenderEqualityintheSouth.


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Theseobservationsleadtotwoconclusions.First,theoverviewofoperationalprojectsinthefivefragilecountriesofprioritysuggeststhatthegovernmentismakingsomeefforttoimplementgenderprogramminginthesestates.WhenconsideredalongsideCanada’scommitmenttoWomen,PeaceandSecurity,itbeginstoappearasthoughanarrowlydefinedsetofgenderandwomen’sissuesareemergingasaspecificareaofpolicyandpracticeinCanada’sapproachtointernationalaffairs.Thissortoffocusedprogramminghasthepotentialtosupporttransformativeresultsinwhichspecificgapsinacountry’spolicyorlegalframeworksareaddressedthroughpeacebuildingorstatebuildingefforts.However,theoutcomeofsuchprojectsisdependentontheconsiderationofwomenandgenderdynamicsoutsideofsuchprojects,aswellasdefiningwomen’srolesinfragileandconflictsettingsbeyondsimplyasmothersandvictims.

Second,thisreviewalsodemonstratesthatgenderisnotbeingeffectivelymainstreamedintoCanadianpolicyandpracticeinFCAS.ThisisevidentthroughthelackofdiscussionofgenderequalityprinciplesinCanadianpolicydocumentsonFCAS,thesmallnumberofoperationaldevelopmentprojectsfundedbythegovernment,andthefailuretoeffectivelyintegrategenderequalityintodevelopmentprogrammingintheASMsectorintheDRC.

ThishasthreeimplicationsforCanadianprogramminginFCAS.First,thisapproachislikelytoleadtounevendevelopmentresultsbetweenmenandwomenasaresultofthefailuretomainstreamgenderconsiderationsacrossFCASprograming.Second,thisapproachessentializeswomeninawaythatfailstoacknowledgethediverseexperiencesofmenandwomenbothasactiveandpassiveactorsinconflictsettings,andfailstochallengethepowerdynamicsthatneedtobeaddressedinordertopromotesustainableempowermentforbothmenandwomen.Finally,thisapproachreinforcesthediscoursethatappliesmasculineattributestostatefragilityandfailureandviewsmenastheonlypotentialactiveactorsinsuchcontexts.Thus,reflectingonPaducelandSalahub’sobservationonthefailuretoimplementgenderequalityaspartofpolicyandpracticeinFCAS,thecurrentapproachbeingadoptedthroughCanadianForeignPolicythreatenstoweakenbothdevelopmentandsecurityoutcomesinthesestates.100

Amoreeffectiveapproachwouldbetobroadentherangeofgender‐specificprogramingtoaddressgender‐relatedpowerimbalancesamongbothwomenandmen,aswellasmainstreaminggenderwithinallCanadianprograminginFCAS.Suchanapproachwouldacknowledgethediverserolesthatmenandwomenplayinbothconflictandpost‐conflictsettingsandseektosupportthemthroughavarietyofexperiences,throughtargetedprogramingsuchasthosethatalreadyexistaddressingsexualandgender‐basedviolenceandmaternal,newbornandchildhealth.MainstreaminggenderthroughoutCanada’sforeignpolicyinFCASwouldensurethatprogramming,includingthedevelopmentofnewinstitutions,wouldnotperpetuateproblematicpowerrelationsbasedongender.Itwouldalsoavoidtheperpetuationoftheapplicationofgenderedlanguageandnormstowarandpeace.

100A.Paducel&J.Salahub(2011).GenderEqualityandFragileStatesPoliciesandProgramming.NSIWorkingPaper.Ottawa:TheNorth‐SouthInstitutehttp://dl.dropbox.com/u/41702390/PaducelandSalahubGEinFS.pdf


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Other Sources CIDA(2010).CIDA’sPolicyonGenderEquality.Ottawa,ON.

O’Connell,HelenandHarcourt,Wendy(2011).Conflict‐AffectedandFragileStates:OpportunitiestoPromoteGenderEqualityandEquity?DFID.


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Part 2 – Looking Forward


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Bridging the Gap between Conflict Minerals and the Women, Peace and Security Agenda

DorisBuss

WhatdoUnitedStatesCongressmanBarneyFrank,formerUSSenatorChrisDoddandtheUSSecuritiesandExchangeCommissionhavetodowithwomen,peaceandsecurityandCanada’sNationalActionPlan?Atfirstglance,notmuch.Oncloserreflection,morethanyouwouldthink.

In2010,theUSCongresspassedtheDodd‐FrankWallStreetReformandConsumerProtectionActtoregulatethe‘toobigtofail’banksandthefalloutofthe2008globaleconomiccollapse.Attheendofthislengthystatute,undertheheading‘miscellaneous’issection1502,anextraordinaryprovisionrequiringcorporationsthatuseanyamountoftin,tantalum,tungstenorgoldintheirmanufacturedproductstomakeannualpublicreportsabouttheoriginsofthemineralsused,iftheymightoriginatefromtheDemocraticRepublicoftheCongooritsneighbouringcountriesintheGreatLakesregion.Sexualandgender‐basedviolence(SGBV)ishighlightedinthepreambletos.1502asarationalefortheprovision,notingalinkbetweenSGBVandthe“exploitationandtradeofconflictminerals”infinancingconflict.

Section1502ofDodd‐Frankispartofaglobalgovernancetrendtowardhighlytechnicalself‐reportingrequirementsforcorporationsworkingintheextractivessector.Section1502unfoldedalongsideTheOECDDueDiligenceGuidanceforResponsibleSupplyChainofMineralsfromConflict‐AffectedandHigh‐RiskAreas,andhasbeenfollowedbyaMay2015EuropeanParliamentresolutionthatfollowsasimilarpath.101Thereisnowinplaceasignificantglobalgovernanceapparatus,theostensibleaimsofwhichincludebuildingstatestability,endingarmedconflict,fosteringeconomicdevelopment,andendingpatternsofextremesexualandgender‐basedviolenceandotherhumanrightsabuses.Section1502,withitsstatutory‐basedreportingrequirementanditsbroadreachtoallUScompanieslistedwiththeSecuritiesandExchangeCommission,isthesharpendofthisnewtrend.IthasgeneratedaflurryofactivitybycompaniesandNGOs,scholarsandactiviststoregulatetheproductionandtradeintin,tantalum,tungstenandgold(knownas3TGs),producing,inturn,anewgrowthindustryinthedevicesandtechniquesneededtomonitoraglobal,complex3TGssupplychain.

Theimplicationsoftheregulationofconflictmineralsforwomenaremultiple,butthreeinparticularstandoutfortheirconnectiontotheobligationsoutlinedinUNSecurityCouncilResolution1325.First,sexualandgender‐basedviolenceislistedasajustificationforconflictmineralregulationandthereisnowapushformoremonitoringandinvestigationofthelinkbetweenmineralextraction,conflictandsexualandgender‐basedviolence,

101“Unionsystemforself‐certificationofimportersofcertainmineralsandmetalsoriginatinginconflict‐affectedandhigh‐riskareas”P8_TA‐PROV(2015)0204,EuropeanParliament2014‐2019;http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc.do?pubRef=‐//EP//NONSGML+TA+P8‐TA‐2015‐0204+0+DOC+PDF+V0//EN


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whichalignswiththerequirementsofUNSC1325togatherinformationonSGBV.Second,Dodd‐Frankandthebroadergovernanceshiftitsignalsareframedasnecessaryforconflictamelioration,andyethaveunfoldedwithouttheparticipationofwomenintheaffectedregionsandwithoutadequatefollow‐upoftheimpactsonwomen.Finally,conflictmineralsregulationhasgeneratednewlawsandgovernancearrangementsinwhichgenderisabsentindesignbutnotineffect.

Conflictmineralsregulationislargelydirectedattheblackmarkettradein3TGsproducedthroughartisanalmining,whichisdefinedinturnbyitsrudimentarytechniques,highratesofmanuallabour,ahigherthannormalsourceofincome(comparedtootherlivelihoodoptions),andawillingworkforceoftendrawnfrompopulationsdisplacedfromtheregulareconomy(becauseofconflict,violence,economiccrisesandsoon).Itis,inshort,animportantsourceoflivelihoodforthosewhohaveenduredyearsofconflictintheGreatLakesregion.Anestimated3.7millionpeopleinAfricaaredirectlyengagedinartisanalminingwith30milliondependentuponit,andwomenareestimatedtocomprise40‐50%ofworkersinminingzones,thoughinsomeareasthiscanbeashighas90%.102

Thepotentialimpactofconflictmineralsregulationonlivelihoodsbecameapparentin2010whenDRCPresidentJosephKabilatemporarilyhaltedallminingactivityintwoeasternprovinces,amovesomecommentatorsattributetothepassageofs.1502andthecorrespondinginternationalscrutiny.TheresultwasdevastatingforthealreadyprecariouslivesoftensofthousandsofCongolese.103Miningeventuallyresumed(in2011),andmanyNGOsandCongolesearenowworkingtoensurestabilityinlivelihoodsthrough,amongotherthings,supplychaincertificationschemes.Thequestionofwhat,ifany,positiveimpactconflictmineralsregulationhasonpeaceandsecurityintheregionissubjecttoongoingdebateandconflictingresearch.104Whatispainfullyapparentinthisdebateisthealmostcompleteabsenceofgenderanalysisandofthevoicesandparticipationofwomenfromtheminingcommunities.WhileeffortsareunderwaytoformalizeaDRCwomen’scivilsocietymovementengaginginminingissues,grassrootswomenareconsistentlyabsentfromtheplaceswheredecisionsarebeingmadeaboutthemandtheirlivelihoods,evenwhenthosedecisionsarebeingmadeinthenameofwomen’ssecurity.

AcentralobligationfromUNSecurityCouncilResolution1325istheequalparticipationofwomenandmen,andthepromotionofgenderequalityinpeaceandsecuritydecision‐

102AfricanUnion.2009.AfricaMiningVision.AddisAdaba:AfricaUnion;p.26;J.J.Hinton,M.Veiga,andC.Beinhoff.2003.“WomenandArtisanalMining:GenderRolesandtheRoadAhead”,TheSocio‐EconomicImpactsofArtisanalandSmall‐ScaleMininginDevelopingCountries,eds.G.HilsonandA.A.B.PubNetherlands:SwetsPublishers103LauraE.Seay(2012),'What'sWrongwithDodd‐Frank1502?ConflictMinerals,CivilianLivelihoods,andtheUnintendedConsequencesofWesternAdvocacy',WorkingPaper(Washington,DC:CenterforGlobalDevelopment).Otherscholarsdisagree,seeS.Geenen(2012).Adangerousbet:ThechallengesofformalizingartisanalminingintheDemocraticRepublicofCongo.ResourcesPolicy,37(3),322‐330.104Seee.g.,ChristophVogel,2014.“EasternDRC:StopFixatingonConflictMinerals.Thinkafricapress.com;23June;FidelBafilemba,etal.2014.“TheImpactofDodd‐FrankandConflictMineralsReformonEasternCongo'sConflict,”TheEnoughProject,http://www.enoughproject.org/files/Enough%20Project%20‐%20The%20Impact%20of%20Dodd‐Frank%20and%20Conflict%20Minerals%20Reforms%20on%20Eastern%20Congo%E2%80%99s%20Conflict%2010June2014.pdf


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makingprocessesatthenational,local,regionalandinternationallevels.Conflictmineralgovernancehasgeneratednewsystems,reportinganddecision‐makingarenasthathaveasoneoftheiraimstheameliorationofconflictandthefosteringofsecurity.TocomplywithUNSC1325,andindeedtoensureitsowneffectiveness,theemergingglobalregimeonconflict‐affectedresourceextractionneedstoensurethatgrassrootswomen’sgroupsareinvolvedindecision‐makingabouthowandbywhattermsmineralproductionandtradeareregulated.

Thegatheringandmonitoringofinformationonconflict‐related(sexual)violenceagainstwomenandgirlsisanotherobligationclearlyoutlinedinUNSC1325.Thisneedstobecompliedwith,Iwouldargue,notjustbymonitoringincidencesofsexualviolence,butalsobytrackinghowconflictameliorationstrategiesandinterventions,suchasconflictmineralsregulation,arethemselvesimpactingonsexualandgender‐basedviolence.Someearlyresearchonwomen’slivelihoodsinartisanalminesineasternDRCsuggeststhatthecertificationofminingsites(asgreen,yelloworredflagged)hashadgenderedeffects,oneexampleofwhichisthebanonpregnantwomenfromgreenflaggedsites.Thisrequirementhasbeeninterpretedinsomecasestobanallwomenfromtheminesite,atleastformally.Researchers,however,haveseenwomenstillworkinginthese‘nowomen’mines,suggestingthatthesewomenpaidasignificantpricetocontinueworking.105Newlicensingrequirementsinstitutedtocomplywithmineraltracingraisesimilarconcerns.Womenarelikelytolackthefinances,mobilityandliteracyneededtosecurealicense,meaningthattheyarerenderedevenmorevulnerabletoabuseandexploitation.Thesetwoexamplessuggestthattheincreasedformalizationofminingrequiredbyconflictmineralsregulationmayhavetheunintendedeffectofincreasingsomewomen’svulnerability.

Ataminimum,asystematicgenderanalysisoftheparametersandeffectsofconflictmineralsregulationneedstobeundertaken.WhilenewstudiesonsexualviolenceinDRC,andinrelationtomining,arebeginningtoemerge,theremoteanddifficultterrainineasternDRCmakesdatacollectiondifficult.Thestudyandmonitoringofviolenceandhumanrightsabusesinandsurroundingminingcommunitiesneedtocontinue,withmoreattentiontotheinterrelationshipbetweeneconomic,politicalandphysicalinsecurityoveraperiodoftime.(Fulldisclosure:Iampartofateamofresearchersconductingananalysiswithsimilarobjectives,ofwomenandartisanalmininginDRC,UgandaandRwanda.106Mypointhereisthatmoreresearchisneeded,differentfromwhatIaminvolvedin,touncover

105GisèleEvaCoté(2014).“WomenintheArtisanalGoldMiningSectorintheDemocraticRepublicofCongo”,PartnershipAfricaCanada.Ottawa:Canada,http://www.pacweb.org106Formoreinformation,seehttp://carleton.ca/africanstudies/research/artisanal‐mining‐and‐gender‐in‐sub‐saharan‐africalexploitation‐miniere‐artisanale‐et‐le‐genre/

“While efforts are underway to formalize a DRC women’s civil society movement engaging in mining issues, grassroots women are consistently absent from the places where decisions are being made about them and their livelihoods, even when those decisions are being made in the name of women’s security.”


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thecomplexoperationsofinsecurity,andtheeffectsofinternationalinterventionsinthenameofpeaceandsecurity).

AthirdstrandofUNSC1325andthewomen,peaceandsecurityagendaimplicatedinconflictmineralsregulationislawreformandaccesstojusticeforwomen,athemethatisparticularlyrelevanttoCanadianpolicy.Ruleoflawisgenerallyidentifiedasrelevanttowomenandgirlsasarecoursefollowingarightsviolation.Mostprogramminginthisveinfocusesonincreasingwomen’saccesstocriminalcourtsforjusticeinthecaseofsexualviolence.ButthecomponentsofUNSC1325,Iwouldargue,canbereadtoinvitearicherapproach,onethatwouldconsiderthegendereddimensionsofmininglaw,forexample,aswellasotherseemingly‘gender‐neutral’areasofpost‐conflictlawreform(suchastaxreform,propertyrights,etc).ThewaveofmininglawreformsintheGreatLakesregion,forexample,oftenenactedtocomplywithconflictmineralsrequirements,isbeingconductedlargelywithoutanyefforttomainstreamgender,despitetheobligationsunderUNSC1325,aswellasregionalguidanceonthisissue.107

Implications for Canada’s National Action Plan

Canadaiswellpoisedtotakealeadershiproleinbridgingthegapbetweenthewomen,peaceandsecurityagendaandthenewgovernancearchitectureonconflictminerals.CanadahasbeenanactiveparticipantinthedevelopmentoftheOECDDueDiligenceGuidelines,itchairstheOECDforumonresponsiblemineralsupplychainsaswellastheMulti‐StakeholderSteeringGroup,andithasfundedmineralgovernanceinitiativesaswellasjusticeinitiativesforvictimsofSGBV,tonameafew.Fromthisvantage,CanadaiswellpositionedtoconnecttheconflictmineralsregimeandtheWomen,PeaceandSecurityagenda.Thiscouldbedone,tobegin,byusingCanada’snationalactionplantoprovideamorefulsomereviewofthemanywaysinwhichCanadiantrade,developmentandforeignpolicycomponentsareinvolvedinsupportingimprovedgovernanceoftheextractivessector,followedbyananalysisofhowtheseeffortsalignwiththeobligationsunderUNSCR1325.

*MythankstoSarahKatz‐Lavigneforreadingandcommentingonadraftofthisarticle.

107JenniferHinton(2012).ICGLRGuidelinesforMainstreamingGenderintheMineralsSector,InternationalCommissionoftheGreatLakesRegion,July


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Sexual Violence in Conflict Project Funding: What Should be in the Future for Canada’s

Commitment? MeganNobert

Thisyearwasatrickyone,withCanadianelectionsloomingandthepollswithoutaclearpictureofwhowouldbeleadingthiscountryforthenextfouryears.Intheaftermathoftheelection,withtheLiberalswinningamajority,thereisanopportunitytomakegreatchangestothefundingofsexualviolenceinconflictprojects.

ThereisgreatpotentialintheactionsthepastGovernmentofCanadaispresentlyundertaking.Forexample,considerthemovetofundanindependentexternalreviewofclaimsofsexualmisconductandsexualharassmentwithintheCanadianArmedForces.Thiscouldbeanexceptionalinitiative,consideringthereportreleasedearlierthisyeartomuchexcitementandfanfare,whichsetouttheextentoftheproblem.108

Theconcernofthisactivist,however,isthedepthoftheexternalreview,thestrengthofitsoutcomesandthewillingnesstointroducenecessarychangestoaddresstheproblemofsexualmisconductandsexualharassmentwithintheCanadianArmedForces.Tossingoutafewrecommendations,nomatterhowgoodtheyare,ispointlesswithoutfollow‐through,andfollow‐throughisineffectivewithoutchangestotheinstitutionalstructuresandculturerequiredtomakesuchchangeslong‐lasting.

Thisalsorequiresashiftinattitudeofthegovernmentalbodypushingforsuchchange.Todate,theCanadiangovernmenthaslargelylookedtheotherwayasanincreasingnumberofreportscameforwardofinappropriate,sexistandmasochisticbehavioursofcertainmembersoftheCanadianArmedForces.Ifwearegoingtostartchanginghowweapproachtheissueofsexualviolenceandconflict,itmuststartathome,anditmuststartwithincreasedfundingfortrainingandprogramsfortheCanadianArmedForces,aswellasastrongpositionthananythinglessthanzerotoleranceforsexualmisconductandsexualharassmentwillbedealtwithswiftlyandclearly.

AnotherclearexampleofpotentialthatjustmissesthemarkistheGovernmentofCanada’scommitmenttoandsupportofUNSecurityCouncilResolutions.Onthesurface,thismightseemtobeanexcellentidea:UNSecurityCouncilResolutionshavebeenpowerfulandstrongdeclarationsofacceptablebehavioursduringpeaceandwartime,andtheseriesofUNSecurityCouncilResolutionsonsexualviolenceandconflictinparticularhasbeenkeytothedevelopmentandexpansionofprogrammingonthepreventionandtreatmentofthecrime.

Likesomanythingsthough,blindsupportinnameandspiritaremeaninglesswithoutstrongactionsand,yes,fundingtobackupthatsupport.Thereareafewkeyprojectsthatjumpoutinthe2013‐2014reportthatraiseredflags,issuesthatshouldbeaddressedfor

108 See http://www.forces.gc.ca/en/caf-community-support-services/external-review-sexual-mh-2015/summary.page


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thenextCanadiangovernmentiftheywanttosaythattheytrulystandfortheeliminationofsexualviolenceinconflict.

ThefirstoftheseissuesisCanada’sfunding,alongwithSpain,ofaGenderAdvisorforOCHAintheWestBankandGaza.Now,letusstartbysayingthatthisisarequiredposition,whichhopefullybroughtagreatdealofgendermainstreamingandknowledgetoanimportantconflict.However,itisthefactthatthereisjustoneposition,fundedonlypartially,inoneorganisationforoneconflictthatraisessomeconfusion.

Whyfundjustaone‐offpositionthat—regardlessofwhetherthisisthemostincredibleGenderAdvisorinthehumanitarianworld—realisticallywillhavealimitedeffect,long‐term?Insteadofinvestingthatmoneyinoneindividual,itshouldhavebeeninvestedinprogrammingthatmoredirectlyaffectsthelocalcommunity,forexamplethroughoneofPalestine’smanylocalNGOs,oreventhroughpartnershipwithanINGOontheground,asopposedtothe“overallhumanitariancommunity”intheWestBankandGaza.Anobleeffort,butonethatjustmissesthemarkofeffectivemeansofhelpingwomenandgirlsinconflict.

ThesecondissuenotedistherecognitionoftheneedtosupportthepostingoffemaleprotectionadvisorsinUNPeacekeepingoperationswheresexualviolenceiswidespread.InspiteofthefactthattheCanadiangovernmentrightlyrecognisesthatthisisaproblemworthaddressingandsupporting,itfailstodoso.Infact,the2013‐2014reportstates“Canadacontributedtoitscommitmenttowomen’sleadershipbyactivelysupportingtheSpecialRepresentativeoftheSecretaryGeneraltoMINUSTAH(Haiti)SandraHonorésinceherMay2013appointment.”Thatisit.

OursupportofSpecialRepresentativeHonoréisfantastic,andwomeninleadershippositionsshouldbesupported.Failuretoactivelyparticipateintheadvocacyandfundingforfemaleprotectionadvisors,however,resultsinmoreemptywordswithnothingtobackthemup–theessenceoftheCanadiangovernment’ssupportforsexualviolenceinconflictinitiativesatthemoment.Thegapbetweenpromisesandactionisleavingmanywomenandgirlsbehind,andgivingtheimpressionthatCanadaislittlemorethanamouthbox.

Thefinalissuehasbeenraisedinthemediathroughoutthelastyear.TheGovernmentofCanadaprovidesfundingforsexualviolenceinconflictservicesintheDemocraticRepublicoftheCongo,servicesthatprovideessentialhealthcareforsurvivorsofsexualviolence.ThishealthcarehelpstoreducethespreadofHIV,AIDSandSTIs.Ithelpssurvivorstoheal,sothattheybegintoformnewlives.Ithelpstobringfamiliesandcommunitiesbacktogether.Ithasanincredibleeffectontherecoveryofthecountry.

“If we are going to start changing how we approach the issue of sexual violence and conflict, it must start at home, and it must start with increased funding for training and programs for the Canadian Armed Forces, as well as a strong position than anything less than zero tolerance for sexual misconduct and sexual harassment will be dealt with swiftly and clearly.”


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However,thereisaglaringomissioninthecarefundedbytheCanadiangovernment.Thismoney,whichisessentialandworthyfunding,specificallywillnotfundabortions.Thisexclusion,whilenotentirelyeliminatingtheoveralleffectoftherestofthefunding,doesresultinanincrediblegapforsurvivorsofsexualviolenceintheDemocraticRepublicoftheCongo.

Religiousargumentsshouldbeirrelevantinthiskindofscenario.Alegalmedicalprocedureisdeniedtothesesurvivorsofsexualviolence.Womenandyounggirlsareforcedtoeithercarrythechildrenoftheirrapists,resultinginlong‐termmentalandemotionalissues,nottomentionhavingtoraisethechildrenofsaidrapistsorcontributingtothegrowingnumberofchildrenlivinginorphanages,orobtainunsafeabortionsthatcanplacetheirhealthatrisk.Thisshouldbetheclearestandeasiestsolutionintheworld–placingthisrestrictiononourfundingofsexualhealthservicesintheDemocraticRepublicoftheCongoplaceswomenandgirlsatrisk.Itisgenuinelythatsimple,andIwouldsuggestitisthefirstchangethatshouldbemadetoourfundingpost19October.

Icouldgoon,highlightingadditionalconcernsabouthowCanadaisfundingsexualviolenceprojects,ifonlytherewasthespacetodoso.SufficeittosaythattheseareillustrationsofunderlyingthemesexhibitedbythecurrentCanadiangovernment’sfundingofprojectsonsexualviolenceinconflict–manywordswithouttheactionor(appropriateandresponsive)fundingtobackthemup.

Canadawas,onceuponatime,aleaderinhumanitarianintervention,andonwomen,peaceandsecurityinparticular.OuractionsabroadweresomethingforCanada’scitizenstobeproudof,andIyearnforthedaythatwecandothatonceagain.

IfCanadawantstoresumeitsplaceininternationaldevelopment,humanitarianaidandforeignpolicy,ifitwantstobeacountryCanadianscanbeproudofagain,thatshouldstartwithhowandwhatwefundforprojectsonsexualviolenceinconflict.Athoroughexaminationneedstobemadeofourpriorities–startingwithalookathomeandthengoingabroad.

WithaLiberalmajority,wenowhaveinourhandstheopportunitytobeginagain.


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Improving Cross‐sectoral Collaboration on Gender, Security and Development (Reflections on Past

Practice and Future Opportunities) RebeccaTiessen

Introduction

AmongthemanytitlesIconsideredforthiscontributiontoLookingBack,LookingForwardwasWeAllHaveSomethingtoBringtotheTable:WhyScholars,CivilSocietyPractitionersandGovernmentStaff/PolicyMakersNeedaNewApproachforEndingIsolationisminCanadianEffortstoPromoteGenderEquality.Whilenotaparticularlycatchyorsuccincttitle,itcapturedquitewellthekeyargumentsthatIammakinginthisshortpaper.Letmebeginbynotingthatthecontributions–andtheinitiatives–ofcivilsocietyactorsindemandingaspaceatthetablewithgovernmentofficials(thoseresponsiblefordraftingCanadiancommitmentsandpreparing/circulatingCanadianreportsonWomen,PeaceandSecurityinitiatives)areremarkable.TherearetimeswhencivilsocietyactorsareinvitedtocontributetogovernmentprocessesandtimeswhenNGOsandcivilsocietymembershaveinsistedthattheirvoicesbeheard.Nonetheless,themannerinwhich‘consultation’betweengovernmentandcivilsocietytakesplaceisadhoc,andsuchopportunities(since2006)havedwindled.FindingwaysfordifferentstakeholderstocollaborateregularlyandmeaningfullyonarangeofCanadiannationalmatters,includingCanada’scommitmentstowomen/gender,peaceandsecurityisdifficult,butessential,andisnotlimitedtocivilsocietyactorsandgovernmentworkers.

Inthispaper,Iargueforastrongercollaborationbetweenalargersetofstakeholderstoinclude(moreregularly)academicsandscholarsinthediscussionsandcommitmentsongender,securityanddevelopment.Participationofscholarsinanumberofcivilsocietyactivitiesandnetworksexists:witnessthecontributionstothiscollectionandthepreviouspublication,WorththeWait?.Academicsandscholarshaveactivelycommunicatedwithotherstakeholdersinthewomen/gender,peaceandsecuritydiscussions.Again,thesecontributionsarealsoinconsistentandlimited.

Mystartingpointforthispaperisthereforearecognitionthatweareall(asCanadians)responsibleforCanada’simprovedcommitmentstowomen/gender,peaceandsecurityandthatthereforeweneedabetter,morestructuredandinstitutionalizedcommunicationprocessbetweendiversestakeholdersinthepromotionofwomen/gender,peaceandsecurity.Inbuildingthiscase,Isummarizethecurrentstateofcross‐sectorcommunicationandcollaborationongenderequalityandofferrationalesforimprovedco‐operationacrosssectors.109IalsousethisopportunitytosharesomeoftheinsightsIhavegainedthrough

109IdrawheavilyonresearchandaseriesofarticlesandbookchaptersIhavewrittenonthissubjectoverthepasttwoyears.Iprovidereferencestothosepublicationsforadditionalinformation.Ifyouwouldliketoreceiveacopyofanyorallofthesepublications,pleasesendmeanemail:[email protected]


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myresearchandobservationsasanacademicwhoiscommittedtocollaborationwith–andlearningfrom–diversestakeholderscommittedtogenderequality.

The Canadian Context: Challenges and Opportunities

ItisusefultobeginwithadiscussionofthechallengestoCanada’seffortstopromotegenderequalitybetween2006and2015,asthisanalysissetsthestageforabetterunderstandingofwhycross‐sectorcommunicationhasbeensodifficult.FourkeycharacteristicsdefinethegenderequalitycontextinCanadabetween2006and2015:thediscursiveshiftanderasureofgenderequalityanditsimplicationsforcommunicationaboutgenderissueswithinandacrosssectors,theHarperConservatives’tightleashongovernmentstaffandtheirlimitedopportunitiesforsharingideasoutsideofgovernment,theHarperConservativesdislikeofscientificscholarshipandthosewho“commitsociology”,andmutualdistrustacrosssectorsdeepenedbythethreeprecedingpoints.

Theshiftinthelanguagefrom‘genderequality’to‘equalitybetweenwomenandmen’(seeTiessenandCarrier,2015)markedanimportantturningpointforhowprogramsongenderequalityweretobeimplementedandreportedon.Interviewswithgovernmentstafftobetterunderstandtheimplicationsofthisshiftinlanguageintheirday‐to‐dayworkunderscoredmixedresults(seeTiessen,2014a).SomegovernmentstaffmemberscontinuedtopushforgenderequalityintheirprogramsbutrecognizedthatreportinglanguagehadtobealteredtoreflectthenewdiscursiveapproachadoptedbytheHarperConservatives(seeTiessen,2014b).Overtime,wehaveseenagradualreturnofthelanguageofgenderequalityinofficialgovernmentdocuments.However,thechangeinlanguagecreatedbothperceivedandrealchallengesforimplementingeffectiveandcohesivegenderequalityprograms.OnesuchexampleisthedelayintheproductionoftheCanadianNationalActionPlanonWomen,PeaceandSecurity,whichreportedlywasstalledduetoeditorialchangesinvolvingtheremovalofreferencestogenderequalityinthedocument(seeTiessen2015a).

Withanemphasisonwomen’sissuessuchasmaternalhealthandgirls’issues,suchasearlyandforcedchildmarriage,theHarpergovernmenttookanew,andsuperficial,approachtowomen’sandgirls’issues(seeTiessen,2015b).Itmaybeobvioustomany,butitbearsrepeatingthatthelanguageofinequalitybetweenwomenandmen(ratherthangenderinequality)speakstoa(potentiallypurposeful)dismissalonthepartoftheHarpergovernmentoftransgendergroupsthatdonotidentifyaseitherwomenormen.Nonetheless,genderequalitycommitmentsonthewholewerecurtailed.

Therestrictionsongenderequalityobligationswerenotlimitedtoforeignpolicyactivities.InDecember2014whenPeterMansbridgeaskedStephenHarperabouthisplansforaninquiryintothemissingandmurderedindigenouswomen,PrimeMinister(PM)Harper

“…we are all (as Canadians) responsible for Canada’s improved commitments to women/gender, peace and security and therefore we need a better, more structured, and institutionalized communication process between diverse stakeholders in the promotion of women/gender, peace and security.”


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respondedthatthiswasnothighonthegovernment’sradar.Clearly,hewasreferringtotheinquiryitself–aninquirythatwasnotconsideredapressingissue.However,hiscommentsuggestedageneraldismissalofissuespertainingtothewidespreadviolenceagainst–anddisappearanceof–AboriginalwomeninCanada.Genderequality,itisclear,wasnothighontheHarperConservativegovernment’sradarandthetokenistic,instrumentalistandessentializingapproachespromotedoverthisnine‐yearperioddemonstratethat(seeTiessenandCarrier,2015).

Inconductinginterviewswith(pastandpresent)governmentofficialswithsomegenderexpertise,IwashopingtolearnmoreaboutthechallengestheyexperiencedundertheHarperConservativesintermsofpromotinggenderequality.Findingsfromthoseinterviewsarepresentedinseveralofthepublicationsnotedinthebibliography.Itwasnotable,however,howdifficultitwastogetgovernmentofficialstospeaktome.110Ihadobtainedethicsapprovaltoconducttheseinterviewsandhadfollowedallnecessaryprecautionstoinformpotentialinterviewparticipantsthatanonymitywouldbeguaranteedandthatnoreferencestonames,positions,etc.,wouldbeincludedinthereportingorpublications.Pseudonymswerechosenandgender‐neutralnameswereusedtoreduceanypossibilityofidentifyingtheinterviewee.Yet,inspiteofthesemeasures,veryfewgovernmentofficialswerewilling(orable)toparticipateinthisstudy.SomeofthepotentialinterviewparticipantssaidquitecandidlythattheydidnotwanttobeassociatedwithanystudiesthatmightbedeemedcriticaloftheConservativegovernment.Ihadgreatersuccessintheinterviewswithpeoplewhohadleftgovernmentpositionsandwereabletospeakmoreopenlyabouttheirexperiences–someofthemclaimedtohaveleftgovernmentpositionsbecauseofthemuzzlingofstaffmembersonissueslikegenderequalityandthenewlyimplementedwomen’sinitiatives.

Earlierin2014,PMHarpercommentedthatherefusedto‘commitsociology.’Thiswasafascinatingcommentforscholarsandpractitionersaliketoponder,largelybecauseitexplainssowellthechallengeswehaveobservedundertheHarperConservativegovernmentsinrelationtothepromotionofgenderequality.Atthecoreofthiscommentabout‘committingsociology’isadesiretofocusonissuesthatcanbesolvedwithsimplesolutionsratherthantacklingtherootproblemsofinequalitythatperpetuatearangeofsociety‐widechallenges,includinggenderinequality,sexualandgender‐basedviolence(SGBV),theintersectionbetweenracismandgenderinequality,andotherstructuralandculturalfactorsthatperpetuateviolenceandinequality.Thisperspectiveon‘committingsociology’appliedtoHarper’sstanceonaddressingaVIArailterroristplotbutextendsalsotohisapproachto–ordismissalof–issuespertainingtomissingandmurderedAboriginalwomen.OtherwaysthattheHarperConservativeshaverejectedscientificandsociologicalresearchincludeclosingscientificlibrariesacrossthecountry,cuttingfundingtogovernment‐supportedresearchprogramsandeliminatinglong‐formcensusdatacollection.Allofthesescientificandsociologicalresourceswerecentraltoasking‘why’questionsratherthanjust‘what’questions.FortheHarperConservatives,determiningthenatureoftheproblemwasquicklylinked,inmanycases,tocriminalbehaviourand

110IwanttothankKrystelCarrier(nowChapman)forherhardworkreachingoutprospectiveintervieweesandforconductingtheinterviewsinsupportofmyresearch.


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buildingnewprisons–andthenfillingthem–andthisbecamethedefaultsolutiontosocietalproblems.

Oneoftheimpactsofthisperspectiveonsuperficialapproachestosocietalproblemswasagrowingmutualdistrustbetweendifferentsectors.GovernmentstaffmembersundertheHarperConservativesrarelysoughtoutperspectivesfromthescholarlycommunity,thoughthehistoryofpolicy/scholarrelationsinCanadahasalwaysbeenweak.Thedistrustextendedalsotothecivilsocietyorganizationandnon‐governmentalorganization(CSO/NGO)communitiesandgovernmentstaff,whohavebothnoteddeepeneddivisionsincommunicationsacrossthesectors.

IninterviewsconductedwithCSOstaffmembersinCanada,we111uncoveredsomeimportantobservationsfromtheCSOstaffmembers’perspectivesonthenatureandextentofthegrowingdividebetweengovernmentofficialsandnon‐governmentalactivists.Nearlyeveryindividualinterviewed(11outof12peopleinterviewed)saidthattherewasagrowingdistrustbetweenCSOsandgovernmentundertheHarperConservatives:adistrustthathasalongerhistorythantheConservativeregimesbuthasindeedintensifiedinthepastnineyears.Thechallengetocommunication,asnotedbyCSOmembers,wasinlinewithaperceptionofCSOstaffmembersactingasgovernmentcritics.Thus,asilencingofdissent–ofvoiceswhomayquestionwhytheHarperConservativegovernmenthastakenaparticularapproachorfailedtounderstanddeepersocietal,structuralandsystemicreasonsforinjustice–becameapervasiveelementingovernment‐NGOrelations.

Tosummarizethenthecurrentstateofcross‐sectorcommunicationongenderequalityinCanada,itisimportanttounderstandthecontextinwhichthiscommunicationhas(orhasnot)takenplace.Theclimatehasnotbeenconducivetocross‐sectorcommunicationandthesharingofideas,inpartbecausetheobjectivesoftheHarperConservativesdonotlendthemselveswelltothekindsofconversationsgeneratedthroughcross‐sectorcommunication:reflectiononsystemic,structuralanddeep‐rootedcausesofgenderinequality(masculinities,genderedinstitutions,culturalnorms,etc.)andreflectingonthesolutionstothesymptomaticissuessuchasearlyandforcedmarriageforgirls,ormaternaldeath.Itisnoteworthy,however,thatCanadahasnothistoricallyhadaparticularlyvibrantcommunicationstrategytoensurecollaborativeeffortsamongscholars,practitionersandpolicy‐makers(seeSmillieandTiessen,forthcoming).However,thesechallenges,particularlyintermsofthepromotionofgenderequality,havediminishedundertheHarperConservativegovernments.Yet,cross‐sectorcommunicationandcollaborationoffersmuchneededdepthandreflectionforaddressingequality‐relatedissuesandtransformativegendermainstreaming(seeTiessenandTuckey,2015)andIturntotheprospectsfora(re)new(ed)commitmenttomutuallearningandcollaborativeprogrammingopportunities.

111IwishtothankSaraWaldeforhercontributionstomyresearchprojecton“PromotingGenderEqualityinCanada”.Saraassistedmewiththisresearchbycontactingandinterviewing12membersofCSOorganizationsaspartofmyproject.SomeofthedatacollectedwillalsobeusedbySarainwritingherMaster’sMajorResearchPaper.


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Rationales for Better Collaboration across Sectors

Severalrationalesforimprovedcollaborationacrosssectorsareidentifiedinthissection.Itisworthnotingthatmyvantagepointislimited.Ihaveonlyobservedcertaininteractions,attendedspecificmeetings,readcertaindocumentsandexaminedparticularissues.Iamlimitedbytimeconstraintsandaninabilitytohaveabird’seyeofthebroadrangeofcollaborationsthatexist.ManyexistingcollaborationsarenoteworthyandIreturntothisinthenextsection,astheyofferexamplesofeffectivepracticestobeexaminedinoureffortsforscalingup.Thoughmyobservationsareinherentlylimited,Ihavedevotedsometimetotryingtounderstandthenatureandextentofthebroadrangeofcontributionsofthreecoresectors(government,civilsocietyandacademia)tothepromotionofgender,securityanddevelopment,andIhavedonesothroughresearchprojects112involvinginterviewswithgovernmentstaffandstaffmembers,analysesofgovernmentdocuments,accesstoinformation(ATIPrequests),andobservationsofmeetingsandworkshopswheredifferentstakeholdershavecometogethertodiscussissuespertainingtogender,securityanddevelopment.

Aquicksurveyofscholarlymaterialonfeministand/orgenderstudiesofsecurityissueshighlightsthewealthofacademicinsight,scholarlyresearchandusefuldataandanalysisonalargenumberofcasestudiesaroundtheworld.Thesematerials,however,aresometimeswritteninalanguageaccessibleonlytocertain(scholarly)communities,publishedininaccessiblejournalsthatonlyuniversitystudentsandprofessorscanaccess,presentedatconferencesattendedprimarilybyotherscholars,and/orpublishedinexpensivebookswithscholarlyaudiencesinmind.Thereismuchvalueinthescholarlymaterialproducedasithasmovedfeministtheoreticalthinkingforwardinimportantways,andhasenrichedthefieldofgenderstudieswithcareful,ethicallysoundresearchandcasestudies.However,thecommunicationofthismaterialtoaudiencesoutsideacademiaisoftenlimited,andperilouslyso.113

Governmentprogramreportsofferrichinsightsintothekindsofprogramsinplace,thecapacityofthegovernmenttoaddressarangeofgenderequalityissuesandanevaluationofsuccessesandfailures.However,thesedocumentsareoftennoteasilyaccessible.ATIPrequestscantakealongtime,andgovernmentstaffmembersareseldominapositiontospeakpublicly(andcritically)aboutthekindsofprogramsimplementedandtheirresults.NGOandCSOstaffmembersworklonghours,tirelesslyseekingoutfundingneededtoaddresstheimmediateandlong‐termneedsofthosefacinggenderedinsecurity.Theirreportsareoftentailoredtothefinancialrequirementsofdonors,andtherearenorealincentivesorprocessesforsharingthisinformationwithadiverseaudience.

112IamgratefultotheUniversityofOttawa,theSocialSciencesandHumanitiesResearchCouncilandtheCanadaResearchChairsProgramforprovidingfundingtocarryoutthisresearchandtoemployresearchassistantsincludingKrystelChapman,SaraWalde,AshleyRamierandSarahTuckeybetween2010and2015.113Iamimplicatedinthisprocessofproducinginaccessiblematerialongender,securityanddevelopment.TherearedistinctreasonsfordoingsointermsofcareercontributionsasascholarbutIhavemadesomeefforttoreachabroadaudiencethroughblogposts,non‐academicworkshopsandreportcontributionslikethisone.


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Yet,collectivelythesethreesectorscouldbenefitimmenselyfromgreatercommunicationandcollaboration.Myobservationsanddiscussionswithmembersfromallthreesectorssuggestthatthereisademonstrateddesiretoengageingreatercommunicationacrosssectorsandthatimportant–thoughinfrequent–strategieshavebeenemployedthroughnetworkingmeetingsonWomen,PeaceandSecuritymatters,amongothernetworks.Thereis,therefore,greatpotentialfor–andopennessto–improveddialogue.Thedialogueexistsbetweenwhatwemightrefertoas‘insideractivists’orthosecommittedtothepromotionofgenderequalityaswellasindividualsdedicatedtolearningfromdiverseactorsinpursuitofthisgoal.Suchacommitmentdoesnotnecessarilyexistforallscholarsand/orpolicy‐makersandgovernmentstaff,andreachingabroaderaudienceisimperative,particularlywithanaudiencecomprisingleadershipanddecision‐makingroles.Sowhilethereispotential,andevensomegoodexamplesofexistingpractice,thereismuchroomforexpansion.Severalimportantconclusionsemergefrommyobservations,whichIaddressinthefinalsectionofthepaper.TheseconclusionsaremeanttoinformafutureprocessforimprovedcommunicationwithinCanadainoureffortstopromoteanewvisionforWomen/GenderPeaceandSecurity.

Concluding Thoughts and Wishful Thinking

Therearedeepdivisionsbetweenthegovernment,NGO/CSOandacademicsectorsthathavepreventedcommunicationandcollaborationongender,securityanddevelopmentwork.ThesedivisionsandcommunicationgapshavebeenexacerbatedundertheHarperConservativegovernmentsbetween2006and2015.Inthispaper,IhaveprovidedanexaminationofthebroadercontextwithinCanadainexplainingthereasonsforthedeepandgrowingdivisionsacrosssectors.Thesedivisionscanbeexplained,inpart,byanimportantshiftintheofficialterminologyemployedtoaddressofficialgovernmentbusinessongenderequalityandthewaythatdiscursiveshifttranslatedintopractices,reporting,andasilencingofdissentwithgovernmentagencies.Theshiftinlanguagecorrespondedwithincreasinglymuzzledgovernmentstaffandtheirlimitedopportunitiesforsharingideasoutsideofgovernment,aswellastheHarperConservatives’dislikefor–andbelittlingof–scientificscholarshipandsociologicalanalysis,andaperceptionofmutualdistrustacrosssectors.

Thesechallenges,however,needtobeunderstoodwithinthebroadercontextofarangeofactors,somewhoremainedcommittedtogenderequalityandtocollaborationwithcolleaguesacrosssectors(insideractivists)andthetemporarynatureofanyparticulargovernment.Thereareawealthofopportunitiesawaitingthosecommittedtothepromotionofgender,securityanddevelopmentnationallyintheformofnewpolicydirectionsandrenewedconversationsinapost‐2015electionenvironment.

Internationally,opportunitiesexistforCanada’sexternalroleparticipatingoninternationalconferences,designingandpromotingglobalcampaignsandpartneringwithorganizationsandnationsaroundtheworldinanefforttoensuregender,securityanddevelopment.

Forgingnewrelationshipsandbuildingstrongercoalitionswithotherscommittedtogender,securityanddevelopment–andgenderequalitymorebroadly–isessentialtooureffortstounderstandthecausesofgenderinequalityandinsecurity.Feministscholarship


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andanalysisofmasculinities(seeParpartandZalewski,1998;andTiessen,ParpartandMarchand,forthcoming),forexample,offeroneimportantstrategyforunderstandinghowandwhysexualandgender‐basedviolence(SGBV)persistsandthereasonswhywomencontinuetobeexcludedfromdecision‐makingorpost‐conflictleadershiproles.Myappealisforgreatercollaborationacrossthesectors,andmycontributiontothesediscussionsisasascholardedicatedtounderstandingthereasonsforgenderedinsecuritiesandwomen’smarginalizationinconflictandpost‐conflictcontexts.Therationaleforcollaborationisclear:eachsectorbringsvaluableknowledgeandinsightstoaddressinggender,peaceandsecurity.However,conversationsabouthowtoworkcollaborativelyasscholars,practitionersandpolicy‐makersareneedednowmorethanever.

For Additional Information:

Parpart,J.L.&M.Zalewski(2008)RethinkingtheManQuestion:Sex,GenderandViolenceinInternationalRelations,NewYork:ZedBooks.

Smillie,I.&R.Tiessen(forthcoming).TheDisconnectBetweenInternationalDevelopmentStudiesandDevelopmentPracticeinCanada,CanadianJournalofDevelopmentStudies.

Tiessen,R.(2014a).Canada’sChangingPriorities(2006‐2014)andWhatTheyMeanForThePromotionofGenderEqualityinDevelopment.TheUndercurrentJournal,X(II),54–57.

Tiessen,R.(2014b).GenderEqualityandthe“TwoCIDAs”:SuccessesandSetbacks,1976‐2013.InS.Brown,M.denHeyer,&D.R.Black(Eds.),RethinkingCanadianAid(pp.195–209).UniversityofOttawaPress.

Tiessen,R.(2015a).GenderEssentialisminCanadianForeignAidCommitmentstoWomen,Peace,andSecurity.InternationalJournal,0(0),1–17.http://doi.org/0.1177/0020702014564799

Tiessen,R.(2015b).“WalkingWombs”:MakingSenseoftheMuskokaInitiativeandtheEmphasisonMotherhoodinCanadianForeignPolicy.GlobalJustice :TheoryPracticeRhetoric,8,1–22.

Tiessen,R.,&Carrier,K.(2015).Theerasureof“gender”inCanadianforeignpolicyundertheHarperConservatives:thesignificanceofthediscursiveshiftfrom“genderequality”to“equalitybetweenwomenandmen.”CanadianForeignPolicyJournal.http://doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2014.977310

Tiessen,R.,&Tuckey,S.(2015).LosingGenderEqualityalongtheWay:TheFailuretoMainstreamGenderinCanada’sCommitmentstoInternationalSecurityandDevelopment.InR.Warner(Ed.),UnsettledBalance:Ethics,Security,andCanada’sInternationalRelations(pp.183–206).Vancouver,BC:UBCPress.

Tiessen,R.,J.L.ParpartandM.HMarchand(forthcoming).GenderandDevelopment:TheoreticalContributions,InternationalCommitmentsandGlobalCampaigns.InHaslam,SchaferandBeaudet(eds)IntroductiontoInternationalDevelopment:Approaches,ActorsandIssues,Toronto:OxfordUniversityPress.


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Conclusion BethWoroniukandSaraWalde

Canada’scurrentNationalActionPlanonWomen,PeaceandSecurity(C‐NAP)expiresinMarch2016.Thisprovidesanexcellentopportunitytotakestock,learnfromthecurrentNAP,anddevelopanewandimprovedActionPlan.AnewNAPcouldbethebasisforstrongerCanadianactionsandinvestmentsinsupportofWPSobjectives.

SinceOctober2010andthelaunchoftheC‐NAP,someprogresshasbeenmade.TheGovernmentreportsthatthestrongestareasofCanadianactionhavebeenadvocacyandpolicydialogueonthepreventionofsexualviolenceinconflictsituations.114TheynoteincreasedattentiontogenderanalysisinprojectsfundedbytheGlobalPeaceandSecurityFund,aswellasanincreaseinthenumberandpercentageofgender‐equality‐specificprojectsfundedbythesameFund.Theprogressreportsincludeanecdotalexamplesofprojectsfunded,assurancesthattrainingprogramsincorporatewomen,peaceandsecurityissues,anddataontheincreasingparticipationbywomeninCanada’sinternationalpolicedeployment.Althoughweaknessesremaininthestructureandnatureoftheprogressreports,therehavebeensomeimprovements.

Themid‐termreviewconductedbytheInstituteforInclusiveSecuritynotesthatinstitutionalchangeinDFATDhasbeensparkedbytheC‐NAP.115TheirresearchsuggeststhatattitudesandbehavioursamongstGovernmentofCanadastaffregardingWPSissuesarebeginningtoshiftduetointernalstructuresandaccountabilityprocessesthat,inpart,theC‐NAPrequires.

AsofNovember2015,therehavebeentwogovernment–civilsocietymeetingsonWPSissues–thefirstinFebruary,hostedbySTART,andthesecondinJune,hostedbytheWPSN‐C.Thesemeetingshavebeenproductiveexchangesofinformationandpriorities.

However,majorissuesremain.Thiscompilationofreflectionsoutlinesmanyissues.CivilsocietyhasexpressedconcernsthattheNAPdoesnotfunctionasaguidingdocumentthatinfluencespolicychoicesandfundingdirections.ThiswasconfirmedbytheInclusiveSecurityreview,whichconcludedthatthe“C‐NAPisnotwidelyconsideredtobeapolicydirective.”Inotherwords,the“C‐NAPisperceivedasnotsignificantlyinfluencingCanada’soverallpolicydirectionwithrespecttoconflict‐affectedandfragilestates.”116SowhiletheC‐NAPreportsincludeexamplesofspecificinitiativesrelatedtotheWPSagenda,Canada’soverallapproachtoconflict‐affectedcountriesdoesnotappeartohavewomen’srightsasacoreguidingprinciple.Itseemsthatpolicymakershavenottakenonboardthebasic

114DFATD(2015).2013‐2014ProgressReport–Canada’sActionPlanfortheImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolutionsonWomen,PeaceandSecurity.http://www.international.gc.ca/start‐gtsr/women_report_2013‐2014_rapport_femmes.aspx?lang=eng115InclusiveSecurity(2014).AssessmentofCanada’sActionPlanfortheImplementationofUnitedNationsSecurityCouncilResolutionsonWomen,PeaceandSecurity2010‐2016.September15,2014.Availableat:http://www.international.gc.ca/start‐gtsr/assets/pdfs/Canada_Action_Plan_Women_Peace_Security‐2010‐2016.pdf116InclusiveSecurity(2014).AssessmentofCanada’sActionPlan.


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insightthatgenderinequalities,women’srightsandgenderissuesarecentralfactorsinboththeaggravationofarmedconflictanditsresolution.

Civilsocietyhasraisednumerousissuesregardingpastpolicydirections,includingthefailureoftheGovernmentofCanadatofundthefullrangeofreproductivehealthservices,thefailuretosigntheArmsTradeTreaty,thelackoffundinggoingtograssrootswomen’sorganizations,theabsenceofadedicatedbudgetfortheNAP,onlyminimalsupportforwomen’sparticipationinpeaceprocesses,thefocusonwomen’svulnerabilityratherthansupportingthemasactors,andsoon.QuestionshavebeenaskedaboutissuesthatarenotcurrentlyintheC‐NAP.117

OtherconcernsraisedbythissetofreflectionsandtheearlierWorththeWait?reportincludetardyandunclearreportingontheC‐NAP,lackoftransparencyontheallocationoffinancialresources,inadequateanalysisoftheindicators,aswellasproblemswithoverlapandduplicationofinformation.Withthesegapsinreporting,ithasoftenbeendifficulttoassesswhattherealachievementsoftheC‐NAPhavebeen.

Yet2016providesanopportunitytoturnoveranewleafandmoveforwardtodevelopanimprovedNAPwithboldcommitments.IftherecentcommitmentsmadebythenewLiberalGovernmentareindicationsofthegovernment’spolicydirections,thisisanopportunitytoseize.118

Tothatend,wehaveidentifiedfivekeyconsiderationsformovingforwardonanewandimprovedNAP:

Theneedtolookback.Inpreparingforanew,updatedNAPtheGovernmentofCanadacanbuildontheInclusiveSecurityreviewandassesswhatworked,whatdidn’tworkandwhatwaslearnedfromthisfirst‐generationNAP.

Theneedtolookaround.WehopethatthedevelopmentofthenewNAPwillincludebroadconsultationswithCanadians–women’sorganizations,developmentorganizations,humanitarianagencies,peacegroups,diasporanetworks,newCanadiansrecentlyarrivedfromconflictzones,academicsandothers.Theremayalsobecreativewaystoseekinputfromwomeninzonesofarmedconflict.Newissues–suchasthelinksbetweentheWPSagendaandtheextractiveindustry,counteringviolenceextremism,refugees–alsodeserveconsideration.

Theneedtolookout.Thisyear2015sawsignificantresearchonthewomen,peaceandsecurityagenda,onNAPs,onpromotingwomen’sparticipationinpeaceprocesses,onmakingprogressonsexualviolenceinconflict,andotherrelated

117Seethecontributionstothiscollection,the2014WPSN‐CWorththeWait?report,andvariousletterstoMinistersofForeignAffairsontheWPSN‐Cwebsite(allunanswered).118Forexample,thecommitmenttoagender‐balancedcabinetandtoaninquiryonmissingandmurderedIndigenouswomen.

“2016 provides an opportunity to turn a new leaf and move forward to develop a new NAP with bold commitments.”


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issues.InconstructingthenextNAPitwillbeimportanttolearnfromwhatothershavedoneandwhathasbeenlearnedglobally.

Theneedtolookin.TheeffectivenessofCanada’sadvocacyonWPSdependsonanumberoffactors,includingourcredibilitytospeakontheseissues.InmanycirclesCanadadoeshaveastrongglobalreputation.Unfortunatelythisreputationhasbeenstrainedinthelastfewyears,aspeoplepointedtoourdomesticrecordonissuessuchasmissingandmurderedindigenouswomen,thesituationofwomenandLGBTQpeoplewithinourmilitary,andourdeclininginvestmentsinofficialdevelopmentassistance.Theconnectionsbetweenourforeignpolicyanddomesticpolicyareclear,asistheneedtomakeprogressonbothfronts.119

Theneedtolookforward.OneofthedangersofNAPsisthepotentialtogetcaughtupinthebureaucraticdetails.Thenumberofpeopletrainedbecomesmoreimportantthanwhatpeopledidwiththeirnewknowledgeandskills.Indicatorsarereportedon,butnotanalyzedforprogressandgaps.Wefocusmoreontheprocessaroundtheprogressreports,ratherthanwhatischanging.Withthisinmind,itwillbeimportanttoensurethatafutureNAPtakesusforwardnotonlybyaddressingcurrentcriticismsandgaps,butbyproposingmeaningfulactionsformeaningfulchange.

AsCanada’scurrentfive‐yearcommitmenttoWPSobjectivesdrawstoanend,wehopethatthenewgovernmentwillseizetheopportunityandputforwardanewandimprovedNAP.ThereisanimportantopportunitytolookboldlyatthefutureandaskwhatcontributionsCanadacanmaketothisglobalagenda.Acriticallookbackandanambitiouslookforwardaretwostepstowardsmeaningfulfutureprogress.

119The‘universality’ofthenewSustainableDevelopmentGoalsreinforcethispoint.See,forexample,DianaRivington(2015).WeNeedaCanada‐WideApproachtoAchieveWomen’sRights.http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/development‐unplugged/sdg‐womens‐rights_b_8314320.html


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Annex 1

C‐NAP Indicator Compilation

Indicator 1streport(FY2011/12)

2nd Report(FY2012/13)

3rdReport(FY2013/14)

Prevention Indicator1‐1:NumberandpercentageoforganizationsreceivingGovernmentofCanadafundingforhumanitarianassistancethathaveorganizationalcodesofconductrelatingtosexualexploitationandabuseconsistentwiththecoreprinciplesoftheInter‐AgencyStandingCommittee(IASC)PlanofActiononProtectionfromSexualExploitationandAbuseinHumanitarianCrises.

24partners.Only7partnershavebeenassessed.Ofthese7,2havecodesofconductconsistentwithIASCguidelines

23partners.Only7assessed.Ofthese7,only2haveCodesofConductconsistentwithIASCguidelines

35partners.35partnerswithcodeofconductrelatingtoPSEA.Nofurtherinformationprovidedregardingpartnersassessedorconsistencyofpartnercodeofconduct.

Indicator2‐1:PercentageofGovernmentofCanadadepartmentalpre‐deploymentorgeneraltrainingcourses,includingcoursestakenwhiledeployedonmission,forpeaceoperations,infragilestatesorinconflict‐affectedsituationsthatexaminethedifferentialimpactofarmedconflictonwomenandgirlsandaddresskeyissuessuchascodesofconduct,culturalawareness,

CIDA:1of22(5%)DFAIT:%notprovided120Thepre‐deploymenttrainingprovidedbyDFAITinFYdidnotexaminetheissueslistedRCMP:100%

CIDA:17%DFAIT:10%RCMP:100%

DFATD:%notprovided121.DND:%notprovided122.RCMP:100%

120ReportingdoeslistinformationonDFAITtrainingon“genderawareness.”121STARTofficersparticipatedintheGenderBasedEqualitycourseoffereddepartment‐wide,aswellastheGBA+onlinecourseofferedthroughStatusofWomen.122Deployedpersonnelreceivedculturalawarenesstrainingon“peacesupportoperationsortofragilestatesorconflict‐affectedsituationsincorporatedgenderconsiderations”.Pre‐deploymenttrainingincludedan“examinationofthedifferentialimpactofarmedconflictonwomenandgirls”.AnnualtrainingforCANSOFCOMpersonnelencompasses“LawsofArmedConflict,HumanRights,andRulesofEngagement,topicswhichapplytoallpersonsinvolvedinoraffectedbyconflict,includingwomenandgirls”.


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HIV/AIDS,traffickinginpersons,andCanadianandinternationallawapplicabletotheprotectionandpromotionofwomen’sandgirls’humanrights.Indicator2‐2:NumberandpercentageofGovernmentofCanadapersonneldeployedtopeaceoperations,fragilestatesorconflict‐affectedsituationswhoreceivepre‐deploymenttrainingortrainingwhiledeployedonmissionthatexaminesthedifferentialimpactofarmedconflictonwomenandgirlsandaddresseskeyissuessuchascodesofconduct,culturalawareness,HIV/AIDS,traffickinginpersons,andCanadianandinternationallawapplicabletotheprotectionandpromotionofwomen’sandgirls’humanrights.

CIDA:2of5(40%)(participants:2W;non‐participants:2W,1M)123DFAIT:no%providedRCMP:100%(193)

CIDA:45%(9of20)DFAIT:42%(28of66)DND:implied100%124RCMP:100%(all152)

DFATD:2outof21(9.5%)(START)20outof65(31%)125(CFLI)DND:100%RCMP:100%(all112)

Indicator2‐3:Extenttowhichthecontentofmandatorytrainingcoursesfordeployedpersonnelorforpolicyandprogramstaffassociatedwithpeaceoperations,fragilestatesorconflict‐affectedsituationsreflecttheSCRsonWomen,PeaceandSecurity.

CIDA:report oncontentofgendertraining,1voluntary90‐minutesessionontheWPSUNSCRswasheldDFAIT:one‐daygenderawarenesscoursewasmandatoryforpolicyandprogrammingstaff,butthiswasnotprovidedtoanypersonnelselectedfordeploymenttofragilestatesRCMP:specifictrainingontheWPSUNSCRs

CIDA:reportsoncontentofgendertrainingDFAIT:allSTARTtrainingreflectedCanada’scommitmenttoUNSCRsonWPSDND:trainingonhumanrightsandlawofarmedconflict;culturalawarenesstraining;individualpre‐deploymenttrainingRCMP:providedspecifictrainingontheUNSCRs

DFATD:STARTisreviewingitstrainingprogramforrapidrespondersanddeployeestoincreasethegenderawarenesscomponentofpre‐deploymenttraining.For2013‐14,thetrainingcourseforCFLIdidnotincludeanadequategendercomponentDND:mandatorytrainingonhuman

123Doesthismeanthatonly5CIDAstaffwereassignedtoconflictaffectedcountriesinFY11/12?124Deployedpersonnelreceived“pre‐deploymentculturalawarenesstrainingthatincorporatedgenderconsiderations,aswellascodesofconductandtrainingonCanadianandinternationallawandhumanrightsapplicabletotheprotectionandpromotionofwomen’sandgirls’humanrights.”125Theseindividualsparticipatedinoneoffourhour‐longteleconferenceonGenderBasedAnalysis.


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provided rightsandthelawofarmedconflict‐trainingaddressedprotectionofvulnerablegroups,includingwomenandgirls;mandatorycultureawarenesstraining‐trainingconsideredtheimpactofgenderonoperations,suchaswheninteractingwiththelocalpopulation;individualpre‐deploymenttraining–includedHumanRightsandWomeninConflictmodulesthataddressUNSCRsonWPSRCMP:providedspecifictrainingontheUNSCRsonWPS

Indicator3‐1:ExtenttowhichprogrammingdeliveredundertheMilitaryTrainingandCooperationProgramme(MTCP),Anti‐CrimeCapacity‐BuildingProgram(ACCBP),Counter‐TerrorismCapacity‐BuildingProgram(CTCBP)andtheGlobalPeaceandSecurityFund(GPSF)andsimilarGovernmentofCanadainternationalprogramsinthejusticeandsecuritysectoroperationalizesananalysisofthedifferentialimpactofconflictonwomenandgirls.

DFAIT:START/GPSFprojects74projects(39%):nogenderanalysis68projects(36%):limitedintegration37projects(20%):integrated10projects(5%):specifictogenderequality(Total189projects)

DFAIT:START46projects(36%):nogenderanalysis52projects(41%):limitedintegration21projects(16%)integrated9projects(7%):specifictogenderequality(total129projects)DND:Coursesincorporateda“genderperspective”

DFATD:Allciviliandeploymentprograms,projectsanddeploymentsarereviewedforgenderrisksandbenchmarks.TermsofreferenceforallciviliandeploymentstakeintoaccountthedifferentialimpactofconflictonwomenandgirlsDND:Coursesincorporateda“genderperspective”.AIDSAwareness,ProtectionofWomenandChildren,SexualExploitationandAbuse(SEA),andDiversity,areallmandatedtrainingsubjectswithintheUnitedNationsStaffOfficerCourse

ParticipationandRepresentation Indicator10‐1:NumberofCanadianstrategic‐

DFAITCanadianSecuritySector

DFAITnewAmericasstrategy

None


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levelnationalandinternationalsecuritypolicydirectivesorguidingdocumentsthataddresstheparticipationofwomenindecisionmaking.

ReformguidelineshavegenderequalityasaprincipleandareferencetotheC‐NAP

includesindicatorsonwomen’srightsSecuritySystemReformguidelinesincludepromotionofgenderequalityasaprinciple

Indicator10‐2:NumberofCanadianstrategic‐levelnationalandinternationalsecuritypolicydirectivesorguidingdocumentsthataddressthedeploymentofwomentopeaceoperations.

InthisfirstyearofC‐NAPimplementation,nodatawasavailableonthisindicator.

DND:notexplicitlyreported“AllCAFpositionsareopentowomenandmen”

DND:notexplicitlyreported“AllCAFpositionsareopentowomenandmen”

Indicator10‐3:NumberandpercentageoffemaleCanadianForcespersonnel,policeofficersandcivilianGovernmentofCanadapersonneldeployedtopeaceoperations.

DFAIT:29Canada‐basedcivilianexpertsfunded,14(or48.3%)werewomenDND126Allmilitarypersonnel:10.5%Brigadier‐General/Commodore:11%(%thatwerefemale)RCMP:26of241participantswerewomen(10.8%)

DFAIT:duringthereportingperiodSTARTfunded66Cdn‐basedcivilianexperts.Ofthese22(or33%)werewomenDND:asofMarch2013,145of1142(10%)ofdeployedCAFpersonneloninternationaloperationswerewomen.Duringthereportingyear,11of46(24%)ofcivilianemployeesdeployedinsupportofCAFdesignatedinternationaloperationswerewomenRCMP:18womenand134mendeployedtopeaceoperations(12%women)

DFATD:STARTfundedthedeploymentof21Canada‐basedcivilianexpertstointernationalorganizationsandinresponsetointernationalcrises.7(33%)ofthesewerewomen.DND:69of516(13.4%)deployedCAFpersonneloninternationaloperationswerewomen.585womenofatotalof5387(10.9%)personnelweredeployedoninternationaloperations.6of14(43%)civilianemployeesdeployedinsupportofCAFdesignatedinternationaloperationswerewomen.RCMP:Of112personnelwhoweredeployedtopolicepeaceoperations,21(19%)werewomen.

126Reportingincludesafulltablebyrank.


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3rdReport(FY2013/14)Overthecourseof2013‐14,atanygiventime,theaveragerateoffemalepoliceparticipationoverthereportingperiodwas15%.

Indicator10‐4:NumberandpercentageofvoluntaryselectionprocessesforGovernmentofCanadapersonneltodeployonpeaceoperationsthatofferspecificmeasureswhichworktoidentifyandaddressbarrierstowomen'sparticipation.

DFAIT:unlessarequestforCdnexpertiseincludedaspecificrequestforwomen,candidatesweresoughtonanequal‐opportunitybasisRCMP:tookaholisticapproachtoaddressingbarrierstotheparticipationofpoliceofficersinpeaceoperations

DND:none127RCMP:percentagecannotbedetermined

DFATD:NoGovernmentofCanadacivilianpersonnelweredeployedonpeaceoperationsduringthereportingperiod.UnlessarequestforCdnexpertiseincludedaspecificrequestforwomen,candidatesweresoughtonanequal‐opportunitybasis.DND:none128RCMP:1–percentagecouldnotbedetermined.TheRCMPhasattemptedtoincreaseawarenessoftheprogramandpromotefemaleparticipationinpeaceoperationsthroughvariousmeans.

Indicator10‐5:Numberandproportionofwomeninexecutive‐levelrolesinGovernmentofCanadadepartmentsandagenciesinvolvedinpeaceoperations,fragilestatesandconflict‐affectedsituations.

CIDA:21outof43(49%)DFAIT:4outof6(67%)129RCMP:2(proportioncannotbedetermined)

CIDA:38(48.1%)130DFATD:3(60%)DND:60(44%)ofDNDcivilianemployees;13%ofSeniorOfficerswerewomenRCMP:1inRCMP,1inServicedepolicedelaVilledeMontréal.Proportioncannotbedetermined

DFATD:25outof40(onevacant)(62.5%)DND:60of138(44%)civilianemployeesoccupyingexecutivelevelpositionswerewomen,including3ofthe6ofthemostseniorexecutivelevelposition.13.5%ofCombinedRegular

127“TheCAFdoesnotdifferentiatebetweenwomenandmenwhenselectingpersonnelforinternationaloperationsincludingpeacesupportoperations.”128“TheCAFdoesnotdifferentiatebetweenwomenandmenwhenselectingpersonnelforinternationaloperationsincludingpeacesupportoperations.”129DoesthisincludeDFAITpersonnelpostedinconflict‐affectedcountries?Itwouldalsobeinterestingtoseeamale/femalebreakdownoftheambassadorsservinginthesecountries.130Moredetailisincludedinthereport.


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3rdReport(FY2013/14)Force/PrimaryReserveForceSeniorOfficers(MajortoColonel)intheCAFwerewomen,including4.5%ofFlagOfficers(Brigadier‐GeneralorCommodoreandabove).TheAssistantDeputyMinister(Policy)andDeputyDirector‐GeneralofInternationalSecurityPolicywerefemale.RCMP:3fromtheRCMP,plusadditionalwomenfromotherCanadianpartnerpoliceservices.Proportioncannotbedetermined.

Indicator12‐1:Numberandpercentageofdepartmentalinternationalsecuritypolicyframeworksthatintegratetheparticipationandrepresentationofwomenandgirls.

DFAIT:6 DFAIT continuouslyintegratestheparticipationandrepresentationofwomenandgirlsinnewdepartmentalinternationalsecuritypolicyframeworks.Noexamplesprovided

DFATD:Supportsatleast29CanadianPartners(inoneormultiplecountries)

Indicator12‐2:NumberofandfundingdisbursedforGovernmentofCanada‐fundedprojectsinorforpeaceoperations,fragilestatesandconflict‐affectedsituationsthatintegratetheparticipationandinvolvementofwomenandgirlsorworkwithkeystakeholders,includingmenandboys,topromoteincreasedparticipationandrepresentationofwomen

CIDA23ofCIDA’s91WPS‐relatedprojectssupportedtheparticipationofwomenandgirlsIn2011/12,$28.37millionofCIDA’sWPS‐relatedinvestments($179.29million)specificallyaddressorintegratedgenderequalityresults131DFAIT52%ofGPSFprojects(98)integratedthe

CIDA6of55WPS‐relatedprojectsfocusedonparticipationofwomenandgirlsDuring2012/13,$7.86millionofWPSinvestments($16.9million)eitherspecificallyaddressedorintegratedgenderequalityresults.DFAITCFLI:89projects($1.9million)with¼ofCFLIprojectsinfragilestates

DFATD:79(40%)oftheCFLIprojectsinfragilestateswereprimarilyfocusedonimprovingwomen’sparticipationandrepresentation(comparedto24%ofprojectsin2012‐13).Approximately$1.8millionwasdisbursedfortheseprojects.

131CIDA’sreportingnotesthataWPSprojectmayaddressmorethanoneC‐NAPindicator,andthat,insomecases,onlyonecomponentofaprojectcontributestoaWPSobjective,soitshouldnotbeassumedthat100%oftheprojectdisbursementwentdirectlytosupportwomenandgirls’participation.Thisqualificationisrepeatedinthe2012/13progressreportandforindicators18‐2,20‐1and21‐2.


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andgirls. participation andinvolvementofwomenandgirls.Totalvaluewas$36.8million

focusedonimprovingwomen’sparticipationandrepresentation132START:88projectsoutof129includedthemeaningfulparticipationofwomen133

Indicator13‐1:NumberofCanadianinterventionsintheUnitedNationsSecurityCouncil,GeneralAssembly,SpecialCommitteeonPeacekeepingorotherrelevantinternationalforathatexplicitlyencouragetroop‐andpolice‐contributingcountriestoaddresstheparticipationofwomeninpeaceoperationsandintrainingforpeaceoperations.

4(4thCommitteeinNov11,3rdCommitteeinOct11,SecurityCouncilinOct11andC34inFeb12)

3(4th CommitteeinOct12,UNSpecialCommitteeonPeacekeepingOperationsinFeb13andSecurityCouncilinNov12)

2‐SpecialPoliticalandDecolonizationCommittee,November2013andinjointCanada,AustraliaandNewZealandstatementtotheSpecialCommitteeonPeacekeepingOperations(February2014).

Protection Indicator16‐1:ExtenttowhichCanadiandiplomaticofficesanddeployedCanadianForcesorpolicepersonnelincludeinformationonobservedorcrediblyreportedseriousviolationsofwomen’sandgirls’humanrightsintheirperiodicreportingtocompetentmissionauthoritiesonpeaceoperations.

DFAITReportsprovidedbytheCanadianEmbassiesinHaitiandAfghanistan.RCMPDevelopedmonthlyreportingtemplateswhichwillrequireeachpoliceofficerdeployedtoreportonthisissue.Expectedtorolloutin2012/13

Noinformation/reporting.Thisindicatordoesnotappearinthereportandthenextindicatorislabelled16‐1

RCMP:In2012/13,implementedthemonthlyreportingtemplatesmentionedinFY2011/12.DuringFY2013/14theindividualmonthlyreportingwasmodifiedtobereportedonaquarterlybasis.Alldeployedpoliceineachpeaceoperationmustcompletethesemandatoryreports.

Indicator16‐2:Numberofreportedcasesofsexualexploitationorabuseinpeaceoperations,fragilestates

DFAIT:0RCMP:0

DND:noreportRCMP:RCMP:0PolicePartnerAgency:2

a) 100%

DND:0RCMP:RCMP:0PolicePartnerAgency:1

132Thereportingisunclear.Is89thetotalofCFLIprojects?WhatisthetotalnumberofCFLIprojectsinfragilestates?WhatisthetotalnumberofCFLIprojectsthataddressedwomen’sparticipation?133Againthereportingisunclear.Thereportmentionsthatjustunder$43millionwasdisbursed.IsthisthetotalofSTARTprojects?Thereportalsonotes“Engagementofwomen/girlsinallphasesofpeaceoperationsconsumedthehighestallocationofGPSFprogrammingwhencomparedtootherareasoffocus.”Howisthismeasured?Whataretheotherareasoffocus?


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andconflict‐affectedsituations,allegedlyperpetratedbyCanadianmilitarypersonnel,policeorcivilianGovernmentofficials,andthepercentagethatare:a)referredtoacompetentCanadianauthority,b)addressedinatimely,appropriateandtransparentmanner.

b) 100%DFAIT:noreport

a) 100%b) 100%

DFATD:noreport

Indicator17‐1:Percentageofrelevantregion‐ormission‐specificpre‐deploymentorfieldtrainingmodulesforGovernmentofCanadapersonnelonprotectionissuesthataddressinameaningfulwaythedifferentialimpactoftheconflictonwomenandgirls.

DFAIT:noneRCMP:allcontentisinonemodule,ratherthanincorporatingintoothermodules

DFAIT:10%ofSTARTtrainingcourses(1outof10–coursefocusedongender‐basedanalysis)DND:allRCMP:allcontentisin1module,notincorporatedintoothermodules

DFATD:10%ofSTARTtrainingcourses(1outof10–coursefocusedongender‐basedanalysisplus)DND:allRCMP:percentagenotapplicable.Ratherthanincorporatingthistrainingintovariousmodules,theRCMPhastakentheapproachofprovidingaregion‐ormission‐specificpre‐deploymenttrainingsessiononprotectionissuesandthedifferentialimpactofconflictonwomenandgirlstopolicedeployingtopeaceoperations.

Indicator17‐2:NumberandpercentageofGovernmentofCanadapersonneldeployedtopeaceoperations,fragilestatesorconflict‐affectedsituationswhoreceiveregion‐ormission‐specificpre‐deploymentorfieldtrainingonprotectionissuesthataddressesthedifferentialimpactoftheconflictonwomenandgirlsina

DFAIT:noneRCMP:158(81%)

DFAIT:6.9%(6outof66deployed,buttrainingwasreceivedinpreviousyear)DND:allRCMP:86%(131outof152)

DFATD:0%134

DND:AllCAFpersonnelwhodeployedtopeacesupportoperations,fragilestates,orconflict‐affectedsituationsreceivedmission‐specificpre‐deploymenttrainingthataddressedtheprotectionofvulnerablegroups,includingwomenand

134TheonlycourseofferedduringthisreportperiodwastheonlineGendertraining.Participationinthiscoursewasnottracked.Thiswillbedoneforthenextreportingperiod.


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meaningfulway. girls.RCMP:100%(all112)

Indicator17‐3:ExtenttowhichDND/CanadianForcesstrategicdirectionorequivalentpolicyguidancefordeployedCanadianpoliceaddressinameaningfulwaytheimportanceofprotectingwomen’sandgirls'humanrightsoninternationaloperationaldeployments.

RCMP:MadeprogressonthedevelopmentofConOpsforitsmissions.Thesewillincludeasectionongenderandprotectionofwomen’sandgirls’humanrights

Noreportingprovided RCMP:continuestousetheConceptofOperations(ConOps)approachtoguideitsengagementinpeaceoperations,whichcouldincludethemultinationalorganization’sstrategicdirectionorConOpsdocumentswithspecificdirectionorguidanceontheprotectionofhumanrightsforwomenandgirls.

Indicator18‐1:Numberofdepartmentalinternationalsecuritypolicyframeworksthatintegratethepromotionandprotectionofwomen’sandgirls’humanrightsinamannerwhichincorporatesananalysisofthedifferentialimpactofconflictonwomenandgirls.

DFAIT:1(newAmericasStrategyImplementationPlanforFY2012‐2013includesobjective2.4.5,Canadawillseekto“strengthenjusticesectorreform…”

DFAIT:notreportedon135 DFATD:Nopolicyframeworksundertakenthisyear.

Indicator18‐2:NumberofandfundingdisbursedforGovernmentofCanada‐fundedprojectsthatintegratethepromotionandprotectionofwomen’sandgirls’humanrightsinamannerwhichincorporatesananalysisofthedifferential

CIDA43ofthe91WPS‐relatedprojectsfocusedonthistheme$73.06millionofCIDA’stotalWPS‐relatedinvestments($179.29million)eitherspecificallyaddressedorintegratedgender

CIDA11ofthe55WPS‐relatedprojectsfocusedonthistheme$19.57millionofCIDA’sWPS‐relatedinvestments($164.9million)eitherspecificallyaddressedorintegratedgenderequalityresults

DFATD:theGlobalIssuesandDevelopmentBranchfunded41WPSrelatedprojects.Ofthose,6projects,totalling$10.8million136,focussedonsupportingthepromotionandprotectionofwomen’s

135InformationprovidedunderthisindicatorrelatestotheCanadianpositionattheThirdMeetingofStatesPartiesoftheConventiononClusterMunitionsinSeptember2012–“CanadaadvocatedformainstreaminggenderanddiversityissuesintotheimplementationoftheConventionandencouragedStatesPartiesandpartnerstointegrategenderconsiderationsintoalloftheirminactionandclustermunitions‐relatedprogramming.”Whilethisisanadmirableposition,itdoesnotcorrespondtotheindicatorwhichfocusesonCanadiansecurityframeworks.136Insomecases,onlyacomponentoftheprojectmaycontributetosupportingthehumanrightsofwomenandgirls.Itshouldnotbeassumedthat100%oftheprojectdisbursementwentdirectlytosupportwomen’sandgirls’humanrights.Thesefigureshavebeencalculatedmanually,andthereforehavenotbeenverifiedbytheChiefFinancialOfficer.


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impactofconflictonwomenandgirls.

equalityresultsDFAIT107GPSFprojects(58%)integratedthepromotionandprotectionofwomen’sandgirls’rights.Totalfundingdisbursedforthese107projectswas$42.58million

DFAIT/START64outof129projects(50%)addressedthistheme

andgirls’humanrights.49projectswerefunded;ofthese,18werespecificallyfocussedonwomen’sandgirls’rights.Fundinglevelswereasfollows:‐Women,Peace,andSecurity:$2,919,430‐PreventionofSexualViolenceinConflict:$2,619,197‐Child,Early,andForcedMarriage:$2,346,301

Indicator19‐1:ExtenttowhichGovernmentofCanadadepartmentalguidancedocumentsforspecificpeaceoperationsexplicitlyaddresstheprotectionandpromotionofwomen'sandgirls'humanrights,includingmeasurestopreventsexualviolence.

DFAIT:reportingfocusesonWPS‐relatedactivitiescarriedoutbyCdnembassies,notdepartmentalguidancedocumentsRCMP:progressmadeonnewConOps.Thesewillincludeasectionongenderandtheprotectionofwomen’sandgirls’rights

DFAIT:reportingfocusesontrainingmodules/curriculumavailable,notguidancedocuments

RCMP:Canadianpoliceoftendeploythroughmultilateralorganizations,whichhavetheirownmandate,ConceptofOperations,andstrategicdirectionregardingtheprotectionofhumanrightsforwomenandgirls.Canadianpolicefollowtheguidanceprovidedbytheseorganizationsinthisrespect.

Indicator20‐1:NumberofandfundingdisbursedforGovernmentofCanada‐fundedprojectsfororinpeaceoperations,fragilestatesandconflict‐affectedsituationsthatintegratesupportforwomen’sandgirls’humanrightsincludingprotectionfromviolence,sexualviolence,sexualexploitationandabuseofwomenandgirlsandtraffickinginpersons.

CIDA32ofthe91WPS‐relatedprojectsfocusedonthistheme$67.64millionoftheCIDA’stotalWPS‐relatedinvestments($179.29million)specificallyaddressedorintegratedgenderequalityresultsinthisareaDFAIT59GPSFprojects(31%)supportedtheseissueswithatotalvalueof$26.6million

CIDA23of55WPS‐relatedprojectsfocusedonthistheme$87.65millionofthetotalWPS‐relatedinvestments($164.9million)specificallyaddressedorintegratedgenderequalityresultsinthisareaDFAITCFLI:23CFLIinitiatives(totalling$496,625)focusedonthisthemeSTART:35outof129projects(27%)addressedthistheme.Fundingdisbursed:$21.2

DFATD:Supportsatleast13CanadianPartners(inoneormultiplecountries)


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million137

ReliefandRecovery Indicator21‐1:Numberandpercentageofdepartmentalplanningframeworksforfragilestatesandconflict‐affectedsituationsthatintegratetheneedsandcapacitiesofwomenandgirls.

CIDACountrieswithapprovedstrategiesthatconsidertheneedsofwomenandgirls:8outof10(80%)All18institutionalstrategiestoworkwithkeymultilateralpartnersincludestrategicobjectivesrelatedtogenderequalityCIDAhasguidelinesfordevelopmentcooperation&programmgtinfragile&conflictaffectedsituations.Bothguidesreinforcetheimportanceofgenderanalysisaswellasgender‐equalityspecificareasofintervention(developedbeforetheNAP)DFAIT16(1memorandumtocabinet,2logicmodels,2thematicpapersandall11oftheSTARTmulti‐yearframeworks)138

CIDAAll18institutionalstrategiesthatguideworkwithkeymultilateralpartnersincludestrategicobjectivesrelatedtogenderequality&2haveexplicitcommitmentsonintegratingtheneeds&capacitiesofwomenandgirlsinfragilestatesandconflict‐affectedsituationsNon‐aggregatedinformationispresentedoncountryprograms.DFAITNonewSTARTplanningframeworksdevelopedinthisFY

DFATD:Numberandpercentagenotindicated.139

Indicator21‐2:NumberofandfundingdisbursedforGovernmentofCanada‐fundedprojectsinorforpeaceoperations,fragilestatesandconflictsituationsthatintegratetheneedsandcapacitiesofwomenandgirlsinreliefandrecoveryefforts.

CIDA38ofthe91WPSprojectsfocusedonthistheme.$95.12millionofthetotalWPSinvestment($179.29million)specificallyaddressedorintegratedgenderequalityresultsinthisarea.DFAIT61GPSFprojects(32%

CIDA37ofthe55WPS‐focusedprojectsfocusedonintegratingneedsandcapacitiesofwomenandgirlsinreliefandrecoveryefforts$86millionoftheWPS‐relatedinvestments($164.9million)addressedthisthemeDFAIT69outof129projects

DFATD:41projects.$148,425,000disbursed.

137Again,thisreportingisnotclear.Thereportnotesthat“ThisistheStabilizationandReconstructionPrograms’lowestscoringindicatorforthe2012/13fiscalyearforthesecondconsecutiveyear.”138Informationalsoprovidedonthe4prioritiesforCanada’sengagementinAfghanistanannouncedinNov2010.“Thepromotionofwomen’shumanrightsishighlightedasamainstreamed,cross‐cuttingthemeofthesecurity,ruleoflawandhumanrightspriority…”139Providesexamplesfrom7countries


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ofallprojects)integratedtheneedsandcapacitiesofwomenandgirlsinreliefandrecoveryefforts.Totalfundsdisbursedfortheseprojectsis$21.63million

(53%)gavewomenmanagement,controland/oraccesstoresourcesandbenefits.140Fundsdisbursed:$40.6million

140ItisnotclearifthisreferstoprojectsfocusedonreliefandrecoveryorthewholeSTARTportfolio.


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Annex 2

Contributors

DorisBussisaprofessorintheDepartmentofLegalStudies,CarletonUniversity,teachingandresearchingintheareasofinternationallawandhumanrights,women’srights,globalsocialmovements,andfeministtheory.MoniqueCuillerieristheMembershipandCommunicationsDirectorfortheWorldFederalistMovement‐Canada,anon‐profitresearchandadvocacyorganizationworkingtowardsamodelofglobalgovernancethatismoreequitable,justanddemocraticallyaccountable.MeganNobertisaCanadianborninternationalcriminalandhumanrightslawyerandconsultant.ShehasworkedintheNetherlands,GazaStrip,JordanandSouthSudanongenderandviolenceissues.CurrentlysheisinthefinalstagesofcompletingaDoctorateonthesubjectofgendercide.JoRodriguesisaninternationalcoachandtrainerinconflictresolution.ShespecializesinWomen,PeaceandSecurity(WPS),GenderEqualityandSexualandGenderBasedViolence(SGBV)issues,aswellasfacilitatinginter‐culturalandreligiousdialogue.JoholdsanMAinPeaceStudies,andcertificatesinInternationalHumanitarianLawandMediation.KristineSt‐Pierreisanindependentconsultantworkingongender,peaceandsecurity.Herfocusisongendertrainingformilitary,policeandcivilianpersonnel.SheisbasedinOttawa.RebeccaTiessenisAssociateProfessorintheSchoolofInternationalDevelopmentandGlobalStudiesattheUniversityofOttawa.HerresearchinvolvestheroleofCanadaandCanadiansintheworldwithafocusongenderequality,youthengagementandglobalcitizenship.SarahTuckeyisaPh.D.CandidateintheSchoolofPoliticalStudiesattheUniversityofOttawa.FocusingonCanadianforeignpolicyinAfghanistan,sheisconductingresearchontherelationshipbetweencollaborativepublicmanagementapproaches,suchasthewhole‐of‐governmentapproach,andtheroleofgender.


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KirstenVanHoutenisaPh.D.CandidateintheSchoolofInternationalDevelopmentandGlobalStudiesattheUniversityofOttawa.HerresearchinterestsincludelocalapproachestopeacebuildingintheGreatLakesregionofAfricaandCanadianpolicyongenderanddevelopmentinfragileandconflict‐affectedstates.SaraWaldeisarecentgraduatefromtheUniversityofOttawa’sSchoolofInternationalDevelopmentandGlobalStudies,specializinginFeministandGenderStudies.HerresearchfocusedonthemarginalizationofCanadiancivilsocietyorganizationsandthechallengesofpromotinggenderequalityundertheHarperConservatives.BethWoroniukworksasanindependentconsultantongenderequalityandwomen'srights.SheisbasedinOttawa.