Leonardo da Vinci: A Review

Leonardo

Leonardo da Vinci: A ReviewAuthor(s): Kim H. VeltmanSource: Leonardo, Vol. 41, No. 4 (2008), pp. 381-388Published by: The MIT PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20206632 .

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Leonardo da Vinci: A Review

KimH. Veltman ABSTRACT

I he article reviews scholarship on Leonardo da Vinci during the 20th century. An initial fascination with a handful of

paintings has led to a nearly comprehensive understanding of his art. A catalogue raisonn?e for Leonardo and his school has yet to be made. Aware ness of Leonardo as a scientist

began with a vague reputation of a universal genius who never finished anything. Some praised, others sought to limit him as an

artist-engineer. The 20th century revealed that Leonardo made substantial contributions in the domains of physics, mechanics, optics, perspective and medi cine. Even so, nearly 500 years after his birth, much remains to be done in understanding fully one of the great geniuses of all time.

s ^yome persons are so famous, one would think

that there could be little more to say about them. In the case

of Leonardo da Vinci, the Bibliograf?a Leonardiana, started by

Verga (1905-), became the Biblioteca Leonardiana?a catalogue of the works on Leonardo at Vinci?by Guerrini (1987) and is now being developed by Monica Taddei at the Library at Vinci as the Bibliograf?a Internazionale Leonardiana, with over 12,000 titles [1]. There is both an online version and a preliminary CD-ROM. Even so, this review will suggest that there is still

much to be done.

Introduction In the course of the past century we have gained an idea of

how Leonardo worked. His basic approach was simple. He had

tiny notebooks, which he carried around in his pocket so he

could jot down things as he traveled. When he came home we

can conjecture that he had two main piles of notes, which were

large folio size. One was focused on the world of nature, ani

mals and human beings. This eventually became the collection

at Windsor. The other was focused on the man-made world:

machines, fortifications, inventions, etc. This is essentially the

Codice Atl?ntico today. These two piles served as work in prog ress. As his ideas on a theme became clearer, he would start

copying things into a notebook of octavo or quarto size, often

numbering diagrams as he went (as in the Madrid Codex) and sometimes crossing out a passage in the original notes with a

line after he had developed it elsewhere. These manuscripts then became the basis for more advanced versions, which he

planned to print [2]. Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1519) was born two years before

Gutenberg introduced the printing press in the West?a tech

nology that had been invented in Korea around 805 A.D., the

oldest extant printed Chinese book dating back to 866 A.D.

Leonardo was interested in having his works printed, but he

faced a problem. His notes had tens of thousands of drawings,

ranging from tiny rough sketches to very carefully composed

presentation drawings. Printing at the time could not deal

seriously with complex technical and scientific drawings. By the time the technology had begun to catch up, namely in the

1540s, Leonardo was dead, and his student Francesco Melzi

(1493-1570) was getting older. We know that in 1566, Melzi showed an anatomical treatise of Leonardo's to Giorgio Va

sari. Four years later Melzi died, and the manuscripts were

dispersed. A good deal of the collection stayed in Milan at

the Bibliotheca Ambrosiana. By 1590, part of the collection was in the hands of Pompeo Leoni, who made an attempt to rationalize the two piles. When he found human portraits

or caricatures in what became the

CodiceAtlanticohe snipped them out

with his scissors and pasted them

into the other pile, which went to

Madrid [3] and eventually ended in the collection of Her Majesty the

Queen at Windsor Castle. When Na

poleon came to Italy he "borrowed"

most of the Ambrosiana's holdings on Leonardo. After the Napoleonic wars there were protests from Italy;

subsequently the Codice Atl?ntico

came back. The Manuscripts A-M

stayed in Paris and are still at the In

stitut de France. Other manuscripts went to London. By the late 19th

century, the manuscripts were con

centrated in four places: Milan, Windsor, London and Paris, with individual manuscripts in Turin, Madrid, the Vatican, the

collection of the Earl of Leicester (now in the hands of Bill Gates) and drawings in Milan, Venice and a number of private collections [4]. The past 50 years have also seen considerable

movement in the ownership of individual drawings, especially from English private houses; many of these have now landed

in the Getty and other American collections. Carlo Pedretti

made an important list of manuscripts in 1969 [5]. An updated catalogue of where everything is today does not yet exist.

Societies In some senses, serious scholarship on Leonardo did not begin until the turn of the 20th century. In Milan, Luca Beltrami

founded the EnteRaccolta Vinciana (1905) [6], which became a focal point for national scholarship. It was gradually expanded in scope to include the work of leading scholars in the field

around the world. Then in the mid-1970s a decision was taken

to cancel all the international members. The Raccolta Vinciana, which had led the field, now became largely a body focused on local realities. This had two consequences. First, the main

tenance of the Leonardo Bibliography moved quietly to Vinci, which through its annual lectures?begun in 1960?now be

came a pole for scholars focused on Leonardo. Second, Ken

neth D. Keele founded a Leonardo Society in London based

at the Warburg Institute, the quiet hope being that this would

"embarrass" the Milanese back into a more proactive role.

Meanwhile, in Brescia, there were the contributions of

Nando de Toni, a private scholar who, in the best tradition of

learned engineers, had his own mini-institute, which, in con

junction with his sons, hosted annual lectures on Leonardo.

De Toni worked with Andr? Corbeau (Lyon) [7] in preparing an independent transcription of the manuscripts. Their work

Kim H. Veltman (scholar), VMMI, Europalaan 63, Maastricht 6226 CN, Netherlands. Web site: <www.sumscorp.com>. E-mail: <[email protected]>.

?2008 Kim H. Veltman LEONARDO, Vol. 41, No. 4, pp. 381-388, 2008 381



I pointed to the lost Madrid Codex before

it was accidentally rediscovered by an

American scholar.

There were other developments out

side Italy. As noted earlier, Leonardo cre

ated two piles of folio notes, one focused

mainly on the natural world (anatomy,

botany), the other mainly on the man

made world (mechanics, science); Pom

peo Leoni cut human figures from the

former and pasted them into the latter.

In 1957, an Italian reporter from near

Bologna did an unusual bit of investi

gative reporting. He published a book

showing exactly which pieces from the

Codice Atl?ntico had been pasted in a spe cific spot in the Windsor collection. This

monograph came to the attention of El

mer Belt, a medical doctor in Los Angeles with an amateur passion for Leonardo,

who had amassed his own library. Elmer

Belt brought this investigative reporting to the attention of his friend Franklin D.

Murphy, then university chancellor, and

thus was Carlo Pedretti made a professor at the University of California, Los Ange les (UCLA). He went on to become the

most prolific author of his generation on the topic of Leonardo, with books on

Leonardo's work in architecture?espe

cially his work at Romorantin?as well as

books on Leonardo's Lost Book A and on

his Treatise on Painting.

Through his commentaries on Jean Paul Richter and collaborations with

Kenneth Clark and Kenneth D. Keele,

Pedretti became the world authority on the chronological dimensions of the

Leonardo notebooks. Pedretti often of

fered dates that differed from those of

other experts. Understandably, he some

times offered different dates as his own

insights evolved. The good news is that

we now have dates for most of the draw

ings and individual notebook pages of

Leonardo's work. A challenge for the

next generation lies in making a concor

dance of all these dates and being able

to see a bigger picture implicit in this

ocean of minutiae. Carlo Pedretti's pro

digious output, with 1,060 entries in the

bibliography at Vinci, makes him by far the most productive Leonardo scholar

in the world. Although his over-enthusi

asm in attributing paintings to Leonardo

has sometimes been noted, this has had

the very positive side effect of drawing attention to a large corpus of works in

the circles around Leonardo that previ

ously had been ignored. His involvement

in the catalogues of the collection of the

Countess of B?hague [8], and the Leo

nardo schools at Naples and Florence [9] are but two examples.

In 1961, Elmer Belt donated his collec

tion to UCLA, which has since grown to

10,000 titles [10]. In 1980, Armand Ham mer acquired the Codex Leicester. This led

to a Hammer Centre being connected

with Pedretti's activities at UCLA, and

to an Achademia Leonardi Vinci. When

Hammer died in 1990 the manuscript was sold to Bill Gates, and by 1997 the Achademia had closed its doors. Pedretti

retired and now lives near Vinci. There

have been intermittent reports of a Leo

nardo da Vinci Centre instituted in 1992 in Odessa. Martin Kemp, now a professor at Oxford, who wrote an award-winning

general book on Leonardo, has created

a useful site called Universal Leonardo

[11]. Even so, the poles of activity remain

in Vinci, where Leonardo was born, and

in Milan, where he did his major work.

Thanks to initial funding, a Centro In

ternazionale di studi e documentazione Leo

nardo da Vinci was founded in 2006 by the

University of Florence and the Biblioteca

Leonardiana. This center has launched

a resident summer school that organizes annual courses at a specialist level [12].

EDITIONS For the general public there have been

two important publications that give an

overview of the richness and wealth of

Leonardo's writings. First, there was the

Literary Works of Leonardo da Vinci, by Jean Paul Richter (1883) [13], with a second edition (1939) and a third (1969), fol lowed by Pedretti's two-volume commen

tary (1977). Second, there was Edward

McCurdy's Notebooks of Leonardo da Vinci

(1953). While extremely helpful in pro viding quotes and passages by Leonardo,

these works lacked a firm scholarly appa ratus and gave no idea of the images in

Leonardo's world.

Given the dispersal outlined above,

serious editions of the notebooks were

not published until Ravaisson-Mollien's

edition of the Manuscripls A-M (Paris,

1881-1891) and then the Codice Atl?ntico

(1897-1904). Although published in Mi lan (Hoepli), this edition was promoted and sponsored directly by the Accademia

dei Lincei in Rome. It is significant that a

Galileian tradition should have launched

this study of Leonardo?a topic that the

Museum at Vinci is examining anew. In

Turin, Mario Baratta in 1903 broached

the idea of a first national edition of the

complete works of Leonardo. By the

1930s, work had begun on such a na

tional edition in conjunction with the

Tipogafia dello Stato. At the National

Museum of Science (Milan), an impres sive set of models was built. These were

formed more due to the nationalistic

fervor of the time than careful scholarly

analysis. Meanwhile, Mussolini, anxious

to prove that Leonardo had done every

thing, commissioned a wonderful two

volume collection of essays (1939) [14], which remains important even today.

Subsequent attempts, such as Z?llner

(1999) [15], while more impressive qua color, add little qua depth.

After World War II, a handful of schol

ars in the next generation read all the

manuscripts [16]. In 1962, the monks at

Grottaferata restored the Codice Atl?ntico.

They took the enormous bundle and re

bound it in 12 separate volumes. Augusto Marinoni patiently transcribed the whole

text for a new edition (1975-1980) and went on to produce a new edition of

the Paris Manuscripts. Together these

became a centerpiece for a new vision

of an Edizione Nazionale (1964-) [17], for which Giunti (Florence) became the official publisher. While this marked an enormous contribution, there were two

shortcomings. First, they were deluxe

editions aimed solely at wealthy collec

tors. The cost of the 12 volumes of the

Codice Atl?ntico was roughly $20,000 at the time. As the dream of a national edi

tion neared completion, the dream of an

affordable edition remained elusive. Sec

ond, although they produced a serious

transcription of the text, there was no ef

fort to number the individual diagrams.

Independently, Kenneth D. Keele from

1975 to 1980 produced a painstaking three-volume critical edition of the Ana

tomical Manuscripts in the Collection of Her

Majesty the Queen at Windsor Castle, with a

commentary by Carlo Pedretti. This did

number the diagrams, but the problem of exorbitant cost remained [18]. A sys tematic application of Keele's method

of numbering paragraphs and diagrams has yet to be applied to the corpus as a

whole.

As we approach the 500th anniversary

Printing at the time could not deal

seriously with complex technical and scientific drawings.

382 Veltman, Leonardo da Vinci



of Leonardo's death (2019), an afford

able, systematic edition of the complete works is not yet in sight?although there

is new hope. Thanks to the patient and

excellent work of Romano Nanni, di

rector of the Museum at Vinci, and his

team, there is now an E-Leo [19], the

first web site with the complete (extant) manuscripts of Leonardo da Vinci, Vil

lard De Honnecourt, Francesco Di Gior

gio Martini, Kyeser, etc., with an index

of drawings and a glossary based on

the dictionary of the Accademia dalla

Crusca. This digital archive of the history of technology and science finally places Leonardo's work within a larger context

and is effectively a first complete works

in electronic form (see also the section

"New Visions" below).

Art

Although Leonardo is typically called a universal man, it was mainly as an artist

that he was known, and then mainly in

terms of a handful of masterpieces such

as Mona Lisa and the Last Supper. Freud's

study (1910) [20] sparked much debate but offered little concrete advance. A

fundamental study by Wilhelm Suida

(1929) [21] offered a first serious survey of major paintings by Leonardo's school.

Goldschneider (1943) [22], Popham (1949) [23] and Baroni's monograph (1952) [24] did the same for Leonar

do's paintings and some of his drawings.

Meanwhile, Kenneth Clark's Drawings at

Windsor Castle (1937) [25] introduced a first detailed glimpse into the enormous

complexity of Leonardo's figurative world. With a terse and lucid English he drew attention to myriad details. In a

second edition (1965), produced jointly with Carlo Pedretti, a serious attempt at

chronological sequence and develop ment emerged. In many cases, Clark as

sumed that the drawings were idealized

landscapes. It was not until the 1970s

that a series of studies demonstrated that

what Clark interpreted as a generic river

scene depicted a specific spot on the

River D'Adda near Melzi's house. What

had seemed to be idealized drawings were actually specific views of the Italian

landscape [26]. Gradually, the image of

Leonardo as an artist of idealized scenes

gave way to a Renaissance version of him

as a recorder of nature: someone who

would have loved using a digital camera

as he traveled through Italy and France.

In the early 1980s, a series of exhibitions

with critical catalogues brought to light further the richness of Leonardo's draw

ings in collections such as the Accademia

(1980) [27] and the Ambrosiana (1981) [28].

Two generations of art historians gave

depth to this emerging picture of Leo

nardo's artistic world, notably Ludwig

Heydenreich, Anna Maria Brizio, (Sir)

Ernst Gombrich, Andr? Chastel and Cor

rado Maltese. Hans Ost in 1974 [29] ex

plored the interplay between Leonardo's

paintings and sculpture. Gombrich's

work on Leonardo's drawings and carica

tures [30] has been further studied by Jo hannes Nathan (1992) [31] and Michael Kwakkelstein (1994) [32]. In terms of Leonardo's influence, the work of Shear

man [33] and Summers [34] brought to

light how Leonardo's paintings played a

crucial role in the so-called serpentine

pose (posa serpentinata), which became

an emblem of the High Rennaissance

and Mannerism ( la maniera).

Brizio (Milan) had one serious stu

dent, Pietro Marani, who began with a

study of Leonardo's fortifications and

went on to become the leading expert on Leonardo's art [35]. For a time, he

was responsible for overseeing the res

toration of the Last Supper conducted

by Pinin Brambilla Barcillon (1977-), which marks one of the major experi ments in new conservation and resto

ration technologies. He was also at the

Brera Gallery and increased his range of study to include the school of Leo

nardo [36], a field where Patricia Trutty Coohill [37] and David Alan Brown [38] have also made valuable contributions.

More recently, Marani has studied Leo

nardo's work in sculpture and the role

of Gianfrancesco Rustici in sculptures

previously attributed to Leonardo. With

284 publications in the bibliography at

Vinci, Marani is clearly the most signifi cant scholar in the field at present.

As a teenager, Leonardo began his

career by moving to Florence. It is inter

esting to note that scholars linked with

the Uffizi are quietly transforming our

understanding of Leonardo as a painter. The studies of Antonio Natali (now di

rector of the Uffizi) on the Adoration of the Magi and the Annunciation, both at

the Uffizi Gallery [39], and the exhibi tion he organized on the birth of the

"modern manner" (maniera moderna)

[40] have transformed our understand

ing of the early Leonardo with respect to his treatment of sources and his rela

tions with religious patrons who commis

sioned his work. Alessandro Cecchi, also

at the Uffizi, has developed a new?as

yet unpublished?interpretation of the

sources of the Battle ofAnghiari. Three recent exhibitions attest both to

the continued public interest and to on

going research on Leonardo as an artist.

An exhibition entitled Leonardo e il mito

di Leda (2001 ) [41 ] brought to light new WEM

aspects of his sources: on a stylistic front ||SiS (Dalli Regoli and Natali) ; with respect to ?1P8 ancient sources (Monaco); and in terms IlliS of iconology and with respect to medi-

llllllll? eval sources (Nanni), thus developing an

^H interpretative approach introduced by ????111 Clark and continued by Kemp, Pedretti H and Arasse. This has raised a series of ?Sllllll critical problems and questions for fu- H?I ture study. An exhibition organized by |??|?||j||||j Viatte (Paris, 2003) [42]?with further ^^

notes on Leonardo's work on physiog

nomy and drapery?and an exhibition

by Bambach (New York, 2003) [43] have been the largest expositions ever

of Leonardo's drawings.

Technology In the past half century, our understand

ing of Leonardo's engineering activities

has increased considerably. In terms of

general context, Bertrand Gilles (1964) wrote an important book on the artist

engineers of the Renaissance [44]. The

studies of Ladislao Reti played a funda

mental role in deepening the field. Fol

lowing initial work on Leonardo's impact on the history of chemistry and the steam

engine (1956) [45], his Lettura Vinciana

[46] (Vinci 1964) drew attention to a se ries of connections between Leonardo

and Brunelleschi and Sienese architects

such as Francesco di Giorgio Martini and

Taccola. Reti (1974) edited a collection of essays by the leading scholars of his

generation called the Unknown Leonardo

[47], which remains one of the best gen eral surveys of Leonardo's contributions.

All this led to a basic edition of Francesco

di Giorgio by Maltese (1967) [48]; and

subsequent important studies by Prager and Scaglia on Brunelleschi (1970) [49] and Taccola (1972) [50] and a further

study by Saalman (1980) [51], the same

year that Scaglia further explored these

themes in the 20th Lettura Vinciana

(1980) [52]. The work of Graham Hol lister Short (2000) [53] made further contributions in this domain.

Models Leonardo's activities as engineer have

become particularly famous through a

series of models. We noted earlier how

this began with models made in Milan in the 1930s. In 1941, a number of these

models toured America. When these

models were destroyed by bombs, IBM

commissioned Roberto Guatelli [54] to build a new set for the IBM museum

in New York. This was a starting point for later patronage by IBM to create

Veltman, Leonardo da Vinci 383



models for the museums at Vinci (where Leonardo was born) and Amboise (Clos

Luce, where he died) and also for the

National Museum of Science and Tech

In 1987, Jean Guillaume and Paolo Galluzzi organized an exhibition for the

Montreal Museum of Fine Arts, which

combined models with new media [55].

Although open to debate qua details

of interpretation, it was important in

showing how electronic methods could

potentially illustrate historical themes.

Particularly important was an exhibi

tion at the Museum for the History of

Science (Florence) organized by Gal

luzzi (1991), which showed in detail that the Florentine achievements owed

much to the innovations of Siena [56].

While some see this as more a work in

sociological history than in the history of technology proper, it remains a basic

contribution.

Galluzzi's team then turned to look in

greater detail at the Florentine context

from Brunelleschi onwards. Comparisons were made between existing machines,

manuscript drawings and Leonardo's

notebooks. Computer reconstructions

were then made. This became one of

the four examples used for the G7's Pi

lot Project 5: Multimedia Access to World Cultural Heritage (Midrand, 1995), led to exhibitions [57] and is now largely available online [58]. The bravura of

the demos was not always matched by the catalogue, which does not reach

conclusions about the precise position

ing of the crane in building the cupola of the cathedral in Florence. Meanwhile,

the accuracy of some of the reconstruc

tions has since been questioned. Other

models have been made at Vigevano

[59]. Reconstructions of Leonardo's

tank in conjunction with Martin Kemp, Universal Leonardo, Central Saint Mar

tins College of Art and Design, and Uni

versity of the Arts (London) have raised

questions about the practical realities

of Leonardo's drawings [60]. A team

of young engineers connected with the

Museum at Vinci are re-examining the

critical contributions of existing models

and creating new ones. Both will be the

subject of an upcoming volume, Leonardo

e le arti meccaniche.

As a result of such efforts we are in a

position to recognize that the war ma

chines, with which Leonardo is closely associated in the popular mind, were

perhaps the area where he was least

innovative. His contribution lay not so

much in the gadgets as in his new ways of drawing them and his methodical ap

proach to their underlying principles. In

short, his technology looks good, but his

real contributions came in method and

science.

Science Our notions of Leonardo as a scientist

have evolved slowly; they have been and

remain an area of great debates, which

have gone hand in hand with differing schools. Leonardo tells us at one point in his notes that he is an omo sanza kttere.

In the United States, this has frequently been taken literally to mean that he was

illiterate or, as one American scholar put

it, a clever craftsman working in an intel

lectual vacuum. One problem with this

view is that Leonardo had 119 books in his private library by 1494, which was very large by the standards of the day. Cicero,

whose literacy was never in question, had

also said he was sine ingenio, sine litteris.

The desirability of a less literal reading looms.

Meanwhile, in Europe a different

picture emerged. A monumental (745

pages) if slightly chaotic study by Uzielli on Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli (1894) [61] drew attention to a rich combina

tion of mathematics, astronomy, astrol

ogy and philosophy in 15th-century

Italy, especially Florence. In the autumn

of 1903, Pierre Duhem came across a

manuscript of Jordanus Nemorarius, in

which he recognized themes also found

in Leonardo's writings. This led to a

three-volume study of Leonardo's con

text [62] and inspired a new approach to the study of medieval science.

It also inspired a series of important reactions and further studies. Uccelli

(1940) [63] published a major compi lation of Leonardo's work on mechan

ics. Meanwhile, an extreme version

of Duhem's interpretation suggested that Leonardo had copied everything from his medieval predecessors. Alistair

Crombie's work on Grosseteste (1970)

[64] pointed in a parallel direction: that

many of the key ideas of 17th-century sci

ence found in the work of Galileo, Mer

senne and Descartes were already being discussed in Oxford in the 13th century.

In the United States, Marshall Clagett set

out to study in detail what had happened with Archimedes during the medieval

period as a means of addressing these

questions and implied that Leonardo

had added little. Duhem's approach also

had strong critics, notably Garin (1953) [65], Koyr? (1953) [66] and Luporini (1953) [67], themes taken up anew by FabioFrosini (1998) [68].

In the 19th century, much of the his

tory of science in Italy was based on a

general assumption that experimental science did not begin until Galileo, an

idea shared even by major scientists such

as Vasco Ronchi [69], whose work on

both contemporary optics and history of

optics opened new avenues of research.

Clagett's student, David Lindberg, while

critical of Ronchi, followed in this tra

dition, as did Clifford Truesdell (1982) [70]. The fundamental difference in

early modern science, said such scholars, turned on the question of experiments.

The medieval authors were content with

thought experiments. Early modern sci

ence, they claimed, began with physical

experiments, which were repeatable. In

their view, that came after Leonardo.

In the early 1970s, Kenneth D. Keele, then at the Wellcome Institute for the

history of medicine, set out to demon

strate that Leonardo had a scientific

method based on physical experiments in the modern sense. In addition to sev

eral catalogues and his edition of the

Windsor manuscripts, this led to one

major book by Keele (1983) [71] and a further two books by myself, his student

(Veltman 1986, 1994) [72]. Meanwhile, Enzo Macagno, an engineer at the Uni

versity of Iowa, set out to explore in de

tail Leonardo's work on hydraulics. In a

series of over 20 publications he was able

to show that here, also, Leonardo had a

systematic approach in fluid hydraulics

[73]. These insights were among the high

lights of a world conference [74] or

ganized by Nora Bonetti, the editor of

Scientia, and attended by 2,000 persons in the Castello Sforzesco, where Leo

nardo had done his most important

A team of young engineers connected with the Museum at Vinci are re-examining the critical contributions of existing models and creating new ones.




work. The earlier neo-Kantian notion of

artists as scientists (K?nstler als Forscher) of the late 19th century, which inspired romantic visions of creative artist-engi neers envisioning the future, now gave

way to a new image of Leonardo as a man

who worked patiently, methodically and

systematically towards a new vision of the

world. Leonardo had an experimental

approach, whereby he focused on the

idea of four powers of nature (weight,

motion, percussion and force) and stud

ied these in a handful of disciplines, notably anatomy, perspective, optics, as

tronomy, mechanics and hydraulics.

Meanwhile, the writings of Thomas

Kuhn had launched enormous debates

about scientific revolutions. The popular notion that a scientific revolution could

be pinned down to a dramatic event on

a given day or even a specific year shifted

toward an awareness that early modern

science evolved slowly in a series of stages in the course of several centuries. Leo

nardo was now once again one of the

seminal figures linked with the rise of

early modern science, but in a more nu

anced sense. His experiments occurred

in times of great turmoil. He began

things that others would later develop. It was not until the late 16th century that

a new generation of instruments made

possible a synthesis of mechanical, ob

servational (astronomy, surveying), and

mathematical (trigonometry and loga

rithms) sciences. Hence, although Leon

ardo foresaw what was coming, he could

not be a Galileo or Descartes [75]. All this is leading also to a more critical

approach to models of Leonardo's de

vices and inventions. For instance, the

Museum at Vinci, ably led by Romano

Nanni, is gradually transforming their

exhibition spaces. In 2004, they opened two rooms on machines, especially spin

ning and weaving machines. In 2005,

they opened a new room devoted to

Leonardo's optical research. There are

new models, now focusing on his de

tailed scientific method, which combine

physical demonstrations with multime

dia techniques. The young engineers are working on new demonstrations with

respect to flight and water.

One of the interesting developments has been attention to Leonardo's work

in other fields of science. Baratta (1903) [76] drew attention to Leonardo's work

on fossils and geology, a theme taken up anew by Ligabue (1977) [77] and Ste

phen Jay Gould (1998) [78]. Emboden

(1987) [79] examined Leonardo's stud ies in botany. Nanni (2005) [80] recently published on Leonardo and the Dispu tationes pichiane, tracing Leonardo's way

via astrology, in the tradition of Ficino, to early modern science. Leonardo the

craftsman and artist-engineer is now

emerging as Leonardo the early-modern scientist who also had a great impact on

artistic theory and practice.

New Visions In the past decade there have been a

series of developments with respect to

historiography, a lexicon, plans for new

museums and increasing online pres ence.

Historiography A new awareness of Leonardo is slowly

emerging. If the 18th and 19th centuries saw the emergence of myths about Leo

nardo and the 20th century brought a

series of attempts to attack those myths, a

newer generation is exploring how those

myths were formed, in terms of historiog

raphy and reception history. For instance

an exhibition and catalogue by Carlo

Sisi e Roberto Ciardi, Uimmagine di Leo nardo [81], explores these themes, partly

building on approaches introduced by

the Warburg School, in order to re

assess images of the artist-scientist in the

modern age.

Lexicon

Augusto Marinoni, who was a leading fig ure in Leonardo studies of the past gen eration, wrote an important two-volume

work on Leonardo's grammatical and

lexical notes (1944-1952) [82]. Ironi

cally, he was not trained as a linguist. As

editor of many of Leonardo's writings, he gained important insights into Leo

nardo's vocabulary and use of language that have remained unpublished. Now a

lexicon is being developed in the context

of E-Leo, promoted by the Bibliotheca

Leonardiana and financed by Cleio, the

center for linguistics at the University of Florence, which is also the home of

the prestigious Accademia della Crusca.

Paola Manni and Marco Biffi, two mem

bers of the Academy (Cruscanti), are

leading this work. This is fundamental if

we are to achieve a detailed awareness of

how Leonardo fits into Renaissance Ital

ian. There is every reason to believe that

he played a role similar to that of D?rer

for the German language in coining new

technical and scientific terms for the ver

nacular. This is something that can soon

be explored.

New Museums? In the past five years, a new approach to

Leonardo has come from an unexpected

quarter. In Milan, two researchers, Ma

rio Taddei and Edoardo Zanon, joined forces with a media expert, Massimil

iano Lisa, to found a company called

L3 (Leonardo3) [83], which now has its own research center and a team of 20.

They made virtual 3D reconstructions

of machines in the Codice Atl?ntico and

linked these with electronic images of

the manuscript pages. This became an

exhibition (Milan, Tokyo, Chicago and

Wichita) and an electronic book. These

engineers are looking anew at the draw

ings from an engineering point of view

and are coming up with new interpre tations of what the drawings mean. At

some point in the near future, we shall

need a concordance that shows us a given

drawing and then offers us a history of

interpretations. In the longer term, this

needs to be put into the larger context

suggested by the exhibitions in Florence and the work at Vinci.

The work of L3 is awakening new levels

of interest in Leonardo and is important because it is coupled with two visions.

First, there is a renewed vision of a com

plete works at affordable prices, a project envisioned by Keele and myself, but not

possible at the time. L3 is on their way to

making this a reality. For instance, their

book + CD-ROM of the Codex Atlanticus is $29.95, and new codices are coming out

using the same approach?The Codex on

Flight of the Birds appeared in 2007 [84]. The Codex Arundel and the Manuscript B are planned for 2009. A complete new

edition of The Manuscripts of France is

planned. It remains a challenge to en

sure that these honest attempts to make

Leonardo more popular reflect fully the

richness of scholarship of the past cen

turies.

Second, there is a vision of a new mu

A systematic catalogue raisonn?e of everything Leonardo did, with a record of owners over the centuries, has yet to be done.

?ill 11111111




Iseum, which could finally become a fo

cal point for Leonardo studies at a new

level. Indeed, there are plans for three

museums. The main museum would be

in Milan and there would be versions in

the United States (Chicago) and Asia. These museums are to have exhibitions

for tourists and to include spaces for

scholars to study, meet and share ideas, as well as academic courses related to cul

tural heritage and innovative technolo

gies. If it becomes a reality, we could be

on the threshold of new insights into Leonardo's extraordinary worlds.

Electronic Versions In the past decade, major collections

such as the Ambrosiana [85] have shown

a commitment to putting their works on

line. The Queen's Collection at Windsor

[86], which allows one to zoom in on

the wonderful drawings, is particularly

impressive. In France, the Joconde [87]

database of the R?union des Mus?es de

France provides access to 259 items by or

related to Leonardo. While these devel

opments have contributed enormously to our access to and understanding of

Leonardo's art, a systematic catalogue rai

sonn?eofeverything he did, with a record

of owners over the centuries, has yet to

be done. The E-Leo site mentioned ear

lier marks a very important step forward.

A series of new links with the major col

lections and further integration remains

a challenge for the 21st century.

CONCLUSIONS The past century has revealed that Leon

ardo owed much to (a) classical and me

dieval sources, (b) artist-engineers in the

tradition of Brunelleschi and (c) contem

porary artist-engineers such as Francesco

di Giorgio Martini. At the same time, we

have learned two reasons why he stood

out from all these talented individuals,

who were also at the courts of Florence,

Milan and elsewhere. First, Leonardo de

veloped a systematic method in his draw

ing of both the natural and man-made

world. Second, he had a method in his

approach to science. Where his fellow

engineers focused on the what and how

of new machines, gadgets and devices,

Leonardo focused on the underlying me

chanical and physical principles. Accord

ingly, three centuries before Reuleaux's

famous catalogue of kinds of machines, Leonardo had recorded 21 of the 23

kinds that his 19th-century successor

would later identify [88]. Leonardo was

modest but also very conscious of being

special: he explicitly stated that someone

of his level was not likely to come again

for the next five centuries. It is not by accident that the general public remem

bers Leonardo and not the names of his

contemporaries. Over 12,000 publications exist on

Leonardo. We now have a National edi

tion, which includes most of the manu

scripts but at prices beyond the means of

the ordinary public. The E-Leo project

provides us with a first electronic edition

of his writings. An affordable complete edition of his writings and a catalogue raisonn?e of all his drawings and paint

ings are still needed. We have Popham's

Drawings of Leonardo as a Dover Reprint. We need the equivalent of a Dover Re

print of the complete works. There is still

much to learn about this man. The 19th

and early 20th centuries had a general view of Leonardo as a universal man.

The 20th century saw attempts to reduce

him to an artist-engineer or dismiss him

as a clever amateur and then gradually

brought a new awareness of his role in

early modern science and art. Let us

hope that the 21st century will bring us

further in this quest to understand one

of the great men of all times.

Acknowledgments

I am particularly grateful to Dr. Romano Nanni, the Director of the Museum at Vinci, for kindly reading this text and generously pointing to a number of recent developments. I am grateful also to Massimil iano Lisa and the team at L3 for their view of recent

developments.

References and Notes

Unedited references as provided by the author.

1. Bibliograf?a Internationale Leonardiana: <http:// www.bibliotecaleonardiana.it>.

2. Cf. Kim Veltman, Leonardo's Method, Brescia, 1994.

3. "The real Da Vinci code," The Guardian, London, Wednesday August 30, 2006: <http://arts.guardian. co.uk/features/story/0? 1860869,00.html>; Kelley Helmstutler Di Dio, "The chief and perhaps only antiquarian in Spain. Pompeo Leoni and his collec tion in Madrid," Journal of the History of Collections, 2006 18(2):137-167. <http://jhc.oxfordjournals. org/cgi/content/abstract/18/2/137>.

4. Scholars estimate that the known manuscripts may represent only some 40% of what Leonardo actually wrote: The rest is destroyed or still forgotten.

5. The Literary Works of Leonardo da Vinci, Compiled and edited byjean Paul Richter, 3rd Edition by Carlo Pedretti, London: Phaidon, 1969, pp. 108-109. This list was updated in Pedretti's Commentary on the above: London: Phaidon, 1977, pp. 93-97.

6. Ente Raccolta Vinciana: <http://www.comune. milano.it/webcity/documenti.nsf/0/C307BC71D8 6EF049C1256E2E0039E26F?opendocument>.

7. Corbeau 's Biblioteca Corvina de Vincianis has since been given to the University of Lyon: <http:// ca?ame.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/rss.php?lang=fr&geo=16>: "Il ?tait parvenu ? rassembler les manuscrits de L?onard de Vinci pour en faire la reproduction int?grale accompagn?e de la transcription diplo

matique. Cette base pr?sente: -Des ?ditions en fac simil? avec la transcription des carnets manuscrits

dispers?s en France, en Italie et en Angleterre -Des ?ditions diverses des trait?s de L?onard de Vinci, tir?s des manuscrits des transcriptions de toutes les sources de langue europ?enne -Des documents cri

tiques constitu?s par Andr? Corbeau au cours de son travail."

8. Carlo Pedretti, "La raccolta leonardesca d?lia con tessa de B?hague nel Castello di Vinci", in La raccolta leonardesca d?lia contessa de B?hague, Vinci, Castello dei

Conti Guidi, aprile-luglio 1980. -Vinci : Comune di Vinci ; Firenze: Giunti Barbera, cl980. This led to: Leonardo da Vinci. Die Gewandstudien, Mit Texten von Fran?oise Viatte, Carlo Pedretti, Andr? Chastel, Munich: Schirmer, Mosel, 1983.

9. Leonardo e il leonardismo a Napoli: Museo di Capodi monte, 16 novembre-7gennaio. Florence: Giunti, 1983.

Catalogue by Alessandro Vezzosi and Introduction

by Carlo Pedretti.

10. Elmer Belt: <http://www.library.ucla.edu/arts/ collections/belt.htmx

11. Universal Leonardo: <http://www.universal leonardo.org/>.

12. For the program of the precious year see: <www.

renaissance-heritage.net>. Future courses will be an nounced on the site of the Biblioteca Leonardiana.

13. The literary works of Leonardo da Vinci, comp. and ed. from the original manuscripts, byjean Paul Rich ter, London, S. Low, Marston, Searle & Rivington, 1883.

14. Leonardo da Vinci: edizione curata dalla Mostra di Leonardo da Vinci in Milano, Novara: Istituto Ge

ogr?fico de Agostini, 1939, 2 volumes.

15. Frank Z?llner, Leonardo da Vinci, 1452-1519, Cologne, London: Taschen, cl999.

16. Notably: Augusto Marinoni, Anna Maria Brizio, Ladislao Reti, Kenneth D. Keele, Enzo Macagno and soon Carlo Pedretti. Meanwhile, a few scholars

simply continued their work: Nando de Toni, Lud

wig Heydenreich and (later Lord) Kenneth Clark. Art historians (Sir) Ernst Gombrich, Andr? Chastel and Corrado Maltese addressed individual aspects of the work.

17. Edizione Nazionale, Giunti: <http://www. leonardonline.it/progetto-leonardo.html>.

18. Kenneth D. Keele, Anatomical Drawings in the Col lection of Her Majesty the Queen, New York: Harcourt Brace, 1975-1980.

19. E-Leo: <http://www.leonardodigitale.com/ login, htmlx

20. Sigmund Freud, Eine Kindheitserinnerung des Leonardo da Vinci, - Leipzig [u.a.]: Deuticke, 1910 (Schriften zur angewandten Seelenkunde; 7).

21. Wilhelm Suida, Leonardo und sein Kreis, Munich:

Verlag F. Bruckmann A.-G, 1929.

22. Ludwig Goldschneider, Leonardo da Vinci, Lon don: Phaidon Press, 1943.

23. A.E. Popham, The Drawings of Leonardo da Vinci, London: Cape, 1946, made 320 of Leonardo's draw

ings accessible.

24. Leonardo da Vinci. Tutta la pittura di Leonardo, a cura di Costantino Baroni. - Milano: Rizzoli, 1952. (Biblioteca d'arte Rizzoli; 4)

25. Leonardo da Vinci. A catalogue of the drawings of Leonardo da Vinci in the Collection of His Maj esty the King at Windsor Castle / by Kenneth Clark. - Cambridge : At the University Press, 1935.

26. Sergio Escobar, Empio Malara, Barbara Croce, Barbara, Adriana May, Luigi Chilo, Leonardo e le vie

d'acque, Florence: Giunti Barbera, 1983.

27. Luisa Cogliati Ara?o, Leonardo da Vinci, Disegni di Leonardo e d?lia sua cerchia alle Gallerie dell 'Accademia di Venezia. Milan: Arcadia: Electa, 1980. An earlier

catalogue by Heydenreich had explored this field.




28. Leonardo da Vinci, Disegni di Leonardo e d?lia sua cerchia alia Biblioteca Ambrosiana di Milano. Milan: Ar cadia: Electa, 1981. The earliest catalogues go back to 1785: Leonardo da Vinci, Raccolta di disegni incisi da Girolamo Mantelli di Canobio sugli originali esistenti nella Biblioteca Ambrosiana di mano di Leonardo da Vinci e de suoi Scolari lombardi. Milano: [s.n.], 1785.

29. Hans Ost, Leonardo Studien, Berlin: De Gruyter, 1974.

30. Ernst Hans Gombrich, "Le teste grottesche di Leonardo: introduzione all? studio", In Leonardo:

saggi e ricerche. - Roma: Istituto poligrafico dello Stato: Librer?a dello Stato, pp. 541-556, 1954.

31. Johannes Jakob Nathan, "Some drawing practices of Leonardo da Vinci: new light of the St. Anne," In

Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz. - Bd. 36, Heft 1-2, pp. 85-101, 1992.

32. Michael Kwakkelstein, Leonardo da Vinci as a

physiognomist. Theory and Drawing Practice, Leiden: Primavera Press, 1994.

33. John Shearman, Only connect: art and the spectator in the Italian Renaissance, Princeton: Princeton Uni

versity Press, 1992. (The Mellon Lectures in the fine arts; 1988).

34. David Summers, Michelangelo and the Language of Art, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981. Cf.

<http://www.virginia.edu/art/arthistory/faculty/ summers. html>.

35. Pietro C. Marani, Leonardo da Vinci: The Complete Paintings, New York: Abrams, 2003.

36. Leonardo e i leonardeschi a Brera, Milan: Cantini, 1987; Leonardo e i leonardeschi nei musa della Lombar dia, Electa: Milan, 1990. (Guide artistiche Electa).

37. Drawings by Leonardo Da Vinci and His Circle in the American Collections, Giunti Gruppo Editoriale

(March 1993). Cf. Ibid, Studies in the School of Leon ardo da Vinci, Ph.D. Dissertation, Pennsylvania State

University, 1982.

38. David Alan Brown, Andrea Solano, Edizioni Electa

(December 31, 1987)

39. Antonio Natali, "Prime sale: percorso dal Du

gento a Leonardo," Gli Uffizi, Florence: Centro Di, 1993, pp. 88-121.

40. L'officina della maniera: variet? e fierezza nelTarte

florentina fra le due repubbliche (1494-1530): [catalogo della mostra/a cura di Alessandro Cecchi e Antonio Natali], Venice: Marsilio, 1996.

41. Leonardo e il mito di Leda: modelli, memorie e

metamorfosi di un 'invenzione, a cura di Gigetta Dalli

Regoli, Romano Nanni, Antonio Natali. - Cinisello Balsamo (MI): Silvana Editoriale, 2001. (Catalogo della mostra omonima, Vinci, Palazzina Uzielli del Museo Leonardiano, 23 giugno-23 sett. 2001).

42. L?onard de Vinci: dessins et manuscrits, commissaires de l'exposition Fran?oise Viatte, Varena Forcione, Paris: R?union des Mus?es Nationaux, 2003.

43. Leonardo da Vinci master draftsman, edited by Car men C. Bambach, New York: The Metropolitan Mu seum of Art, 2003.

44. Bertrand Gilles, Les ing?nieurs de la Renaissance, Hermann, Paris, 1964.

45. Ladislao Reti, "Leonardo da Vinci nella storia della macchina a vapore," In Rivista di ingegneria.

-

Vol. 6, n. 1 (genn), pp. 27-38, 1956.

46. Ladislao Reti, "Tracce di progetti perduti di

Filippo Brunelleschi nel Codice Atl?ntico di Leon ardo da Vinci": TVLettura Vinciana, Vinci, Biblioteca Leonardiana, 15 aprile 1964. Firenze: Giunti Barbera, 1965. ([Letture vinciane]; 4).

47. The unknown Leonardo, edited by Ladislao Reti; designed by Emil M. B?hrer, London: Hutchinson, 1974; The unknown Leonardo, edited by Ladislao Reti; designed by Emil M. B?hrer. New York: Abradale Press: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1990.

48. Francesco di Giorgio Martini. Trattati di architet tura, ingegneria e arte militare, a cura di Corrado

Maltese; trascrizione di Livia Maltese Degrassi. -

Milano: II polifilo, cl967. - 2 v. (Classici italiani di scienze tecniche e arti/a cura di Renato Borelli e Paolo Portoghesi; vol. 3).

49. Prager, Frank David, Brunelleschi, Cambridge, MA: MIT, 1970.

50. Mariano di Jacopo da Siena, detto II Taccola, Mariano Taccola and his book De ingeneis, Frank D. Prager and Gustina Scaglia [eds.]. -

Cambridge, MA: MIT, cl972.

51. Howard Saalman, Filippo Brunelleschi: The Cu

pola of Santa Maria del Fiore, London: Zwemmer, 1980. (Studies in architecture/edited by Anthony Blunt and John Harris; vol. 20).

52. Giustina Scaglia, Alle origini degli studi tecno

log?a di Leonardo: XX Lettura vinciana, 20 aprile 1980/Gustina Scaglia; [traduzione di Giovanna

Ragionieri; a cura di Alessandro Vezzosi]. -

[Vinci] : Comune di Vinci; Firenze: Giunti Barbera, 1981.

([Letture vinciane]; 20).

53. Graham John Hollister-Short, "Before and after the Newcomen engine of 1712: ideas, Gestalts, prac tice," In Konjunkturen im Europ?ischen Bergbau in vorin dustrieller Zeit: Festschrift f?r Ekkehard Westermann zum 60. Geburtstag, Stuttgart: Steiner, 2000; Graham John Hollister-Short, "The literature relating to Leonardo da Vinci's work on textile machines: a critical review," and "The sector and chain: an historical enquiry," Journal de la Renaissance, Vol. 5 (2007).

54. "Leonardo da Vinci," The Official Campus Grape vine, University of Mary Washington, May /June 2002 Issue: <http://www.umw.edu/archive_mwc/ publications/read/grapevine/Archive/2002/May June02/index.htm>.

55. Paolo Galluzzi, ed. Leonardo da Vinci, Engineer and Architect. Introduction by Carlo Pedretti. Exh. cat, The Montreal Museum of Fine Arts. Montreal, 1987.

56. Paolo Galluzzi, ed. Prima di Leonardo: Cultura d?lie macchine a Siena nel Rinascimento. Exh. cat., Siena, Magazzini del Sale. Milan, 1991.

57. Paolo Galluzzi, Gli ingegneri del Rinascimento da Brunelleschi a Leonardo da Vinci Exh. cat., Florence, Palazzo Strozzi. Florence, 1996.

58. Istituto e Museo di Storia della scienza, Forenze:

<http://brunelleschi.imss.fi.it/ingrin/indice. htmlx

59. Leonardo da Vinci in the territory: the places, the studies and the machines of the genius. Perma

nently on show up at the water Mill of Ludovico il Moro in Vigevano. 30 km from Milano: <http:// www.lacittaideale.org/index_english.htm>.

60. Louise Jury, "Decoded: the Genius of Leonardo da Vinci," The Independent, London, 12 September, 2006: <http://findarticles.eom/p/articles/mi_ qn4158/is_20060912/ai_nl6718264>.

61. La vita e i tempi di Paolo Dal Pozzo Toscanelli/ ricerche e studi di Gustavo Uzielli; con un capitolo (VI) sui lavori astronomici del Toscanelli di Giovanni

Celoria. - Roma: auspice il Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione, 1894 (Roma: Forzani e C. Tipografi del

Senato). (Raccolta di documenti e studi pubblicati dalla R. Commissione Colombiana pel quarto cente nario dalla scoperta deH'America; Pt. 5).

62. Pierre Duhem, Etudes sur Leonard de Vinci. Ceux

qu' il a lus et ceux qui Tont lu, Paris, 1906, 1909 and 1913, 3 vols.

63. Leonardo da Vinci. / libri di meccanica; nella rico struzione ordinata di Arturo Uccelli, preceduti da un'introduzione critica e da un esame d?lie fonti. Milano: Hoepli, 1940.

64. Alistair C. Crombie, Robert Grosseteste and the ori

gins of experimental science, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970.

65. Eugenio Garin, "Il problema d?lie fonti del pen siero di Leonardo." In Atti del Convegno di studi vin ciani indetto dalla Unione regionale d?lie province toscane e dalle universit? diFirenze, Pisa, Siena, 15-18 gennaio 1953. Florence, 1953. pp. 157-172.

66. See for instance: L?onard de Vinci et l'exp?rience scientifique au XVfe si?cle, Paris, 4-7juillet 1952. -Paris: Centre national de la recherche scientifique. Universitaires de France, 1953. (Colloques internationaux du Cen tre national de la recherche scientifique. Sciences humaines).

67. C. Luporini, La Mente di Leonardo, Florence, 1953.

68. Fabio Frosini, "Leonardo da Alberti a Bacone (e oltre) ": In Tutte le opere non son per istancarmi. - Roma: Edizioni associate, 1998, pp. 145-158.

69. In the two-volume book on Leonardo (1939) sponsored by Mussolini, Domenico Argentieri wrote on the "L'ottica di Leonardo" (pp. 405-436), wherein he claimed that Leonardo might have had the makings of a telescope. Argentieri was Director of the National Institute of Optics. His successor was Vasco Ronchi, whose important Storia della luce (Bo logna, 1939) raised important questions about the

history of optics but continued to assume that Gali leo was the first to use telescopes. Ronchi explored Leonardo's contributions generally in: Leonardo nella scienza e nella t?cnica: atti del Simposio internazionale di storia della scienza: Firenze-Vinci, 23-26giugno 1969, [a cura di Vasco Ronchi]

- Firenze - [1975].

70. Clifford A. Truesdell. "Fundamental mechanics in the Madrid Codices," In: Leonardo e Vet? della ra

gione. Milan: Scientia, 1982, pp. 309-324.

71. Kenneth David Keele, Leonardo da Vinci's elements

of the science of man, New York [etc.] : Academic Press, 1983. Cf. Ibid, Leonardo da Vinci and the art of sci ence, Hove: Priory Press, 1977.

72. Kim H. Veltman, Linear perspective and the visual dimension of science and art; in collaboration with Kenneth D. Keele. M?nchen: Deutscher Kunstverlag, [1986]. (Studies on Leonardo da Vinci; 1). The 1992 publi cation is cited in note 2 above.

73. For a bibliography of Enzo Macagno see: <http:// www.wolfson.ox.ac.uk/~mhl/index33.html>.

74. Carla Bonetti, ed., Leonardo e L'eta della ragione, Milan, 1981.

75. This new approach to Leonardo is not univer

sally accepted. For instance, Zwijnenberg (1999) explored Leonardo's writings and drawings in rela tion to early modern thought and sees the chaos of his notes as a source of creativity. Robert Zwijnen berg, The writings and drawings of Leonardo da Vinci: order and chaos in early modern thought, translated by Caroline A. van Eck, New York (N.Y.): Cambridge University Press, 1999.

76. Mario Baratta, Leonardo da Vinci ed iproblemi della Terra, Turin: Bocea, 1903. (Biblioteca vinciana; 1).

77. Giancarlo Ligabue, Leonardo da Vinci e i fossili, pref. Jean-Pierre Lehman, Vicenza: Neri Pozza.

78. Stephen Jay Gould, Leonardo's mountain of clams and the diet of worms: essays on natural history, New York: Three Rivers Press, 1998.

79. William A. Emboden, Leonardo da Vinci on plants and gardens, foreword by Carlo Pedretti. - Portland (Or.): Dioscorides Press in cooperation with The

Armand Hammer Center for Leonardo Studies at UCLA, 1987. This built on an article by the same author in 1973.

80. Romano Nanni, "Le ?disputationes? pichiane sull'astrologia e Leonardo. In: Leonardo e Pico: analo

gie, contatti, confronti: atti del convegno di Mir?ndola, 10 maggio 2003/3. cura di Fabio Frosini. - Firenze:

Olschki, pp. 53-98, 2005. This was presented in De cember 2005 at the Palazzo Vecchio and is part of a book on Pico and Leonardo with significant contri butions by Toussaint e Frosoni.

81. L'immagine di Leonardo: testimonianze figurative dal

Ill ?III li




XVI al XIX sec?lo, a cura di Roberto Paolo Ciardi e Cario Sisi. Florence: Giunti; Vinci: Comune di Vinci, 1997.

82. Augusto Marinoni, Gli appunti grammaticali e les sicali di Leonardo da Vinci, Milan: Castello Sforzesco, 1944-1952. 2 v.

83. L3: <http://www.leonardo3.net/leonardo/ home.htmx

84. Leonardo3 Store: http://www.leonardo3.net/ leonardo/store_eng.htm

85. Ambrosiana: <http://www.ambrosiana.it/ ita/ca_sfoglia.asp>; <http://www.italnet.nd.edu/ ambrosiana/ita/cercare.html>.

86. Royal Collection, Windsor: <http://www.royal collection, org.uk/eGallery/maker.asp?maker= LEONARDO>.

87. Joconde: <http://www.culture.gouv.fr/public/ mistral/joconde_fr>.

88. This was discussed in the Unknown Leonardo, ed. Ladislao Reti (London: Hutchinson, 1974), and is now the subject of a new book Francis C. Moon, The Machines of Leonardo Da Vinci and Franz Reuleaux: Ki nematics of Machines from the Renaissance to the 20th

Century, Berlin: Springer Netherland, 2007.

Manuscript received 18 March 2007.

CALL FOR PAPERS

Lovely Weather: Artists and Scientists on the

Cultural Context of Climate Change

Leonardo Special Section Editorial Committee: Julien Knebusch,

Ramon Guardans, Annick Bureaud, John Cunningham, Andrea Polli, Janine Anderson, Jacques Mandelbrojt

Leonardo seeks to document the ways in which artists and scientists are addressing climate change in a cultural

context. As contemporary culture grapples with this critical global issue, this 3-year project will document

cross-disciplinary explorations by artists, scientists and engineers, working alone or in teams, addressing

themes related to global warming and climate change.

Partial list of Leonardo articles and projects concerned with global warming, climate change and related issues:

George Gessert, "Gathered from Coinci

dence: Reflections on Art in a Time of

Global Warming," Leonardo 40, No. 3, 231

-236 (2007).

Julien Knebusch, "Art & Climate Change," Web project of the French Leonardo

group Leonardo/Olats (l'Observatoire Leonardo pour les Arts et les Techno

Sciences) , <http://www.olats.org/fcm/

artclimat/artclimat_eng.php>.

Julien Knebusch, "The Perception of Cli mate Change," Leonardo 40, No. 2 (2007)

p. 113.

Andrea Polli, "Atmospherics/Weather Works: A Spatialized Meteorological Data Sonification Project," Leonardo 38, No. 1,

31-36(2005).

Andrea Polli, "Heat and the Heartbeat of the

City: Sonifying Data Describing Climate

Change," Leonardo Music fournal 16 (2006)

pp. 44-45.

Andrea Polli and Joe Gilmore, "N.

April 16, 2006; LMJ16 CD Contributor's

Note, Leonardo Music Journal 16 (2006),

pp. 71-72.

Janine Randerson, "Between Reason and Sensation: Antipodean Artists and Climate

Change," Leonardo 40, No. 5 (2007).

Ruth Wallen, "Of Story and Place: Com

municating Ecological Principles through Art," Leonardo 36, No. 3, 179-185 (2003).

Angelo Stagno and Andrea van der

Straeten, "0-24 Licht: A Project Combining Art and Applied Research," Leonardo 40, No. 5 (2007).

We welcome manuscripts and Gallery proposals. Please send inquiries to <[email protected]>.




Documents

Leonardo da Vinci: A Review