Lapa: a gentrifying neighborhood? · Lapa: a gentrifying neighborhood? Mayra Mosciaro Niterói, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. [email protected] Abstract: This paper is the product of

1 5 t h IN T E R N A T IO N AL PL AN N IN G H I STO R Y SO C I E T Y

C O N FE R E N C E

Lapa: a gentrifying neighborhood?

Mayra Mosciaro

Niterói, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.

[email protected]

Abstract: This paper is the product of my Masters Degree dissertation and

aims to produce an appreciation of the ongoing process in Lapa, Rio de

Janeiro. Many fields of study have been working with this portion of the

city. As a geographer our intention is to comprehend the changes this

“neighborhood”has been facing through the concept of gentrification.

We tend to build our analysis in three directions – cultural, populational

and land market value – because we believe that the conjunction of such

spheres might allow us to begin our understanding of the changes this

area has been facing.

First considerations

This paper is the product of a three years research about the area

of Lapa, in downtown Rio, and the changes it has been suffering. The basis

of this work started as an analysis of the recent changes in the built

environment, such as: the emergence of commercial and institutional

skyscrapers, but more surprisingly, the presence of new luxurious

residential buildings.

In order to understand the process we are going to rely in the

concept of gentrification. Commonly readers tend to associate

gentrification with cities from western-Europe and the United States.

However, over the last decades scholars have presented new urban

contexts that have been dealing with similar processes, and we believe that

the changes in Lapa can be read through such concept.

Gentrification has mutated over time, so that it now includes not just traditional,

classic gentrification in the vein of Ruth Glass’s definition (1964). […] As a result we

seem to be moving towards a broader and more open definition of

C i t i es , n a t i on s and r eg i on s i n p l an n i ng h i s t or y

‘gentrification’, one able to incorporate the more recent mutations of the process

into its fold. […] Clark (2005) “Gentrification is a process involving change in the

population of land-users such that the new users are of higher socio-economic

status that the previous users, together with an associated change in the built

environment through reinvestment in fixed capital” (LEES et al. 2008, p. 159-160).

In order to study the possible "carioca1 case of gentrification" we

decided to work with this broader and more flexible definition of the

process2, since the conditions for the development of our case study are

completely different from London in the 1960s or New York City in the 80s

and 90s.

The area of Lapa has always been present in the history of Rio de

Janeiro. Even though here is not the most appropriate local to give a

historical background of Lapa some data must be presented so that the

reader can perceive the nuances of this space. Frequently, cariocas and

tourists refer to Lapa as "bairro da Lapa" - neighborhood of Lapa - however

the area is not recognized by the municipality as a formal neighborhood in

the city. It is actually a part of Centro, downtown.

Since it is not formally defined as a neighborhood, there are no

formal limits to this area. In this paper and in previous ones (MOSCIARO,

2009; 2012) we worked with the perimeter produced by the neighborhood

association – AMALAPA.

1 Carioca is the name given to the native population of Rio de Janeiro 2 For further debates regarding gentrification and the construction of the concept, we suggest: Gentrification (LEES et al. 2008; Gentrification in a Global Context (ATKINSON and BRIDGE 2005). The new urban frontier: gentrification and the revanchist city (SMITH, 1996).


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Picture 1: The city of Rio de Janeiro, zoom in the neighborhood of Centro (IPP,

2009).

Picture 2: Limits of Lapa, source AMALAPA (MOSCIARO, 2012).


Lapa over time

This part of the downtown area has suffered many periods of ups

and downs, since the 18th century. At that time Lapa was a flooded part of

the city surrounded by a Lagoon. Some improvements were made around

that time, like the embankment of the Boqueirão Lagoon and the

construction of “Passeio Público”, the first urbanized area in Brazil, in

1783.

Some changes happened over the 19th century, especially because

of the arrival of the Portuguese Royal family, and the necessity to expand

the city. But the downtown area of Rio was really changed in the first

decade of the1900s. At that time the political speech was that Rio had to

be prepared for the new century and massive urban changes and

investments had to be done.

The renewals and embellishments occurred in many areas, but

downtown was the most affected. This period is known as “Reforma

Pereira Passos”- Renovation Pereira Passos - , in honor of the mayor at

the time. New streets were built, older ones were broaden, new squares

were created, popular housing units were destroyed. During this moment,

Lapa, that had become a refuge for lower income people, was “attacked”

for the first time. But despite the partial destruction, Lapa kept part of its

population and unique spirit. This portion of the city was, and continues to

be, known as a bohemian part of town. During the first half of the 20th

century Lapa was the place where everybody met – artists, poets,

musicians… But in the 40s the first Brazilian dictatorship focused on

disorganizing the “unhealthy” lifestyle that Lapa preached.

If we were to map the moments of rise and fall of the area, the

period of Estado Novo dictatorship (1937- 1945) would be one of the most

outstanding moments. Not because it helped the area, but because it was

the beginning of the decay, that would take decades to be reversed. Lapa

kept its identity as an avant- guard neighborhood but the middle classes

were drawn away to other parts of the city and the central area was left for

the poorest members of our society.


C O N FE R E N C E

Only in the 1980s, projects were created in order to revitalize the

area. A project called “Corredor Cultural” selected four areas of interest,

in downtown, to reinvest and preserve. One of the selected portions

included “bairro da Lapa”, as we can see in the pictures below.


Picture 3: The limits of Corredor Cultural in Lapa (Como recuperar,

reformar ou construir seu imóvel no Corredor Cultural, 2002)


C O N FE R E N C E

Another initiative in the area that contributed a lot to the

revitalization and re-atraction of middle class population was the

transference of Circo Voador3 from Ipanema beach. The municipality

offered the leaders of “Circo”a permanent space so they could raise their

tent indefinitely. The group also adopted the space of a former iron

foundry that had been abandoned for many years and was in the process

of demolition. Considering its historical value the young group that led

“Circo Voador” also created “Fundição Progresso”.

These two institutions became the symbol of the new phase of

Lapa. Other places should also be mentioned such as, Sala Cecilia Meireles,

Asa Branca, Faculdade de Música da UFRJ...The revitalization of Lapa was

built on its special personality, derived from its past. When we analyze the

process in its first moments it is clear that it was based on new and more

sophisticated commercial activities being attracted to the area.

However, contrasting with other segments of downtown Rio, Lapa

has always been residential. The social status of the tenants has changed

over the years, initially the inhabitants were part of a wealthy group, but

over time, with the expansion of the city and the creation of newer and

"cooler" neighborhoods, like Copacabana, Lapa became the redoubt of less

fortunate citizens.

The modernist mentality of urban planning also did not help to maintain

the vitality in central residential neighborhood, and in Rio it was not

different. In 1976 a municipal act banished the residential use in the central

area, making it impossible for new projects to develop. Such law was only

revoked in 1996, but by then the idea of living in Centro was not very

popular among middle class cariocas.

3 Circo Voador was an initiative created in the summer of 1982 in Ipanema beach that worked as an arena for concerts and presentations. The stage of Circo gave the chance of many new bands to appear and become Brazilian icons. Until today Circo Voador is a reference in the alternative rock scenario in in Rio, and houses many national and international concerts and events.


Residential options in Lapa

After 1996 a new act called “Lei do Centro” (2 236/ 94) made it

possible again to live in downtown Rio de Janeiro. This new law not only

allowed people to reside in the area, but also encouraged new residential

developments to be built and the remodeling of older units.

The remodeling occurred frequently over the past years. Some

units remained residential but others were transformed into bars, pubs,

show houses and offices. The boom that Lapa suffered in the end of the

90s and beginning of the year 2000 attracted a lot of new people and uses

to the area.

But the biggest milestone to the redevelopment of “bairro da

Lapa”and the symbol of a possible gentrification process was the

construction of “Condomínio Cores da Lapa”. This is a complex of six

buildings, 12 thousand squared meters, in the heart of Lapa. The

infrastructure around the new development resembles the new residential

condos of Barra da Tijuca4, and it is completely detached from the

surrounding landscape. In a smaller scale another building suffered a

retrofit process in order to attract new people, this development was

named “Viva Lapa”.

4 Barra da Tijuca is the new frontier of expansion in Rio de Janeiro. Most of the residential developments targeted to the middle classes are organized in condos. This condos offer everything the tenant might need, from supermarkets and schools to gym centers and cinemas. This are basically gated communities from where there is no need to leave, no need to have contact with the external world. And that is very similar to the model of “Cores da Lapa”, the condominium has many amenities, such as: playgrounds, pools, gym, restaurant, ateliers…


C O N FE R E N C E

The most amazing fact about “Cores da Lapa” is that all its 688

units were sold in less than two hours. And since then the price of the units

has increased about XYZ%. “Viva a Lapa”was also a big sales hit and

because of the smaller number of units it is very difficult to find an

apartment to rent in this building.

Considering everything that was occurring in Lapa, and taking into

consideration some researches regarding gentrification abroad the

Picture 4 Entrance and inside Cores da Lapa (MOSCIARO, 2009)

Picture 5 Entrance and sign of Viva Lapa (MOSCIARO, 2009).


association seems very clear. However, further research is necessary in

order to confirm the occurrence of a gentrification process in this part of

the city.

Analyzing the process in Lapa

In order to understand what is happening in Lapa and to classify it,

or not, as gentrification we chose to work with the methodology suggested

by Mattias Bernt and Andrej Holm (in ATKINSON and BRIDGE, 2005, p. 106)

to study the gentrification process in Prenzlberg, Berlin.

[...] First, that, if gentrification is understood as a reinvestment process (Neil Smith

1996), a verifiable rise ought to occur in investments in dilapidated housing stock.

These investments would have to be spatially concentrated and lead to an increase

in the local property market and/ or in rental prices. Second, regarding population

changes, new household types with a higher social status (particularly in terms of

income and formal qualifications) compared to the previous inhabitants […] [A] shift

in cultural discourses about the affected neighborhood ought to occur, which in the

meantime would be likely to acquire a reputation as being ‘chic’, trendy or locus

of cultural activity more generally (Zukin, 1991). This change in values would be likely

to result in a new infrastructure of lifestyle restaurants, boutiques and delicatessens

(BERNT and HOLM in ATKINSON and BRIDGE, 2005, p. 110).

It is believed that these authors were able to mix both sides of

gentrification studies, the socially oriented and the economically oriented

theories. During the beginning of the gentrification analysis, academics

tended to see these perspectives as excluding, the researcher had to “pick

a side” and develop his/her study based in only one. But today it is agreed

that any research about this topic should be able to extract the best of

each of these lines of thought into a coherent work. That is why the three

categories chosen by BERNT and HOLM to understand the Berliner case

seem complete and possible to be adapted into our reading and

understanding of the carioca case of gentrification.


C O N FE R E N C E

It has been argued that both the social restructuring thesis associated with Ley and

the rent gap thesis advanced by Smith are partial attempts to explain gentrification.

Ley's approach focused on changes in the social and spatial division of labor,

changes in occupational structure, the creation of cultural and environmental

demands and their transmission into the housing market via the greater purchasing

power of the new class. He largely took for granted the existence of potential areas

suitable for gentrification and saw the process primarily in terms of housing market

demand. Smith on the other hand focused on the production of gentrifiable housing

through the mechanism of the rent gap. He took for granted the existence of a

supply of potential gentrifiers and ignored the question of why a segment of the

new class opted to locate in the inner city (Hamnett, p. 185, 1991).

Land Value in Lapa

As mentioned previously, since Lapa is not a neighborhood in the

city, all the information regarding land value is associated to Centro, the

area which Lapa belongs to. So, the data presented in this segment is

related to a bigger sector than simply Lapa. However, no other area in

Centro is facing such visible changes regarding residential patterns. This

analysis is related to Neil Smith`s theories about the rent gap. The rent gap

is the disparity between the potential ground rent level and the actual

ground rent capitalized under the present land use (SMITH, 1996, p. 67).

But LEES et al. (2008, p. 59) argues that,

Unfortunately, the rent gap involves concepts that are extremely hard to measure:

nothing close to the phenomenon of capitalized ground rent appears in any public

database or accounting ledger. To measure the rent gap properly, a researcher has

to construct specialized indicators after sifting through decades of land records and

becoming familiar with the details of historical marketing conditions, neighborhood

settings, tax assessment practices, the provisions of government subsidies, and other

factors. It’s not very surprising that few researchers have invested the time and

effort.

In our approach, in order to measure a possible growth in the

prices of housing units we analyzed the data released by SECOVI –


Sindicato das empresas de compra, venda e administração de imóveis do

Rio de Janeiro– weekly published in the newspaper O Globo. According to

this source some units in Centro have shown a valorization of over 600%

over the last 10 years.

Average price of housing units in Centro – selling values.

jul/00 dez/00 jul/05 dez/05 jul/11 dez/11

1

bedroom R$ 38.923,00 R$ 40.833,00 R$ 62.952,00 R$ 59.469,00 R$ 206.000,00 R$ 246.911,00

2

bedrooms R$ 58.000,00 R$ 44.000,00 R$ 96.992,00 R$ 88.090,00 R$ 300.302,00 R$ 367.147,00

3

bedrooms R$ 88.000,00 R$ 79.750,00 R$ 121.192,00 R$ 124.380,00 **** R$ 357.789,00

MOSCIARO, 2012

Average rent in housing units in Centro

jul/00 dez/00 jul/05 dez/05 jul/11 dez/11

1 Bedroom R$ 287,00 R$ 310,00 R$ 422,00 R$ 433,00 R$ 695,00 R$ 1.019,00

2 Bedrooms R$ 389,00 R$ 409,00 R$ 534,00 R$ 508,00 R$ 896,00 R$ 1.350,00

3 Bedrooms R$ 440,00 R$ 553,00 R$ 599,00 R$ 622,00 *** ***

MOSCIARO, 2012

It is possible to infer from these charts that one basic symptom of

gentrification is evident in Centro, possibly in Lapa. The values regarding

buying and renting units have increased a lot over the past years, which

might mean that old tenants could be being displaced from the area. We

cannot affirm that this is really happening but the numbers serve as a hint

to a possible tendency.

Populational changes

The second approach regarding gentrification studies can be

represented by David Ley`s works.


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Job growth (in) the white-collar complex of downtown head offices, producer

services, and indirectly, (in) public institutions and agencies in... nodal centers... leads

to the “production” of professional managers and other quaternary employees

working downtown, who then provide the demand base for housing re-investment

in the inner city... this population as it gives political and economic expression to its

own predilection to urban amenity, will restructure the built environment and

accelerate the gentrification process (Ley, apud Hamnett, 1991, p. 177).

We built our analysis of the social and cultural changes in the area

on data released by the Brazilian census5, organized by IBGE – Instituto

Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatistica – every ten years. Considering that the

process in Lapa began around the 1980s and has reached its peak between

2000 and 2010, we focused our research in the last three census, 1990,

2000 and 2010, in order to observe possible changes regarding: number of

tenants per unit, salary and years of study6.

The number of tenants per unit is not the most important variable

we can consider when studying this topic. But it seemed interesting to

observe if the Brazilian gentrifiers have a similar family organization as

mentioned in foreigner studies. The DINK – double income no kids – profile

is very common in gentrifiers around the world, but based on the data

extracted from IBGE we can see that Lapa does not follow the same

pattern, even though we can observe a decrease in the values if we

compare 1990 and 2010.

Average number of residents per unit

Cod_setor7 1991 2000 2010

330455705070022 2,99 2,29 1,91

330455705070026 2,54 2,56 2,18

330455705070027 2,86 2,02 1,93

5 The census provides its information in a unique scale, setores censitários, that allows researchers to focus on specific areas. To study a location like Lapa this is the best source, but the newest census (2010) has not released information in this scale yet. 6 Some of this information regarding the 2010 Census has not yet been released to the public, so some data will be missing or will have to be adapted in order to conclude our study. 7 Definitions of these codes can be found in the annex I.


330455705070028 2,89 2,18 2,07

330455705070032 2,56 1,90 1,77

330455705070033 3,34 2,24 2,04

330455705070034 3,53 2,33 1,99

330455705070035 4,32 3,21 2,72

330455705070036 3,53 2,12 1,98

330455705070041 2,86 2,20 1,96

330455705070042 3,22 2,61 2,25

330455705070045 3,35 2,48 1,91

330455705070046 3,49 2,31 2,01

330455705070047 3,50 2,20 1,88

330455705070048 3,35 2,19 2,00

MOSCIARO, 2012

As we can see the average number never reaches 1,00, but it also

never goes over 2,2 people per residential unit. If we compare the numbers

in the area of Lapa with the city of Rio (2,9) we can see a significant

difference, which leads us to believe that we might be experiencing a new

household structure in this part of the city.

The analysis of financial information in this area became very

difficult because of two methodological setbacks. First of all, in the 1990

census the Brazilian currency was Cruzeiro, and in 2000 the currency had

already been changed to Real. Because of inflation, devaluation and other

economic issues it becomes hard to compare both currencies.

Also, in the most recent census the data regarding education and

finances were not yet released in the scale of “setores censitários”which

make it difficult to analyze the situation with the accuracy we intended. But

once again, instead, we are going to work with information about the

entire downtown neighborhood, Centro.

According to the last census the average per-capita income was

around R$ 2.819,99, and in the previous survey it was R$ 1419, 97. It is a

significant increase and it could indicate the arrival of a more wealthy class

in Centro. If we consider the entire city of Rio, in which the average is


C O N FE R E N C E

1.434,00, the numbers related to Centro seem very interesting and it could

mean that the gentrifiers are beginning to be felt on the statistics.

In terms of education, the area of Centro has been showing

significant changes in the category “last educational degree obtained”.

As it can be observed in the chart below the number of undergraduate and

post-graduates has increased significantly over the past three decades. This

could be the sign of a change in the residents’ characteristic, typical in

gentrifying neighborhoods, in which more educated professionals flood

the areas previously populated by the working class.

Level of education

Sem instrução ou

fundamental

completo

(No instruction or

concluded elementary

school)

Médio completo

e superior

incompleto

(High-school or

unfinished

undergratuation)

Superior

completo

(Undergraduated)

mestrado ou

doutorado

(Masters or PhD.)

2010 14.927 11.248 7.250 373

2000 12.974 9.670 5.031 244

1991 19.032 7.915 5.770 102

MOSCIARO, 2012.

Cultural perspectives of Lapa

In the 1980s the modernist discourse was progressively replaced

by something labeled as “post modernism”. This new perspective

believes in cultural differences, identity, mixed uses, the value of history

and culture etc. Here is not the place to engage a debate about both of

these perspectives. However, it is necessary to mention that a lot of what

we have been seeing in Lapa is deeply related to both discourses.

Since the beginning of this renewal process around the 80s the

mentality of carioca politicians seemed to be changing, since Pereira

Passos’ modernistic view in the 20th century. What was left of Lapa


became a jewel to be preserved and revitalized. Many projects emerged to

help reestablish the area in the city’s cultural scenario, such as: Corredor

da Lapa, Distrito Cultural da Lapa, Quadra da Cultura and Lapa Legal.

Because of its rich past Lapa is the perfect place in the city to be

revitalized through historical and cultural speeches. According to SÁNCHES

(1997) the process of “espetacularização das cidades” – cities as

spectacle - becomes easier and more marketable when the area in question

is fulfilled with historical symbols. As we can see, the map below highlights

some significant places in the region of Lapa. For a more complete analysis

of initiatives that have been happening in Lapa search for VAZ (2009).

Picture 3 Some of the projects that stimulated the rebirth of Lapa

MOSCIARO, 2012.


C O N FE R E N C E

After only one visit to Lapa you can see that it is a very particular

place and that all the propaganda around it has made it a very popular

spot for Brazilians and foreigners that visit the city. In Lapa you can find,

side by side, samba, hip hop, forró and country music houses; German,

Japanese, Brazilian restaurants, etc.

As GUTERMAN (2010) presented, nowadays we are facing a

moment which we can call the creation and consolidation of the “Brand

Lapa”. The popularization of this area, because of its cultural and social

value, is unquestionable. What is observed today is singular, and cannot be

found in any other place in Rio de Janeiro.

Picture 4 Important landmarks in the area

1- Arcos da Lapa; 2- Circo Voador e Fundição Progresso; 3- Sala Cecília Meireles; 4-

Museu da Imagem e do Som (MIS); 5- Centro de Teatro do Opimido; 6- Clube dos

Democráticos; 7- Lampadário; 8- CIEP; 9- Escadaria Selarón; 10- Igreja de Nossa

Senhora da Lapa do Desterro; 11- Carioca da Gema; 12- Rio Scenário; 13- Escola de

Música da UFRJ.

Fonte: MOSCIARO, 2012.


Regarding gentrification in Lapa

Along this research we intended to understand if what we are

observing in the streets of Lapa can be considered a gentrification case. We

comprehend that gentrification processes throughout the world possess

specific characteristics and peculiarities. And we tried to present some data

that could help us to label this process in our area of study.

Along the first part of this research we showed how the space of

Lapa was formed over time. For objective reasons it did not seem necessary

to deepen in the history of the area. However, we suggest further readings

regarding the topic, because of its richness and importance in

understanding the contemporary situation of the region.

But for now, the most relevant data we can extract from the

historical view of the “neighborhood” is that it has suffered many diverse

moments and it has attracted many different lifestyles. Because of that we

can identify periods of luxury and wealth, but also poverty and neglect.

These cycles have profoundly scared the landscape and the imaginary of

Lapa. Maybe what we are observing today is just another cycle that keeps

affecting this area over the centuries. But we should wait a few more years

to draw any definitive conclusion about this phenomenon.

As previously mentioned, in spite of all the problems, Lapa has

always kept its residential personality coexisting side by side with the

bohemian lifestyle. But new residential developments and the renewal of

previous units are changing the landscape and the tenant population in

this portion of Centro. This could be a sign of an undergoing gentrification

process.

At first we intended to understand the process through interviews

and visits to the area. However, by observing other studies in the field, we

realized that we needed a bigger universe of respondents and a more

reliable source for such data. Because of that we focused our research in

the IBGE census and in the statistics from SECOVI. The visits to the area and

chats with inhabitants, workers and visitors were a permanent part of our

work, even though it is not formally presented here.


C O N FE R E N C E

Based on the information gathered according to the three

perspectives presented by Bernt and Holm (2005) – populational changes,

cultural activity and land value – we could draw some preliminary

conclusions about the reality in Lapa. As presented before, downtown Rio

has been suffering a significant process of land valorization in residential

units. We could only suppose that the portion of Lapa represents a big

share of such reality.

The inauguration of “Cores da Lapa” represented the biggest

investment made to the area, regarding residential units, in over fifty years.

This condominium firstly envisioned for lower-middle class residents had

its tenant population rapidly changed. With the rapid increase in price of

the units the first buyers were stimulated to sell their property to higher

income residents. Such information was obtained through a conversation8

with a broker that worked exclusively in Cores da Lapa. According to an

interview published in O Globo, a maior procura hoje é pelo dois-quartos,

que sai a uns R$ 230 mil. No lançamento, o valor ia de R$ 105 mil a R$ 130

mil. Estou certo de que até dezembro [2009], o valor médio será de R$ 260

mil .9

In order to analyze a possible populational change in the area we

chose three variables to sustain our theory, they were: household income

per capita, number of residents per unit and higher educational degree

obtained. A significant alteration in these numbers could mean the rise of a

gentrifying population. Based on the figures obtained we can state that the

residents in the area have been showing a different pattern in the last

census.

The household earning has almost doubled in the Centro, and

once again, we believe that Lapa is the biggest contributor to such

situation. Connected to the rise in income we can observe an expressive

number of residents with master and PhD degrees residing in the area,

8 This information was obtained in a field visit to Cores da Lapa, in October 20th 2009. 9 The biggest demand today is for the two-bedrooms, that is R$ 230.000,00.

During the launch the price was between 105.000 and 130.000,00. I am sure that by December [2009] the average price will be 260.000,00.


which shows us an increase in the years of schooling of such citizens.

Moreover, the reduction in the number of tenants per unit is also a typical

sign of gentrifying contexts. And this type of familiar rearrangement is also

present in this region.

The last observation that must be done is the fact that cultural

initiatives have adopted Lapa as their reference location. Most of the

revitalization speeches in Rio at the moment converge to this

“neighborhood” and its adjacent localities, which is a sign of the rebirth

of the area for cultural purposes.

Based on the analysis presented we believe that it is possible to

consider what we are observing in the region as a possible case of

gentrification. It is still very early in the development of this process to

state its basic characteristics and future developments. However, it is

important that we maintain a close proximity to such phenomenon, which

could be the first in the city of Rio de Janeiro.


C O N FE R E N C E

Bibliography

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City. New York and London: Routledge, 1996.

VAZ, Lilian F. e SILVEIRA, Carmem, B. A área central do Rio de Janeiro:

percepções e intervenções – uma visão sintética no decorrer do século XX.

Cadernos IPPUR/ UFRJ, Ano VIII, nº 2/3, Set/ Dez, 1994.

1 5 t h IN TE R N AT IO N A L PL AN N IN G H I STO R Y SO C IE TY C O N F E R E N C E

Annex I:

Description of the “setores censitários”produced by IBGE

330455705070022 CRUZAMENTO DA "RUA CONDE LAGES" COM A "RUA TAYLOR".

330455705070026 CRUZAMENTO DO "AQUEDUTO DA CARIOCA" ("ARCO DA LAPA") COM A "AVENIDA MEM DE SA".

330455705070027 ENCONTRO DO "LAVRADIO" COM A "RUA DOS ARCOS".

330455705070028 CRUZAMENTO DA "PRACA JOAO PESSOA" COM A "AVENIDA MEM DE SA".

330455705070032 PREDIO NUMERO 788 (INCLUSIVE) DA "AVENIDA GOMES FREIRE"

330455705070033 CRUZAMENTO DA "RUA RIACHUELO" (EXCLUSIVE) COM A "RUA DOS INVALIDOS".

330455705070034 CRUZAMENTO DA "AVENIDA MEM DE SA" COM A "RUA DO REZENDE".

330455705070035 CRUZAMENTO DA "AVENIDA GOMES FREIRE" COM A "RUA DA RELACAO".

330455705070036 ENCONTRO DA "RUA DOS INVALIDOS" COM A "RUA DA RELACAO".

330455705070041 CRUZAMENTO DA "AVENIDA HENRIQUE VALADARES" (EXCLUSIVE) COM A "RUA DOS INVALIDOS".

330455705070042 "RUA DOS INVALIDOS" PREDIOS NUMERO 138-A E 138-B DA "RUA DOS INVALIDOS"

330455705070045 CRUZAMENTO DA "RUA DO REZENDE" (EXCLUSIVE) COM A "RUA DOS INVALIDOS".

330455705070046 "PREDIO NUMERO 119" (INCLUSIVE) DA "RUA RIACHUELO".

330455705070047 "PREDIO NUMERO 147" (INCLUSIVE) DA "RUA RIACHUELO".

330455705070048 ENCONTRO DA "RUA DOS INVALIDOS" (EXCLUSIVE) COM A "RUA RIACHUELO".

www.ibge.gov.br

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