INSTITUTE OF EDUCATION

UNIVERSITY OF LONDON

PSYCHOLOGY AND HUMAN DEVELOPMENT DEPARTMENT

MA/MSc IN PSYCHOLOGY OF EDUCATION

Investigating the Relationship between Motivation and Future Aspirations

and a Young Person's Perceptions of Social Connectedness.

By

Camilla Williams

(Word Count – 19,568)

A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirement for the

MA/MSc degree in Psychology of Education

September 2009

“This report/dissertation may be made available to the general public for

borrowing, photocopying or consultation without the prior consent of the

author.”

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i

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Many thanks and my infinite gratitude

To my amazing Mum and Dad for their unwavering love, support and

encouragement, without them none of this would have been possible, and

everything I do, I do to make them proud.

*

To my wonderful boyfriend, Moritz; not only is he a constant source of intellectual

inspiration to me, he is also very good at cheering me up!

*

To Dr. Jane Hurry, Lecturer in Research Methods at the Institute of Education,

University of London, for her patience (which was nothing short of saintly), her

guidance and her support. She is a wonderful supervisor.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS i

LIST OF TABLES iv

ABSTRACT vi

1. INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................... 1

1.1 ACADEMIC MOTIVATION: WHERE DOES IT COME FROM AND WHY IS IT IMPORTANT? ........................................................................................................... 3

1.2 OCCUPATIONAL IDENTITY: THE FORMATION AND IMPORTANCE OF IDENTITY .................................................................................................................... 12

1.3 SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS ............................................................................... 19

1.3.1 Social and Community Networks .................................................................... 21

1.3.2. Perceptions of Prejudice .................................................................................. 23

1.3.3 Family and Marriage ........................................................................................ 26

1.3.4 Attitudes towards Politics and Current Affairs ................................................ 26

1.4 THE PRESENT STUDY ............................................................................................ 28

2.1 PARTICIPANTS .................................................................................................... 29

2.2 RECRUITMENT METHODS AND PROCEDURE .............................................. 31

2.3 MEASURES ........................................................................................................... 31

2.3.1 Assessing Social Connectedness ...................................................................... 32

2.3.2 Motivation for Learning ................................................................................... 34

2.3.3 Occupational Identity ....................................................................................... 36

2.4 RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY OF THE SUBSCALES AND THEIR CONSTRUCTS USED IN THE QUESTIONNAIRE .................................................. 37

3. RESULTS ..................................................................................................................... 40

3.1 DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS ................................................................................ 40

3.2 RESEARCH FINDINGS ........................................................................................ 42

3.2.1 Hypothesis 1 ............................................................................................................. 42

3.2.2 Hypothesis 2 ............................................................................................................. 48

3.2.3 Analysis of the Relationships between Social Connectedness, Identity status and Motivation .......................................................................................................... 50

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4. DISCUSSION ............................................................................................................... 55

4.1 Hypothesis 1 ............................................................................................................ 55

4.2 Hypothesis 2 ............................................................................................................ 58

4.3 Limitations .............................................................................................................. 59

4.4 General Discussion: Educational Implications and Conclusion ............................ 62

REFERENCES ................................................................................................................. 69

APPENDICES ................................................................................................................ 101

APPENDIX 1 .................................................................................................................. 101

OFSTED reports for the three participating schools ................................................... 101

APPENDIX 2 .................................................................................................................. 125

Letter sent to schools .................................................................................................. 125

APPENDIX 3 .................................................................................................................. 126

Self-report Questionnaire ............................................................................................ 126

APPENDIX 4 .................................................................................................................. 136

Statistical analyses (SPSS Output) .................................................................................. 136

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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 30

Nationalities of Study Participants

Table 2 39

Internal Coefficient Alphas for the Scales and Subscales

Table 3 41

Descriptive Statistics for Study Variables Connectedness & Motivation in English

Table 4 42

Descriptive Statistics for Study Variables Motivation in Maths and Occupational Identity

Table 5 44

Pearson Correlations between Connectedness and Motivation in English

Table 6 47

Pearson Correlations between Connectedness and Motivation in Math

Table 7 48

Pearson Correlations between Connectedness and Occupational Identity

Table 8 49

Pearson Correlations between Occupational Identity Statuses

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Table 9 50

Multiple regression analysis of the relationship between Connectedness and

Occupational Identity

Table 10 51

Multiple regression analysis of the relationship between Motivation in English and

Occupational Identity

Table 11 51

Multiple regression analysis of the relationship between Motivation in Maths and

Occupational Identity

Table 12 52

Full regression analysis of the predictive power of Social Connectedness and

Occupational Identity on Motivation in English

Table 13 53

Full regression analysis of the predictive power of Social Connectedness and

Occupational Identity on Motivation in Maths

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Abstract

Previous research has largely focused on the importance of attachment [theory] in relation

to social behaviour, academic attainment and identity formation (Bowlby, 1969; Brown et

al. 1997; Carlson & Sroufe, 1995). However, it is also important to consider the effects

of wider social behaviour on the individual, especially in light of the theory that the

development of individual identity is socially constructed (Côté & Allahar, 1994; Mead,

1925, 1934). Taking into account the individualisation of Western society (Durkheim,

1933; Jenks, 2003; Reith, 2004) and the increase of negative media attention on

‘antisocial’ youths (Hall et al., 1978; Goffman, 1961), the aim of this study was to

determine whether perceptions of social connectedness influences the development of

motivated behaviour (including efficacious beliefs, task value beliefs and goal

orientations) and the formation of occupational identity statuses (i.e. Achieved,

Moratorium, Foreclose and Diffused; Marcia, 1966). The sample consisted of 91

adolescents in Year 10, aged between 14-15 (M = 14.63) from three schools in London.

Each participant completed a confidential self-report questionnaire that assessed their

perceptions of social connectedness (Social Connectedness Scale; constructed by the

author), their motivation in English and Maths (Motivated Strategies for Learning

Questionnaire; Pintrich, et al., 1991, 1993) and their occupational identity (Occupational

Identity Scale; Melgosa, 1987). The results confirmed that feelings of social

connectedness are both positively correlated with academic motivation, and more

positively related to the more advanced Occupation Identity statuses (achieved,

moratorium, foreclosed) than to the least advanced (diffused), suggesting that

connectedness promotes exploration of and commitment to values and goals. Therefore,

future research should examine the factors that mediate the relation between the

deleterious effects of deficient connectedness and academic motivation and occupational

identity formation, such as resiliency and locus of control, so as to better design

intervention strategies and encourage social participation.

1

Investigating the Relationship between Motivation and Future Aspirations and a

Young Person's Perceptions of Social Connectedness.

...the generation of schemes of classification and of social distinction in the practice of

social relations is an essential ingredient in the formation of social and individual

identity.

(Lasch & Friedman, 1992:4)

1. INTRODUCTION

It has been an enduring belief that the social world has a pre-eminence over the

individual; each social institution, every venerated social value or belief and each

collective and individual sense of fear or insecurity has been borne out of culturally

historical experience. Indeed, as Cole and Wertsch wrote, 'at birth, the cultural past is,

literally, thrust upon [us].' (1996: 253). Very much associated with this way of thinking

have been attempts to link the social and the psychological facets of analysis that have

permeated intellectual discourse throughout the twentieth century, the central focus of

which has been the origins of cognitive development. One approach to the study of

education, and its related fields of motivation, self-regulated learning (SRL) and self-

determination theory, has been to focus on the formation of if an individual's identity,

which too is acknowledged as being a socially embedded process (Côté & Allahar, 1994;

Marcia, 1966; Yoder, 2000), thus attempting to ascertain potential links between the

impact of social, economic and world change on the fabric from which a person draws the

information and experiences that forms his identity. As Kroger states, "the dominant

mood of any historical epoch is intimately linked with an individual's psychosocial

identity options as well as one's very model of engaging in the identity formation process

itself" (1993:364). It has been argued that there are two motivating drives for

forging relationships in early development, and these in turn fall into two

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categories; the effective drive seeks personal agency, mastery, self-sufficiency and

efficacy while the safety drive encompasses the pursuit of support, dependency,

trust and comfort, and social networks are created as a consequence of these

innate drives (Kadushin, 2002). However, the constituents of these two drives are

paradoxical, and while autonomy and individualisation are arguably more

characteristic of contemporary society (Haidt & Rodin, 1999), effective drives are

contingent on the presence of a safe and supportive social system which supplies a

stable foundation on which an individual can learn and master new skills (ibid).

In light of this, and when one takes into account the societal shift towards Capitalism and

individualisation since the industrial revolution, and the subsequent social division of

people into those who can and those who can't, it espouses the need to take a closer look

at how this new, less cohesive society affects identity development, especially in

contemporary youth, who appear to be increasingly alienated from mainstream social

institutions (Côté, 1994; Ferrer-Wreder et al., 2002; Tait, 1993). Therefore, in the context

of a more secularised, complex and diverse culture, confronting challenges and making

life choices that define an individual's sense of personal and moral identity can become a

daunting and seemingly insurmountable task for even the most resilient of young people

(Ferrer-Wreder et al., 2002:169; Adams & Marshall, 1996; Côté & Allahar, 1994).

Synchronous with this is the issue of prolific and often damaging social labelling; in

today's press, the inordinate amount of attention given to a certain genre of youth and the

associated delinquency could be seen as creating 'a self-fulfilling spiral of deviancy

amplification' (Hall et al., 1978). The resultant status degradation and stigma perpetuated

by conventional society creates an environment into which the 'deviant outsiders' can

retreat and establish a subculture conducive to their commonly held values and needs

(Goffman, 1963). In light of this alienation, those who feel as though they have been

outcast may well feel as though they have no obligation to uphold conventional society's

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rules and norms. It is widely argued, and indeed has been evidenced, that secondary

school education is a vital determinant of the transition from adolescence into adulthood

(Egeland et al., 1993; Masten et al., 1999); the precedent set in these years can either

positively or detrimentally affect not only educational outcomes but also career outcomes

and, essentially, life chances throughout an individual's adult years (Cowen et al., 1997;

Werner & Smith, 1992). This research study, therefore, seeks to investigate the possible

relationship between this perceived disconnection from society among marginalised

young people and their academic motivation towards both their schooling and their future

aspirations towards life in the occupational world.

1.1 ACADEMIC MOTIVATION: WHERE DOES IT COME FROM AND WHY IS IT IMPORTANT?

Research into academic performance often focuses on ascertaining the reasons why some

students approach their school work with energy and purpose (i.e. motivation) thus

obtaining good grades through learning, while others imperil their academic performance

due to an absence of impetus or incentive, exhibiting unmotivated behaviour. When

investigating the motivational dynamics in school, it is important to recognise and

account for the differences in each child's underlying beliefs and capacities.

Acknowledging these underlying beliefs and capacities is vital because, in doing so,

researchers are taking into account that there is an active participating individual at the

heart of every social situation (Skinner, 1998). Moreover, Deci et al. (1991) argue that

there are three inherent psychological needs that underpin human life; the need for

competence (in order to understand how to attain both internal and external outcomes and

perform required actions efficaciously), autonomy (the ability to be self-initiating and

self-regulating), and relatedness (the development of secure and meaningful bonds with

others in the individual's social milieu). Each and every social interaction and social

relationship is perceived and interpreted by each and every child, and these interpretations

in turn can serve to either strengthen or undermine their motivation. This is a common

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strand in most theories of motivation, that children not only actively interpret their social

interactions but, through them, they attempt to discover what these experiences reveal

about who they are and about how the social world works. Not only this, but these

experiences accumulate over time and become organised as systems of belief or social

schemata, bringing with them preconceived notions, or biases, that subsequently

influence and mediate future social interactions. Different forms of these systems of self

belief have increasingly fallen under the scrutiny of investigation in recent years (Harter,

1990), and researchers have found that these self-constructed beliefs attest to the

significance of an individual's perceived self, as opposed to their actual self, especially in

relation to successful functioning and adaptation across innumerable social spheres

(Bandura, 1995). This view is reminiscent of Cooley’s (1902) “looking-glass self” and

Mead’s (1925) “generalised other” in that ‘we appear as selves in our conduct insofar as

we ourselves take the attitude that others take toward us. We take the role of what may

be called the ‘generalised’ other’ (Mead, 1925:270). Therefore, in order to anticipate

how others will react to his actions, the individual must first learn to perceive the world as

they do (Epstein, 1973). It has thus been corroborated that individuals with positive

views of themselves are more likely to strive to succeed while those with weak or

negative self-conceptions often fall short of their potential in light of their objective

capacity, leading to the view that constructs of self beliefs are not merely reflections of an

individual's past performances, but are also active, agentic producers of attainment (Bong

& Clark, 1999; Bandura, 1986). Academic motivation is illustrative of this individual

agency and self-belief and has been recognised for its critical importance in academic

attainment (Deci et al., 1991; Gottfried, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000a). Indeed, Ryan &

Deci stated that academic motivation encompasses "energy, direction, persistence and

equifinality - all aspects of activation and intention" (2000a:69).

Consequently, motivational theorists have emphasised the importance of the early

developmental period which involves extensive learning which is facilitated by two

properties of the brain that are present from the time of birth onwards. These two

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properties are immaturity and responsiveness to environmental input (Halfon, Shulman &

Hochstein, 2001). That is to say, the immaturity of an infant's brain is indicative of the

organism's vast learning potential which initially depends on the more mature members of

the child's immediate environment who are in the position to impart knowledge based on

their own experiences and who are invested in the child both physically and emotionally

(Bjorklund & Pellegrini, 2002), thus giving the child templates of experience upon which

to build his or her own view of the world (Gauvain, 2001). The responsiveness of the

brain reveals that development will reflect the experiences children have as the brain

matures, thus building and developing individualised schemata based on the unique

circumstances of growth. This mental structure is composed of abstract knowledge

reflecting the individual's past and on-going life and world experiences, thus creating a

totally unique way of thinking and reacting and enabling a person to be fully capable of

applying his own alternative/individual schemata that are dependent entirely on his

intentions, aspirations and perceived demands, thus implying that as opposed to being a

blank canvass with no free-will; a person, for example, watches television with prior

motivations and needs which he seeks to fulfil through watching. These motivations and

aspirations could be anything from the desire to be taught, to escape reality for a while or

simply to be entertained.

According to Deci & Ryan (2000b), different motivations reflect the varying degrees to

which the value and regulation of a requested behaviour has been internalised and

integrated into an individual's schemata. Internalisation, defined as the "proactive

process through which people transform regulation by external contingencies into

regulation by internal processes" (Deci et al., 1991:328; Schafer, 1968), and the

subsequent integration of that value into their own set of values are both crucial

components of a child's formative years, and it should also be noted that they continue to

be relevant in the regulation of behaviour throughout the lifespan (Ryan & Deci,

2000b). With this in mind, it is becoming increasingly important to prepare children not

only to pass academic tests, but also to integrate learning with social-emotional

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competence so as to maximise a student's chances of success both in school and beyond

(Zins & Elias, 2006). Wang, Haertel & Walberg (1997) developed 28 categories of

influences on learning, based on empirical reviews of 179 handbook chapters, 91 research

syntheses and surveys of 61 national experts, and concluded that 8 of the 11 most

influential categories involved social and emotional factors (Zins & Elias, 2006:1).

Sustained social relationships with primary caregivers provide children with recurring

opportunities for learning which, in turn, promotes invaluable growth in complex

cognitive skills. The emotional investment in the child can also facilitate intrinsic

motivation and other such arousal states that can nurture the desire to learn (Ryan, 1993).

Learning behaviours are typically viewed as a product of either extrinsic or intrinsic

motivation (Hayamizu, 1997), the distinction being that intrinsically motivated

behaviours are defined as those that are engaged primarily for the joy and gratification

that can be derived from performing them. An example of this would be when a student

attends a class because he finds it interesting, challenging and satisfying, and not because

of the threat of punitive action or failure should he choose not to go. On the other hand,

extrinsically motivated actions are those that are performed in order to achieve or attain a

separable goal. However, it has since been found that extrinsic motivators can facilitate

motivation, depending on what the motivator is. For example, a student might work very

hard because he/she holds the belief that it is valuable for a chosen career rather than

because he/she finds it interesting or because of the desire to avoid punishment for not

carrying out the task (Ryan & Deci, 2000a). Therefore, it has been hypothesised that the

extent to which self-determined behaviours are externally endorsed or hindered is

predicated on the individual's sense of self (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Connell, 1989).

In other words, if intrinsic motivation is borne out of the developmental processes of

internalisation and integration, and the consequent tendency towards assimilation incites

people not only to pursue activities that interest them, but also to internalise and integrate

the values of these activities, the argument is that as a result the individual feels both

autonomous and connected to others within the social world. Indeed, Ryan & Deci

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theorised that socialising inter-relationships between the individual and others that can

hinder these internalisation and integration processes, thus fostering an "alienated" type

of extrinsic motivation and an external perceived locus of causality (2000b: 62) that has

been associated with low student involvement, interest and perseverance in academic

tasks. According to Bandura's (1986) social cognitive theory, three separate but

interdependent factors aide the development of self-regulation, which is defined as the

ability to be metacognitive, intrinsically motivated and strategic (Perry, 1998), and these

are personal, behavioural, and environmental (Purdie, et al., 2004). In concurrence with

Deci et al. (1991), these three factors place emphasis on beliefs in one's performance

competency, and Ryan (1982) further argued that positive feedback and positive feelings

of relatedness serve to increase self-regulating and motivated behaviour via the

enhancement of the internalisation and integration process (Grolnick & Ryan, 1989).

However, Grolnick & Ryan (1989) go on to contend that if the environmental and social

context fails to be autonomy supportive, thus thwarting satisfaction of the aforementioned

basic human needs (Deci et al., 1991), the natural development process and motivation

could be impaired and weakened, leading to alienation and diminished performance

(Blanck, Reis & Jackson, 1984; Vallerand, 1983).

The idea of autonomous or self-regulated learning puts an important emphasis on the

significance of integrating both motivational and cognitive components of learning

(Garcia & Pintrich, 1994; Pintrich, 1999). One particular model of motivation, put forth

by Pintrich & Schunk (1996), highlights three general types of motivational beliefs

(Pintrich, 1999):

Self-efficacy beliefs. Self-efficacy is hypothesised as affecting an individual's choice of

activities, effort, strategies and persistence, and was thus defined as 'beliefs in one's

capabilities to organise and execute the courses of action required to produce given

attainments' (Bandura, 1997:3; Schunk, 1985). In the context of achieving desired goals

in certain subjects, self-efficacy beliefs involve students' confidence in their cognitive

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skills to learn and apply knowledge where appropriate. Zimmerman et al. (1992) found

that students' self-efficacy for self-regulated learning beliefs were predictive of their self-

efficacious beliefs for academic achievement beliefs which in turn was predictive of their

future grades (Zimmerman & Kitsantas, 2005). Moreover, students who possess high

self-efficacy consequently possess higher feelings of autonomy and are therefore more

likely to view themselves (as a group) as more responsible for their academic outcomes

than their teachers (Bandura, 1997; Cooper et al., 1998; Zimmerman & Kitsantas, 2005).

Zimmerman & Kitsantas (2005) investigated the role of homework practices ('tasks

assigned by teachers to be carried out during non-school hours' Cooper, 1989: 7) in the

development of students' self-efficacy beliefs and self-regulation and found a high

correlation between quality and quantity of homework and levels of the aforementioned

constructs. Furthermore, students who have strong self-efficacy beliefs have been found

to be more likely to report engaging in cognitive strategies such as rehearsal, elaboration

and organisational strategies (Pintrich, 2000).

Task value beliefs. Eccles (1983) postulated that three constructs that fall within task

value beliefs play an important role in achievement dynamics, the first of which is the

individual's beliefs about the importance of the task at hand and how salient they believe

it to be to what they want to achieve. The second construct refers to how interested the

student is in carrying the task out, that is to say, the individual's general attitude towards

the task and how much they like it, and is assumed to be fairly stable over time and a

function of personal characteristics (Pintrich, 2000). The final construct is concerned

with the task's perceived value should it be completed; in an educational context, the

utility value of a task may be discerned by how useful a certain course will be to the

individual, either in terms of applying the knowledge to another course or how relevant it

is to their chosen career or life in general (Pintrich et al., 1993). Research has

demonstrated that task value beliefs are positively correlated with the use of cognitive

strategies, as well as being predictive of increased use of strategies that monitor and

regulate cognition in students who report higher levels of interest and value in an activity

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than those who don't exhibit such interest. Although not as prominent as the correlations

between self-efficacy and performance, it was also found that task value was a positive

predictor of enhanced academic performance (Pintrich, 1989; Pintrich & Garcia, 1991;

Pintrich et al., 1993).

Goal orientations. This final type of motivational belief focuses on 2 general subscales

of goal orientations (Duncan & McKeachie, 2005; Wolters, Yu & Pintrich, 1996). The

first subscale, mastery/intrinsic goal orientation, refers to the desire to learn and master a

task through the adherence of self-set standards and self-improvement. This construct of

goal orientation includes the student's control of learning beliefs, in that she believes that

the outcomes of activities are contingent on her and the effort she makes, rather than

external factors such as her teacher or relying on luck. Extrinsic goal orientation sees

the locus of control as external to the student, who carries out activities with the view to

gaining good grades and praise (from teachers or parents), for these are the things they

posit as the main criterion for success.

Gottfried (1985), in her study measuring intrinsic motivation for specific studies such as

maths, science, social science and reading (as measured in Standardised Achievement

Tests or SATs) in early elementary, late elementary and junior high school students found

significant positive correlations between intrinsic motivation and achievement. Deci &

Ryan (1985) went on to posit an additional type of motivational construct, which is of

considerable importance if human behaviour is to be fully understood; amotivation often

causes individuals to believe that their behaviour is regulated by external forces that they

can't control and, as such, can be construed as a learned helplessness (Abramson et al.,

1978). Being in an amotivated state can often cause the individual to lose sight of any

incentive, thus leaving them in a state of apathy and aimlessness; questioning the reasons

behind attending full-time education can quickly lead to diminished school engagement,

impaired learning and performance and sometimes experience higher levels of stress

(Klassen, 2008; Legault, Green-Demers & Pelletier, 2006; Senecal, Koestner &

10

Vallerand, 1995). Therefore, through self-regulating behaviour, it can be observed that

different kinds of motivation can predict different motivational consequences, with

intrinsic (or autonomous) motivation leading to positive outcomes, while decreased levels

of autonomy, as seen in amotivational or externally regulated states, can result in negative

outcomes.

Yeager & Bundick (2009), in their multi-method study of 148 6th-, 9th-, and 12th- grade

adolescents, furthered this sentiment by showing a relationship between work goals,

purpose and meaning. Indeed, Waterman contended that "people are more likely to

experience enhanced well-being when they realise self-generated goals that satisfy

personal needs" (2007:269), which is concurrent not only with the need for competence,

autonomy and connectedness, but also with the human need to matter (Eccles, 2004,

2008). Adolescents require confirmation that their opinions and feelings are not just

heard, but acknowledged and can make an impact on the wider social world (ibid). As

mentioned above, it is widely held that secure attachment and socialisation in the

formative years serve to lay the foundations for later cognitive and socio-emotional

development (Bjorklund & Pellegrini, 2002; Bowlby, 1969; Gerhardt, 2004), and

Coleman et al. (1966) controversially concluded that family background and social

context are strong predictors of a child's achievement outcomes (Hess & Holloway,

1985), although the main focus thus far has been on parental influences of children's

school-related adjustment and performance (Grolnick & Ryan, 1989). However, because

each and every social interaction and social relationship is perceived and interpreted by

each and every child (Skinner, 1998), these interpretations in turn can serve to either

strengthen or undermine their motivation. An individual's motive dispositions serve to

galvanise and orient behaviour, although they do not dictate how, once the motive has

been activated, it should be fulfilled. Therefore, individuals frequently adopt more

cognitively-based goals that enable them to direct their actions and behaviour either

towards or away from specific motive-relevant possibilities. The idea that motives can

stimulate actions and affect outcomes by encouraging the implementation of certain

11

goals, and that goals, in turn, can exert influence on behaviour and directly affect

outcomes (Elliot, 1997; Elliot & Church, 1997), can perhaps shed some light on the

hypothesised association between maladaptive attachment to society and low levels of

motivation in both school and for future aspirations. There has been, for instance, a

plethora of research into the effects of teacher expectations on students' academic

performance (Rubie-Davies, 2006; Blatchford et al., 1989; Babad, 1998; Eccles &

Wigfield, 1998; Pellegrini & Blatchford, 2000), and the general consensus is that

expectations do have the propensity to either enhance student achievement or act to their

detriment, possibly by a margin of 5% (Brophy, 1982). However, the majority of the

preliminary research studies focused on teachers and the ways in which more

individualised interactions and expectations effected individual students, and it wasn't

until recently that research began to concentrate on the possible outcomes of teachers'

expectations for their collective students. Having said that, Brophy argued in 1985 that

'differential teacher treatment of groups and classes may well be a much more

widespread and powerful mediator of self-fulfilling prophecy effect on student

achievement than differential teacher treatment of individual students within the same

group or class' (p. 309). The very notion that one person's preconceived opinions could

significantly affect the performance outcomes of a group of children is an interesting one,

because it highlights the fact that children are susceptible to indirect negative or positive

thoughts or opinions. Indeed, a large proportion of Babad's work (1993, 1998) has

focused on the investigation of the subtle verbal and non-verbal cues that teachers exude

which students have proven to be very adept at picking up on and interpreting. He has

demonstrated that, while a teacher might believe he/she is providing emotional support to

a pupil deemed as low-achieving, the pupil in question has perceived the opposite (Babad,

1995), and another study reported that teachers' endeavours to display encouragement and

support to low-expectation students proved to be transparent and construed as not being

genuine due to over-exaggeration (1998). Thus, it has been shown that students from as

young as 5 or 6 years of age can interpret teacher behaviours with a sophistication that

12

belies their age (Weinstein et al., 1982; Kuklinski & Weinstein, 2000; Weinstein, 2002;

Rubie-Davies, 2006) and this in turn could prove to be a prelude to an even wider social

problem.

Accordingly, in the same vein as Yoder (2000), the study of barriers or external

limitations (such as low socioeconomic status, poor education support and an absence of

role models, ibid) imposed upon processes that act to maintain and enhance intrinsic

motivation and self-determination (Waterman, 1982), could give new insight into the

effects of negative social interpretations by adolescents (Pomerantz & Ruble, 1998; Ryan

& Deci, 2000; Skinner, 1998). Seeing a possible deficit in the research literature, this

study aims to investigate the effects of socially imposed barriers, such as the breakdown

of social trust, the stigma resulting from social labelling or stereotyping, on adolescents'

motivation.

1.2 OCCUPATIONAL IDENTITY: THE FORMATION AND IMPORTANCE OF IDENTITY The study of psychosocial identity formation has posited adolescence as a crucial time in

that the forging of one's identity requires the consolidation of all one's beliefs, values and

goals into a consistent and reasoned narrative upon which to base life decisions and moral

judgements (Arnett, 2000; Erikson, 1950, 1968; Schwartz, 2001; Yeager & Bundick,

2009). Taking his cue from theorists such as James (1892), Cooley (1902), Mead (1934)

and Freud (1930/1965), Erikson wrote that "ego identity is the awareness of self-

sameness and continuity [and] the style of one's individuality [which] coincides with the

sameness and continuity of one's meanings for others in the immediate community"

(1968:50), thus concurring with the notion that identity is formed through psychological

experiences with the social environment (Côté, 1993; Schwartz, 2002). The self-identity,

or self-concept, has therefore been defined as an individual's sense of unique identity,

which is completely differentiated from everyone else's (Brewer & Gardner, 2004), and

symbolic interactionists such as Cooley (1902) and Mead (1925, 1934) placed enormous

13

emphasis on the argument that social interactions with others profoundly shaped the

individual's sense of self. In other words, they argued that the sense of self was,

primarily, a social construction, cultivated through linguistic exchanges (or symbolic

interactions) with others. In Mead's words, 'human society...does not merely stamp the

pattern of its organised behaviour upon its individual members it also gives him a mind.

Which constitute[s] the structure of his self' (1934:263). That being said, the fact that a

multitude of social forces impress upon the individual's sense of identity greatly

complicates the sense of self and the idea that one's identity is instilled in them initially

via attachment and social learning processes is at the crux of this concept. Baumeister &

Leary (1995) contended that it is the inherent drive to belong to the collective that

compels people to pursue and forge meaningful social interactions; they theorise that

when the need to belong is fulfilled, the individual experiences stating that it is the

feelings of well-being as well as heightened functioning. McAdams & Bryant (1987)

demonstrated that individuals experienced enhanced subjective well-being when they

possess a strong desire for social intimacy, and their social interactions augment positive

affect (Brown et al., 2007; Fleeson et al., 2002). In contrast to this, disturbances that

detrimentally affect social needs and connectedness impair functioning (Brown et al.,

2007). The complexity of developing and establishing an individual identity is the

process by which a person gains his/her footing in society and by seeking out

membership of a group lessens the feelings of emotional and intellectual pressure by

becoming part of a generalised identity. Schwartz (2002) argues that cultural contexts

such as Western society often present young people with ideological conundrums and

self-defining conceptions against the backdrop of contrasting interpersonal and cultural

issues from which they are to define and shape their experience of the transition from

adolescence to adulthood (p.318) and, as Erikson illustrated in Young Man Luther: A

Study in Psychoanalysis and History (1958), mechanisms of social change can be

intrinsically linked to individual identity development. Hence, through encouragement,

inspiration or rebellion, people can seek to define themselves either sympathetically or

14

antagonistically in response to prevailing social conditions (Erikson, 1958, 1969;

Schwartz, 2002). Indeed, two principal consequences of social upheaval are the

ambiguity and confusion of socially prescribed roles for adolescents and the waning of

collective social support for identity formation that was traditionally provided by

conventional institutions such as the family unit and schools (Côté & Allahar, 1994).

While Freud (1930/1965) theorised that one's sense of self was a derivative of parental

introjects during the inception of the superego (towards the end of the Oedipal complex)

and that this development of the self-definition was a feature of the preschool years,

Erikson believed that identity was best represented by a single bipolar dimension that

ranges from the ego syntonic pole of identity synthesis to the ego dystonic pole of identity

confusion (Schwartz, 2001). To clarify, identity synthesis signifies a reworking of

childhood and contemporaneous identifications into a larger, self-determined arrangement

of self-identified ideals thus imbuing the individual with an unshakable sense of purpose

(Erikson, 1969), while identity confusion refers to an inability to develop an effective set

of principles upon which to base an adult identity (which can manifest itself in

uncertainty as to which university one wants to attend or a feeling of lacking any purpose

in life), thus stating that identity formation pervades the life course (ibid: 9). Erikson

(1974, 1980) further delineated his theory of identity into four angles that represent forms

identity takes at different times during one's life, which he then grouped into three levels

according to each angle's degree to which it is entrenched in self and context (Schwartz,

2001). At the most basic level, ego identity was said to encompass an individual's most

fundamental, subconscious beliefs, or sense of individual identity (otherwise known as

ego synthesis) and continuity of personal character (Erikson, 1980). Personal identity

was postulated as intersecting the self and context by referring to the amassed set of

goals, values and beliefs that the individual presents to the world, including career

aspirations, romantic relationships and other unique and distinguishing aspects of the

self. The final and most contextually oriented level was known as social identity which

was argued to contain distinguishing characteristics such as native language and ethnicity

15

as well as an inner sense of solidarity with a set of external ideals (for example, certain

values revered adopted through membership to a particular group or groups) and as such,

this level can also be known as group or collective identity (Côté, 1996b; Schwartz, 2001;

Weigert, Teitge & Teitge, 1986). However, while Erikson's writings were deemed to be

resonant with innovative clinical and metaphorical description, there was a distinct lack

of theoretical precision and operational definitions (Côté & Levine, 1987; Schwartz,

2001). In response to this deficit, Neo-Eriksonian theorist Marcia (1966, 1988, 1993)

advanced an identity model that has since instigated a plethora of empirical research.

Marcia's model was founded on two independent dimensions of identity formation;

exploration, defined as "problem solving behaviour aimed at eliciting information about

oneself or one's environment in order to make a decision about an important life choice"

(Grotevant, 1987:204), involves sorting through multiple choices, while commitment

requires an adherence to or an adoption of a certain set of values, goals and beliefs

(Marcia, 1988), thus imbuing the individual with a sense of purpose and direction

(Marcia, 1980; Schwartz, 2001). A consequence of commitment may be the alleviation of

uncertainty and disorientation which is often a prominent feature of identity confusion

(Erikson, 1964). Using the juxtaposition of these two dimensions, Marcia (1966) went on

to educe four independent identity statuses that, taken together to form a 2 x 2 grid with

exploration as one axis and commitment as the other, can be used to discern whether an

individual falls into a high exploration, low commitment status, or a low exploration, low

commitment status and so on (Schwartz & Dunham, 2000).

Identity achievement. This first identity status represents the enactment of a commitment

ensuing a period of exploration (Schwartz, 2001), and Marcia (1966) originally held that

identity achievement was the ultimate destination in the identity formation process

because the achieved individual was thought to have invested reason, balanced thinking,

efficacious decision making and the ability to forge and maintain strong, healthy

interpersonal relationships (Boyes & Chandler, 1992; Craig-Bay, Adams & Dobson,

16

1988; Marcia, 1993). Therefore, an example of an achieved individual would be someone

who has dedicated time and effort to exploring different avenues before selecting the

most salient to their belief/value system to adhere to (Grotevant, 1987).

Identity moratorium. This status symbolises a state of active exploration but a lack of

ultimate commitment, which can cause feelings of stress or anxiety (Schwartz, 2001). It is

generally hypothesised that individuals do not maintain this identity status for as long as

the others (Meeus, 1992) due to these negative feelings and thus is considered to be the

least rigid of the statuses. That is to say, those who are characterised as belonging to the

moratorium status often demonstrate more open-mindedness in their critical thinking,

especially in light of the multitude of different alternatives many life choices offer,

although the disadvantage of this status is that it can be rife with uncertainty (Berman et

al., 2001).

Identity foreclosure. The foreclosed individual is characterised as having chosen to

uncritically adopt and commit to a set of ideals and goals that, often, are held in high

esteem by someone else (i.e. a parent), without exploring viable alternatives beforehand.

This absence of exploration can mean that the individual is very closed-minded and rigid

and, to some degree, authoritarian (Marcia, 1967, 1980) with a tendency to report

idealised interpersonal relationships with the parents (Jackson, Dunham & Kidwell,

1990). Indeed, foreclosed individuals often choose to follow in the footsteps of their

parents by taking over the family business or training in the same profession as their

father without considering other career options (Archer & Waterman, 1990). This lack of

exploration, in conjunction with high levels of commitment, can cause the individual to

rely on their current circumstances to the extent that, if something were to thwart this

secure environment, he or she could go into crisis without a contingency plan to fall back

on (Marcia, 1994, 1995).

17

Diffused identity. This final status is deemed to be apathetic due to a lack of both

exploration and commitment, and so diffused individuals are predominantly disinterested

and therefore are most at risk of maladaptive outcomes, including academic and deviancy

problems (Berzonsky, 1985; Jones, 1992; Marcia, 1980). Among other symptoms of the

diffused state are poor interpersonal skills and emotional distancing between the

individual and loved-ones (especially the family; Adams et al., 1987; Jackson et al.,

1990), thus denoting an absence or confusion of the basic identity structure that allows a

person to ground himself in a functional manner in society and equip him with means to

make and proceed with positive and practical life choices (Schwartz, 2001). In light of

this, many diffused individuals fall into low-functioning social roles such as drifters and

drug users who fail to utilise many opportunities that they are presented with and, a result

of which is that they generally lack social support and understanding (ibid; Meeus &

Dekovic, 1995).

Occupational identity has received surprisingly little empirical attention, despite evidence

that demonstrates that occupational identity formation assists the development of global

identity (Skorikov & Vondracek, 1998). Vondracek et al. (1995) evidenced a reciprocal

relationship between these two facets of identity when they showed that high school

students with achieved global identity scored notably lower than those in other statuses

when career uncertainty was assessed. Bearing in mind that identity formation and the

development of an autonomous self are two of the foremost developmental tasks

undertaken in adolescence, it seems pertinent in relation to other adolescent developments

such as the expansion of social relationships, the growth of physical and cognitive

characteristics and abilities, all of which have perpetuating implications throughout the

life course (Erikson, 1968; Grotevant & Cooper, 1998; Nurmi, 1997; Ryan, Deci &

Grolnick, 1995; Zimmer-Gembeck & Mortimer, 2006), with particular salience in the

formation of occupational identity in adolescence. Indeed, for adolescents, the perceived

adult work role can be perceived to be a highly positive 'possible self' (Markus & Nurius,

1986; Zimmer-Gembeck & Mortimer, 2006). Early vocational development theorists,

18

such as Krumboltz & Thorenson (1964) and Vroom (1964), also placed a great deal of

emphasis on contextual features, especially social relationships (see also Super, 1963),

the recognition of which has led to important advances. Meeus et al. (1999) contended

that the distinction between open and closed domains of identity (that is to say, the

distinction between the ego identity statuses that engage in exploration and commitment

and those that lack significant levels of these processes) reflect on individuals' capacities

to select goals and activities, a capacity which is prone to societal characteristics such as

whether society is tight or loose (Triandis, 1989, 2000; Zimmer-Gembeck & Mortimer,

2006). Triandis (1994, 2000) asserts that in tight, simple cultures, people are

interdependent and conform to the collective, while individualism emerges in complex

and loose cultures. Indeed, links between many levels of environmental structure,

including cultural-organisational, relational and personal, have been identified as

influencing occupational identity formation (Jackson, 1995; Vondracek et al., 1983;

Zimmer-Gembeck & Mortimer, 2006). In summation, the consideration of environmental

allowances and restrictions in conjunction with occupational and academic development,

with especial stress on exploratory methods in the selection, construction and adaptation

to career trajectories, beliefs about goals and their pursuit and individual responses to

successes and failures in these pursuits has afforded researchers evidence of cultural

discrepancies in the formation of occupation identity (Hansen, Mortimer & Kruger, 2001;

Mortimer & Kruger, 2000; Zimmer-Gembeck & Mortimer, 2006).

Erikson & Erikson (1957/1995) foresaw the significance of intervening and redirecting

the actions and motives of young people towards more productive and functional roles in

life which could, at least to some degree, serve to dislodge certain social preconceptions

about the socially marginalised identity (Ferrer-Wreder et al., 2002). Research into work-

related values, a pertinent area of occupational identity research, has resulted in 4 broad-

spectrum work value categories; intrinsic values include the desire to develop the skills

and abilities necessary to succeed in a specific vocation, thus exhibiting both

responsibility and interest in the work (Ros, Schwartz & Surkiss, 1999; Super, 1980).

19

Extrinsic values see a focus on good wages, desirable work hours, comfortable work

environment, job security and the prospect of promotion (ibid), prestige values similarly

focus on status insofar as gaining positions of authority and achievement (Schwartz,

1999), while relational values centre on the desire to contribute to society and working in

conjunction with people (Ros et al., 1999). In the same vein, inter-cultural research

(involving 11 countries) demonstrated the primacy of intrinsic values among young

people, with utilitarian (extrinsic) values taking less precedence, although the rise of

individualisation in Western societies has seen a subsequent rise in extrinsic working

values in recent years (Sverko, 1999; Sverko & Super, 1995). Erikson (1968) went on to

hypothesise that effective identity interventions necessitate the provision of opportunities

that offer youth the means with which to develop the competencies that are requisite for

finding and redefining adaptive identity commitments throughout life (Ferrer-Wreder et

al., 2002; Waterman, 1994). The important thing to note, nevertheless, is that the focus

of these interventions should not be on providing youth with contrived direction, but

rather on the creation of reciprocal contexts in which they can form their own identity

competence of their own accord (Ferrer-Wreder, 2002; Freire, 1970/1983). However,

that being said, little is known about how these socially initiated stigmas affect the

development of children and adolescents, especially in light of diminished social support

(Sherrod, 1997).

1.3 SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS Research into perceptions of social connectedness among adolescence appears to be a

recent phenomena; connectedness is a function of the need to belong (Baumeister &

Leary, 1995; Karcher, Holcomb & Zambrano, 2008), and it has been argued that if an

individual fails to experience belonging and relatedness in one social network, he or she

will seek other networks with which to connect in a compensatory act (Joo & Han,

2000). Indeed, there is, as yet, no theoretically derived measure of adolescent social

connectedness (Roth & Brooks-Gunn, 2003) and thus, connectedness has seemingly

20

gleaned attention in light the emergence of an increasingly mobilised, post-industrialised

and multicultural society, which is thought to complicate or, in some instances, hinder the

formation of a stable sense of self and consequent feelings of well-being, which in turn

have been evidenced as strong predictors of academic and social functioning (Erikson,

1950; Harter, 1999; Karcher et al., 2008; Scales & Leffert, 1999). An individual's social

network, or ecology, can be viewed as consisting of 3 interdependent levels;

microsystems culminate through family relationships (parents/primary caregivers, sibling

etc), teachers and peers in school and the neighbourhood in which he/she lives;

macrosystems consist of the larger institutions that provide the setting for the

relationships within the microsystems, such as school, the family home and the

neighbourhood; and finally, the mesosystems are the processes of connection that serve to

connect the latter two systems, such as affective and behavioural engagements that are

potential catalysts for positive youth development, such as motivating behaviour with the

view to successfully pursuing a goal, (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Karcher et al., 2008), and

each of these systems can be conceptualised as being placed along a continuum of

conventionality (Jessor & Jessor, 1977). Conforming to convention dictates the

compliance with "rules or general custom” (Concise Oxford English Dictionary, 1982:

197), which is clearly antithetical to antisocial behaviour and academic disengagement

(Donovan, Jessor & Costa, 1998). However, autonomy is a crucial aspect of adolescent

identity development (including occupational identity development; Blos, 1979; Erikson,

1968), so engaging in unconventional behaviour is intrinsically linked to this period of

development, so in order to avoid problem behaviours a stronger sense of connectedness

to the conventional world is imperative (Karcher et al, 2008). That is to say,

connectedness has its roots in positive relationships and experiences with not only close

others but social others as well, and these relationships nurture feelings of well-being and

competence. Karcher (2004) theorised that connectedness has several precursors, and for

the purpose of this study the following 4 have been focused upon: social and community

networks (perceptions of social relatedness and support); perceptions of prejudice (social

21

labelling and stereotype stigmatisation); attachment to family and perceptions of its

importance; and attitudes to politics and current affairs.

1.3.1 Social and Community Networks

Society as a whole is built on a foundation of commonly held beliefs and values, things

that were not borne out of nothingness but instead evolved out of their history (Elias,

1994 [1939]; Mead, 1934). With this in mind, while there is little doubt that the industrial

way of life has provided people with unprecedented levels of opportunity in terms of

literacy, comfort, longevity and so on, the price being paid for this is both heavy and far-

reaching. The relentless expansion of capitalism and the subsequent growth of

consumerism have resulted in the sacrifice of so much human feeling, especially for those

with the least power. Durkheim (1970 [1897]) forewarned of the 'insatiable and

bottomless abyss' of temptation and desire that would ultimately lead to widespread

feelings of suicide and anomie (Reith, 2004), and he also commented on 'the uneasiness,

anxiety, malaise, disenchantment, pessimism and other negative characteristics of his

age' (Mestrovic, 1991:75). The breakdown of these shared bonds of solidarity and the

meaningfulness found in shared participation can lead to feelings of alienation, leaving

the individual feeling rejected by society without any real incentive to contribute in a

productive or positive way (Durkheim, 1933; Giddens, 1971). What was once solid has

now atomised and ideas of a 'common culture' have been replaced with a new 'identity

politics' (Jenks, 2003:5); new insecurities have come to the fore, concerning both

relationships with others and the ownership of desires and there is an uncertainty

surrounding the basis of our belonging to another person. Indeed, it is hard to be militant

in a culture which lacks consolidated belief in any collective form or collective identity

(Jenks, 2003:6), thus rendering feelings of instability or uncertainty as unusually

privatised and therefore unlikely to extend beyond the individual or his/her immediate

circle. People now appear to espouse a new fear of commonality with others, the old

adage 'no man's an island' (Donne, 1624/1997) has seemingly ceased to be true, as people

22

seek to be self-sufficient and self-serving. However, this contemporary form of rebellion

brings with it neither utopianism nor nihilism, but instead, feelings of loneliness and

isolation. But is this new rebel a rebel by choice? As Jervis (1999) noted, there is a

tendency in the affluent and oppressive Western society to exclude and marginalise that

which is finds unconventional and thereby disagreeable and, by implication, unify,

consolidate and homogenise that which sustains the achievement of its core goals. The

individualization of society is inextricably bound to the individualization of self-hood; the

quest for increased freedom and inexhaustible achievements might appear to be all well

and good, but in the discarding of social aspirations in favour of personal gain it is ever

more likely that people will lose the ability to empathise with other members of society

(Beck, 1992). In the time of 'simple modernity' (Beck, 1992; Ferguson, 1997; Giddens,

1994), people formed their identities through external controls and institutions, such as

the church, their families and the practice of traditional values for it was a time. In a

post-traditional society, identity seems to have become a 'reflexive project' (Giddens,

1991) characterised by the tendency to live life according to a personal set of plans and

values. This is not to say that individuals are no longer firmly enmeshed in the social

sphere, for people do move through life planning and taking action within and through

institutional reference points (Ferguson, 2001) but as Beck and Beck-Gernsheim argue, to

be born into traditional society was to be socialised into its preconditions, but 'For

modern social advantages one has to do something, make an active effort not only once,

but day after day' (1996:25).

When considering social individualisation it is important to also consider the

consequences of having a supportive social system; perceptions of social support can

result in heightened feelings of social relatedness, defined as the sense of closeness and of

being valued by people and institutions outside the individual's microsystem in this study,

and the individual is thus given the incentive to reciprocate by connecting to the wider

social world by assigning positive affect and seeking continued interaction with it

23

(Baumeister & Leary, 1995). It is important to note that connectedness is not tantamount

to relatedness and belonging, it is a behavioural and attitudinal response to experiencing

those feelings (Karcher et al., 2008). In reference to the collective, relatedness results in

the experience of belonging, which is of paramount importance for adolescents, and how

valued and accepted an individual feels directly effects that individual's feelings of

connectedness and how concerned and involved he or she is in social functioning (ibid:

11). In the present social climate, which Triandis (2000) terms as complex and loose, the

lack of incentive to connect to the collective seems to be reflected in the portrayal of

more individualised, less conventional ways of functioning (Bond & Smith, 1996),

cohesive social networks are more likely to be characterised by a sense of social trust

(Kadushin, 2002).

1.3.2. Perceptions of Prejudice

Over 60 years ago, Gordon Allport hypothesised that one of the most worrying effects of

prejudice was that it could become a self-fulfilling prophecy in that those who belong to

what is deemed to be a minority group could inadvertently confirm what is expected of

them on the basis of their consensually shared beliefs (1954/1979). He illustrated the

very pervasiveness of prejudice and stigma in the statement “what would happen to your

personality if you heard it said over and over again that you are lazy and had inferior

blood? Suppose [further] this opinion were forced on you by the majority of your fellow

citizens. And suppose nothing you could do would change this opinion” (ibid: 142) A

particularly influential model of social stereotyping was put forward by Steele and

colleagues (1995, 2002), which posited that the activation of a negative stereotype will

induce anxiety in those who fall under that criteria due to the fear of confirming the

negative expectancy about the in-group, and as a result will detrimentally effect the

performance of minority members on those dimensions that are relevant to the stereotype

(Cadinu et al., 2006). This model of Stereotype Threat (ibid) has consistently

24

demonstrated performance deficits in minority groups, whether in ethnic minorities

(Steele & Aronson, 1995); gender differences (Spencer et al., 1999); students from low

socio-economic backgrounds (Croizet & Claire, 1998); or elderly people (Levy, 1996).

Becker argued that, in the process of labelling individuals '...deviance is not a quality of

the act the person commits, but rather a consequence of the application by others of rules

and sanctions to an 'offender'. The deviant is one to whom that label has successfully

been applied' (1963:178). So how do these labels come into the fore? Who applies these

labels to whom and how do they become so pervasive? An obvious culprit is that of the

mass media; in the context of the media, concerns of moral debasement are never far

from the surface. The media can act as both a pedestal upon which to place a chosen

person or group, or a tool with which to flagellate something within the public arena, an

act that serves to dichotomise society through the unification of people under an umbrella

of accepted social beliefs against those who are deemed antithetical to these beliefs.

Indeed, it seems that a large proportion of the stories that make the headlines on news

programs and on the front pages are concerned with the rise of violent acts committed by

children and the decay of society's moral fabric, thus creating a culture of unease, distrust

and, in some areas, fear (Gerbner & Gross, 1976). Durkheim (1897/1999) also saw

homicide as inversely related to anomie and suicide; in times of strife and difficulty

people have the tendency to withdraw from life, and the fact that the 'average morality

has ruder character and human life is less respected', people will be more likely to kill

each other rather than themselves (1987/1999: 341). Thus he stated that a society's moral

and social environment was a crucial element in the determination of unnatural death

rates. If this is the case then is this culture of fear causing the issue of youth

marginalisation to become a self-fulfilling prophecy? After all, Rock (2002) opined that

the consequences of labelling are such that not only does the individual suffer from

unfavourable or even injurious treatment by others, but it also causes them to perceive

themselves in a deleterious manner, which also leads to potentially damaging effects on

their achievement rates. A study carried out by Chambliss (1973), involving two groups

25

of boys who attended the same school, The Saints and The Roughnecks, established that

the application of a label automatically leads to differential treatment. In his study,

Chambliss found that the working class Roughnecks were far more likely to be castigated

for delinquent behaviour than the middle class Saints.

Moral entrepreneurs (Becker, 1963), in an attempt to persuade others to adhere to

particular sets of values, start moral crusades so as to influence the public's attitudes

towards a specified issue. It is through this process that a moral panic may be created, in

that

'a condition, episode, person or group emerges to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests: its nature is presented in a stylised and stereotypical fashion by the mass medial the moral barricades are manned by editors politicians and other right-thinking people; socially accredited experts pronounce their diagnoses and solutions.' (Cohen, 1972:9)

The overall message to the public is that youth degeneracy is on the increase, despite

statistics testifying to its decrease. Since moral panics and moral crusades are

inextricably linked to the labelling and, some might say stereotyping because they evolve

around the fact that specific subpopulations or subcultures are becoming deviant (Schur,

1980), the attention could serve to exacerbate the situation. The Neo-Chicago School

(Matza, 1969) argued that the unconventional individual is ostracized, processed through

social control agencies (Lemert, 1951, 1967/1972), afflicted with formal degradation

ceremonies, institutionalised and is finally stigmatised with the socially reviled deviant

identity. The result has been to label groups of youths as deviant merely because they are

wearing a baseball cap and/or a hooded top, and this rise in speculation has caused a rise

in anxiety for both the youths in question and the general public. The resultant

stigmatisation is the societal process through which one conception of 'self' as normal and

therefore socially acceptable changes into 'another', viewed by the rest of society as

deviant, (Davis, 1972). While some youth subcultures may be shaped by protest and

devoted to resisting normative social values, it is not appropriate to demonise all young

26

people in this way. Rod Morgan, former Chair of the Youth for Justice Board, publicly

insisted that both the media and politicians stop referring to children as 'yobs' or 'feral',

arguing that Britain risked demonising an entire generation of young people, who were

supposed to be held up as the country's representatives for the future (The Observer, 22

May, 20051

).

1.3.3 Family and Marriage Feelings of connectedness and experiences of relatedness in the formative years between

the infant and primary caregiver generally result in stable and positive attachment bonds

(Ainsworth, 1989; Bowlby, 1960), which in turn provide the child with foundational

sources of support and security. Furthermore, Chodorow (1978) argues that attachment

reflects the commencement behavioural reciprocation of affective experiences, such as

empathy, attention and praise, and these initially positive experiences permeate

throughout early childhood through to adolescence, allowing the individual to establish

prosocial relationships and interpersonal relatedness outside the family unit. With this in

mind, even in a subject as broad as social connectedness, it is important to at least give a

cursory look at perceptions of the importance of the family unit and the extent to which it

provided positive experiences in formative development.

1.3.4 Attitudes towards Politics and Current Affairs

Adolescents form both their identity and their world view, both of which are a result of

their increasing autonomy from their parents (Ter Bogt et al., 2001). Related to this is the

concept of youth centrism (ibid), which is defined as the rejection of commonly held

values by family and social institutions, or what might be referred to the "adult world",

thus implying an in-group-out-group distinction in which adolescents view the adult

world as the out-group (Rabbie & Horwitz, 1969; Ter Bogt et al., 2001). Youth centrism

1 As cited in Aldridge & Cross, 2008

27

accordingly encompasses the creation of social identity and social comparison or, in other

words, social categorisation (Tajfel, 1978). Therefore, adolescents that show an interest

in what they deem to be adult realms, such as politics and current affairs, have an

increased likelihood of positively comparing themselves with adults which insinuates the

presence of a positive basis for identity formation. However, Rahn & Transue (1998)

reported that the level of social trust among young people has declined and as a result,

they are less likely to take an interest or participate in politics (Astin et al., 1997; Smith,

1999). It has been theorised that increased social mobility and diminished community

connectedness are at least in part to blame for this phenomena (Smith, 1999), but it is

important to take into account the downward trend in adolescent participation in

community- and civic-run youth organisations (see section 1.3.1; Rasinski et al., 1993).

Indeed, participating in voluntary activities have been defined as a "web of cooperative

relationships between citizens" (Brehm & Rahn, 1997:999) and denotes a willingness on

the part of the youth to forge connections and interact with others (Steinberg, 1996).

Most notably, though, research suggests that up-coming generations appear to lack the

commonly held norms and values that in turn breed the incentive for social participation

(Bennett & Bennett, 1990). With this in mind, it has been posited that a strong internal

locus of control in relation to one's environment is positively correlated with prior studies

of social trust (Smith, 1999; Wrightsman, 1992), so perhaps a pervading feeling of

anomie preludes this lack of social trust. Several studies have demonstrated the failure of

educational institutions in getting young people interested in politics by highlighting the

adolescent penchant of paying more attention to the mass media and less attention to

world affairs (Côté & Allahar, 2005; Côté, 2006; National Geographic Education

Foundation, 2002), thus the failure culminates in a lack of positive influences on identity

formation.

28

1.4 THE PRESENT STUDY

Research in educational psychology has shown that relatedness to parents,

teachers and peers, and teacher expectations and supportiveness, are both

predictive of school motivation and engagement, and are correlated with both

academic and behavioural competence (Brophy, 1982; Furrer & Skinner, 2003;

Gest et al., 2005). Moreover, Arnett (2000) has determined that the socially-

embedded process of identity formation in contemporary society, with emphasis

on the transitional period between late adolescence and young adulthood, is more

related to the intangible processes of individualisation than to the more traditional

path marked by social roles (i.e. the completion of school followed by an

occupational role, marriage and rearing a family respectively; Green, 1990).

Therefore, the present study was conducted to investigate the centrality of social

connectedness as a predictor of academic motivation and occupational identity

status in adolescence by furthering the conceptualisation of perceptions of social

connectedness (defined as constituting of feelings of support, trust and

relatedness) versus marginalisation and disaffection (Furrer & Skinner, 2003) by

positing that adolescent perceptions of social connectedness will be positively

correlated to the development of academic motivation and more positively related

to the more advanced Occupation Identity statuses (achieved, moratorium, foreclosed)

and negatively related to the least advanced (diffused).

29

2. METHODOLOGY

2.1 PARTICIPANTS

A total of 240 participants took part in this study, of which 91 questionnaires were

available for analysis (38%), with the remaining 62% being eliminated from analysis due

to being incomplete.

Three secondary schools took part in the study; each school was located in different areas

of London, with one being situated in the South West of the city, one in the South East

and the final school in the North of London. The sample consisted of 91 adolescent

students from each school's Year 10, aged between 14 and 15 (M = 14.63; SD = .486).

Each school was specifically chosen to be non-denominational and of mixed gender, a

copy of each school's OFSTED report is shown in Appendix 1. Of the 91 participants,

48.4% were male (N = 44) and 51.6% were female (N = 47). 24.2% of the students

involved stated their nationality to be Black African, 12.1% were White British and 22%

put themselves down as White (Other) and 3.3% chose not to specify. Table 1 presents a

full account of the descriptive data for the different nationalities in the sample:

30

Frequency Percent Valid Percent

Cumulative

Percent

Valid Afro-Caribbean 5 5.5 5.5 5.5

Indian 2 2.2 2.2 7.7

Bangladeshi 1 1.1 1.1 8.8

Chinese 3 3.3 3.3 12.1

Mixed-Parentage 8 8.8 8.8 20.9

Black African 22 24.2 24.2 45.1

Black (other) 5 5.5 5.5 50.5

White British 11 12.1 12.1 62.6

White (other) 20 22.0 22.0 84.6

Don't want to answer 3 3.3 3.3 87.9

Other 11 12.1 12.1 100.0

Total 91 100.0 100.0

Table 1. Nationalities of Study Participants

31

2.2 RECRUITMENT METHODS AND PROCEDURE Initially, the heads of Years 10 and 11 in over 20 schools were contacted via telephone,

using the Edubase Public Portal2

2.3 MEASURES

to select schools suitable for the study. Once the three

schools agreed to participate, a letter was sent to each school's head of Year 10 (see

Appendix 2), further detailing the aims of the study and explaining in more depth the

measures used and their functions, and the fact that the questionnaires would take

between 20 and 25 minutes to complete. The heads of year in each of the three schools

informed the students' parents of the study and its aims, and asked permission for their

children to partake in the study. It was also suggested that the questionnaires be filled out

during form time and that the author of the study could come down to the school to talk

the children through the questionnaire and any questions that they may not understand.

However, each of the participating schools insisted on over-seeing the filling out of the

questionnaires themselves, and instead informed the author via email when it was time to

pick them up. Many of the schools that were contacted declined to participate due to

being under-resourced and/or short of time, or had other projects to attend to at the time.

Three subscales were used in this study (social connectedness, motivation, and

occupational identity formation), and they were presented in the questionnaire in the form

of:

1. Section 1: A self-reported questionnaire assessing the participant's feelings of Social

Connectedness (Social Connectedness Scale or SCS)

2. Section 2: The Motivational Scale section of the "Motivated Strategies for Learning

Questionnaire" (MSLQ) (Pintrich, Smith, Garcia & McKeachie, 1991, 1993)

2 www.edubase.gov.uk

32

3. Section 3: The Occupational Identity Scale (OIS) (Melgosa, 1987).

A copy of the questionnaire in its entirety is shown in Appendix 3. The first page of the

questionnaire displays some information about the aims and nature of the study and also

informs the participant that it is being carried out by a Masters student from the Institute

of Education. It goes on to assure the participant that no names are required, that any

information given is anonymous, that the data will be held in the strictest of confidence

and that the participant may decline to answer a question or withdraw from the study if

they so wished. Finally, the participant is given the choice of either noting down their

nationality or choosing not to answer.

2.3.1 Assessing Social Connectedness The first section of the questionnaire consisted of 46 self-reported questions, each

measured by a 5-point likert scale (1= no opinion; 2= not at all true of me; 3=

occasionally true of me; 4= often true of me; 5= always true of me). This scale was

reversed for items 19, 20, 21, 22, 23 and 43, which were formulated negatively. The

author constructed this section herself; all 46 questions sought to assess feelings of social

connectedness by focusing on issues such as:

1. Social and Community Networks: Questions such as "I feel like I

belong", "I have the choice of joining in community-run projects after school", "I feel like

I am valued by society", "I feel wary or afraid when a stranger is friendly to me", and "I

feel that there are very few people I can trust completely" are asked in light of the fact

that the breakdown of social networks and links with the local community has been

associated with individualisation and the subsequent decline in social trust (Johnston &

Jowell, 1999). Indeed, when a 1998 survey asked people about trusting a stranger, 71%

stated that they didn't (Park, Phillips & Johnson, 2004).

33

2. Social labelling & Perceptions of Prejudice: Research has shown that

young people in Britain have varied views as to how prejudice society is, and on the

whole it has been shown that they feel that the issue of racism is markedly better than it

was 10 years ago (from 39% in 1994, citing severe racism against black people to 20% in

2003; Park, Phillips & Johnson, 2004: 46). However, the author of this study also

includes negative social labelling in her definition of prejudice, for it has been evidenced

that social labelling and/or the incitement of stereotyping can have detrimental effects on

locus of control and motivation, and feelings of well-being, often leading to feelings of

social exclusion and segregation (Allport, 1954/1979; Cadinu et al., 2006; Link & Phelan,

2001; Rotter, 1966). Hence, questions such as the following were asked: "I feel that my

national identity is an important reflection of who I am", "I feel that others respect my

national identity", "I feel that I am capable of achieving anything regardless of my race",

"I feel that people make inaccurate judgements of me based on my appearance", and "I

feel that public officials (police officers, teachers, public transport staff etc) often deal

with people like me fairly".

3. Family Life & Marriage: There has been a shift in attitudes towards

sex, marriage and parenthood in the last 50 years, with pre-marital sex and the decline of

the nuclear family unit becoming increasingly prolific (Barlow et al., 2001). This is

particularly evident in young people and there has been a sharp increase in the acceptance

of single-parent families; Park, Phillips & Johnson (2004) reported that while 55% of

young people felt that one parent was sufficient to bring up a child in 1994, 71% of young

people condoned this view by 2003 (pp. 5). It has been a widely held view that a stable

family life can have positive effects that continue to permeate throughout the life course

(Bowlby, 1960) and so familial stability and parental involvement can help equip a child

with resilient characteristics that might serve to stave off the negative effects of social

prejudice (Rutter 1987; Garmezy 1983; 1985; 1991; Masten & Coatsworth 1998).

Therefore, questions such as "I think marriage is important", "I feel that my parents

would support me in anything I undertake" and "My parents help me with my school

34

work" are aimed at ascertaining levels of parental involvement and the importance the

participants attribute to family.

4. Attitudes towards Politics and Current Affairs: Park (1999)

demonstrated that political awareness and interest among young people has declined since

1994, with 18% of teenagers deeming voting as 'a waste of time' (Park, Phillips &

Johnson, 2004: 3). This disinterest in politics could denote a general sense of apathy or

cynicism, a view that is seemingly supported by the fact that the proportion of young

people who supported a particular political party fell from 68% to 39 % between the years

of 1994 and 2003 (ibid: 30). Therefore, questions such as "I feel that it matters whether

or not I vote when I'm older", "I feel that I can trust politicians", "I am opinionated when

it comes to current affairs", "I read and take an interest in the news", "I believe that

people should obey the law without exception" and "I am in favour of increased

government spending on unemployment benefits" are asked in order to measure the

participant's level of interest in what goes on in society.

During the construction of this scale, the author canvassed the opinions of supervisors,

lecturers and colleagues as to which questions should be used in the finalised version.

Reliability and validity tests were carried out on this scale in the absence of a pilot study,

the results for which are displayed below in section 2.4 (see Table 2).

2.3.2 Motivation for Learning The motivated strategies for learning questionnaire (MSLQ; Pintrich, Smith, Garcia &

McKeachie, 1991, 1993) is a self-report questionnaire comprised of three sections

(motivation, learning strategies and student management of different resources); in this

study only the motivation component was used, with each of the 31 questions relating to

both Maths and English. The items are scored on a 5 point likert scale, from 1 (never) to

5 (always), and they are based on the three general motivational constructs of expectancy,

value and effect. (Duncan & McKeachie, 2005; Pintrich, 1988, 1999). The expectancy

35

constituent applies to the participant's beliefs as to whether or not he/she can accomplish

a task or activity and two MSLQ subscales (self-efficacy for learning and performance

(Alpha > .93, Pintrich et al., 1993), and example of an item within this subscale is "I

believe I will receive an excellent grade in this course", and control of learning beliefs

(Alpha > .68, ibid), and example being "If I study in appropriate ways, then I will be able

to learn the material in this course") are subsequently directed towards assessing

perceptions of specific task-related confidence and the likelihood of successful

accomplishment, and perceptions of locus of control (i.e. whether or not success is

contingent on external factors such as the teacher involved or luck, or internal factors

such as one's own effort and skill). The items focused on value relate to the reasons

students hold for either engaging in a specific task or for choosing not to make any effort,

and are based in both achievement goal theory and expectancy-value theory (Duncan &

McKeachie, 2005); three subscales are utilised to measure these items: intrinsic goal

orientation (Alpha > .74, Pintrich et al., 1993, for example "In a class like this, I prefer

course material that really challenges me so I can learn new things") assesses focus on

learning and mastery; extrinsic goal orientation (Alpha > .62, ibid, for example: "Getting

a good grade in this class is the most satisfying thing for me right now") assesses the

student's emphasis on grades and the approval of others as a motivating factor; and task

value beliefs (Alpha > .90, ibid, for example "I think I will be able to use what I learn in

this course in other courses") measure judgement of how interesting, useful and

important each course is to the student (ibid: 119). Finally, the affect construct serves to

assess levels of performance-related anxiety and concern when undertaking tests and

exams, and is measured through the test anxiety subscale (Alpha > .80, ibid, an example

of which is "I have an uneasy, upset feeling when I take an exam"). The development of

this instrument involved three significant waves of data collection in 1986, 1987 and

1988, with a collective sample of 1,771, and the analyses of these data collections

culminated in the finalised version of the MSLQ in 1993. The correlation coefficients of

the MSLQ subscales for the motivation scale are noted above where relevant.

36

See below (section 2.4 and Table 2) for the Cronbach alpha levels of the MSLQ in this

study.

2.3.3 Occupational Identity The Occupational Identity Scale is a self-reported, 28 item questionnaire (Melgosa,

1987), scored on a 5-point likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly

agree), with 3 being neither agree nor disagree. Melgosa (1987) tested for reliability and

validity using a sample of 417 and the four subscales, derived from Marcia's Identity

Status Paradigm and subsequent ego-identity statuses (1966), are detailed as follows:

achieved (Alpha > .87, ibid) is composed of 7 items (for example, "After analysing many

possible occupational options, I believe I have decided on a specific career");

moratorium (Alpha > .85, ibid) has 8 items (for example "At the present moment, I don't

know exactly what I want as a career, but I am examining several occupational

perspectives"); foreclosed (Alpha > .72, ibid) has 7 items, an example of which is "My

father/mother seem to enjoy so much in their occupation that I am going into his/her type

of job"; and finally, diffused (Alpha > .70, ibid) which consists of 6 items, such as

"Although I don't have a clear idea of what my occupation will be, I don't care at this

point". Developed with adolescents in mind, this instrument seeks to accurately measure

their occupational identities in relation to the aforementioned ego-identity statuses, at a

time when the assessment of future directions is most pertinent.

The levels of internal consistency for the OIS as used in the present study can be seen

below (see also Table 2).

37

2.4 RELIABILITY AND VALIDITY OF THE SUBSCALES AND THEIR CONSTRUCTS USED IN THE QUESTIONNAIRE The internal consistency of the items that make up each subscale is an important aspect

to take into account when analysing data; Alpha coefficients according to Cronbach's

formula were therefore computed. In light of the fact that the sampling distribution of

Cronbach's Alpha is unstipulated and thus it is not possible to establish significant levels,

the interpretation of Cronbach's Alpha relies on the use of standard/guideline values.

That being said, an alpha value of .60 and below is regarded to be low, .70 is regarded as

adequate, a value between .70 and .80 is considered to be moderately high and a value

between .80 and .90 denotes a high level of internal consistency (Field, 2005).

As stated in Methodology subsection 2.3.1, the initial alpha value of the social

connectedness subscale was .86 (Į= .86), while the initial alpha levels produced by the

other two subscales were as follows: MSLQ (for English and Maths combined), Į= .93

(Motivation for English, Į= .93; Motivation for Maths, Į= .88); Occupation Identity Scale

�2,6��� Į � ��3. However, the coefficients for the four Connectedness subscales ranged

from low (Į= .66) to moderately high (Į= .82); to begin with, the first construct, Social

and Community Networks, produced a Cronbach's alpha that was below the acceptable

level of .����Į� �������EXW�WKH�UHPRYDO�RI�ILYH�LWHPV��L�H��LWHPV���������������������EHFDXVH�

they had either very low or negative inter-item correlations caused the alpha to increase to

an acceptable lever (a= .78). Similarly, the deletion of three items (i.e. items 19, 23, and

46) in the Social Labelling and Perceptions of Prejudice construct increased the alpha

from a= .65 to a= 72. With the removal of these items, the alpha for the Connectedness

subscale increased to a= .90.

For the Motivation subscale, the alpha coefficients ranged from low (a= .55) to

moderately high (a= .80); the Cronbach's alpha for the Maths Task Value construct was

38

initially a= .55, but the deletion of item 4 increased the alpha to a= 079. For the sake of a

fair comparison, item 4 was then removed from the English Task Value construct, thus

increasing the alpha coefficients for both Motivation for English and Motivation for

Maths subscales (a= .92 and a= .91 respectively).

All four constructs in the Occupational Identity subscale were moderately high; the

internal coefficient alphas for all the subscales and their respective constructs that were

used to measure the variables in this study are shown in Table 2:

39

Table 2 Internal Coefficient Alphas for the Scales and Subscales Used in the Study (N = 91)

Measure Item N Alpha

Connectedness

Social and community networks

Perceptions of prejudice

Family and marriage

Attitudes towards politics

English motivation total

Intrinsic goal orientation

Extrinsic goal orientation

Task value

Control for learning beliefs

Self-efficacy

Test anxiety

Math motivation total

Intrinsic goal orientation

Extrinsic goal orientation

Task value

Control for learning beliefs

Self-efficacy

Test anxiety

36

11

10

3

12

30

4

4

5

4

8

5

30

4

4

5

4

8

5

.90

.78

.72

.66

.82

.92

.69

.72

.80

.62

.84

.69

.91

.68

.77

.79

.55

.86

.66

40

(Table 2 continued...)

Measure Item N Alpha

Occupational identity

Achievement

Moratorium

Foreclosure

Diffusion

7

8

7

6

.84

.84

.84

.82

3. RESULTS 3.1 DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS Four of the subscales (i.e., Prejudice, Family and Marriage, Motivation Total for English,

and Extrinsic Motivation for English) were somewhat skewed, that is to say the measure

of symmetry of the frequency distribution shows that the frequent scores are clustered at

the higher end of the distribution and the tail is leaning slightly towards the lower, more

negative scores (Field, 2005:745), but the remaining constructs were normally

distributed. The negative skewness of the constructs is not severe enough to cause the

distribution to deviate too far from the norm. Also, with a sample size of 91, the Central

Limit theorem (Wilcox, 2007) suggests that distributions can be considered normal for

the purposes of selecting statistical tests. Tables 3 and 4 display the means and standard

deviations for the subscales and their constructs:

41

Table 3 Descriptive Statistics for Study Variables Connectedness and Motivation in English (N = 91)

Variable Range Mean SD Skew

Connectedness

Social and community networks

Perceptions of prejudice

Family and marriage

Attitudes towards politics

English motivation total

Intrinsic goal orientation

Extrinsic goal orientation

Task value

Control for learning beliefs

Self-efficacy

Test anxiety

59 to 168

13 to 55

15 to 50

3 to 15

17 to 56

45 to 140

5 to 20

6 to 20

6 to 20

6 to 20

10 to 40

5 to 25

125.27

35.27

38.16

11.62

40.32

109.59

14.45

16.80

15.58

15.02

30.31

17.43

22.001

7.71

6.60

3.08

8.99

18.27

3.11

3.11

3.26

3.17

6.11

4.41

-.75

-.39

-1.01

-1.08

-.35

-1.02

-.82

-1.08

-.86

-.66

-.70

-.56

Standard error for skew values was .25.

42

Table 4 Descriptive Statistics for Study Variables Motivation in Maths and Occupational Identity (N = 91)

Variable Range Mean SD Skew

Math motivation total

Intrinsic goal orientation

Extrinsic goal orientation

Task value

Control for learning beliefs

Self-efficacy

Test anxiety

Occupational identity

Achievement

Moratorium

Foreclosure

Diffusion

61 to 150

5 to 20

8 to 20

7 to 25

6 to 20

9 to 40

5 to 25

7 to 35

8 to 39

7 to 34

6 to 30

112.54

14.81

16.37

19.08

15.10

29.41

17.77

22.43

26.26

21.07

18.53

18.42

3.12

3.37

4.27

2.98

6.55

4.37

6.01

7.00

6.18

5.32

-.50

-.55

-.67

-.94

-.46

-.49

-.28

-.05

-.43

-.17

-.20

Standard error for skew values was .25.

3.2 RESEARCH FINDINGS To test this study's hypotheses, statistical tests were carried out using SPSS, and the

output for these statistical analyses is located in Appendices.

3.2.1 Hypothesis 1: perceptions of social connectedness (social and community

networks, social labelling and perceptions of prejudice, Family and Marriage, and

Attitudes towards Politics) will be related to students' motivation in English and

motivation in Mathematics (intrinsic goal motivation, extrinsic goal motivation, task

value, self-efficacy for learning beliefs, control of learning beliefs and test anxiety).

43

To facilitate the investigation of the relationship between students' perceptions of social

connectedness and their motivation in academic performance, it was necessary to

ascertain whether or not the data was normally distributed. Upon establishing that it was

indeed normally distributed, albeit with slight negative skewness, through the use of

histograms (with normal curves3

), the Pearson's Correlation coefficient (or Pearson's r)

was carried out, the results for which can be seen in Tables 5 (English) and 6 (Maths).

3 See Appendix 4 for statistical analyses (SPSS output)

44

Table 5 Pearson Correlations between Connectedness and Motivation in English (N = 91)

Variable Total Intrinsic Extrinsic Task Control Efficacy Anxiety

Connectedness total

Social and community networks

Social labelling and perceptions of prejudice

Family and marriage

Attitudes towards politics

.50

.42

.37

.45

.43

**

**

**

**

**

.46

.40

.34

.41

.40

**

**

**

**

**

.37

.25

.24

.31

.41

**

*

*

**

**

.43

.41

.27

.47

.33

**

**

**

**

**

.50

.44

.40

.43

.41

**

**

**

**

**

.50

.41

.44

.46

.39

**

**

**

**

**

.11

.09

.05

.06

.13

* p < .05. ** p < .01.

45

A correlation coefficient of +1 signifies a perfectly positive correlation between two

variables, while a coefficient (r) of -1 indicates a perfectly negative correlation;

interpreting correlation coefficients is dependent on the context and purpose of the data

(Cohen, 1988) and in light of this, a description of 'small', 'medium' or 'large' do not

denote a 'good' or 'bad' result. Indeed, mitigating circumstances within non-experimental,

socio-psychological studies can often mean that a correlation coefficient of .40 is medium

/large and therefore a significant correlation has been found, while the same correlation

coefficient found in an experimental design in which confounding variables can be

eliminated or controlled for could be considered small and therefore trivial (Cohen et al.,

2003). However, some indication of the magnitude of correlation coefficients is useful

and Cohen’s (1988) terminology is adopted here as follows: small, .10 - .30; medium, .30

- .50; and large, .50 - 1.0.

The findings in this study reveal that the Connectedness subscale and its constructs were

significantly correlated with five out of the six English Motivation constructs. The

relationship between the total subscale of connectedness (i.e. the sum of all four

constructs) and total motivation in English (i.e. the sum of all six constructs) was r= .50,

p <.001. There was not a significant correlation between Connectedness and its

constructs and Test Anxiety, r= .11, p < .31. It is interesting to see that for social

connectedness and self-efficacy beliefs in English r= .50, p < .001, suggesting a medium

to large correlation, and it is also evident that there is a large relationship between

connectedness and intrinsic motivation goal in English (r= .46, p < .001). Furthermore,

there is a statistically significant relationship between Social Labelling and Perceptions of

Prejudice and Self-Efficacy for Learning Beliefs (r= .44, p < .001), and between the

former construct and Control of Learning Beliefs (r= .40, p < .001). These results

generally support the hypothesis that perceptions of social connectedness are related to

motivation in English, and this is true for all the subscales.

46

The Connectedness subscale and its constructs were also, on the whole, significantly

correlated with the Maths motivation constructs except Test Anxiety, but the magnitude

of the correlations was smaller and more patchy (Table 6). The Social Connectedness

construct of Social Labelling and Perceptions of Prejudice was only significantly

correlated to Self-Efficacy for Learning Beliefs (r= .23, p < .03) and Task Value (r= .23,

p < .31). That being said, this study's findings are somewhat in support of the hypothesis

that social connectedness is related to motivation in Maths.

47

Table 6 Pearson Correlations between Connectedness and Motivation in Maths (N = 91)

Variable Total Intrinsic Extrinsic Task Control Efficacy Anxiety

Connectedness total

Social and community networks

Social labelling and perceptions of prejudice

Family and marriage

Attitudes towards politics

.32

.29

.23

.31

.26

**

**

*

**

*

.26

.26

.17

.23

.21

*

*

*

*

.31

.25

.14

.30

.33

**

*

**

**

.31

.34

.23

.31

.21

**

**

*

**

*

.31

.31

.19

.24

.26

**

**

*

*

*

.23

.17

.23

.28

.14

*

*

**

.09

.06

.05

.03

.11

*p < .05. ** p < .01

48

3.2.2 Hypothesis 2: perceptions of social relatedness (social and community

networks, social labelling and perceptions of prejudice, Family and Marriage, and

Attitudes towards Politics) will be positively related to the more advanced Occupation

Identity statuses (achieved, moratorium, foreclosed) and negatively related to the least

advanced (diffused).

Upon establishing that the relevant data was normally distributed (see Appendix 4),

the parametric statistical test of Pearson's correlation coefficient was utilised in order

to explore the relationship between students' feelings of social connectedness and their

current occupational identity formations, the results of which are displayed in Table

7.

Table 7 Pearson Correlations between Connectedness and Occupational Identity (N = 91)

Variable Achieved Moratorium Foreclosed Diffused

Connectedness total

Social and community networks

Social labelling and perceptions of prejudice

Family and marriage

Attitudes towards politics

.52

.53

.37

.37

.43

**

**

**

**

**

.33

.34

.26

.27

.23

**

**

*

*

*

.37

.38

.32

.36

.22

**

**

**

**

*

.26

.28

.29

.25

.10

*

**

**

*

* p < .05. ** p < .01.

The research findings reveal that the Social Connectedness subscale and all 4 of its

constructs are significantly correlated with three of the Occupational Identity

constructs; the social connectedness construct, Attitudes towards Politics, was not

significantly correlated to the Diffused construct (r= .10, p < .35), while it is strongly

correlated to the Achieved construct (r= .43, p < .001). Social Labelling and

49

Perceptions of Prejudice is significantly correlated to all of the Occupational Identity

constructs with the exception of Moratorium, with which it is slightly less

significantly correlated (r= .26, p < .14). The summation of the connectedness

subscale's constructs were strongly correlated with the Achieved construct (r= .52, p <

.001), but revealed a slightly weaker correlation with the Diffused construct (r= .26, p

< .01). whilst the fact that the correlations between Social Connectedness and

Achieved, Moratorium and Foreclosed statuses are in the expected direction, the

correlation with Diffused was not.

Due to the unexpected finding that Social Connectedness was significantly related to

all the identity statuses, the relationships between statuses was explored further to

determine their orthogonality. Melgosa (1987) reported that the statuses were

relatively well separated, but it is evident from Table 8 that there is a marked

correlation between the statuses in the current data set.

Table 8

Pearson Correlations between Occupational Identity Statuses

Variable Achieved Moratorium Foreclosed Diffused

Moratorium

Foreclosed

Diffused

.440**

.585**

.401**

.637**

.650**

.698**

*p <.50. ** p< .01.

50

3.2.3 Analysis of the Relationships between Social Connectedness, Identity status and Motivation In order to identify the independent relationships between the statuses and Social

Connectedness, a regression analyses was conducted, with Social Connectedness as

the outcome (dependent) variable and the statuses entered in one block as the predictor

variables (Table 9).

Table 9

Multiple regression analysis of the relationship between Connectedness and

Occupational Identity.

Dependent variable = Social Connectedness

Block Variable entered Standardised beta

t Sig.

One Achieved .45 3.98 .000**

Moratorium .12 ns

Foreclosed .06 ns

Diffused -.04 ns

* p < .05. ** p < .01.

The most advanced status, Achieved, has a significant and independent relationship

with Social Connectedness. The remaining three statuses were not significantly

related.

In trying to understand the role that Social Connectedness plays in the development of

motivation and the formation of identity statuses, a multiple regression analysis was

performed, with motivation in English (Table 10) and motivation in Maths (Table 11)

as the outcome variables and the identity statuses as the predictor variables.

51

Table 10

Multiple regression analysis of the relationship between Motivation in English and Occupational Identity.

Model

Unstandardized Coefficients

Standardized Coefficients

t Sig. B Std. Error Beta

1 (Constant) 71.421 8.044 8.879 .000**

Achieved 1.261 .359 .391 3.512 .001**

Moratorium .903 .349 .326 2.587 .011*

Foreclosed -.029 .458 -.009 -.063 ns

Diffused -.314 .492 -.086 -.639 ns * p < .05. ** p < .01.

Table 11

Multiple regression analysis of the relationship between Motivation in Maths and Occupational Identity.

Model

Unstandardized Coefficients

Standardized Coefficients

t Sig. B Std. Error Beta

1 (Constant) 84.987 8.505 9.993 .000**

Achieved .064 .379 .021 .169 ns

Moratorium .364 .369 .136 .987 ns

Foreclosed .667 .485 .220 1.376 ns

Diffused .353 .520 .100 .679 ns * p < .05. ** p < .01.

52

The more advanced identity statuses of Achieved and Moratorium are related to

motivation in English, but not to motivation in Maths. Foreclosed and Diffused were

not related to motivation in either subject.

With the intention of exploring the power of Social Connectedness and Occupational

Identity as predictors of motivation, a full regression model was carried out, with

Social Connectedness and the Occupational Identity statuses as the predictor variables

and motivation in English and Maths (Tables 12 and 13 respectively) as the outcome

variables.

Table 12

Full regression analysis of the predictive power of Social Connectedness and Occupational Identity on Motivation in English

Model Unstandardized

Coefficients Standardized Coefficients t Sig.

B Std. Error Beta

Step 1 (Constant) 51.770 12.696 4.078 .000** Connect .427 .082 .482 5.188 .000**

Step 2 (Constant) 44.633 12.231 3.649 .000** Connect .254 .090 .287 2.827 .006** Achieved .860 .373 .267 2.306 .024* Moratorium .857 .336 .310 2.549 .013* Foreclosed -.112 .442 -.036 -.254 ns Diffused -.318 .473 -.087 -.672 ns

R2= .22 for Step 1; ¨ R2= .33 for Step 2; * p < .05. ** p < .01.

Social Connectedness is a significant, direct independent predictor of motivation in

English, and Achieved and Moratorium identity statuses are also independent

predictors on English motivation. Furthermore, Achieved and Moratorium statuses

53

partially mediate the relationship between connectedness and motivation in English.

Together, the predictor variables explain 33% of the variance of English motivation.

Table 13 Full regression analysis of the predictive power of Social Connectedness and Occupational Identity on Motivation in Maths.

Model Unstandardized

Coefficients Standardized Coefficients t Sig.

B Std. Error Beta

1 (Constant) 73.342 13.222 5.547 .000 Connect .283 .086 .330 3.303 .001**

2 (Constant) 64.373 13.215 4.871 .000 Connect .195 .097 .228 2.014 .047* Achieved -.244 .403 -.078 -.606 ns Moratorium .328 .363 .123 .905 ns Foreclosed .603 .477 .199 1.263 ns Diffused .350 .511 .099 .685 ns

R2= .14 for Step 1; ¨ R2= .17 for Step 2; * p < .05. ** p < .01

In relation to motivation in Maths, only Social Connectedness was a significant, direct

predictor, explaining 14% of the variance of Maths motivation, although less

significantly than it was for motivation in English, for which it explained 22% of the

variance. Occupational Identity does not mediate the impact of Social Connectedness

on motivation in Maths.

In light of the above, it is important to note that the psychological phenomena in this

study (i.e. motivation and occupational identity formation) cannot be explained by

social connectedness alone. In summary, both hypothesis 1 and hypothesis 2 are

supported by the findings; perceptions of social connectedness are positively

correlated with both academic motivation (in the fields of English and Maths) and are

54

also more significantly correlated to the formation of achieved occupational identity

than diffused identity status in adolescents.

55

4. DISCUSSION The goal of the present study was to explore the relationship between adolescent

students’ sense of social connectedness and their engagement with education and

future employment. The thesis was that social connectedness was an important factor

in the establishment of a healthy relationship with education and employment. In

exploring these potential relationships, it is hoped that adequate intervention strategies

might be formulated and implemented to help young people willingly establish

connection with society, thereby feeling valued and proactive in their participation in

"defining for themselves who they are and what they believe in" (Ferrer-Wreder et al.,

2002: 180). The overall pattern of quantitative findings supported the two hypotheses

in this study.

There is a paucity of measures on social connectedness and one of the primary tasks of

the study was therefore to develop such a measure. The measure developed seemed to

work well; reliability analysis was carried out and revealed good internal consistency

and relationships in the expected direction with the other variables, suggesting good

construct validity.

4.1 Hypothesis 1 The first hypothesis was that there would be a correlation between participants'

perceptions of social connectedness and their academic motivation in English and

Maths. The null hypothesis, therefore, was that there would be either no correlation or

negative correlation between perceptions of social connectedness and academic

motivation in English and Maths.

The analysis of the data has shown that perceptions of social connectedness are

predictive of the degree to which an individual is motivated in English and Maths.

The total score of the SCS and the MSLQ in English are strongly correlated, whereas

56

the correlation was less significant between total connectedness and motivation in

Maths, and the same is true of the correlations between the SCS constructs and the

Maths MSLQ constructs. Research into the domain specificity of academic

motivation is strongly supported by self-concept research (Green, Martin & Marsh,

2007), and several studies have evidenced a near-zero correlation between Maths

achievement and verbal self-concept (which is highly correlated with English

achievement; Marsh, 1990; Marsh & Hau, 2004). English as a subject could be

perceived as being more relevant, and therefore important, in daily life than Maths,

and this could mean that there is increased social pressure to succeed in English, or

perhaps success in English leads to stronger feelings of belonging to society.

The construct social labelling and perceptions of prejudice was not correlated to

either intrinsic motivation or extrinsic motivation in Maths, but it was positively

correlated to task value, perhaps implying that students who exhibit high feelings of

social connectedness might lend greater importance to Maths because they see it as

salient for professional success; connectedness overall and extrinsic motivation in

Maths are strongly correlated, which might mean that students are motivated to

achieve as a means to an end, and not because they enjoy it. Moreover, of all the SCS

constructs, family and marriage was significantly correlated with the Maths MSLQ

total and all the constructs bar test anxiety, which could mean that some families

promote Maths as a valuable skill to have, possibly due to parental values, job, and/or

parental education. Furthermore, the data shows that Social Connectedness was the

only significant variable for predicting motivation in Maths, while the occupational

identity statuses were not shown to be significantly predictive, which could mean that

motivation in Maths isn’t necessarily important in terms of choosing a specific career,

but nevertheless benefits from the feelings of autonomy and competence that are

enhanced by perceptions of connectedness. Thus, the significant, direct predictive

57

relationship between Social Connectedness and English motivation, and the significant

indirect relationship of Social Connectedness on English motivation through the

former’s impact on the two more advanced identity statuses (i.e. Achieved and

Moratorium), could denote that stronger feelings of connectedness might equip the

individual with the incentive and/or drive to be more exploratory of different

opportunities and, in the case of Achieved individuals, more confidence, thus enabling

commitment.

The SCS construct of social labelling and perceptions of prejudice is significantly

correlated with the MSLQ constructs of control of learning belief and self-efficacy for

learning beliefs for both subjects (although with less significant correlations in Maths).

This very much supports this study's hypothesis; low self-efficacy doesn't necessarily

dictate poor academic performance, but it is argued that incentives (i.e. a positive,

reciprocal individual-society relationship that encourages the adoption and

internalisation of social and moral standards) are required to activate self-regulating

attitudes otherwise the child could choose to disengage (Bandura, 1991). Indeed,

stigma resulting from discrimination and prejudice has been linked to academic

underachievement, reduced access to education and jobs, and low social status

(Allison, 1998; Braddock & McPartland, 1987, Clark et al., 1999; Major & O'Brien,

2005).

Social and community networks and attitudes towards politics both apply to feelings

of social trust and willingness to forge connections with social others. The significant

correlations between these two SCS constructs and motivation suggests that

adolescents' feelings of social solidarity and security encourages engagement, thus

playing an important part in their academic motivation.

The correlations between the SCS constructs and intrinsic and extrinsic motivation, as

well as self-efficacy beliefs and control of learning beliefs, imply that the lack of

58

correlation between connectedness and test anxiety could mean that the participant has

no incentive to do well or care about the results. Indeed, commonly experienced

thoughts such as comparing self-performance with peers, fear of causing shame to

parents, loss of self-worth and so on (Deffenbacher, 1980; Hembree, 1988; Cassady &

Johnson, 2002) won't affect an individual who isn't motivated to try (Sarason, 1961).

That being said, anxiety has been argued as being something of a general trait

characteristic (Green, Martin, & Marsh, 2007; Sarason & Sarason, 1990), and so the

construct of test anxiety could be invalid when applied to the construct of social

connectedness.

4.2 Hypothesis 2 The second hypothesis in this study postulated that there would be a correlation

between adolescents' perceptions of social connectedness and a more advanced stage

of occupational identity.

The Melgosa (1987) Occupational Identity Scale did not perform as expected in the

current study and the identity statuses, Achieved, Moratorium, Foreclose and Diffused

were intercorrelated. A multiple regression analysis was used to help disentangle the

amount of social connectedness variance that independently explained each status. In

partial confirmation of the hypothesis, the more advanced status, Achieved, was

positively associated with social connectedness, the less advanced statuses were not.

This suggests that a strong sense of connectedness to the conventional world, that is to

say, the internalisation and integration of conventional norms and values nurtures

feelings of competence and well-being which are imperative in order to carry out

exploration and commitment. Indeed, work goals engage young people in reflecting

about their present and potential (future) selves, and a pertinent task of adolescence is

to consolidates carefully reasoned beliefs, goals and values into an identity that allows

for the making of life decisions through careful exploration and the courage and

59

incentive to commit (Arnett, 2000; Schwartz, 2001; Yeager & Bundick, 2009).

Adolescents who successfully explore and commit often develop coherent and distinct

life purposes, and are thus more likely to be motivated to accomplish something that

is both meaningful to them and, at the same time, contributes positively to society

(Damon, 2008; Damon, Menon & Bronk, 2003; Yeager & Bundick, 2009). Moreover,

the significant independent relationship between Social Connectedness and Achieved

identity status serves to reinforce the notion that connectedness to the conventional

world fosters autonomous, self-sufficient and efficacious behaviour in adolescents.

No correlation was found between attitudes towards politics and the Diffused identity

status. One reason for this could be that diffused individuals run a greater risk of

falling into a low-functioning social role due to a lack of both exploration and

commitment, and so would be less likely to exhibit an interest in world affairs. Also,

behavioural problems, low intelligence, mental or physical illness and so on could be

stronger contributing factors to the formation of diffused identity. The significant

correlations between the SCS constructs social and community networks and

perceptions of prejudice, and Diffused identity imply that feelings of lack of trust and

stigmatization, in conjunction with other factors such as the aforementioned, are

especially damaging to an individual’s self-esteem and the formation of occupation

identity. Indeed, the very essence of social stigma is devaluation and dehumanisation

by others (Crocker & Quinn, 2003).

4.3 Limitations The present study sought to investigate the potential relationship between students'

perceptions of social connectedness, their academic motivation and their formation of

occupational identity. There are, however, several methodological limitations that

60

need to be noted due to their implications for the validity and reliability of the accrued

data.

The first limitation of note is that, in light of the fact that the Social Connectedness

scale (SCS) was constructed specifically for this study by the author; a pilot study

should have been carried out before administration so as to test the scale's validity,

reliability and whether or not the chosen sample was representative of the hypotheses.

Once all the questionnaires had been administered to the students and collected by the

author, it was evident that there was a large number that were incomplete. The

reasons for this could be that the questionnaire was too long and appeared too

complicated; upon studying the collected questionnaires it became clear that the

majority of the students had completed section 1 (SCS) before giving up. In some

cases section 2 (MSLQ) was missed out altogether and the students simply went on to

fill out section 3 (OIS), which could indicate that the appearance of the MSLQ proved

too daunting, given that the students were required to give two answer for every

question. Furthermore, the high levels of non-completion might imply a non-

representative final sample, meaning that the majority of the students may not have

felt strongly enough about the contents of the questionnaire to spend time completing

it. Equally, high levels of incompletion could mean a lack of face validity (in other

words, whether or not the scales consist of items that are appropriate for measuring the

hypotheses). Future use of this scale would require further investigation into the

salient factors of social connectedness for adolescence, that is to say, what adolescents

interpret as either encouraging or hostile societal behaviour.

The second shortcoming for this study is the reliance of self-reporting measures,

which can be subject to self-report bias; for example, participants might select what

they deem to be a socially acceptable answer over an honest answer for fear of

recrimination or shame, thus being discrepant with their actual perceptions or

behaviour (Pintrich & Schunk, 1996). It has also been evidenced that self-report

61

measures are prone to both over-reporting and under-reporting, thus affecting the

validity of responses (Plant et al., 1985), and there is no way of controlling the degree

of sincerity with which the respondent undertakes the questionnaire. Finally, it is not

possible to ascertain whether the objective of the study and the contents of the

questionnaire were fully acknowledged and/or understood. That being said, this

method can provide a rough but useful guide as to the perceptions and behaviour of

the participants (ibid), but ideally it should be supplemented with other means. The

fact that social connectedness only accounts for a small percentage of the development

of both motivation and occupation identity statuses clearly suggest that other variables

also strongly influences adolescents' development. Therefore, this study would have

benefited from the participation of significant others such as the teachers and parents

of the students, thus providing more objective information regarding motivation in

class and behaviour outside the school environment. Moreover, parenting style (i.e.

authoritative, permissive, and authoritarian) has been shown to affect academic

motivation and performance (Baumrind, 1973; Dornbusch et al., 1987) and parent

education and socio-economic background have both been associated with self-

regulatory and motivating behaviours in children (Coleman et al., 1966; Gonzales, et

al., 2006; Eccles, 1993; Grolnick & Slowiaczek, 1994; Heyns, 1978; Jimerson,

Egeland, & Teo, 1999; Kohn, 1963; Luster, Rhoades, & Haas, 1989).

The third limitation is the small sample size; although the schools from which the

sample came were randomly selected, the final data set was less than half the number

of questionnaires administered. Additionally, recruiting a sample from a city as

ethnically diverse as London is not necessarily representative of the rest of the United

Kingdom.

Fourthly, this study is limited by the fact that it measures the variables at one point in

time only, which means that it is inappropriate to assume stable relationships.

Longitudinal research is more accurate in determining the stability of relationships

62

between variables because it enables the assessment of the effect of time on the

variables, for example, the effect of continual marginalisation on motivation and

identity formation.

Following on from this, the fifth limitation is that this study is a non-experimental

correlational study. It is important to note that correlation does not prove causality;

there are three primary criteria for establishing a cause and effect relationship between

variables (i.e. i) an association is established between the variables; ii) the association

is genuine and valid; iii) the direction denotes that the cause precedes the effect;

(Frazier, Tix & Barron, 2004; Hoyle & Smith, 1994), and the present study merely

establishes an association between the variables without controlling for the effects of

other variables, such as the quality of early attachment and family life, I.Q and the

effects of time. The use of a control group (for example, students from a more

affluent background or school) could provide a useful comparison in future research.

4.4 General Discussion: Educational Implications and Conclusion The present study was carried out because of a perceived gap in the research

concerning adolescent development; prevalent theories in achievement motivation

stress the consequence of autonomy and self-efficacy (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Walton &

Cohen, 2007), and it has been acknowledged that social connectedness can play a

mediating role in their development (Caprara et al., 2000; Cohen & Steele, 2002;

Furrer & Skinner, 2003). However, much of the research has focused on the exclusion

or discrimination of ethnic groups and other minority groups, whereas this study

concentrates on the alienation of a less homogeneous group in that the children

focused on by this study come from a variety of different ethnic and social

backgrounds. A very contemporary problem is that people are being encouraged by

the media to fear the rise of a new ‘underclass’ of youth, that is to say, a group that is

regarded as being ‘behaviourally poor’ (Green, 1992: 77 as quoted in Macdonald,

63

1997; see also Goode & Ben-Yehuda, 1994; Hayward & Yar, 2006; Murray, 2001)

because they wear a certain brand of clothing, or because they live in certain areas and

this prejudice has resulted in the dichotomy of an in-group and an out-group (Devine

et al., 1999; Morone, 1997). As Allport (1954/1979; Jones, 2003, 2005) hypothesised,

in the face of prejudice two predominant modes of ego defence or self-protection can

be adopted by the marginalised group, either singularly or in combination;

extropunitive psychic self-protection sees the strengthening of inter-group ties,

aggression and revolt (in the form of stealing, rebellion and delinquency), the erosion

of social trust and, in an individualised culture, this form of defence could very well

function to preserve, or even boost, positive self-esteem. Conversely, intropunitive

modes of self-protection might entail withdrawal from society, passive behaviour,

self-loathing, inter-group aggression, denial of own group membership, neuroticism

and failure to behave seriously when the situation warrants it. In light of this study’s

findings, these two models of self-protection could both be argued as being salient; the

weaker relationship between social connectedness and diffused identity could suggest

a certain degree of apathy and withdrawal, deficient internalisation and integration and

low self-esteem. On the other hand, the strong correlations between perceptions of

prejudice/social and community networks and diffused occupational identity status

might signify extropunitive feelings, a defiance that manifests itself in the

reinforcement of in-group bonds and consequent rejection of out-group values

(Crocker & Major, 1989; Leonardelli & Tormala, 2003). Indeed, the introduction of

the Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs) is illustrative of this; not only can

receiving an ASBO have a detrimentally shaming effect on a child, thus becoming a

self-fulfilling prophecy, the reverse can also be true, with a study by the MTV music

channel revealing that one in three children saw the possession of an ASBO as a badge

of honour as opposed to a mark of shame (Booth, 2006), to the extent that some

children began to aspire towards receiving one, an occurrence that could be due to

deficient attachment to society and/or a lack of social conscience(Baron & Kennedy,

64

1998). Intropunitive self-protection can also be damaging to self-regulated motivation

in that self-criticism has been evidenced as impeding autonomous regulation, thus

self-criticism is argued as being a severe vulnerability factor (Blatt et al., 2001; Shahar

et al., 2003). Further research could benefit from a more detailed approach, such as

utilising a measure that assesses coping tactics, so as to ascertain the extent to which

adolescents opt for either extropunitive or intropunitive self-protective strategies.

The importance of self-esteem and its separate domains such as academic self-esteem

and social acceptance (Harter, 1993), is such that research has long focused on its

relationship with stigma, achievement and identity formation (Ervin & Stryker, 2001;

Kammeyer-Mueller & Judge, 2008); self-esteem is typically defined as an individual’s

general feelings of self-worth (Bong & Clark, 1999) and is widely accepted as playing

a predominant role in adolescent development and individual competence

(Baumeister, 1993; Phinney, Cantu & Kurtz, 1996). Moreover, it is argued that

collective self-esteem derives largely from social identity which in turn “consists of

those aspects of an individual’s self-image that derive from the social categories to

which he [sic] perceives himself as belonging” (Tajfel & Turner, 1986: 16; Phinney et

al., 1996). Yet empirical findings have often refuted the assumption that lower social

status or perceieved stereotype threat necessarily results in diminished self-esteem

(Bowler et al., 1986; Porter & Washington, 1993; Nosek et al., 2002; Twenge &

Crocker, 2002). However, it should be noted that the majority of these studies have

concentrated on racial differences and ethnic minorities, and so the relative

homogeneity (that is to say, the shared nationality or ethnicity) of these groups and

their ethnic identity could serve to protect and enhance in-group solidarity (Bat-Chava

& Steen, 1995; Phinney, 1989, 1993; Phinney & Chavira, 1992). That the results of

this study positively associate perceptions of social connectedness with motivation and

the exploration of and commitment to values and beliefs that in turn contribute to the

formation of occupational identity suggests that the heterogeneity of this particular

marginalised group does not facilitate the forging of in-group ties and instead serves to

65

further individualise group members. Moreover, stigma-induced identity threat can

also cause chronic disengagement of self-esteem from intellectual or academic tasks

(Crocker et al., 1994; Major & O’Brien, 2005; Osborne, 1995).

Therefore, while it is all very well to supervise children through school and out the

other side with as many pass marks as possible, a growing consensus argues that it is

crucial to also attempt to equip them with the incentive and motivation to carry on

trying after they have left. Côté & Allahar (2005) have argued that children end up

finding very little of value in partaking in a system that provides little, if any, reason to

strive for something more, and so they end up marking time until they are legally

allowed to leave school (National Geographic Education Foundation, 2002). Indeed, a

study found that more American students were more likely to have learned something

from watching television than they were in the classroom (ibid). In failing to engage

children in society, society is failing to pass on the knowledge of previous generations,

and this lack of knowledge not only disempowers young people and leaves them with

fewer positive and encouraging influences, it also leaves them ill-equipped to make

positive, life-changing choices, leaving many feeling inferior and disaffected (Côté,

2006; Link & Phelan, 2001). In terms of attainment, those who feel that they fall into

an undesirable social category might come to believe that they are not capable of

success and the resulting low self-efficacy beliefs may result in avoidant proclivities in

the face of challenging or difficult activities (McKown & Weinstein, 2003; Pajares &

Schunk, 2002). Furthermore, low self-efficacy and diminished feelings of

connectedness could be handicapping in an individualist-oriented society, such as

Western society (Schwartz, Montogomery & Briones, 2006) due to the emphasis on

industrial competition and the subsequent need for individuals to sell themselves by

promoting aspects of their personal identity (for example, the values and beliefs they

endorse and the skills they have learnt), leaving those who are marginalised or

diffused at a disadvantage (Côté & Levine, 2002). Indeed, from an educational

psychology perspective, Haidt and Rodin (1999) stated that the basic human

66

motivational needs of autonomy, self-sufficiency and mastery depend on the prior

existence of safety and systemic support (Kadushin, 2002: 85).

With this in mind, future research and, eventually, intervention strategies should focus

on creating contexts which allow young people to discover and develop their

competence in making decisions that affect the direction of their lives (Ferrer-Wreder

et al., 2002; Freire, 1970/1983). Indeed, Giroux argued that “implicit in the concept of

linking classroom experiences to the wider community is the idea that the school is

best understood as… a locus of citizenship” (1989:201). For this to work, a reciprocal

relationship needs to be developed between the individual and society, allowing

adolescents to creatively explore and critically challenge different options before

committing to those that best adhere to her/his set of values and goals. Unfortunately,

this idealisation is presented with a daunting problem; prejudgments, whether on

appearance or where someone lives, are amplifying the marginalisation of young

people. In light of this, interventions also need to focus on the development of

resilient characteristics, such as critical problem solving, which has been negatively

correlated with various externalising and internalising problem behaviours (Tolan &

Guerra, 1994) and, furthermore, it has also been correlated to the formation of identity

(Grotevant & Adams, 1984). Katz (1997) has stated that crucial to developing

resiliency in children is the provision of plentiful and meaningful opportunities, with

an emphasis on early positive future expectations (Condly, 2006). That is to say, the

promotion and encouragement of early positive expectations for the future by care-

givers and social others has been evidenced as having strong protective effects;

Wyman et al. (1993) demonstrated that these expectations can foster outcomes such as

competence, reading ability and achievement, socio-emotional adjustment, and school

and social engagement. With this in mind, the promotion of collaborative projects in

early pre-school could serve to persuade social participation and the co-construction of

67

meaning through shared learning (Dahlberg et al., 1999), and the endorsement of the

investigation of environmental and social issues (Oken-Wright & Gravett, 2002). The

moderating role of Locus of Control is also argued as being protective, depending on

where it lies (Rotter, 1966; Skinner, Wellborn & Connell, 1990). Individuals who

exhibit an internal locus of control take responsibility and assume control of the events

in their lives, while those with an external locus of control feel that their lives are

determined by external influences, and the former group tend to be more highly

motivated and academically successful than the latter (Johnson & Kanoy, 1980; Stipek

& Weisz, 1981). Encouraging an internal locus of control will enhance self-efficacy

beliefs, which also serve to protect against adverse feelings (Bandura, 1989; Rutter,

1987). Ferrer-Wreder et al. (2002) found that marginalised young people responded

positively to contexts that made available opportunities to develop a critical

understanding of their life contexts, thus enabling them to proactively participate in

deciding for themselves what they chose to value and who they are. Certainly,

environmental context and appraisals stimulate emotional reaction (i.e. academic-

related emotions such as enjoyment of learning, aspirations for success, pride of

achievement, test anxiety, hopelessness or indifference/boredom), which in turn have

been shown to influence cognitive processes, motivation for learning and

achievement, in a reciprocal relationship (Pekrun et al., 2002). Therefore, it is crucial

to break away from the belief that an individual cannot make a difference; to foster the

belief that anyone can contribute to society could empower young people and enhance

their self-appraisals of competence and control for positive emotions nurture

motivation and self-belief (ibid). It is true that “we must empower the children with

the integrity of our acknowledgement” (Camila Batmanghelidjh, The Guardian, 2006),

for it has been acknowledged that there are individuals who are capable of prevailing

over life’s barriers (Erikson, 1958, 1969) so long as their sense of agency and self-

efficacy beliefs enable the internal motivation to do so (Gilligan, 1982; Pipher, 1994;

Yoder, 2000).

68

This area of research is speculative due to the intangibility and subjectivity of the

variables, not to mention that there are also numerous other factors to take into

account when assessing motivation and occupation identity formation (as mentioned

in section 4.3). That being said, this study has confirmed its hypotheses by finding an

association between adolescents' perceptions of social connectedness and their

academic motivation and occupation identity, thus suggesting that there is a potential

wealth of knowledge that could help reveal ways in which disaffected and

marginalised youth might be reintegrated back into a society that values them.

69

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APPENDICES APPENDIX 1

OFSTED REPORTS FOR THE THREE PARTICIPATING SCHOOLS

OFSTED REPORT FOR BATTERSEA PARK SCHOOL

Inspection Report

Unique Reference Number 101055

Local Authority Wandsworth

Inspection number 285959

Inspection dates 13–14 December 2006

Reporting inspector Harriet Harper HMI

This inspection of the school was carried out under section 5 of the Education Act 2005.

Type of school Comprehensive

School category Community

Age range of pupils 11–19

Gender of pupils Mixed

Number on roll (school) 652

Number on roll (6th form) 69

Appropriate authority The governing body

Date of previous school inspection 5 March 2001

School address 401 Battersea Park Road

London

SW11 5AP

Telephone number 02076220026

Fax number 02079782683

Chair Mr Graham Wickham

Principal Mr Gale Keller

Introduction

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The inspection was carried out by two of Her Majesty's Inspectors for schools and three Additional

Inspectors.

Description of the school

Battersea Technology College is a smaller than average secondary school, with a small sixth form,

serving a local urban community. Students have a range of ethnic backgrounds and around a third

of them speak English as an additional language. Over fifty languages are spoken in the school.

The proportion of students who are eligible for free school meals is very high, as is the proportion

with learning difficulties and disabilities. Mobility is high with significant numbers of students joining

or leaving the school in different year groups.

Key for inspection grades

Grade 1 Outstanding

Grade 2 Good

Grade 3 Satisfactory

Grade 4 Inadequate

Overall effectiveness of the school

Grade: 3

Battersea Technology College is an improving school that is now providing its students with a

satisfactory standard of education. Operating in very challenging circumstances, the school has had

a difficult history. Good leadership by the headteacher over the last few years has led to significant

improvements. Supported by a strong team, he has made good progress in addressing the areas

for concern identified in the last inspection two years ago. From a very low starting point,

examination and test results have improved, particularly in vocational subjects, and the proportion

of students making appropriate or good progress has risen. Overall, standards and achievement are

satisfactory. The proportion of students excluded has reduced and attendance has improved.

Students confirm that they feel safe and that behaviour around the school is much better than it

used to be, although some parents still express concerns about behaviour. The school now has

greater stability in terms of teaching and support staff.

Although teaching has improved, and is satisfactory overall, too many lessons fail to provide

students with enough challenge. In part, this is due to the fact that teachers are not using available

data as effectively as they could to plan their lessons. This means they do not always take into

account what students already know. Although they have targets, students are not always sure

about how well they are doing and what they need to do to improve.

With an improved reputation locally, the number of students has increased but the school remains

under-recruited in all year groups. This has an impact on the budget and the extent to which the

school can extend the curriculum it offers. However, the headteacher and his team have

demonstrated clearly their capacity to secure improvements, and they are in a good position to

continue to do so. The key challenge facing the school is to continue to raise standards in the core

subjects of English, mathematics and science, particularly at Key Stage 4.

Effectiveness and efficiency of the sixth form

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Grade: 3

The sixth form, although small and offering only a narrow range of courses, provides a satisfactory

education. With small teaching groups and good support for students, it attracts and retains those

who might not otherwise remain in education. Sixth-form students provide effective mentoring for

younger students and are well respected in the lower school. They leave with good personal

attributes that allow them to become responsible members of the community.

What the school should do to improve further

x Raise standards in English, mathematics and science, particularly at Key Stage 4.

x Ensure that teaching throughout the school is consistently good and challenging for all students.

x Use data more effectively to monitor and support students' progress.

Achievement and standards

Grade: 3

Grade for sixth form: 3

Students start school with standards that are lower than the national average. At Key Stage 3,

standards in 2006 in all core subjects remained below average. English and mathematics have been

improving over the past five years while the picture for science has been more variable. Between

Key Stages 2 and 3 students make good progress, especially in mathematics. The relative weak

achievement of white boys is being addressed. Students with learning difficulties and disabilities

make good progress, as do those with English as an additional language.

At Key Stage 4, some 50% of students gained five or more high grades at GCSE in 2006. Although

still below average, this represents the continuation of an upward trend over the last few years.

There were improvements, too, in the proportion of students gaining 5 A* - G grades and in 2006

this rose to around 93%. In business and performing arts students make good progress. However,

the proportion of students gaining passes in both English and mathematics, at 19% in 2006,

remains too low. In most subjects, girls have been more successful than boys for several years but

the school's analysis for 2006 suggests that boys are beginning to catch up. The progress made by

students in the lessons observed by inspectors was variable but satisfactory overall.

In the sixth form, standards are average overall and achievement is satisfactory. Students do well

in some areas, for example, in 2006, all students passed the BTEC (Business and Technology

Education Council) national diploma in performing arts and half of them gained the highest grade.

Achievement on other courses is more varied but is average overall.

Personal development and well-being

Grade: 2

Grade for sixth form: 2

The personal development and well-being of students, including those in the sixth form, is good.

Students from different cultures work harmoniously together and show a commitment to race

equality. They generally behave well, have good attitudes to learning and know the difference

between right and wrong. Students develop appropriate spiritual, moral, cultural and social

awareness and they help each other in class. They report that they enjoy school although this is

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not always evident in lessons. Students support the school's view that bullying is at a low level and

that it is dealt with effectively.

Attendance, now close to the national average, has improved year on year. Students move around

the site sensibly and work safely in practical lessons. They take part enthusiastically in physical

education lessons and they have responded positively to posters about how the school is

encouraging healthy eating.

The use of older senior prefects as mentors is appreciated by the younger year groups. The school

council gives some students the opportunity to exercise a civic role in representing their peers and

students feel their views are taken seriously. Students gain some work-related skills when they

undertake a period of work experience in Year 10, but other enterprise-related activities are limited.

The slow progress made by many students in numeracy and literacy constrains their readiness for

the world of work.

Quality of provision

Teaching and learning

Grade: 3

Grade for sixth form: 3

Inspectors agree with the school's self-evaluation that the quality of teaching and learning is

satisfactory. In the better lessons observed by inspectors, good progress was evident in practical

subjects such as music and dance, where careful planning by the teachers ensured that students

further developed their knowledge and skills. In a briskly delivered and well prepared language

lesson, Year 7 students successfully learnt how to talk about their pets in French. Typically, though,

not enough lessons reach this standard. Where teachers fail in their planning to take account of

starting points and targets, not all students are sufficiently stretched. Assessment is generally

satisfactory, but it is not used systematically to inform the planning of lessons. Although well

behaved and cooperative, in too many lessons, students are compliant and passive, rather than

enthusiastic about their learning. In a minority of lessons, weak classroom management skills lead

to poor behaviour by some students.

Curriculum and other activities

Grade: 3

Grade for sixth form: 3

The curriculum is relevant and appropriate. In Years 7 to 9, there is sufficient flexibility to allow

students with learning difficulties and disabilities, as well as those at an early stage of speaking

English, to be well supported to ensure they make sufficient progress.

As the school is small, the choice of subjects at Key Stage 4 is limited. Students have the

opportunity to take courses in subjects such as business, performing arts, information and

communication technology, art and sport. Links with a local further education college provide

students with additional vocational opportunities. Not all students in Year 10 study religious

education as required by the National Curriculum and this issue is being addressed. The sixth-form

curriculum is narrow but relevant. Students re-sit GCSE subjects as well as taking a limited range of

vocational and academic subjects.

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Extra-curricular activities throughout the school are satisfactory and include an appropriate range of

performing arts and sporting activities.

Care, guidance and support

Grade: 3

Grade for sixth form: 3

Adults working at the school care for students and have their best interests at heart. Child

protection procedures are securely in place. Working effectively with other relevant agencies,

vulnerable young people are well cared for. Arrangements for checking that staff appointments are

secure and safe have been tightened very recently to meet requirements.

The tracking of students' academic progress is not always as effective as it could be. Students

know their target grades, but many are unsure of what they need to do to improve their learning.

Systems for setting targets for individual students, based on their prior attainment, have yet to

incorporate sufficient challenge, particularly in relation to numeracy and literacy. The tracking of

students with learning difficulties and disabilities has not been effective and, with a newly

appointed coordinator, appropriate systems are now in place. Students value the good advice and

guidance they receive in relation to careers and further or higher education.

Leadership and management

Grade: 2

Grade for sixth form: 3

Leadership and management are good and, in the sixth form, satisfactory. The headteacher

provides a clear direction for the school and is well supported by other senior staff. He and his

team have been responsible for significant improvements in recent years. Behaviour and standards

have improved and staffing is stable after a lengthy period of recruitment difficulties. Strong

appointments have been made at middle management level. Equality of opportunity is successfully

promoted. Partnerships with others organisations, including other schools, are productive. Teachers

share the headteacher's commitment to raise standards. This rate of improvement, though, has not

been as marked for the sixth form as it has been for the rest of the school.

The headteacher has a clear understanding of where weaknesses in teaching and learning lie.

Performance monitoring is good, and teaching and learning are accurately perceived as

satisfactory. The process of self-evaluation is effective although judgments made by the school are,

in some cases, more generous than those made by inspectors. Senior staff recognise that rigorous

self-evaluation is not yet linked clearly enough to the school development plan and to key priorities.

Governance is satisfactory. While governors are supportive and act as critical friends, they do not

always provide the school with sufficient challenge, particularly in relation to analysis of

achievement data. The school provides satisfactory value for money. Managers are increasingly

using students' progress, as well as financial indicators, as a factor when making this judgement.

Annex A

Inspection judgements

106

Key to judgements: grade 1 is outstanding, grade 2 good, grade 3

satisfactory, and grade 4 inadequate

School

Overall

16-

19

Overall effectiveness

How effective, efficient and inclusive is the provision of education, integrated

care and any extended services in meeting the needs of learners? 3 3

How well does the school work in partnership with others to promote learners'

well-being? 2 3

The effectiveness of the school's self-evaluation 3 3

The capacity to make any necessary improvements 2 3

Effective steps have been taken to promote improvement since the last

inspection Yes Yes

Achievement and standards

How well do learners achieve? 3 3

The standards1 3 reached by learners 3

How well learners make progress, taking account of any significant variations

between groups of learners 3 3

How well learners with learning difficulties and disabilities make progress 3

1

Personal development and well-being

Grade 1 - Exceptionally and consistently high; Grade 2 - Generally above average with none

significantly below average; Grade 3 - Broadly average to below average; Grade 4 - Exceptionally

low.

How good is the overall personal development and well-being of the learners? 2 2

The extent of learners' spiritual, moral, social and cultural development 3

The behaviour of learners 3

The attendance of learners 3

How well learners enjoy their education 2

The extent to which learners adopt safe practices 2

The extent to which learners adopt healthy lifestyles 2

The extent to which learners make a positive contribution to the community 2

How well learners develop workplace and other skills that will contribute to their

future economic well-being 3

The quality of provision

How effective are teaching and learning in meeting the full range of the learners'

needs? 3 3

How well do the curriculum and other activities meet the range of needs and

interests of learners? 3 3

How well are learners cared for, guided and supported? 3 3

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Key to judgements: grade 1 is outstanding, grade 2 good, grade 3

satisfactory, and grade 4 inadequate

School

Overall

16-

19

Leadership and management

How effective are leadership and management in raising achievement and

supporting all learners? 2 3

How effectively leaders and managers at all levels set clear direction leading to

improvement and promote high quality of care and education 2

How effectively performance is monitored, evaluated and improved to meet

challenging targets 2

How well equality of opportunity is promoted and discrimination tackled so that

all learners achieve as well as they can 2

How effectively and efficiently resources, including staff, are deployed to achieve

value for money 3

The extent to which governors and other supervisory boards discharge their

responsibilities 3

Do procedures for safeguarding learners meet current government requirements? Yes Yes

Does this school require special measures? No

Does this school require a notice to improve? No

Annex B

Text from letter to pupils explaining the findings of the inspection

Thank you very much for your contribution to the inspection of your school. We enjoyed listening

to what you had to tell us. As you know, as well as meeting groups of you, we also observed many

of your lessons to see how well you are doing in class. We talked to your teachers and read the

comments made in over 150 questionnaires completed by your parents or carers.

We agree with you that the school has improved considerably over the last few years. The school is

well led by the headteacher and his management team. Test and examination results have

improved and behaviour is much better. The teachers and other adults who work at the school care

about you. They support you well and work hard to ensure that you are safe. You all work well

together, help each other and you attend school regularly.

Although most of you are making steady progress, we have suggested in our report that the

headteacher and his team need to ensure that you all make better progress in English,

mathematics and science, particularly at Key Stage 4. We also think that some of your teachers

could do more in lessons to make sure that you are all doing as well as you possibly can. To do

this, they need to use the information they have about you more carefully to check that you are

making good progress. You can help to bring about these improvements by continuing to behave

well and by taking an active part in your lessons.

Thank you again and best wishes for the future.

Harriet Harper HMI

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Lead Inspector

© Crown copyright 2006

Website: www.ofsted.gov.uk

This document may be reproduced in whole or in part for non-commercial educational purposes,

provided that the information quoted is reproduced without adaptation and the source and date of

publication are stated.

Further copies of this report are obtainable from the school. Under the Education Act 2005, the

school must provide a copy of this report free of charge to certain categories of people. A charge

not exceeding the full cost of reproduction may be made for any other copies supplied.

Any complaints about the inspection or the report should be made following the procedures set out

in the guidance 'Complaints about school inspections', which is available from Ofsted's website:

www.ofsted.gov.uk.

109

OFSTED REPORT FOR KINGSDALE FOUNDATION SCHOOL

Inspection Report

Unique Reference Number 100844

Local Authority Southwark

Inspection number 285899

Inspection dates 1–2 November 2006

Reporting inspector Bill Stoneham

This inspection of the school was carried out under section 5 of the Education Act 2005.

Type of school Comprehensive

School category Foundation

Age range of pupils 11–16

Gender of pupils Mixed

Number on roll (school) 1088

Appropriate authority The governing body

Date of previous school inspection 29 April 2002

School address Alleyn Park

Dulwich

London SE21 8SQ

Telephone number 02086707575

Fax number 02087667051

Chair Mrs N Gibbes

Headteacher Mr S H Morrison

Introduction

The inspection was carried out by four Additional Inspectors.

Description of the school

The socio-economic context of many pupils is below average and six out ten are entitled to free

school meals. There are twice as many boys in the school as girls. The pupil population is ethnically

diverse. Over half of the pupils have a first language other than English, almost a third are at an

early stage of learning English. There are significant minorities of looked after children and pupils

from refugee or asylum seeking families. Two thirds of pupils have learning difficulties and

disabilities. The mobility rate is very high. The school has specialist status for the performing arts.

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Key for inspection grades

Grade 1 Outstanding

Grade 2 Good

Grade 3 Satisfactory

Grade 4 Inadequate

Overall effectiveness of the school

Grade: 2

Kingsdale is a good and rapidly improving specialist performing arts college with a number of

outstanding features. The school is led by an inspirational headteacher and, because of the

outstanding quality of leadership and management, the school has laid strong foundations for

further improvement.

There is a strong commitment to continual improvement. Following many difficult years, the senior

team and the governing body have set in place a range of most effective procedures to improve

staff recruitment and transform pupils' academic and personal development. Standards are rising

and students' progress is good.

Though standards are just below average, they have risen significantly over the last four years and

pupils in all years achieve well. In Years 7, 8 and 9, English results are now improving at a good

pace and the progress pupils make in mathematics is exceptionally good. No groups of pupils

underperform and some groups, such as those who have a first language other than English, make

particularly good progress reflecting the school's effective procedures for identifying, and helping

those who might be particularly disadvantaged. GCSE results are improving. English results

improved well in 2006 after a blip in 2005 and results in mathematics indicate that pupils make

rapid progress. The success of specialist college status is reflected by the well above average

results in music, drama and performing arts. Science results are below average and pupils achieved

less well because their progress was hampered by previous staffing difficulties.

The effectiveness of middle managers is good and is improving because of rigorous self-evaluation;

middle managers are accountable to the senior team and the governing body. Governors work well

as critical friends and are prepared to challenge the school. They also realise that they have an

outstanding senior team that understands the strengths and weaknesses that exist. Regular

reviews hold departments to account and rigorous evaluation underpins the overwhelming desire to

improve and exceed the challenging targets that are set.

The emphasis placed on staff training is a key strength. Though some staff are inexperienced, they

are enthusiastic, committed and ambitious for the pupils. The quality of teaching is good, with a

number of staff being highly competent, and even outstanding, classroom practitioners. Pupils, who

have attended the school regularly since the start of Year 7, make especially good progress. The

curriculum has developed well and offers an outstanding range of options. The granting of

specialist status, the provision of vocational options, the introduction of a flexible programme for

lower attainers and disaffected pupils and the plethora of out of lesson activities all support the

pupils' academic and personal development. Most pupils enjoy school, contribute widely to school

life and their prospects are enhanced by the high quality of the curriculum.

Kingsdale is an oasis of calm and hard work in a vibrant and exciting urban setting. Most pupils are

proud of their school. They are appreciative of the opportunities offered; they feel safe and are

111

keen to engage in learning. Staff provide a high level of care and support throughout the school.

Systems to check progress are robust, though there are some inconsistencies amongst staff in the

use of assessment. A number of other factors contribute to the success of this school. Success is

partly based on the strength of staff teams, but governors, pupils and parents play a key role too.

Pupil and parental consultation are strong features. Support staff also play a most important role.

The school is welcoming and the buildings are inspiring; the appearance of the school is

impressive. It is smart and clean. There is virtually no graffiti or litter. The excellent site team are

as committed to the success of the school as much as the headteacher, senior staff, governors,

teachers, pupils and their parents.

What the school should do to improve further

* Eliminate inconsistencies in the use of assessment so that pupils know what they need to do to

improve in all subjects.* Employ the effective strategies used to make improvements in English and

mathematics to raise standards in science.

Achievement and standards

Grade: 2

Standards on entry are very low. In particular, many pupils' English literacy skills are very low often

because English is not their first language. Results in tests in Year 9 are below average. At GCSE

they remain below average but have improved consistently since 2002. Results on vocational

courses are also well above average.

Parents praise the way that the school enables their children to make good progress. This is despite

the extra challenge of providing for so many pupils who enter the school after the start of Year 7

and for the very high proportion of pupils with learning difficulties and disabilities. Evidence shows

that the longer pupils attend the school and the more regular their attendance, the more they

benefit from the good teaching; pupils achieve well. The school sets and meets challenging targets.

Such has been the rapid improvement in standards in mathematics and English that the school has

exceeded its targets in these areas. There is now a need to ensure that standards in science

improve to a similar degree. No groups of pupils underachieve. Although some pupils with learning

difficulties and disabilities do not gain a pass at GCSE, they achieve appropriate alternative

qualifications which help them to progress to further education or training.

Personal development and well-being

Grade: 2

Pupils' personal development and well-being, including the social, moral, spiritual and cultural

dimensions are good; most pupils enjoy coming to school. Their self-esteem and confidence, often

low on entry, especially for pupils whose first language is not English, develops very well. Pupils

also welcome the diversity of cultures in the school and embrace success. 'Kingsdale gives you

possibilities,' said one pupil. A particular success is the house system, through which pupils engage

enthusiastically in a variety of competitions and events including sports and the talent shows.

Attendance is improving and is now above the national average for secondary schools. Pupils enjoy

their education. The staff and the security measures make them feel safe. They know that if they

have a problem it will be dealt with swiftly and fairly. Their choice of food and drink reveals a

positive approach to healthy lifestyles. The school is a harmonious community. Pupils have very

112

good relationships with adults and each other. The pupils have the confidence to speak out when

necessary as they know staff will listen and act whenever appropriate. Pupils' make good

contributions to the wider community, for example, through charity work. The good careers and

work-experience programme prepares pupils well for their future economic well-being, but some

pupils are still disadvantaged by poor literacy skills.

Quality of provision

Teaching and learning

Grade: 2

Teaching and learning are good. Some of the lessons seen were outstanding.Many lessons have

high expectations of what pupils can achieve, with clearly planned stimulating activities. There was

much fun in a Year 10 lesson distinguishing 'active' and 'physical' theatre. The pupils enjoyed

tantalising awkward movements involved in expressing their bodies as telephones or, grouping

together to be washing machines. They succeeded in developing and controlling abstract

movements from a well thought through set of experiences. Generally teachers explain the purpose

of lessons clearly. As a result, pupils are clear about what they could learn.

Targets for individual pupils are set throughout the school but teachers vary in how successfully

they use them. The quality of marking is inconsistent between subjects and pupils are not always

being guided into what they have to do to improve their standards. Some classes have been

successfully reduced in size to cater better for individual learning needs and this has resulted in

improvements in English, for example. Pupils and teachers get on well together, establishing a

happy climate for learning. Parents can involve themselves in their child's learning. Parents and

carers can attend study skills seminars and 'drop in' surgeries reflecting growing support for pupils'

learning.

Curriculum and other activities

Grade: 1

The school provides an outstanding curriculum. Its impact on standards and progress is

noteworthy. All pupils in Years 10 and 11 take advantage of an extensive range of work related

vocational subjects. Many choose to continue these studies at higher levels at colleges and find a

clear career route through this pathway. Pupils identified as gifted and talented are offered

additional challenges by entering GCSE early; history and modern foreign languages in Year 9 and

mathematics in Year 10, after which they begin some advanced level work. Participation in different

award schemes broadens the curriculum for students with learning difficulties and disabilities and

has reduced the numbers who fail to gain any qualifications. Development of computing skills is

very good and diverse, but less emphasis is placed on developing speaking skills. Students are

enthusiastic about the extensive range of extra-curricular activities. They value the many visits and

trips, like the cemeteries and trenches of World War I in Belgium and Young Leaders' Conference in

Atlanta. As one youngster observed: 'You get to explore the world here!'

Pupils' enjoyment and achievement are enriched by the school's outstanding partnership with

educational and other organisations. Specialist performing arts status is also a big feature of the

school. It has led to wider teaching styles across subjects and enhanced creativity.

Care, guidance and support

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Grade: 2

Care, guidance and support are good. Pupils throughout the school are well cared for and treated

individually. There are good procedures for checking academic progress, but they are not applied

consistently by all staff. Those identified as underachieving are appropriately challenged and

offered extra support. Pupils, whose first language is not English, and those with learning

difficulties and disabilities, are well-supported and achieve as well as other pupils. One parent, on

their questionnaire, said: 'If I could bottle the love of teaching and of children by all of Kingsdale's

staff, I would be a rich woman.'

In some subjects, pupils are regularly involved in assessing their own progress, but this good

practice is inconsistent. Communication with parents is effective via the Parents' Forum as well as

through reports and the pupils' journals. Pupils are guided well by the strong pastoral system and

know where to get help when they need it.

Extensive steps are taken to ensure pupil safety. Detailed child protection procedures are in place

and health and safety issues are well-managed.

Leadership and management

Grade: 1

The quality of leadership and management are outstanding. The visionary and inspirational

leadership offered by the headteacher has established a most effective and united senior team and

a full complement of staff. This has led to much improved provision and rapidly improving

standards. Most staff are highly committed and extremely enthusiastic about the work of the

school. Leaders at all levels generally understand their roles and responsibilities, though there are

some minor inconsistencies in the quality of middle management. These issues have been identified

by senior managers and a thoughtful and pragmatic staff training programme is helping to secure

improvements. Governance is excellent. Under the leadership of a dedicated and determined chair,

governors both encourage and challenge effectively. They know the school very well. There is an

overwhelming determination from governors and staff to sustain and build on the significant gains

made in recent years. Governors and staff are immensely proud of their school and are passionate

in their quest to raise standards further.

Very clear strategic planning is enabling the school to improve. The imaginative refurbishment and

rebuilding programme is providing a dynamic, modern and exciting learning environment. Strong

and consistent management has resulted in greater consistency in school routines so that

classroom practice and student behaviour are both good. The school's progress as a specialist

performing arts college helps to fuel the pace of improvement. This aspect of the school's work is

most ably managed. The school is also very successful in recruiting, and retaining, new staff. The

school is well placed to make further improvements and therefore has good capacity for

improvement.

There is a strong and rigorous culture of self-evaluation that is successfully led by senior managers

and involves the governing body. Self-evaluation is based on a keen awareness of the challenges

that face the school and an unstinting belief that the pupils are important and that they deserve the

best. A rolling programme of departmental reviews successfully contributes to remedying

weaknesses and acknowledging advances. This programme helps middle managers to understand

their responsibilities. Integral to the commitment to be a continually improving school are the views

of parents and pupils. Such views are sought in imaginative and interesting ways.

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Annex A

Inspection judgements

Key to judgements: grade 1 is outstanding, grade 2 good, grade 3

satisfactory, and grade 4 inadequate

School

Overall

Overall effectiveness

How effective, efficient and inclusive is the provision of education, integrated care and

any extended services in meeting the needs of learners? 2

How well does the school work in partnership with others to promote learners' well-

being? 1

The effectiveness of the school's self-evaluation 2

The capacity to make any necessary improvements 2

Effective steps have been taken to promote improvement since the last inspection Yes

Achievement and standards

How well do learners achieve? 2

The standards1 3 reached by learners

How well learners make progress, taking account of any significant variations between

groups of learners 2

How well learners with learning difficulties and disabilities make progress 2 1

Personal development and well-being

Grade 1 - Exceptionally and consistently high; Grade 2 - Generally above average with none

significantly below average; Grade 3 - Broadly average to below average; Grade 4 - Exceptionally

low.

How good is the overall personal development and well-being of the learners? 2

The extent of learners' spiritual, moral, social and cultural development 2

The behaviour of learners 2

The attendance of learners 3

How well learners enjoy their education 2

The extent to which learners adopt safe practices 2

The extent to which learners adopt healthy lifestyles 2

The extent to which learners make a positive contribution to the community 2

How well learners develop workplace and other skills that will contribute to their

future economic well-being 2

The quality of provision

How effective are teaching and learning in meeting the full range of the learners'

needs? 2

How well do the curriculum and other activities meet the range of needs and interests 1

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Key to judgements: grade 1 is outstanding, grade 2 good, grade 3

satisfactory, and grade 4 inadequate

School

Overall

of learners?

How well are learners cared for, guided and supported? 2

Leadership and management

How effective are leadership and management in raising achievement and supporting

all learners? 1

How effectively leaders and managers at all levels set clear direction leading to

improvement and promote high quality of care and education 2

How effectively performance is monitored, evaluated and improved to meet

challenging targets 1

How well equality of opportunity is promoted and discrimination tackled so that all

learners achieve as well as they can 1

How effectively and efficiently resources, including staff, are deployed to achieve

value for money 1

The extent to which governors and other supervisory boards discharge their

responsibilities 1

Do procedures for safeguarding learners meet current government requirements? Yes

Does this school require special measures? No

Does this school require a notice to improve? No

Annex B

Text from letter to pupils explaining the findings of the inspection

Thank you for welcoming us to your school. We thoroughly enjoyed meeting you and talking to you

about your school. We were impressed by your enthusiasm, your politeness and your commitment.

It was abundantly clear that most of you enjoy school and that you hold the school in high esteem.

It was pleasing to hear so many of you comment positively on the work being done by your

headteacher and his staff.

You told us that Kingsdale is a good school. We agree. You also commented most favourably on

the support and encouragement you are given, on the facilities and buildings and on the range of

things to do. Again, we agree. The school provides an outstanding curriculum including an

extensive range of work related vocational subjects which meet your needs very well. Your

teachers are keen for you to succeed. You have wonderful facilities and there are many activities

for you to participate in and enjoy.

Your school is improving and examination results are rising. In part, this is because of your own

efforts and the support of your parents and guardians; but it also because of the commitment and

enthusiasm of your teachers. You have many very good teachers who are firmly committed to your

success. I hope you will continue to work with them and support their efforts. Some of you, for

example, could improve your attendance records. Those of you, who do attend regularly and are

keen to learn, make at least good progress.

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This report asks your teachers to address two areas to ensure that the school becomes even more

successful:

* Eliminate inconsistencies in the use of assessment so that pupils know what they need to do to

improve in all subjects.* Employ the effective strategies used to make improvements in English and

mathematics to raise standards in science.

Your school buildings are wonderful and it was pleasing to see that most of you support the site

manager and his dedicated team by not dropping litter. We all enjoyed our visit and left feeling that

you are excellent ambassadors for your school. We would like to wish you every success in your

future endeavours.

Bill Stoneham, Lead inspector

© Crown copyright 2006

Website: www.ofsted.gov.uk

This document may be reproduced in whole or in part for non-commercial educational purposes,

provided that the information quoted is reproduced without adaptation and the source and date of

publication are stated.

Further copies of this report are obtainable from the school. Under the Education Act 2005, the

school must provide a copy of this report free of charge to certain categories of people. A charge

not exceeding the full cost of reproduction may be made for any other copies supplied.

Any complaints about the inspection or the report should be made following the procedures set out

in the guidance 'Complaints about school inspections', which is available from Ofsted's website:

www.ofsted.gov.uk.

117

OFSTED REPORT FOR WINCHMORE SCHOOL

Inspection Report

Unique Reference Number 102045

Local Authority Enfield

Inspection number 286262

Inspection date 5 March 2007

Reporting inspector Carmen Rodney HMI

This inspection of the school was carried out under section 5 of the Education Act 2005.

Type of school Comprehensive

School category Community

Age range of pupils 11–19

Gender of pupils Mixed

Number on roll (school) 1468

Number on roll (6th form) 214

Appropriate authority The governing body

Date of previous school inspection 10 September 2001

School address Laburnum Grove

Winchmore Hill

London N21 3HS

Telephone number 020 8360 7773

Fax number 020 8360 8409

Chair Mrs Linda Sless

Headteacher Mrs Lesley Mansbridge

Introduction

The inspection was carried out by one of Her Majesty's inspectors and an Additional Inspector.

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Description of the school

Winchmore is very much larger than average secondary schools and serves a multi-racial ward with

significant economic deprivation. Over 77% of its students are from a diverse range of ethnic

groups. More than 60% have a first language other than English, with an increasing proportion at

the initial stage of learning English. Approximately 10% are refugee or asylum seekers. The

proportion of students with learning difficulties or disabilities is above average. The percentage

eligible for free school meals is well above average. The school was awarded beacon status in 2002

and gained specialist arts college status in 2004. It began offering extended school provision in

September 2005. The large sixth form shares its provision with other providers in the local

authority. A new build including a science block is planned for 2008.

Key for inspection grades

Grade 1 Outstanding

Grade 2 Good

Grade 3 Satisfactory

Grade 4 Inadequate

Overall effectiveness of the school

Grade: 2

'We were inspired by the headteacher...there is a dynamic and proactive approach as well as

commitment to helping our children. The school is also very inclusive'.

This is a good school. Most parents are positive about the quality of provision, particularly the

distinctive unity among the different ethnic groups; the above quotation typifies comments made to

inspectors and on the questionnaires.

The headteacher's clear vision that Winchmore's 'priority is learning' is realised in students' positive

attitudes to do well and their good academic achievement. Students enter the school with levels of

attainment below those seen nationally but make good progress and reach standards that are

broadly average by the end of Years 9 and 11. Students' good achievement is underpinned by their

outstandingly good progress in some subjects. This is particularly notable in German and art, the

school's specialist designation. Results in both subjects are very high and a large minority of

students choose both subjects, something that is unusual.

As a specialist arts school, Winchmore uses this status to exemplify outstanding practices in the

drive to promote improvement and better standards of achievement. There is therefore excellent

use of the specialist status in the school, the local community and beyond. For example, internally,

excellent teaching in art and the use of assessment to improve standards are shared across the

school. Externally, students' share their artistic flair with a wide range of partner schools, local

businesses and organisations.

Students achieve well because they have positive attitudes and good behaviour. They attend

lessons wanting to learn, and know that teachers have high expectations of their work and

behaviour. They receive a good start in Year 7 and the good progress is sustained as they move

through the school, because the quality of teaching and curriculum are good. Teachers' planning

takes into account the wide range of abilities in their classes; they use a variety of teaching styles

and regularly monitor students' progress to help them understand how well they are doing and how

119

they can improve. In turn, students said that they value the 'range of learning styles, the friendly

learning environment, the visual and practical tasks because they help us to learn a lot'.

The quality of care, guidance and support is outstanding. The school keeps detailed records of

students' achievement. Teachers set tests regularly and diligently use data to monitor students'

progress and provide appropriate support to prevent under-achievement. The robust approach to

supporting students is enabling specific groups at risk of underachieving to make good progress;

notably, those of Caribbean and Turkish heritage. Students know they are valued and can turn to

an adult or a peer mentor for guidance and support.

The school knows well its strengths and areas for improvement, and its evaluation is accurate. The

work of the governing body is outstanding. It is scrupulous in sustaining the school's reputation and

challenging it to improve results each year. Staff and governors therefore work together very well

to improve provision. Governors hold the school to account through rigorous reviews and

evaluation of results.

The school is effectively led and managed. The quality of leadership of the headteacher is

exemplary and has been central to the school sustaining and improving its good achievement

record since the last inspection. However, the senior team recognises that the sixth form needs

improvement primarily as achievement is not consistently good. The headteacher has the support

of senior and middle leaders who have a good understanding of the school's work. This cohesive

and reflective senior team spreads good practice effectively. For example, rigorous faculty reviews

identify strengths and point to where training and support are needed. Data is well managed and

accountability is rigorous. Planning for improvement is extensive as the school recognises the need

for all faculties to achieve as well as the best.

Winchmore is well placed to sustain its mission statement as a 'caring learning community where

everyone is expected to realise their full potential'.

Effectiveness and efficiency of the sixth form

Grade: 3

Students make good progress in their personal development as a result of effective care, support

and guidance which includes good support from tutors, learning mentor and the school's

community police officer. Students enjoy the opportunities for responsibility in the school and wider

communities. The school is making good improvements to its sixth form provision as a result of

thorough self-evaluation by the senior leadership team. The management of the sixth form is

satisfactory because routine monitoring and evaluation are not sufficiently rigorous to identify

inconsistencies between subjects at an early stage; consequently, achievement was uneven in

2006.

What the school should do to improve further

x implement its plan to improve provision in the sixth form

x spread its best practice of monitoring and evaluation in the sixth form in order to secure

consistently good levels of students' achievement.

Achievement and standards

Grade: 2

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Grade for sixth form: 2

By the end of Years 9 and 11, students make good progress overall and reach broadly average

standards as they move through the years. The GCSE results have risen each year, showing an

upward trend in students' attainment and achievement. The school's rigorous evaluation is enabling

teachers to monitor and support potential groups at risk of under-achieving at an early stage. For

example, there is targeted support for minority ethnic students. Standards in the sixth form were

average in 2005; although in 2006, results were lower than expected. All indicators show that

progress in the sixth form is good overall.

Personal development and well-being

Grade: 2

Grade for sixth form: 2

Students' personal development and well-being, including spiritual, moral, social and cultural

aspects, are good. The majority behave well and are keen to learn with the school giving very good

support to the small minority of students with emotional and behavioural difficulties. Students have

a good understanding of healthy lifestyles, enjoy school feel safe, and are happy to approach adults

if they have any particular concerns. Attendance is only satisfactory because some parents take

their children on holiday during term time. Students are well prepared for their future economic

well-being and benefit from work experience for all Year 10 students, enterprise education

programmes in Key Stage 4 and the sixth form, and a good range of work related learning.

Quality of provision

Teaching and learning

Grade: 2

Grade for sixth form: 2

The quality of teaching and learning is good overall with some excellent features. The school's

investment in teachers' professional development and rigorous approach to monitoring teaching

and learning ensure that they keep abreast of changes in their subject area and use their good

subject knowledge to challenge students. This was clear in the lessons visited during the inspection

and in the discussions with students about their learning. Where satisfactory teaching occurs, the

school provides high quality support to ensure that practice is consistently good. Lessons are very

well structured, pace is brisk, objectives are concise, assessment is ongoing and the interactive

white board is used well to sustain students' interest. As a result, students develop the confidence

and capacity to review their work, pose challenging questions and work independently or in groups

on set tasks.

Curriculum and other activities

Grade: 2

Grade for sixth form: 2

The good curriculum is continually evaluated and improved to ensure it meets students' learning

needs and aspirations. The curriculum also reflects the learning needs and cultural backgrounds of

the different minority ethnic groups well. There are clear pathways in Key Stage 4 and the sixth

121

form. The school is currently researching how best to further improve the transition to Year 7 and

develop additional accredited courses at Key Stage 4. There are good levels of enrichment activities

for all students, including a whole-school enrichment week at the end of the summer term and

beyond the school day, there are booster classes, and revision and study skills sessions which

involve students using the school intranet. There is exceptionally good provision for gifted and

talented students, rightly recognised in the recent NACE award this term.

Care, guidance and support

Grade: 1

Grade for sixth form: 2

Students receive outstandingly good quality care, guidance and support which result in their good

personal development and the removal of the barriers to learning experienced by some. The

excellent use of assessment information to track students' progress ensures they achieve well.

They receive high quality information about their choice of courses and careers as they move

through the school. There are secure procedures for safeguarding students' health and well-being.

Leadership and management

Grade: 2

Grade for sixth form: 3

This is a well led school and is evident in the high esteem that parents have of the provision. There

is commitment and dedication to improving provision for students from a diverse range of

backgrounds, and as a result, staffing reflects the extensive racial mix of the school at all levels.

This contributes well to students' achievement because they are surrounded with role models who

are well placed to provide additional guidance and support when they are mentored. Continual

improvement is at the centre of driving this school forward and has resulted in the school nurturing

potential leaders internally. The school runs smoothly on a day-to-day basis because there are

robust systems to monitor and evaluate outcomes. Additionally, all stake holders, including staff,

students and parents are consulted and involved in decision making.

Annex A

Inspection judgements

Key to judgements: grade 1 is outstanding, grade 2 good, grade 3

satisfactory, and grade 4 inadequate

School

Overall

16-

19

Overall effectiveness

How effective, efficient and inclusive is the provision of education, integrated

care and any extended services in meeting the needs of learners? 2 3

How well does the school work in partnership with others to promote learners'

well-being? 1 1

The effectiveness of the school's self-evaluation 2 2

The capacity to make any necessary improvements 2 2

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Key to judgements: grade 1 is outstanding, grade 2 good, grade 3

satisfactory, and grade 4 inadequate

School

Overall

16-

19

Effective steps have been taken to promote improvement since the last

inspection Yes Yes

Achievement and standards

How well do learners achieve? 2 2

The standards1 3 reached by learners 3

How well learners make progress, taking account of any significant variations

between groups of learners 2 2

How well learners with learning difficulties and disabilities make progress 2

1

Personal development and well-being

Grade 1 - Exceptionally and consistently high; Grade 2 - Generally above average with none

significantly below average; Grade 3 - Broadly average to below average; Grade 4 - Exceptionally

low.

How good is the overall personal development and well-being of the learners? 2 2

The extent of learners' spiritual, moral, social and cultural development 2

The behaviour of learners 2

The attendance of learners 3

How well learners enjoy their education 2

The extent to which learners adopt safe practices 2

The extent to which learners adopt healthy lifestyles 2

The extent to which learners make a positive contribution to the community 1

How well learners develop workplace and other skills that will contribute to their

future economic well-being 2

The quality of provision

How effective are teaching and learning in meeting the full range of the learners'

needs? 2 2

How well do the curriculum and other activities meet the range of needs and

interests of learners? 2 2

How well are learners cared for, guided and supported? 1 2

Leadership and management

How effective are leadership and management in raising achievement and

supporting all learners? 2 3

How effectively leaders and managers at all levels set clear direction leading to

improvement and promote high quality of care and education 2

How effectively performance is monitored, evaluated and improved to meet

challenging targets 1

123

Key to judgements: grade 1 is outstanding, grade 2 good, grade 3

satisfactory, and grade 4 inadequate

School

Overall

16-

19

How well equality of opportunity is promoted and discrimination tackled so that

all learners achieve as well as they can 2

How effectively and efficiently resources, including staff, are deployed to achieve

value for money 2

The extent to which governors and other supervisory boards discharge their

responsibilities 1

Do procedures for safeguarding learners meet current government requirements? Yes Yes

Does this school require special measures? No

Does this school require a notice to improve? No

Annex B

Text from letter to pupils explaining the findings of the inspection

Thank you all for taking part in the inspection of your school. My colleague, Michael Milton

Additional Inspector (AI) and I, enjoyed talking to you and finding out about all the things that help

you to learn so well. Those of you who spoke to us were excellent ambassadors for the school.

Winchmore is a good school where you feel valued, safe and happy and are included in decision

making. These views are shared by the vast majority of parents who value the commitment of your

teachers and other adults who help you to achieve well. You behave well and have good attitudes

to learning. These characteristics contribute to you making good progress in your tests and exams

by the end of Years 9 and 11. You make good progress because most lessons are stimulating and

your teachers use a range of resources and activities to help you learn. You mentioned that your

teachers put you 'through the gears' and you will always remember them for their support and

guidance. You talked to us about the effective teaching styles teachers use to help you learn well,

in particular, you singled out ICT as a powerful learning tool, for example, using the pod in maths.

We agree with you. The large sixth form also helps you to aspire to higher education.

All adults who work with you give you excellent support and you are very clear about where to go if

you need advice or guidance. You clearly enjoy the wide range of extra-curricular activities, the

opportunities to take on responsibilities and represent your school in the wider community work.

The school clearly uses the art specialist status very well to develop your learning and promote

your artistic talent in the community.

The headteacher, senior leaders and governors know the strengths of the school and the areas for

improvement. Together they always monitor and evaluate your progress. They are constantly

seeking ways to improve all aspects of teaching and learning to make sure that you can achieve

even better results. We agree with the senior leaders that the sixth form is not as strong as the

main school and they are currently working on improving the monitoring and evaluation there.

You and your parents are rightly proud of your school and we wish you the very best as you

continue you through the school.

Yours sincerely

Carmen Rodney Lead inspector

124

© Crown copyright 2007

Website: www.ofsted.gov.uk

This document may be reproduced in whole or in part for non-commercial educational purposes,

provided that the information quoted is reproduced without adaptation and the source and date of

publication are stated.

Further copies of this report are obtainable from the school. Under the Education Act 2005, the

school must provide a copy of this report free of charge to certain categories of people. A charge

not exceeding the full cost of reproduction may be made for any other copies supplied.

Any complaints about the inspection or the report should be made following the procedures set out

in the guidance 'Complaints about school inspections', which is available from Ofsted's website:

www.ofsted.gov.uk.

125

APPENDIX 2 LETTER SENT TO SCHOOLS

School of Psychology and Human Development 25 Woburn Square London WC1H 0AA 17 February 2009 Dear Sir/Madam, My name is Camilla Williams and I am currently studying for a MSc degree in Psychology of Education at the Institute of Education (University of London), with the ambition of then going on to train as a Forensic Psychologist so that I may work in the rehabilitation of young offenders.

I am writing in the hope to obtain your permission to involve your Year 10 and 11 students in my research project, which aims to investigate the relationship between a young person’s motivation in education and his or her future aspirations and his or her perception of social acceptance. In light the prevalence of social labeling and media-enforced stereotypes, feelings of detachment and disillusionment can act to undermine an individual’s motivation and belief that they are capable of contributing to society. A potential result of this could be that many young people drop out of school and resort to delinquent or deviant behavior, thus becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy. I feel that knowledge concerning these issues is important, because it can teach us how adolescents’ perceptions of social acceptance can lead to different educational and life outcomes. It may also help to give us insight into which students need to be targeted for intervention strategies to increase persistence in school.

Students who participate will be asked to spend a total of about 30 minutes completing a self-report questionnaire, consisting of 3 separate sections. I have enclosed a copy of this questionnaire for your information. One section aims to gauge how they feel they are perceived by society in general as well as how connected they feel to it. Sections 2 and 3, the Motivated Strategies for Learning Questionnaire and the Occupational Identity Scale, measures of students’ motivation and occupation considerations/aspirations, respectively.

In order to avoid missing any important lessons, the questionnaire could be completed in a PSC lesson or something similar. A potential benefit of taking part in this project is that it might encourage the students to think about their future occupations and their reasons for attending school

All participants will be informed of what the study is about and their questionnaires will remain completely anonymous throughout. If students wish to withdraw from the study, he or she may do so at any time. All the information obtained by the participants will be protected under the Data Protection Act.

Many thanks for your cooperation in this study.

Yours Truly,

Camilla Williams

126

APPENDIX 3 SELF-REPORT QUESTIONNAIRE FOR THE ASSESSMENT OF PERCEPTIONS OF SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS, ACADEMIC MOTIVATION AND OCCUPATIONAL IDENTITY

* Thank you for agreeing to participate in my study! * Study Information I am currently studying for a Masters degree at the Institute of Education in London. As part of my dissertation I am carrying out a research project with young people in order to investigate the relationship between students’ motivation and future aspirations and how they feel about the society in which they live. I would greatly appreciate it if you would complete the questionnaire below. This questionnaire is completely anonymous and should take between 30 and 35 minutes to complete. Just remember: � Completing the pack is voluntary and you may withdraw from the study

at any time and for any reason without needing to provide an explanation.

� If there are any questions that you do not wish to answer on the

questionnaires, feel free to leave them blank. � Data will be held securely and in the strictest of confidence. When

completed, the questionnaires will be taken away to the Institute of Education and I will feedback the overall results of my study to your school in September when I have finished my research.

Thank you again!

Please tell me some things about yourself. How old are you? ________ Are you a boy or a girl? Boy Girl What is your nationality? (Please tick one) � Afro-Caribbean � Indian � Pakistani � Bangladeshi � Chinese � Mixed parentage � Black African

127

� Black (other) � White British � White (other) � Don’t want to answer If you do not fit any of the above categories, please tell us how you describe your ethnicity: ______________________________________

128

When answering the following questions please circle the numbered response that seems the most accurate to how you feel. Try not to think too hard about the answer.

Rating Guide:

1 = no opinion

2 = not at all true of me

3 = occasionally true of me

4 = often true of me

5 = always true of me

1 I feel that it matters whether or not I vote when I'm older 1 2 3 4 5

2 I regard myself as belonging to a particular religion 1 2 3 4 5

3 I feel that my national identity is an important reflection of who I am,

1 2 3 4 5

4 I feel that others respect my national identity 1 2 3 4 5

5 I respect those who belong to a different religion to me 1 2 3 4 5

6 I am interested in what goes on in the world around me 1 2 3 4 5

7 I am aware of who is in government 1 2 3 4 5

8 I feel that I can trust politicians 1 2 3 4 5

9 I am opinionated when it comes to current affairs 1 2 3 4 5

10 I read and take an interest in the news 1 2 3 4 5

12 I think marriage is important 1 2 3 4 5

13 I feel confident when I am walking down the street 1 2 3 4 5

14 I feel safe when I am walking down the street 1 2 3 4 5

15 I feel that I am capable of achieving anything, regardless of my race

1 2 3 4 5

SECTION 1

129

16 I feel that those around me believe in my ability to achieve

1 2 3 4 5

17 I feel like I belong 1 2 3 4 5

18 I join in community-run projects in my free time 1 2 3 4 5

19 I feel that people are often wary or afraid of me when they meet me

1 2 3 4 5

20 I feel wary or afraid when a stranger is friendly to me 1 2 3 4 5

21 I feel that I lack certain things that could make me happy 1 2 3 4 5

22 I feel that people look down on me because I lack these things

1 2 3 4 5

23 I feel that people make inaccurate judgements of me based on my appearance

1 2 3 4 5

24 I feel connected to the society I live in 1 2 3 4 5

25 I feel safe in the area I live in after dark 1 2 3 4 5

26 I feel that there is a sense of community where I live 1 2 3 4 5

27 I know/feel close to the people who live around me 1 2 3 4 5

28 I have the choice of joining in community-run projects after school

1 2 3 4 5

29 I feel like I am valued by society 1 2 3 4 5

30 I feel that my teachers have my best interests at heart 1 2 3 4 5

31 I feel that my parents would support me in anything I undertake

1 2 3 4 5

32 My parents help me with my school work 1 2 3 4 5

33 I believe that people should obey the law without exception

1 2 3 4 5

34 I am in favour of increased government spending on the environment

1 2 3 4 5

35 I am in favour of increased government spending on education

1 2 3 4 5

130

36 I am in favour of increased government spending on police and law enforcement

1 2 3 4 5

37 I am in favour of increased government spending on unemployment benefits

1 2 3 4 5

38 I feel confident that I will be well cared for when I am old and retired

1 2 3 4 5 39 I feel that it is the government's responsibility to provide

a job for everyone 1 2 3 4 5

40 I feel that I am in control of my future 1 2 3 4 5 41 I feel that there is support available to me should I need

it 1 2 3 4 5

42 I feel that I can contribute to society 1 2 3 4 5 43 I feel that there are very few people I can trust

completely 1 2 3 4 5

44 I feel that other people will take advantage of me if I am not careful

1 2 3 4 5 45 I feel that the average person has the ability to influence

the world they live in 1 2 3 4 5

46 I feel that public officials (police officers, teachers, public transport staff etc) often deal with people like me fairly.

1 2 3 4 5

131

Focus on your English and Maths courses and answer each question based on your experience and perceptions of that course by circling the most appropriate answer using the scale below. Don’t worry; there are no right or wrong answers! Just answer as accurately as possible by circling what you feel to be the most appropriate number. Rating Guide:

1 = Never 2 = Rarely 3 = Sometimes 4 = Often 5 = Always

Question: Subject: Rating: 1 In a class like this, I prefer course

material that really challenges me so I can learn new things.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

2 If I study in appropriate ways, then I will be able to learn the material in this course.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

3 When I take a test I think about how poorly I am doing compared with other students

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

4 I think I will be able to use what I learn in this course in other courses.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

5 I believe I will receive an excellent grade in this course.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

6 I’m certain I can understand the most difficult material presented in the readings of this course

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

7 Getting a good grade in this class is the most satisfying thing for me right now.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

8 When I take a test I think about items on other parts of the test I can’t answer.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

9 It is my own fault if I don’t learn the material in this course.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

10 It is important for me to learn the course material in this class.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

11 The most important thing for me right now is improving my overall grade, so

English 1 2 3 4 5

SECTION 2

132

my main concern in this class is getting a good grade.

Maths 1 2 3 4 5 12 I’m confident I can learn the basic

concepts taught in this course. English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

13 If I can, I want to get better grades in this class than most other students.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

14 When I take tests I think of the consequences of failing.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

15 I’m confident I can understand the most complex material presented by the instructor in this course.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

16 In a class like this, I prefer course material that arouses my curiosity, even if it is difficult to learn.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

17 I am very interested in the context area of this course.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

18 If I try hard enough, then I will understand the course material.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

19 I have an uneasy, upset feeling when I take an exam.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

20 I’m confident I can do an excellent job on the assignment and tests in this course

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

21 I expect to do well in this class. English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

22 The most satisfying thing for me in this course is trying to understand the content as thoroughly as possible.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

23 I think the course material in this class is useful for me to learn.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

24 When I have the opportunity in this class, I choose course assignments that I can learn from even if they don’t guarantee a good grade.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

25 If I don’t understand the course material, it is because I didn’t try hard enough.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

26 I like the subject matter of this course. English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

27 Understanding the subject matter of English 1 2 3 4 5

133

this course is very important to me. Maths 1 2 3 4 5 28 I feel my heart beating fast when I take

an exam. English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

29 I’m certain I can master the skills being taught in this course.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

30 I want to do well in this class because it is important to show my ability to my family, friends, employer, or others.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

31 Considering the difficulty of this course, the teacher, and my skills, I think I will do well in this class.

English 1 2 3 4 5 Maths 1 2 3 4 5

134

Please answer each question by circling the option most true of you. Again, please remember that there are no right or wrong answers! Rating Guide: 1 = Strongly disagree

2 = Disagree

3 = Neither agree or disagree

4 = Agree

5 = Strongly agree

1. At the present moment, I don’t know exactly what

I want as a career, but I am examining several occupational perspectives

1 2 3 4 5

2. I’m being bombarded with many suggestions about what I should choose as an occupation, and I am trying to decide which one is best for me

1 2 3 4 5

3. After many doubts and considerations, I have it clearly in my mind what my occupation will be 1 2 3 4 5

4. The occupation I have chosen is a tradition in my family and I feel I would like to follow the family tradition

1 2 3 4 5

5. After analysing many possible occupational options, I believe I have decided on a specific career

1 2 3 4 5

6. The fact of not being certain about my occupational future bothers me 1 2 3 4 5

7. At this point, I am not worried about what type of job I will do most successfully; I’ll think about it in the future

1 2 3 4 5

8. When I was a child I decided on my career and I have never seriously considered other alternatives 1 2 3 4 5

9. I am struggling with several ideas in mind for my future occupation and I feel I have to choose something specific very soon

1 2 3 4 5

10. Although I am in a certain line of studies, I am still actively looking into other things for my studies and future work

1 2 3 4 5

11. It is too early for me to be concerned about my professional future 1 2 3 4 5

12. I am presently trying to decide about my future occupation. But nothing is resolved yet 1 2 3 4 5

13. My parents’ recommendations for my future occupation have helped me in deciding what my profession will be

1 2 3 4 5

14. If there are no clear openings in my field of studies, I’ll change my career without much concern

1 2 3 4 5

15. I haven’t had any problem is choosing my future occupation, since my parents gave to me a good orientation long ago

1 2 3 4 5

16. I don’t have it clear in my mind what my professional place in society is, but I am not concerned about it

1 2 3 4 5

SECTION 3

135

17. I wish I could decide on my ultimate career goal out of the options I am considering soon, so that I could choose the more appropriate program of study

1 2 3 4 5

18. My folk’s suggestions have helped me avoid a lot of problems in picking out a career 1 2 3 4 5

19. Nowadays the occupational world is so complex that I cannot commit myself to any type of occupation. I’ll see what happens in the future

1 2 3 4 5

20. After asking a lot of people and finding information, I am sure of what I want and I will not be comfortable until I reach that occupation

1 2 3 4 5

21. I am thinking seriously about my professional future, since I have many doubts about it 1 2 3 4 5

22. I am committed to my vocation and I wouldn’t easily change it, since it took me so much effort to make up my mind

1 2 3 4 5

23. It was hard for me to decide on a career, but now, when I look at myself I think that I will fit the profession I’ve chosen

1 2 3 4 5

24. In choosing a career, I didn’t go through a struggle because my folks gave the right direction to me 1 2 3 4 5

25. Some time ago I went through a crisis of decision, but now I can say that I have a clear goal regarding my future occupation

1 2 3 4 5

26. My father/mother seem to enjoy so much in their occupation that I am going into his/her type of job 1 2 3 4 5

27. I have gone through a lot of struggle to decide what my career will be, but that is not a problem anymore

1 2 3 4 5

28. Although I don’t have a clear idea of what my occupation will be, I don’t care at this point 1 2 3 4 5

*FINISHED!*

*Thank you so much for participating!*

136

APPENDIX 4 STATISTICAL ANALYSES OF THE STUDY (SPSS OUTPUT)

RELIABILITY OF MEASURES BEFORE RE-CODING SCS AND CONSTRUCTS

Reliability Statistics

Cronbach's

Alpha

Cronbach's

Alpha Based on

Standardized

Items N of Items

.807 .904 5

Inter-Item Correlation Matrix

CONNECT COMNET PREJ FAMAR POLIT

CONNECT1 1.000 .789 .834 .690 .849

COMNET .789 1.000 .596 .489 .606

PREJ .834 .596 1.000 .552 .612

FAMAR .690 .489 .552 1.000 .507

POLIT .849 .606 .612 .507 1.000

Summary Item Statistics

Mean Minimum Maximum Range

Maximum /

Minimum Variance N of Items

Item Means 55.640 11.615 152.824 141.209 13.157 3084.450 5

Item Variances 134.389 9.506 478.747 469.241 50.363 37732.643 5

Inter-Item Covariances 61.237 11.231 166.968 155.737 14.867 3072.525 5

137

ENGLISH MOTIVATION AND CONSTRUCTS

Reliability Statistics

Cronbach's

Alpha

Cronbach's

Alpha Based on

Standardized

Items N of Items

.792 .920 7

Summary Item Statistics

Mean Minimum Maximum Range

Maximum /

Minimum Variance N of Items

Item Means 33.422 14.451 116.978 102.527 8.095 1388.516 7

Item Variances 68.882 9.694 375.377 365.684 38.724 18363.498 7

Inter-Item Covariances 24.270 4.060 104.707 100.647 25.788 748.928 7

Inter-Item Correlation Matrix

ENG_MOTTOT ENG_INTRINSIC ENG_EXTRINSIC ENG_TASKVAL ENG_CONTROL ENG_SELFEFF ENG_TESTANX

ENG_MOTTOT1 1.000 .858 .768 .860 .829 .884 .540

ENG_INTRINSIC .858 1.000 .603 .774 .696 .756 .296

ENG_EXTRINSIC .768 .603 1.000 .620 .541 .647 .320

ENG_TASKVAL .860 .774 .620 1.000 .636 .763 .251

ENG_CONTROL .829 .696 .541 .636 1.000 .666 .473

ENG_SELFEFF .884 .756 .647 .763 .666 1.000 .245

ENG_TESTANX .540 .296 .320 .251 .473 .245 1.000

138

MATHS MOTIVATION AND CONSTRUCTS

Reliability Statistics

Cronbach's

Alpha

Cronbach's

Alpha Based on

Standardized

Items N of Items

.774 .881 7

Inter-Item Correlation Matrix

MATHS_MOTT

OT

MATHS_INTRI

NSIC

MATHS_EXTRI

NSIC

MATHS_TASK

VAL

MATHS_CONT

ROL

MATHS_SELF

EFF

MATHS_TEST

ANX

MATHS_MOTTOT1 1.000 .848 .758 .785 .704 .829 .401

MATHS_INTRINSIC .848 1.000 .649 .614 .559 .737 .170

MATHS_EXTRINSIC .758 .649 1.000 .546 .475 .501 .261

MATHS_TASKVAL .785 .614 .546 1.000 .414 .598 .077

MATHS_CONTROL .704 .559 .475 .414 1.000 .487 .328

MATHS_SELFEFF .829 .737 .501 .598 .487 1.000 .065

MATHS_TESTANX .401 .170 .261 .077 .328 .065 1.000

Summary Item Statistics

Mean Minimum Maximum Range

Maximum /

Minimum Variance N of Items

Item Means 33.309 14.813 116.582 101.769 7.870 1375.914 7

Item Variances 67.411 8.890 350.913 342.022 39.472 15782.276 7

Inter-Item Covariances 22.185 1.806 101.716 99.910 56.322 735.760 7

139

OCCUPATIONAL IDENTITY SCALE

Reliability Statistics

Cronbach's

Alpha

Cronbach's

Alpha Based on

Standardized

Items N of Items

.837 .840 4

Inter-Item Correlation Matrix

ACHIEVED MORATORIUM FORECLOSED DIFFUSED

ACHIEVED 1.000 .440 .585 .401

MORATORIUM .440 1.000 .637 .650

FORECLOSED .585 .637 1.000 .698

DIFFUSED .401 .650 .698 1.000

Summary Item Statistics

Mean Minimum Maximum Range

Maximum /

Minimum Variance N of Items

Item Means 22.073 18.527 26.264 7.736 1.418 10.421 4

Item Variances 37.901 28.274 49.063 20.789 1.735 73.507 4

Inter-Item Covariances 21.288 12.827 27.564 14.737 2.149 23.608 4

140

Statistics

ENG_MOT

TOT

ENG_INT

RINSIC

ENG_EXT

RINSIC

ENG_CON

TROL

ENG_SEL

FEFF

ENG_TES

TANX

ENG_TAS

KVAL2

N Valid 91 91 91 91 91 91 91

Missing 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Mean 109.59 14.45 16.80 15.02 30.31 17.43 15.58

Median 111.00 15.00 18.00 16.00 30.00 17.00 16.00

Mode 126 15 20 14 28a 17 16

Std. Deviation 18.269 3.114 3.113 3.169 6.113 4.410 3.259

Skewness -1.019 -.820 -1.083 -.663 -.695 -.564 -.857

Std. Error of

Skewness .253 .253 .253 .253 .253 .253 .253

Kurtosis 1.551 .962 .952 .221 .650 .345 .377

Std. Error of

Kurtosis .500 .500 .500 .500 .500 .500 .500

a. Multiple modes exist. The smallest value is

shown

Statistics

CONNECT2 COMNET PREJ FAMAR POLIT

N Valid 91 91 91 91 91

Missing 0 0 0 0 0

Mean 125.37 35.27 38.16 11.62 40.32

Median 128.00 36.00 39.00 12.00 40.00

Mode 126 39 39 14 33a

Std. Deviation 22.003 7.709 6.598 3.083 8.985

Skewness -.753 -.385 -1.014 -1.080 -.354

Std. Error of Skewness .253 .253 .253 .253 .253

Kurtosis .918 .892 1.808 .673 -.405

Std. Error of Kurtosis .500 .500 .500 .500 .500

a. Multiple modes exist. The smallest value is shown

141

HISTOGRAMS DEMONSTRATING DISTRIBUTION OF DATA (AFTER RE-CODING):

CONNECT

ENG_MOTTOT

142

MATHS_MOTTOT

ACHIEVED

143

MORATORIUM

FORECLOSED

144

DIFFUSED MULTIPLE REGRESSION ANALYSIS

Model Summary

Model R R Square

Adjusted R

Square

Std. Error of the

Estimate

1 .330a .109 .099 17.77912

2 .459b .211 .165 17.12133

a. Predictors: (Constant), CONNECT

b. Predictors: (Constant), CONNECT, DIFFUSED, ACHIEVED,

MORATORIUM, FORECLOSED

ANOVAc

Model Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig.

1 Regression 3449.477 1 3449.477 10.913 .001a

Residual 28132.655 89 316.097

Total 31582.132 90

2 Regression 6665.232 5 1333.046 4.547 .001b

Residual 24916.900 85 293.140

Total 31582.132 90

a. Predictors: (Constant), CONNECT

b. Predictors: (Constant), CONNECT, DIFFUSED, ACHIEVED, MORATORIUM, FORECLOSED

145

ANOVAc

Model Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig.

1 Regression 3449.477 1 3449.477 10.913 .001a

Residual 28132.655 89 316.097

Total 31582.132 90

2 Regression 6665.232 5 1333.046 4.547 .001b

Residual 24916.900 85 293.140

Total 31582.132 90

a. Predictors: (Constant), CONNECT

b. Predictors: (Constant), CONNECT, DIFFUSED, ACHIEVED, MORATORIUM, FORECLOSED

c. Dependent Variable: MATHS_MOTTOT

Coefficientsa

Model

Unstandardized Coefficients

Standardized

Coefficients

t Sig. B Std. Error Beta

1 (Constant) 73.342 13.222 5.547 .000

CONNECT .283 .086 .330 3.303 .001

2 (Constant) 64.373 13.215 4.871 .000

CONNECT .195 .097 .228 2.014 .047

ACHIEVED -.244 .403 -.078 -.606 .546

MORATORIUM .328 .363 .123 .905 .368

FORECLOSED .603 .477 .199 1.263 .210

DIFFUSED .350 .511 .099 .685 .495

a. Dependent Variable: MATHS_MOTTOT

146

Excluded Variablesb

Model Beta In t Sig.

Partial

Correlation

Collinearity

Statistics

Tolerance

1 ACHIEVED .108a .923 .358 .098 .736

MORATORIUM .274a 2.697 .008 .276 .904

FORECLOSED .307a 2.950 .004 .300 .852

DIFFUSED .280a 2.785 .007 .285 .922

a. Predictors in the Model: (Constant), CONNECT

b. Dependent Variable: MATHS_MOTTOT

Model Summary

Model R R Square

Adjusted R

Square

Std. Error of the

Estimate

1 .482a .232 .224 17.07206

2 .607b .368 .331 15.84685

a. Predictors: (Constant), CONNECT

b. Predictors: (Constant), CONNECT, DIFFUSED, ACHIEVED,

MORATORIUM, FORECLOSED

ANOVAc

Model Sum of Squares df Mean Square F Sig.

1 Regression 7844.450 1 7844.450 26.915 .000a

Residual 25939.506 89 291.455

Total 33783.956 90

2 Regression 12438.535 5 2487.707 9.906 .000b

Residual 21345.421 85 251.123

Total 33783.956 90

a. Predictors: (Constant), CONNECT

b. Predictors: (Constant), CONNECT, DIFFUSED, ACHIEVED, MORATORIUM, FORECLOSED

c. Dependent Variable: ENG_MOTTOT

147

Coefficientsa

Model

Unstandardized Coefficients

Standardized

Coefficients

t Sig. B Std. Error Beta

1 (Constant) 51.770 12.696 4.078 .000

CONNECT .427 .082 .482 5.188 .000

2 (Constant) 44.633 12.231 3.649 .000

CONNECT .254 .090 .287 2.827 .006

ACHIEVED .860 .373 .267 2.306 .024

MORATORIUM .857 .336 .310 2.549 .013

FORECLOSED -.112 .442 -.036 -.254 .800

DIFFUSED -.318 .473 -.087 -.672 .503

a. Dependent Variable: ENG_MOTTOT

Excluded Variablesb

Model Beta In t Sig.

Partial

Correlation

Collinearity

Statistics

Tolerance

1 ACHIEVED .336a 3.263 .002 .329 .736

MORATORIUM .318a 3.445 .001 .345 .904

FORECLOSED .213a 2.160 .033 .224 .852

DIFFUSED .153a 1.600 .113 .168 .922

a. Predictors in the Model: (Constant), CONNECT

b. Dependent Variable: ENG_MOTTOT