INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

A study of language totally without reference to its social

context inevitably leads to the omission of some of the

more complex and interesting aspects of language and to

the loss of opportunities for further theoretical progress.

One of the main factors that have led to the growth of

sociolinguistic research has been the recognition of the

importance of the fact that language is a very variable

phenomenon, and that this variability may have as much to

do with society as with language. A language is not a

simple, single code used in the same manner by all people

in all situations ... 1

The English language and its different varieties have been the focus of many

linguistic studies for the simple reason that it is the only global language in the present

times. Speakers have taken to this global language in varied ways which, in tum, have led

to the growth of many varieties of the language. Each such variety provides adequate

scope for research. In South Asia too, English has come to occupy a predominant

position, especially in the Indian sub-continent. Indian English (hereafter, IE), as the local

variety has come to be known in India, is the focus of this particular study. While

examining the question of the English language in India, this study will deal with

connected issues such as the past and present status of English in India and the functions

it has come to perform in the national, political, social, economic and educational

scenario.

The scope of this research is limited to studying the language used by speakers in

India who have been educated in English and have achieved a certain level of proficiency

in English ,,·hich approximates British English (hereafter, BE), while at the same time

1 Peter Trudgi!L 1974, Sociolinguistics- An Imroduction, Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, p. 32.

displaying features which set it apart as a distinct non-native Second Language Variety

(hereafter, SL V). While this does not negate the existence of sub-varieties of IE, along

the horizontal and vertical fines, the variety used by the educated people has been taken

up for the purpose of study. This educated class greatly influences the shape of IE -

present and future. Its shape is also determined by a pan-Indian acceptability which

rejects the regional variations. By the same criterion of acceptability, rules grossly

violating Standard English (hereafter, SE) grannnar are not acceptable. What are the

features of English in India and how they are used form a significant seGtion of this study.

Historically, English carne to India with the British colonisers. For the people of

this country, it occupied the position of a foreign language. But five de.cades after Indian

independence, English now plays the role of a second language and is used to express the

Indian way of life. One may even say that in certain areas, it carries greater power and

prestige in its capacity as Associate Official Language than the Official Language, Hindi.

From its origins in India as Babu English, Butler English and so on, this language has

thus come a long way to its present position in the country.

English, as it is used in India, may have gained the status of a separate variety.

However, by giving IE an identity of its own, there is no attempt to distance it from the

core structure of English. In all the areas of phonetics and phonology, syntax, semantics

and lexis, the fundamental features are the same. Differences are seen in the use of the

language when placed in the socio-cultural context of India. This very context gives the

words their 'communicative meaning'. The new culture in which this once 'alien' tongue

is used is responsible, in large measure, for new or additional meanings rendered to

words. They may make sense only in the Indian setting; this, however, goe:s a long way to

show the indigenisation of a language to meet local demands. English has allowed itseif

to be moulded to meet the communicative needs of its users in India, thereby facilitating

an increase in the number of users of the language in the country.

There are certain syntactical, lexical and semantic features, which are identifiable

as features unique to IE, as the non-shared features of IE. It is in these areas that IE

2

departs from BE. These features are responsible for giving IE a distinct identity. These

characteristic features, however, do not violate any rule of SE. They fall within the

overall framework of English grammar. One of the ways to describe this variety is as a

SL V of English. The term 'dialect' may be thought applicable to such varieties but its

appropriateness is questionable. These varieties do not qualify description as regional

dialects of English.

As a non-native variety, IE fulfills similar needs of its users, as would a native

variety. It functions as an important second language, as a link language and as the

Associate Official Language of India. In all these capacities, it proves at par with any

Indian language. The unique position English enjoys in the Indian socio-political and

socio-cultural scenario has been repeatedly challenged. However, its displacement is not

imminent in the near future. There is, on the contrary, an emerging trend of more

employment of English in almost every domain of public use.

Indians are taking to English in a big way and it has been gaining greater currency

m the number of publications brought out regionally as well as nationally. These

publications are a pointer to the developments taking place in the written language. The

Indianisation of English is well traced in the kind of language used. These unique

features of IE can be isolated and marked. The regularity and spread of such usages

reveal the acceptability of IE among its users.

The spread of 'World Englishes' has enabled English to incorporate many

features not present in the standard form of the language - presumed to be the form used

in the land of its origin, the United Kingdom. Hence, the notion of a standard language

has also changed with the concept of regional standards gaining popularity. A single

standard may not suffice to fulfill the demands of a multicultural, multilingual and

multiethnic group of people settled in different parts of the world.

t' As an unwritten rule, different regional standards of English have thus emerged.

At the local level, their acceptability is decided by the people using it. At the international

leveil, intelligibility and the common features these standards share with English English

go a long way in deciding their acceptability.

Codification of many of these regional varieties of English is yet to be done. The

two main models of English, namely, BE and American English (hereafter, AE), with

their own sets of grammars and dictionaries, now contain words which have their origin

in other parts of the world but have been included as part of the English lexicon. Many

such words of IE too have found their way into these dictionaries. In due course of time,

greater usage of other Indian words in English may also lead to th.eir worldwide

acceptance.

As mentioned before, with the growing importance of English, both in India and

in other parts of the world, an attempt has been made in this study to look into our very

own brand of English and to analyse its characteristics in the perspective of 'World

Englishes'. It is also expected that a delineation of the features of IE will lllelp understand

the dynamic nature of language itself, which allows it to adapt to a new environment and

to the different demands set on it. Many questions revolving around 1thc: native - non­

native dichotomy of the English language may be resolved by placing the! grammar of a

non-native variety such as IE within the overall framework of English E111glish and then

marking the differences.

Before proceeding further, a brief description of certain key conoepts related to

the study of language, and particularly that of the English language, has been provided in

the following pages.

i. VARIETY

In this discussion on the subject ·Indian English·, certain terms will keep coming

up, a proper definition of which then becomes a matter of importance to understand the

topic in hand. Among such terms. ·variety'. 'language·. and 'standard language' are

worth mentioning. A popular definition for the tem1 ·\·ariety· has been given as:

4

A variety is any body of human speech patterns wh

sufficiently homogeneous to be analysed by ava

techniques of synchronic description, and which l.u~ a

sufficiently large repertory of elements and their

arrangements or processes with broad enough semantic

scope to function in all normal contexts of communication. 2

Fishman calls the term 'variety' a non-judgemental term in contrast to the term

'language'. He says that " ... variety ... merely designates a member of the verbal

repertoire."3 There is thus a lot of scope to manipulate this term in describing any feature

of a language. By such definitions, IE is a 'variety' of English, which shares most of the

grammatical patterns of Standard British English (hereafter, SBE).

Varieties can be categorised based on being user-oriented, use-oriented and style­

oriented. Judging by the first two criteria, IE is a non-native variety in a second language

situation. The plurality of the term 'variety' has led linguists to describe a 'superposed

variety'. Trudgill has defined such a variety by giving the example of BE as a

"superposed variety of language. "4

The reason for this is that BE is the only variety that has been learnt as a second

language and as a foreign language in various countries. Although there are several

varieties of BE, the variety learnt in non-native situations has usually been the standard

variety of BE, which exists as the norm. Hence, SE is commonly referred to as BE.

A variety can also be labelled on the basis of different socio-linguistic criteria. IE

is a non-native SL V for many scholars and the reason behind this classification is not

individual linguistic variation but first language variations seen in the use ofthis variety.

2 Charles A. ferguson and John J. Gumperz (eds.), 1960, Linguistic Diversity in South Asia, Indiana University, Indiana, pp. 30-32. 3 Joshua A. Fishman, 1972, Sociolinguistics: A Brief Introduction, Newbury House Publishers, Rowley, Massachusens, p. 23. 4 Peter Trudgill. supra note. I, p. 18.

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ii. LANGUAGE

Language varies but the changes are very rarely so rapid and widespread that

varieties of one language grow into different languages altogether. The larger areas of a

language remain unchanged, which is also true of IE \\ith regard to the mother language

'English'. However, IE is also a pointer to the fact that language change is inevitable.

Such changes are at times necessary in a language to express the needs of its users. As

David Crystal remarks, "Languages do not develop, progress, decay, evolve, or act

according to any of the metaphors which imply a specific endpoint and level of

excellence. They simply change, as society changes."5 Crystal also states that "'Our use of

language can tell our listener or reader a great deal about ourselves- in particular, about

our regional origins, social background, level of education, occupation, age, sex, and

personality ... a major function of language is the expression of personal idem:ity - the

signaling of who we are and where we 'belong'."6 In the same way, the variety called IE

is an expression of a nation's identity as a people having a unique combination of

linguistic, social, cultural, political and ethnic features.

A language may have many spoken varieties. Similarly, there may be many

'dialects' of a language. However, it would be useful to remember that linguistic analysis

has come up with the theory that" .. . all languages, and correspondingly all dialects, are

equally 'good' as linguistic systems .. .It follows that value judgements conoeming the

correctness and purity of linguistic varieties are social rather than linguistic."7 In

speaking of the different varieties of the English language, attitudes reveal extra­

linguistic factors at play. IE speakers also consider their variety to signal group

identification and solidarity. Through the differences in this variety, differences in the

physical and the social environment are effectively expressed. The lexicon reflects this

influence of society on language. It thus follows that any change in the structure of

society is reflected in changes in the linguistic structure.

5 David Crystal, 1997, The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. (Second Edition), Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. p. 5. 6 'b'd , ... I I . p . .J. 7 Peter Trudgill. supra note. I, p. 20.

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iii. THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

The word 'English' is the name of a language and of a nationality, and more often

than not it refers to England. The language, however, has been used beyond the

boundaries of England through the ages. It has spread across the globe to become a global

language and has been adopted by countries as a second language or as a foreign

language. It is the mother tongue in the United Kingdom, the United States of America,

Canada, Australia and New Zealand. English as a second talking implies teaching and

learning English for purposes of communication and interaction. In this capacity it can

serve various uses - as the medium of instruction in education, for higher studies, or as a

link language.

The British Council's Annual Report for 1960-61 states that "When it (English) is

used thus as a second language English is not necessarily the vehicle of distinctively

British or American cultural value; it may well be the means of expressing those of the

country where it has been adopted."8 Braj B. Kachru notes that "Firth saw English as a

tool of international communication, representing in each country a particular 'way of

life' ... "9

"When we talk about 'a language' - in our case, 'the English language' -we

must not be misled into thinking that the label should in some way refer to a readily

identifiable object in reality ... There is no such object. The label 'the English language' is

in fact only a shorthand way of referring to something which is not, as the name may

seem to imply, a single homogeneous phenomenon at all, but rather a complex of many

different 'varieties' of language in use in all kinds of situation in many parts of the world.

Naturally, all these varieties have much more in common than differentiates them- they

are all clearly varieties of one language, English. But at the same time, each variety is

definably distinct from all the others." 10

8 Randolph Quirk. 1968, The Use of English, Longman Group Limited, London, pp. 6-7. 9 Braj B. Kachru, 1983, The Indiani::ation of English- The English Language in India, Oxford University Press, Delhi, p. 6. 10 David Crystal and Davy Derek, 1969, Investigating English Style, Longmans, London, p. 3.

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New varieties of spoken English began to develop in different comers of the

world, especially in the twentieth century, as its use spread and these became symbols of

national or regional identity. Though there may be many million speakers of such

varieties of English, yet they use the language with certain uniformity. There are, thus,

varieties and sub-varieties of English based on a number of variables such as location,

occupation, social background and so on. So more than one factor may be at play when

we analyse any one variety of English. There are also varying levels of attainment by the

users of English. At one end of the spectrum of people using English could be those who

have a native-like command of the language. At the other end could be those with a mere

smattering of the language.

The 'nativeness' concept constructs a binary division of speak,ers of English -

native and non-native. This notion has been taken to imply a social construct rather than a

linguistic category. Such identification is a result of social factors which is not based on a

linguistic construct of the native speaker. This dichotomy has its drawbacks - an

important one being influencing the opinion of individuals with regard to speakers on

different sides of the divide. A linguistic ground for such cla~sification has been the role

of bilingualism/multilingualism which has been taken as a marker of non-nativeness.

According to this theory, knowing any other language(s) besides English negates the

likelihood of being a native speaker of English.

A non-native English may evolve through a process of nativisation. We may find

features of a standard form and those, which are a part of popular local usage, while yet

others may simply be errors. What is important is to note the variants as typical features

of the process of nativisation and not in contrast to standard forms.

It is also essential to determine if speakers of a non-native variety construe these

features as innovations or errors. If an external standard is taken as the yardstick to

decide the issue of a variant or an error, then one must refer to the grammar or to the

usage of a native speaker. Many linguistic features are indexical markers of a non-native

variety. At the same time, a non-native Yariety may haYe Its ovm norms.

8

Today, few serious scholars of the English language will

insist that a non-native English is used only in a narrow

range of domains, that it is a transitional and unstable code

striving for perfection, that its continued encouragement

and use will lead to linguistic fragmentation and/or

deterioration of the English language, or that only native

English is a suitable model for all English language users. 11

With the growth and increased use of its non-native varieties, the English

language has undergone many stages of development. Having acquired the status of a

world language, changes in the language have been but natural. And while the language

has adapted itself to new environments, every instance of use has been different since

"Language always varies according to the CONTEXT/ENVIRONMENT in which it is

used and learnt."12 Salman Rushdie, a writer of Indian origin, has also supported this

view, " .. .in Rushdie's words: 'English no longer an English language, now grows from

many roots; and those whom it once colonized are carving out large territories within the

language for themselves. The Empire is striking back. "'13

This language has come to unite the world in all areas of economy, science and

technology. The tag of being a coloniser's language no longer stands true as English has

rapidly spread in various countries. The language has moulded itself to the needs of the

community using it; it plays a set of roles, which only seems to increase everyday; it has

undergone a change in its identity; hence, accompanying such changes, there has been a

corresponding change in the attitude towards it. In today's world, the common language

between nations is English; their national language may be any other besides English.

11 Gerry Abbon, "'English across Cultures: The Kachru Catch," English Today, Vol. 7, No.4, 1991, pp. 55-57. 12 Nihalani K. Narsu, "English in the Third World: Changing Attitudes," Journal of Indian Writing in English, Vol. 13, No. I, January 1985, p. 25. 13 Robert Me Crum, William Cran and Robert MacNeil, 1986, The Story of English, Faber and Faber, London, p. 40.

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English is also continually changing, the changes being most evident in the

vDcabulary. New words are continuously added to the lexicon of English, while existing

words may change or take on new meanings. Among the many languages fi;om which

English has borrowed, an important one is Latin. English also shares a number of words

with those European languages, which are derived from Latin, such as French, Italian and

Spanish. English has also borrowed from other languages in varying degrees and has

assimilated these items.

There is a fear among linguists that the spread of regional varieties of the non­

native kinds will lead to mutual unintelligibility. With respect to native varieties too, it

was thought that within a certain number of years, BE and AE would also become

mutually unintelligible. Yet, the cause of concern is not so grave now as 'New Englishes'

have gained greater acceptance in the international forum. Outside the regions where

non-native varieties of English are spoken, the English used is mutually intelligible.

Peter Strevens has remarked that "A remarkable feature of English is that

probably more communication takes place between L2 users than L1 users."14 This

communication takes place through a sprinkling of local expressions which reflects the

influence of the native language(s) on English used as a second language. Influence ofL1

on L2 is probably only a means to convey the culture and" ... spirit that is one''s own"15 as

Raja Rao reiterates. "The tempo of Indian life must be infused into our English

expression, even as the tempo of American or Irish life has gone into the: making of

theirs." 16

There is a difference between the spoken and the written forms of the English

language when used as a second language. Written English is taught in the schools

through a grammar containing well-defined rules. The spoken form, howeve:r,. cannot be

contained bv such rules.

14 Peter Strewns ... Forms of English: an Analysis of the Variables .. in Larry E. Smith (ed.), 198 I, English for Cross-Culwral Communication, St. Martin's Press, New York. p. 8. 15 Raja Rao, 1974. Kanthapura, (Second Edition). Oxford Uniwrsiry Press, Madras, p. v. 16 "b'd . I I . p VI.

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In India too, the English taught in schools and used as a medium of instruction has

a dose affinity to one of the native varieties .of English, namely BE. But English used in

speech has its own localised forms. The differences can be seen clearly at different

linguistic levels - phonological, lexical and syntactical. These differences make it

possible for a speaker of a regional variety to understand SE speakers, who, in tum, are

unable to understand him.

English exists alongside many local languages and is used as a second language in

India. Naturally, it is different from the kinds of English spoken elsewhere where it is the

first language. While English has been indigenised, the local languages too have

borrowed words from it. English has also developed its own sub-varieties in this country.

In the multilinguistic and culturally pluralistic context of

India, the English language has naturally developed its

regional, social and occupational varieties ... Indian English

has developed typically Indian registers of legal system,

business, newspapers, and also a large body of Indian

English creative writing. 17

'New Englishes' have given rise to many regional standards of English. Not the

least because "British English is now, numerically speaking, a minority dialect, compared

with American, or even Indian English."18 Standard in a language has been defined as

'' ... substantially uniform and well-established by usage in the speech and writing of the

educated and widely recognized as acceptable and authoritative."19 The issue of standard

has been sought to be tackled in this study by considering the English of the educated

speaker of IE as the standard.

17 Braj B. Kachru, 1989, The Alchemy of English, (Indian Publication), Oxford University Press, Delhi, p.

110. 18 ibid. p. 10. 19 L M Myers, 1966, The Roots of Modern English, Little, Brown and Company, Boston, p. 251.

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iv. STANDARD ENGLISH

Peter T rudgill provides a definition of SE as " ... that variety of English which is

usually used in print, and which is normally taught in schools to non-native speakers

learning the language ... It is also the variety which is spoken by educatec~ people and used

in news broadcasts ... "20

The variety that was being used by the educated class in the United Kingdom and

patronised by the aristocracy soon became the most popular and accepted form of the

language. It also had to its credit a codified grammar and vocabulary. 21 Trudgill also

states that there is a " ... general consensus among educated people, and in particular

among those who hold powerful and influential positions, as to what is SE and what is

non-standard English (NSE), as it were imposed from oYer the range of regional dialects,

and for this reason can be called a superposed variety of language."22

In 1949, C L Wren, in his remark on good English, said that it is the English of

the educated classes used without self-consciousness. Hence, in a gen<~ral discussion on

the standard variety of a language, it is usually associated with the language of the

educated class. Again, the term 'Standard English' applies to the written language. There

is, however, no authority in SE. There may be books of grammar writttm to guide people

on the rules of SE but they are not an absolute authority on it.

The history of SE may be said to date back to 1775 when William Perri, a

lexicographer, compiled The Royal Standard English Dictionary. This dictionary was the

first of its kind to come up with the phrase 'Standard English' in its tide. Next came the

Oxford English Dictionary in 1836. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language

was by far the most popular grammatical work in SE that was brought out by Randolf

Quirk, Sidney Greenbaum, Geoffrey Leech and Ian SYaiT>ik in 1985.

20 Peter Trudgill. supra note. 1, p. l 7. 21 ibid. p. 18. 22 ibid. p. 18.

12

While talking of Standard, Received Pronunciation (hereafter, RP) is the only

accent considered to be standard among the different accents of English, which are

mostly regional. It does not have the tag of belonging to any region and is the model

which developed in the English public schools. The number of speakers of RP is very

marginal in the United Kingdom but it is the most widely understood and well described

accent. Its use in the classroom can never be underestimated for learners of English.

Trudgill reiterates that "It is, however, not necessary to speak RP to speak Standard

English. Standard English can be spoken with any regional accent, and in the vast

majority of cases normally is. "23

It may be difficult to imagine a stage where English was without a standard

version. But" .. .in the fourteenth century, English existed only as a continuum of dialects.

The amount of variation was considerable; so much so that though everybody could

claim to be speaking English, the individual speaker could count on being easily

understood by only a minority of his countrymen ... ,,24 As historical records show, in the

fifteenth century, English began to replace French and Latin as the language in which

'official business' was conducted. And by the early sixteenth century, the dialect of

London became the one preferred for all written documents. And when printing came

into vogue, it was the same dialect, which was used, in the written texts. Soon literacy

began to be associated with being able to read and write this local dialect.

It is a well-known fact that language indicates social behaviour; this is mostly

reflected in the varying attitudes of people towards different dialects and accents. The

standard variety of any language is bound to have more prestige than other varieties. It is

also expected that competence in the standard language will lead to economic, social and

professional benefits.

But in present-day linguistics, there has been an affirmation of the plurality of the

English language and the term 'Englishes' indicates the existence of a number of

23 ibid. p. 19. 24 W R O'Donnell and Loreto Todd. 1980, Variety in Contemporan- English. George Allen and Unwin, London, p. 35.

13

varieties of English. As an international language, English continues to develop forms or

features divergent from BE and AE. It is hence expecteAi that a standard fmm of the

English language must reflect its international character.

v. ACCEPTABILITY

The prescriptivist approach was based on the assumption that one variety of

language is inherently superior than the others; for the same reason, the 'superi<:>r' variety

was considered to be the standard and acceptable variety. The grammarians who fbllowed

this principle applied the 'rules' of grammar to such areas as vocabulary and syntax and

sometimes to pronunciation as well. This belief and practice applied more to tlu: written

language and to formal styles of speaking. Usage was thus accordingly defined as

'correct' or 'incorrect' and 'deviations' were marked as 'errors'. Grammar was thus

'prescribed' or 'proscribed' depending on whether a particular usage was to be: followed

or avoided.

Such notions were and still are the basis for the concern over 'standard' in

language. They are accompanied by the belief that any kind of change in language is a

sign of language deterioration and decay. This attitude is most often displayed by elders

who view the language of the younger generation with great apprehension and concern.

Similar concern was reflected on a much larger scale in Europe through the widespread

reaction over the influence of 'American' English.

It has been noted that acceptability in language usually comes from social

conventions. But a look at linguistic data will reveal that a very crucial sociolinguistic

reahty is that languages vary and change. It is almost impossible to try and stop such

changes however well 'rules' have been defined. This linguistic characteristic formed the

basis ofthe approach known as ·descriptive', which gradually gained in popularity so that

by the second half of the eighteenth century, it was established that linguistic facts cannot

be governed and regulated by any authority. This particular approach is the framework of

the present study as well.

1-+

Acceptability in a language depends a lot on what seems 'right'. Such a notion

ensures continued usage of a pattern of language. Rules of correct usage are usually not

stated; the native speaker realises instinctively whether a particular utterance is 'right' or

'wrong'. However, the relevant rules of grammar applicable may not be known to him,

hence the continued problems in speaking correctly.

Acceptability in usage can be decided with regard to social factors - such as usage

in a particular educational and social background. Thus, we can talk of educated IE and

label anything other than this as unacceptable. There are certainly preferred forms in any

language and this is what is important to note. In certain instances, if not many, a listener

may be unable to state why a particular expression is unacceptable, and show, in turn,

how it may affect the intended meaning of any communication.

Sentences or structures of a language can also be judged on a scale ranging from

the most acceptable to the least acceptable. Lexical units can be seen as: congruous/

obscure/ vague/ incorrect. Acceptability should not be confused with grammaticality,

which is rule-governed. In grammatical terms, a particular sentence is well formed if it

follows the rules of the variety wherein it is used. Particular usages in IE, for instance, are

not corrupt or ungrammatical but different forms of the same language.

IE usage~ follow the norms of the overall framework of English grammar. The

deviations which occur are not errors or mistakes; they are necessary in the socio-cultural

setting in which they are used to convey the contextual meaning. And as far as

acceptability is concerned, these structures have a pan-Indian acceptability and are also

gaining international acceptability as characteristic features of IE.

vi. NATIVE- NON-NATIVE DICHOTOMY

By native language, it is implied that an individual's knowledge of his language is

innate. It is true that there is a genetic factor involved in the inheritance of languages.

However, there is disagreement when it comes to the notion of being born with

15

knowledge of any particular language. There is an interplay of various factors in a child

learning a language and, more importantly, which language(s).

English may have its native varieties, but when it is used in different cultural and

linguistic environments, it is bound to develop new forms. Non-native varieties are seen

as sub-standard varieties. What is, however, required is to take national standards of

English as the models in measuring the competency of learners in this language. An

exonormative norm no longer fulfills the purpose of communication when new words

have to be coined to express the culture and life of the people in an envirorm1ent different

from the one where the native varieties are used. Tl:lls very need leads to variations in

English when used in countries such as India.

Earlier, learning a second language may not have gtven anyone a native-like

competence, but nowadays with easier and faster communication, this has proved

achievable. Native speakers themselves differ in their notions of acceptability in language

use. And even they differ in their command of the language. People in the United

Kingdom, the United States of America, Australia and Canada are said to be the native

speakers of English. But uniformity in their use of English is missing; so much so that

there is no agreement among them of a SE language which could be traced to speakers

of any particular nationality among them. Hence, any difference in any area of language

use is deemed by the other as unacceptable. This can be seen in the Americans' contempt

of BE and vis-a-vis. For them, the question of native and non-native is even more

ambiguous.

\Vhile the debate on native and non-native Englishes rages on, some: feel that " ...

at its most refined and sophisticated, non-native English is invariably laced with local

features, literal translation of vernacular words and expressions, light-hearted to serious

mating of English with non-English fragments and derivatives ... "25 Moreover, a basic

need is felt for the growth of non-native varieties of English. This need i.s seen in the

wTitings of Chinua Achebe, who " ... despite his unquestioned mastery of the standard

25 P D Tripathi. ··English: 'The Chosen Tongue·:· English Toda'. VoL 32, October 1992, p. 6.

16

variety, ... is in practice keenly aware of its inadequacy for his specifically African

experience and has had to mould English into a different cultural image. "26

International English Usage (hereafter lEU) is designed to

be a reference tool for the users of English in all those

countries in which English is used either as a primary

language or as a second or foreign language. The

philosophy underlying this book is that English does not

represent a monolithic system; it represents a network of

varieties - native and non-native. Each variety is a rule­

governed creative system. These system-determined rules

are both linguistic and sociocultural. They refer to

phonological, lexical, morphological, syntactic, semantic,

stylistic, registeral, discoursal, and sociocultural

norms~;· .. Another distinguishing feature of lEU is its

recognition of the notion 'Englishes'. It has made an

attempt to deal objectively with English as a world-wide

language with many local varieties and to distinguish

legitimate regional practices from 'lapses' and

'mistakes' ... .lEU has adopted the position that 'English

belongs to all those who have learnt to speak it, and that

established regional varieties, whether spoken natively or

not, have as much legitimacy as British, American or

Australian dialects -of the language' (Introduction, p. iv).27

The description of linguistic concepts given above is expected to enhance an

understanding of the issues surrounding the topic under discussion. These terms will keep

coming up in the forthcoming chapters where the focus will be on the subject, or rather,

object of study, 'Indian English'.

26 ibid. p. 8. 27

Shivendra K. Verma, 1993, Aspects of English Language Teaching: Focus on Functions, T.R. Publications, tv1adras, pp. 96-97.

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vii. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The aim of this research is to survey the \VTitten English language of Indian

national newspapers, journals, bulletins, notices and so on and note the way(s) in which

the English language is used in these publications. The sources of data for this study are

publications from different parts of the country. This study examines the typically Indian

lexical and semantic features drawn from these sources of data. Most importantly, it

attempts to analyse if these lexico-semantic features used in the register of na:tional

newspapers and journals by educated speakers of English can be standardised and

codified as Standard Indian English (hereafter, SIE). This implies having a standard

lexicon and rules of usage within the overall framework of English and identifiable as

belonging to Indian English. An ability to do this will place Indian English in the world

map of institutionalised varieties of English and lend it greater credibility in the

international fora. SIE, in tum, will imply a sub-variety of Indian English without any

regional marker and one, which is used by those Indians with a certain level of

proficiency in English. The standard will be that of the written language without much

reference to the speech of the Indian English speaker.

viii. HYPOTHESES

Indian English is fast gaining popularity as one variety of 'New Englisbe:s'. As a

Second Language Variety and as a non-native variety, Indian English is purported to be

different from British English. The difference may be noted in the lexical and semantic

features. Hence, the assumption:

a) Indian English is different from British English in its lexico-semantic features.

b) These features are typically Indian and can be marked as such.

c) These lexical and semantic features are found in the educated variety of Indian

English (Standard Indian English).

d) Indianness in IE can be defined in terms of the use of new phrases or the ways in

which lexical items are coined, modified and used in IE.

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ix. METHODOLOGY

The research is a study in language, and that of the written English language.

Speech and its significance cannot be denied; however, time constraint has made it

pertinent to identify and restrict the area of research. The English language used in India,

labelled as Indian English by its supporters, is here under investigation.

Indian English is a variety of English with certain characteristic features defining

this variety. A detailed note of these features can be made by looking into and focusing

on various written texts of IE covering different sources of publication and different

subjects. In this study, the researcher looks at some of the formal features of Indian

English writing taken from newspapers, journals, notifications, official notices and

bulletins.

It is necessary to note that Indian English is not one variety, but a composite of

many variations of the English language based on region and competence. Therefore,

while one may come across Punjabi English, Bengali English and so on, there are also

speakers who use a smattering of English in their speech, on one hand, and educated

speakers with near-native competence, on the other hand. Across this range of speakers,

there are various degrees of differences, both in speech and in writing.

Investigation in all areas of language use within the scope of one particular study

was considered too optimistic a task. Hence, the language of educated users of English in

India has been taken up for study. In the absence of a codified variety of Indian English,

the English of the educated speakers has been taken as the standard. And for the purpose

of investigating the written language of these educated speakers, the register of

newspaper English has provided the database. On similar lines, national newspapers and

journals have been studied. No regional bias has been shown in their selection; therefore,

newspapers and journals published from different regions of the country and pertaining to

various fields of study form the database of this study.

19

The aim is to look at some of the formal features of Indian English writing. Focus

has been laid on the lexical and semantic features of the written data - to isolate those

features of English which are typically Indian and hence, by definition, have no correlate

in British English. This would determine if the independent variable, British English, has

an overarching influence on the dependent variable, Indian English, or if the 'COJTelation

is such that Indian English has developed its own variables in the country.

The methodology adopted for the purpose of this study wac; to:

a) Collect samples of data from different newspapers, journals, notices and bulletins

dated four years back till the year 2005.

b) Identify those lexical and semantic features of English which are marked by their

lndianness.

c) Analyse these features in the light of the view that Indian English is a separate

variety of English and distinct f:rom British English ..

d) Arrive at an answer to the question: "How much 'Indian' is Indian English?"

x. CHAPTERISATION ... OOPS! CHAPTER-UIVISION

This work has been divided into four chapters. Chapter I introduces the subject of

the study and gives a brief outline of English in India. This chapter also provides

definition of certain key terms and concepts used in the foLlowing chapters. In Chapter II,

the researcher dwells on the presence of the English language in India and briefly traces

its history from the time of its use in the colonial period, its growing popularity in the

freedom struggle to its status after the country gained independence. The chapter ends

with a cursory look at the variety that has come to be dissociated from British English by

the use of this very label, 'Indian English'. Chapter III gives an account of existing

research in this area with a survey of the work done by some leading linguists. Chapter

IV provides detailed analyses of the lexico-semantic features of Indian English drawn

from the dma collected for the purpose of this study. In this chapter, an attempt i~.; made to

20

study these features in the light of their "Indianness" and to observe whether they help

define Indian English as a separate variety and as distinct from British English.

21