Ingombe Ilede & Hte Zimbabwe Culture

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Ingombe Ilede and the Zimbabwe CultureAuthor(s): C.S. Lancaster and A. PohorilenkoSource: The International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol. 10, No. 1 (1977), pp. 1-30Published by: Boston University African Studies CenterStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/216889 .Accessed: 09/12/2013 04:54

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INGOMBE ILEDE AND THE ZIMBABWE CULTURE1

C.S. Lancaster and A. Pohorilenko

Introduction

The external trade of the Zimbabwe culture, whose main occupation at Great Zimbabwe dates from the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries, was linked to world demand, especially from India. Its primary exports were gold, ivory, and copper; its major imports were cloth and beads, followed by ceramics.2 We do not know whether Early Iron Age peoples practiced reef mining in the Zimbabwe area of present-day Southern Rhodesia, but the presence of small amounts of beads at inland sites and tenth- and eleventh-century Arabic references to a gold trade from Sofala on the southern coast of Mozambique suggest that at least some gold washing

1This research was supported by a National Institutes of Mental Health predoctoral fellowship, 5 FO1 MH28688-05, and a field supplement. Lancaster conducted fieldwork in Zambia in the Zambezi-Kafue confluence area from March 1967 through March 1969 as a research affiliate, Institute for Social Research, University of Zambia. He wishes to thank the Ingombe Ilede people and D.N. Beach, B.M. Fagan, P.S. Garlake, and D.W. Phillipson for generous help at various stages of work.

2P.S. Garlake, Great Zimbabwe (London, 1973), 131-135; T.N. Huffman, "The Rise and Fall of Zimbabwe," Journal of African History, 13 (1972), 353-366; S.I. Mudenge, "The Role of Foreign Trade in the Rozvi Empire: A Reappraisal," Journal of African History, 15 (1974), 373-391. Unless specifying the Zimbabwe highlands of present-day Southern Rhodesia, where most known stone buildings and early mines have been found, general reference to the Zimbabwe culture or the Zimbabwe area should be read to include all of the lesser known areas, both highland and lowland, in present-day Southern Rhodesia and southern Mozambique known to have been influenced or occupied by Shona-speaking peoples during the era of long-distance trade and stone building. For southern Mozambique see A.K. Smith, "Peoples of Southern Mozambique," Journal of African History, 14 (1973), 565-580, and P.S. Garlake, "The Zimbabwe Culture in Southern Mozambique" (unpublished paper presented at the African History Seminar, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 29 Oct. 1975). I am grateful to Igor Kopytoff for calling this paper to my attention.

The International Journal of African Historical Studies, x, 1 (1977) 1


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INGOMBE ILEDE AND ZIMBABWE CULTURE

went on prior to the main occupation of Great Zimbabwe.3 Both reef and alluvial gold mining were in full swing between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries, however, and by the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the Shona-speaking Zimbabwe peoples were trading the metal with India. During this period Shona miners were mining, washing, and milling gold, Shona traders were taking gold to coastal ports, and coastal Muslim' Africans, whom the Portuguese later called mouros, were coming inland to buy. Some of these Swahili were light-skinned and spoke Arabic, but contemporary sources describe most as either dark-skinned or black, apparently distinguishable from other more-or-less Islamicized or traditional Africans principally by their style of clothing.4

The gold trade was politically important because of its diplomatic prestige value; on the other hand, both gold mining and gold washing were nearly always seasonal and secondary occupations carried on during the slack dry period in the annual Shona cycle of subsistence cultivation.5 Patron-client relations between Shona groups were often expressed through limited symbolic tribute in agricultural labor, food, military service, slaves, gold, ivory, cattle, wives, and other locally produced prestige items6 which the leaders could then use in external trade, but basic control over social and political groupings seems to have been exercised through a belief in various levels of spirit cults, ranging from the system of individual guardian spirits (sing., mudzimu) controlled by village elders at the level of the extended family and descent group, through a progressive hierarchy of ritually senior, loosely territorial land spirits (mhondoro) holding sway over the progressively larger realms of neighborhood leaders, petty chieftains, chiefs, and paramounts. Leaders at each level controlled a following of spirits and living people who were interconnected, and the fluctuating network of alliances between leaders

3G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, ed., The East African Coast (London, 1962), 14-17; Huffman, "Fall of Zimbabwe," 362; I.R. Phimister, "Alluvial Gold Mining and Trade in Nineteenth-Century South Central Africa," Journal of African History, 15 (1974), 445-456.

4A. da Silva Rego and T.W. Baxter, eds., Documents on the Portuguese in Mozambique and Central Africa, V (Lisbon, 1966), 561-563; G. McC. Theal, Records of South-Eastern Africa (9 vols., Cape Town, 1964), I, 94, 97-99. R.E. Gregson, "Trade and Politics in South- East Africa: The Moors, the Portuguese and the Kingdom of Mwenemutapa," African Social Research, 16 (1973), 413-446.

5R. Summers, Ancient Mining in Rhodesia (Salisbury, 1969); Phimister, "Gold Mining"; Mudenge, "Foreign Trade."

6Theal, South-Eastern Africa, III, 357; VI, 271; VII, 398-399, 484-485; A. da Conceihao, "Tratados Dos Rios de Cuama," in J.H. da Cunha Rivara, ed., O Chronista de Tissuary Periodico, II (1696, reprinted Nova Goa, 1867), 66; A.A. de Andrade, Relacoes de Mocambique Setecentista (Lisbon, 1955), 306, 310; A. Lobato, Colonizacao Senhorial da Zambezia e outros Estudos (Lisbon, 1962), 128.

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4 C.S. LANCASTER and A. POHORILENKO

was symbolized and held together by an intermittent traffic in tribute, diplomatic missions, and religious congregations coming to. the shrines at the various headquarters (pl., mazimbabwe) of the confederacy. When the confederacy was large and not rent by civil war and secession, the system sometimes culminated in a unifying central cult devoted to a supreme spirit, such as Mwari Nyadenga, Leza, or Mulungu, supporting a mambo, whom the Portuguese called king or emperor.7

Some time after 1200, a Shona confederacy apparently grew up in this general fashion at the nuclear site of Great Zimbabwe in association with external trade. It reached its peak in the late fourteenth century, had fallen by 1500, and been replaced in the north, south, and west by the successor dynasties of Mwene Mutapa, Torwa, and Changamira8 respectively. Parallel developments on the East African coast saw the rise of cosmopolitan Swahili cities and ports stretching south to Quelimane, Sofala, and Inhambane to serve as links connecting the Shona and other inland groups with the Indian Ocean trading system. These were largely eclipsed after 1500 by the Portuguese conquista. At approximately the same time as the Portuguese coastal victories and the fall of Great Zimbabwe as a trading center in the far interior, Shona trade with Sofala in the south, where the Portuguese had focused their attention, was increasingly deflected to northern routes by Swahili and Shona traders passing through the Zambezi Valley and the recently established Mwene Mutapa confederacy.9 This activity included the area occupied by the well-known archeological site, Ingombe Ilede.

Zambezi Valley trade routes had clearly been established before the coming of the Portuguese. Eric Axelson believes that Swahili penetrated as far up the Zambezi as the Cabora Bassa rapids near Tete by the fourteenth century, where they developed a prosperous inland distribu-

7Theal, South-Eastern Africa, II, 147; VII, 196-199; D.P. Abraham, "The Roles of 'Chaminuka' and the Mhondoro Cults in Shona Political History," in E. Stokes and R. Brown, eds., The Zambesian Past (Manchester, 1966); G.K. Garbett, "Religious Aspects of Political Succession among the Valley Korekore (N. Shona)," in Stokes and Brown, eds., The Zambesian Past; C.S. Lancaster, "Ethnic Identity, History, and 'Tribe' in the Middle Zambezi Valley," American Ethnologist, 1(1974), 717-720; C.S. Lancaster, "The Zambezi Goba Ancestral Cult," Africa (forthcoming).

8Changamira is used rather than Changamire, in keeping with early Portuguese sources and local African usage.

9A. Lobato, A Expansao Portuguesa em Mocambique de 1498 a 1530 (Lisbon, 1960), 23, 236; D.P. Abraham, "Maramuca," Journal of African History, 2 (1961); D.P. Abraham, "The Early Political History of the Kingdom of Mwene Mutapa," in Historians in Tropical Africa (Salisbury, 1962), 6; M.D.D. Newitt, Portuguese Settlement on the Zambesi (London, 1973).



tion center.10 The chief attraction, of course, was the gold-producing areas of the Zimbabwe plateau, where there were extensive surface deposits of both reef and alluvial gold, plus copper. Indeed, the first trading fairs in the Zimbabwe highlands were.established by Swahili from a Zambezi Valley base, probably in the fifteenth century.11 After a reconnaissance by Antonio Fernandes, the Portuguese responded to this northern move by shifting their own attention northward to the Zambezi in an effort to drive a wedge between the coastal Swahili and those in the interior. They occupied the trade center of Sena in 1531, Tete a few years later, and soon began establishing themselves at their own fairs in the interior highlands, although African and Swahili traders continued to compete with them.12 According to J.S. Kirkman, inland competition in the Zimbabwe culture area had been broken up by the latter part of the sixteenth century.13 M.D.D. Newitt, on the other hand, claims that competition continued well into the seventeenth century,14 and James Duffy notes that Swahili merchants were never totally restrained north of the Zambezi.15

The Ingombe Ilede site, with which we are concerned here, is important for a number of reasons. Archeologically it is the richest and best-known site on all the Zambezi. It lies farthest into the interior, some 615 river miles inland from the ocean and 115 river miles beyond the last Portuguese market on the Zambezi, Zumbo-Feira. It is also early. Two radio-carbon dates give the rich trade horizons at the site a mean age in carbon-14 years (based on the 5568-year half-life) of A.D. 1410?60 years, or A.D. 1350-1470. The single large sample of charcoal used for dating was divided into two portions with the following results: A.D. 1340+85

10E. Axelson, South-East Africa, 1488-1530(New York, 1940), 8-10; Lobato, A Expansao, 103-104. 11 Newitt, "The Portuguese on the Zambezi," Journal of African History, 10 (1969), 67-68.

12See Theal, South-Eastern Africa, I, 26, 66, 81, 83, 94; Newitt, "Portuguese on the Zambezi"; A.D. Roberts, "Pre-Colonial Trade in Zambia," African Social Research, 10 (1970), 727.

13J. Kirkman, "The History of the Coast of East Africa up to 1700," in M. Posnansky, ed., Prelude to East African History (London, 1966), 121-122.

14Newitt, Portuguese Settlement on the Zambesi, 38-41; and see Theal, South-Eastern Africa, II, 362, 419.

15J. Duffy, Portuguese Africa (Cambridge, Mass., 1961), 145; and see Theal, South- Eastern Africa, IV, 443, which shows that Swahili and others both competed and cooperated'with Portuguese in the overland trade from the Zambezi to Mozambique Island as late as the mid-seventeenth century.

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years and A.D. 1445?+85 years, or, taken together, A.D. 1255-1530.16 This time range raises the possibility that the site may have been linked with the Zimbabwe culture trade, and with Great Zimbabwe itself, in pre-Portuguese times. If this is so, its history might yield information on the nature of early trade in the interior, the ethnic groups involved, and something of the social and political circumstances of the trade. Also of interest is the extent to which the Portuguese actually replaced Shona- Swahili trade, whether die-hard Swahili and their associates were able to use such remote interior sites as Ingombe Ilede as a back door to the Shona goldfields despite Portuguese efforts to the east, and whether unofficial Portuguese interests did likewise. In order to address such questions, this report will present a summary history of the Ingombe Ilede area as it is presently known, using archeological findings, Portuguese documents, and oral traditions collected in the vicinity of Ingombe Ilede between 1967 and 1969.

Zumbo-Feira and the Gold Trade

Although it is some five hundred river miles inland from the ocean, the confluence of the Zambezi and Luangwa rivers appears to have been frequented by Portuguese traders as early as 1546.17 By about 1720 and probably earlier, trading activity was centered there at twin sites known variously or in combination as Zumbo, the town, and Feira, the fair or market. In 1728 the town was fortified by a stone wall nine feet high, three feet thick, and two miles long.18 From early times the Luangwa confluence seems to have been an important Portuguese trade center, and the site remained active until 1836, when it was practically razed to the ground. F.V.B. Miller notes that some traders stayed on after that,

16D.W. Phillipson and B.M. Fagan, "The Date of the Ingombe Ilede Burials," Journal oJ African History, 10 (1969), 199-204. Radio-carbon dates at this time level are invariably too recent. The mean carbon-14 date of A.D. 1410?60 years (A.D. 1350-1470) recalibrates to A.D. 1330-1440 under Switzur's method, while the Applied Science Center for Archaeology at the University of Pennsylvania Museum gives calendar equivalents of A.D. 1340-1410. See V.R. Switzur, "The Radiocarbon Calendar Recalibrated," Antiquity, 47 (1973), 131-137, and E.K. Ralph, H.N. Michael, and M.C. Han, "Radiocarbon Dates and Reality," Museum of the Applied Science Center for Archaeology Newsletter, 9 (1973).

'7J.D. Clark, "The Portuguese Settlement at Feira," Northern Rhodesia Journal, 6 (1965), 276. The Portuguese knew of alluvial gold deposits at the mouths of the Hunyani (or "Panhames") and Angwa ("Luam-guoa") rivers in the mid-sixteenth century; see Theal, South-Eastern Africa, VI, 265. This is only eighteen miles from the Luangwa-Zambezi confluence. The feira of Zumbo seems to have been built in 1608, according to M.S. Alberto and F.A. Toscano, O Oriente Africano Portuguese (Lourenco Marques, 1942), 40, 42.

18F.V.B. Miller, "A Few Historical Notes on Feira and Zumbo," Journal of the African Society, 9 (1909-1910), 416-423.



though not much rebuilding seems to have been undertaken until 1863, after Livingstone's first visit and the intensification of the colonial scramble for this part of Africa.

The early Portuguese at Zumbo-Feira sometimes grew food for passing caravans but they were mainly interested in gold. Both J.D. Clark and W.H. Reeve have noted the existence of precolonial gold mines in the immediate vicinity; B.M. Fagan has published a map showing numerous potential sources of copper and gold north of the Zambezi in the hinterlands of present-day Zambia.19 A 1758 report specifically tells of a rich gold-mining camp in Maravi territory behind Zumbo-Feira, probably among either the Nsenga or Chewa. This camp belonged to the famed Dominican, Frei Pedro da Trindade of Zumbo. Similarly, a 1778 report mentions the excellent gold mines of "Bitonga" somewhere near Zumbo-Feira.20 In addition, there were a number of precolonial alluvial workings west of Zumbo-Feira along the base of the high Zambezi Valley escarpments between the Luangwa and Sanyati tributaries, according to local traditions, especially south of the river. These traditions are supported by Luiz Ignacio, Portuguese governor of Zumbo District in 1890, whose map showing the gold workings Axelson has reprinted.21 Such workings probably saw earlier service as well, as suggested by a mid-eighteenth-century report.22

Despite an interest in local gold, ivory, and other goods, Zumbo-Feira seems originally to have been most important as a collection point for gold from the Zimbabwe highlands, often called Mocaranga or Abutua,23

19Clark, "Feira," 277, 279-280; W.H. Reeve, "The Geology and Mineral Resources of Northern Rhodesia," Ministry of Labour and Mines, Bulletin of the Geological Survey, 3 (1963), 101; B.M. Fagan, "Excavations at Ingombe Ilede, 1960-62," in B. Fagan, D.W. Phillipson, and S.G.H. Daniels, eds., Iron Age Cultures in Zambia (London, 1969), 136.

20Andrade, Relacoes, 166, 358. 21L. Ignacio, "O Zumbo, antes dos ultimos tratados," Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia

de Lisboa (1891), 297-321; E. Axelson, Portugal and the Scramble for Africa, 1875-1891 (Johannesburg, 1967), facing page 260.

22Andrade, Relacoes, 170. 23Oral traditions suggest that the Abutua in Portuguese documents was an African

term representing areas lying beyond the sphere of the Mwena Mutapa confederacy, or another confederacy of which the speaker was a member, and that it was a derisive term inferring a remote, poorly organized area of little importance to the speaker. From the standpoint of early Portuguese gold seekers operating through the Mwene Mutapa area in the Zambezi Valley, Abutua usually referred to the gold-bearing highlands controlled by Changamira after about 1690, although it sometimes was applied to low-lying approach areas controlled by the Changamira confederacy. These highlands were also loosely referred to as Mocaranga or Manyika (Manica to the Portuguese). Mocaranga still refers to Shona-speaking territory in general. Manyika literally means many spirit realms or land-

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C.S. LANCASTER and A. POHORILENKO

especially after earlier trade patterrns had been disrupted by the late seventeenth-century expansion of the Changamira confederacy, which closed collection points on the highlands. This trade identification with the Zimbabwe highlands was so important that a 1762 report goes so far as to claim that Zumbo-Feira's "true name is Abutua."24 By this time Changamira was protecting the Zumbo-Feira trade and the market was frequently under his protection, so the identification with Changamira's Abutua was more than literal. In 1768 it was from Zumbo "that comes the bulk of our gold from the mines of Abutua 120 leagues from Tete deep in Changamira's domains."25 In 1778, Zumbo was reportedly the center of Portuguese commerce and more important than the larger settlement of Tete on the lower Zambezi. The greatest portion of gold was reportedly mined at Zumbo or its "immediacies," and silver, lead, tin, and iron from Abutua were also mentioned.26 While no figures are available for earlier or later times, the outlet through Zumbo-Feira is believed to have been the most important Portuguese source of Shona gold in the eighteenth century, producing between three hundred and five hundred pastas a year. This annual flow would have been worth between ?60,000 and ?100,000 at 1960 prices.27

Trade Routes

Conceiqao's Tratados Dos Rios de Cuama, dated 1696, offers the earliest known information on trade routes in the region of Zumbo-Feira and Ingombe Ilede:28

shrine areas, in reference to the relatively dense populations found on the tsetse-free highlands in peace time. The exact location of Abutua and Manyika therefore varies situationally depending on the attitude or location of the speaker. In the period from 1967 to 1969, Lancaster heard the term Abutua used in scornful reference to the plains northwest of Ila country and the Kafue hook, an area said to be occupied by worthless empty bush and backward people. It does in fact comprise one of the most sparsely populated regions of the Zambian plateau. Similarly, the Soli area on the Zambian plateau near Lusaka is still called Manyika wa Soli. See H. Capello and R. Ivens, De Angola a Contra Costa (Lisbon, 1886), 274.

24Andrade, Relacoes, 593. 25Ibid., 334. 26Ibid., 358; A. Lobato, Colonizacao Senhorial da Zambezia e outros Estudos, 131. 27According to E. Axelson, Portuguese in South-East Africa, 1600-1700 (Johannesburg,

1960), 209-210, a pasta was a sheet of gold weighing one hundred mithqals. The mithqal was a weight of gold equivalent to about .155 ounces. In 1960 a mithqal would have been worth a little under ?2 (U.K.). At that price the annual flow of three hundred to five hundred pastas through Zumbo-Feira in the eighteenth century would have been worth between ?60,000 and ?100,000 (U.K.). See N. Sutherland-Harris, "Trade and the Rozwi Mambo," in R. Gray and D. Birmingham, eds., Pre-Colonial African Trade (London, 1970), 257, 259-260.

28Conceicao, "Tratados," 65, paragraph 40. The translation is ours.

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From the district of the silver mines the route goes to the territory of the Anvuas, proceeding close alongside the Zambezi, for a distance of thirty days, after which it [the Zambezi] is crossed [to the north], and following a route into the hinterlands inclined to the east, for eight days, one arrives at a place, which is called Uroano, where the bulk of the trade is conducted; others follow the Zambezi upstream for an additional four days, and close to it conduct their business in a land called Umburuma, others continue on for six or eight days, to arrive at Angoza, and finally others reach Mozimo with an additional ten or twelve days of traveling, all via the Zambezi or along its banks.

From this account it appears that several routes and destinations were known at that time in the area that concerns us here. A site known as Chicoa above the Cabora Bassa rapids has usually been identified with the fabled Zambezi silver mines.29 If we regard this site, known as Chicoa, as their point of departure, it appears that caravans took thirty days to move upstream along the Zambezi to the Luangwa River. As the mouth of the Luangwa is only some 140 miles from Chicoa, this represents an average of only four and a half miles a day. This is much too slow a pace even for loaded caravans at the start of a long journey, so we must assume that they made side trips and halts for trade, and the usual courtesy visits to the Mwene Mutapa and various local leaders, and perhaps encountered toll payments and hostilities along the way. In contrast to this slow progress, Luiz Ignacio, governor of Zumbo in 1890, estimated that in his time the supply trip from Chicoa to his headquarters at the Luangwa could be negotiated in eleven or twelve days if there were no obstructions, an average of some eleven miles a day, and that it could be done in six days' forced march averaging twenty-three miles a day by soldiers carrying only the mail.30 Similarly, the trip from Tete to Zumbo-Feira took only sixteen days around 1766,31 though it took a month in 1762.32

Unfortunately, Conceiqao is vague about the location of the starting point at the silver mines, which have never been found. He writes that near the close of 1693 Changamira conquered the Shona highlands, forcing the Portuguese and Goanese residents of the fair at Ongoe to flee to the lowlands, though some Indians remained in the region of the mines, including one man who had learned the mines' secret location

29Axelson, Portuguese in South-East Africa. 30Ignacio, "O Zumbo," 313. 31Andrade, Relacoes, 241. 32Ibid., 200.

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and was able to continue doing business in silver.33 This suggests that the silver mines were in the mineralized areas reasonably near the gold and copper workings serviced by the fair at Ongoe on the Zimbabwe highlands. In that event the long trip from the silver mines down to the Zambezi and then eight days to the north-northeast up the Luangwa River to trade with the Anvuas (most likely the Ambo or Nsenga), where "the bulk of the trade was conducted," would have started in the general vicinity of Ongoe on the Shona highlands. Having to visit the Mwene Mutapa and then descend thousands of feet through many miles of broken Zambezi Valley escarpment country might help account for the duration of the trip. One could then speculate that Swahili, Shona, and even Portuguese traders carried Zimbabwe gold and copper to the east coast through a back-door route, using the middle Zambezi Valley and the Luangwa Valley, west and north of the normal Portuguese sphere of activity, rather than along the lower Zambezi where the Portuguese were concentrated.34 Such guesswork is obviously unsatisfactory, but Con- cei9ao's silence as to the location of both the silver mines and the fair of Ongoe35 makes a more concrete hypothesis impossible.

Another route from the silver mines continued on an additional four days west along the Zambezi rather than branching north up the

33Conceico, "Tratados," 65, paragraph 39. 34Clandestine overland routes connecting the Zimbabwe gold trade with coastal

markets north of the Zambezi were quite old by Conceicao's time. See Lobato, A Expansao, 236, and Theal, South-Eastern Africa, I, 66, 73, 83, for early sixteenth-century references to a back-door overland trade to Angoche, Mozambique Island, and other places. Portuguese were often involved with this. That such routes were well known is also suggested by Bocarro's easy trip from Tete to Melinde in 1616, when he encountered many cooperative "Moors" between Lake Nyasa and the ocean. See Theal, South-Eastern Africa, III, 415. This overland trade between the middle Zambezi Valley and such northern ports as Mozambique Island seems to have continued throughout the seventeenth century. See Theal, South-Eastern Africa, II, 362; III, 477. The Ambo or Nsenga, who still occupy the lower Luangwa Valley and the area north of the Zambezi and west of the Maravi, clearly seem to be the same group the Portuguese knew as anvuas. Theal, South-Eastern Africa, III, 481.

35Elsewhere Conceicao places the silver mines as five days' march west from Tete and close to the Zambezi. See "Tratados," 64, paragraph 37. Presumably this site was on the floor of the valley where the silver had been stored for trade or shipment rather than where it had actually been mined. Local Shona-speakers would have referred to any such low-lying location as chigoba or chikoa (chicova to the Portuguese), meaning "valley." See Lancaster, "Ethnic Identity," 714. Lobato, EvoluCao Adminis-trativa e Economica de Mocambique, 1752-1763 (Lisbon, 1957), 49, suggests that the silver mines themselves were actually in the rocky, mineralized escarpment country somewhere south of Tete paralleling the right bank of the Zambezi, as seems likely. See Theal, South-Eastern Africa, III, 412-413. A seventeenth-century report indicates that there were silver mines in Butua, some distance west of Tete, perhaps near Ongoe as suggested here. See Theal, South- Eastern Africa, II, 414.



Luangwa, taking traders on to Mburuma's territory, which in the nineteenth century at least was headquartered at the confluence of the Chakwenga tributary on the left bank of the Zambezi. This is only sixty miles from Zumbo-Feira, and if there were no delays in crossing the Luangwa the distance could reasonably have required an average of fifteen miles a day for four days. Angoza, a third destination mentioned by Conceiqao, appears to have been reached by continuing west along the Zambezi for six to eight days beyond the Luangwa; one would arrive there two to four days after passing Mburuma's riverside headquarters. Local traditions associate Angoza with the valley chieftaincy of Dandegoa, or Angoa, which appears to have occupied the same general area on the south bank of the Zambezi for some time. Like Mburuma, Angoa and other valley chieftaincies from the mouths of the Sanyati to the Luangwa on both sides of the Zambezi are pictured in oral traditions as having been politically organized around active precolonial trade centers located within a few miles of the river. If this identification of Angoza is correct, Angoa was a hundred miles west of the Luangwa confluence, as it is now, and Conceiqao's traders could have made the six-to-eight day trip by averaging an easy fourteen miles a day, with much of the cargo apparently following by boat.

A fourth destination mentioned by Conceiqao is Mozimo, identified by our local sources as the chieftaincy of Mudzimu, which also appears to have been in the same general area for a long time. Mudzimu is some 135 river miles from the Luangwa and according to Conceiqao the trip was made in ten or eleven days, representing a reasonable average of twelve miles a day, probably including short stops to visit the important chiefs at Mburuma and Angoa. This estimate of travel time agrees with Axelson, who reports that the 130-mile trip from Zumbo-Feira to the nineteenth-century Portuguese trading station at Kasoko took twelve days.36 Kasoko was roughly adjacent to Mudzimu and both are near Ingombe Ilede. According to Conceiqao, the territories of Mburuma, Angoa, and Mudzimu yielded up to two hundred bars of ivory a year. With a bar equivalent to about 518 pounds, this would total 103,600 pounds a year. They also provided a good deal of copper.37

These are the territories of various chiefs, all well populated, all naked, and only on their legs do the women wear some bracelets of copper, which is abundant in these parts, and round their necks and waists they

36Axelson, Scramble, 313; D.W. Phillipson, "K3soko, a Portuguese Entrepot in the Middle Zambezi Valley," Zambia Museums Journal, 3 (1972), 35-48.

37Conceiqao, "Tratados," 65, paragraph 41.

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12 c.s. LANCASTER and A. POHORILENKO

wear something called beads of Balegate, similar to large beads and badly made; this trash, which comes from India, is what is used in the trade; in return much ivory is obtained, up to 200 bars a year, and a good deal of copper; in Muzimo there is also gold, but the Portuguese do not bother with it because of the profits they make from the ivory; there is so much ivory here that it suffices a resident of the Rivers to make but two or three successful trading trips for ivory to lift his head, as they say, and pass some years in pure comfort.

Apparently only an insignificant amount of gold was obtained at Mudzimu in the Ingombe Ilede area, and, as we now know, it may have been washed from local alluvial fans at the foot of the escarpments draining the southern goldfields (although this certainly was not the case with the copper). This casts no light on major gold-collecting routes radiating outward from Zumbo-Feira to the mines on the Zimbabwe highlands, though some educated guesses suggest themselves.

The Portuguese Fairs of Ongoe and Dambarare

As seems to have been true of all valley chieftaincies oriented toward the Zambezi for the precolonial riverside trade, Angoa and Mudzimu had cultural and trade links with the richer highlands back from the river. Traditions concerning this trade tell of a constant and apparently long-term pattern of movement between the lowlands and highlands following the course of Zambezi tributaries, especially those draining from the south. Along tributary river valleys breaking through the rugged plateau escarpment, easy access to the highlands, water, villages, and hospitality were found. In addition, local traditions identify Angoa with trading sites both in Dandegoa down in the valley (dande means "valley" in Shona) and on the highlands above it in the vicinity of Urungwe Mountain. It is therefore probable that a trade route to Angoa proceeded west along the Zambezi from the Swahili, and later the Portuguese, center at Tete to a point near Zumbo-Feira at the Luangwa confluence, and then turned south along the Angwa River, which was also known as the Luangwa, or. Aruangwa, of the South, for a total of six to eight days to reach the precolonial mines in the Urungwe mineral belt. Numerous trading sites and Portuguese earthworks have in fact been found there.38 These upland sites include the Portuguese trade fair of Ongoe, also known in the literature as Hongoe, Damba, Urupande, or

38P.S. Garlake, "Seventeenth Century Portuguese Earthworks in Rhodesia," South African Archaeological Bulletin, 21 (1967), 169; Garlake, "Iron Age Sites in the Urungwe District of Rhodesia," South African Archaeological Bulletin, 25 (1970), 26.



Aruangwa of the South.39 A Portuguese merchant "captain" trading on his own account was stationed at Ongoe in around 1629, and the site appears to date from the early 1600s.40 A six-to-eight-day trip south, averaging fourteen miles a day, along the Angwa River would have brought traders to the vicinity of these upland sites. A roughly similar, though longer, hike south along the Hunyani River to the Sinoia gold belt might have completed the major overland gold routes from Zumbo- Feira. Such a route along the Hunyani would have given access to the trade fair at Dambarare, which prospered from approximately 1570 to 1690, operated on a lesser scale from around 1720 to 1750,41 and opened at least briefly in 1769.42 Conceigao notes that while Dambarare was only seven days west of the feira of Massequeca, or Manica, this direct route was seldom taken in his day.43 He describes Dambarare and Ongoe in this fashion:44

Dambarare is six days from the Zimbaue of Manamotapa: there we have a feira with daub and wattle walls and very fine defensive ditches, and its backcountrymen of low esteem, but inside there was only a church with its Vicar and the captain, the others living among the rebels and very much divided against one another, as in Manica, and for the same reasons. Most of our gold has come from Dambarare in recent times inasmuch as it is found in greater or lesser quantities throughout the vicinity; and when a great deal is found in one place it is called a Bar [an inland mining site].

39Abraham, "Maramuca"; F. Santana, ed., Documentacao Avulsa Mocambicana do Arquivo Hist6rico Ultramarino (Lisbon, 1967), II, 330. When the Portuguese had a fair at Marambo in the Luangwa Valley between 1827 and 1829, it was sometimes referred to as the fair of the "Muisa" or Bisa peoples with whom they had trade contact there, or as the new fair of Aruangoa of the North ("Feira Nova de Aruangoa do Norte"). See F. Santana, ed., Documentacao Avulsa Mocambicana do Arquivo Historico Ultramarino (Lisbon, 1964), I, 463. For some two centuries the Aruangoa of the South had been the fair at Ongoe or Angoa. Rupande instead of Urupande is shown in Karl Ritters's 1826 map of Africa, located in the archives of the National Museums of Zambia, Lusaka. He locates it accurately, immediately southeast of the Zambezi-Kafue confluence, which would have placed it in the Urungwe highlands near Urungwe Mountain. Also see D'Anville's 1727 map in H. Tracey, Ant6nio Fernandes Descobridor do Monomotapa 1514-1515 (Lourenco Marques, 1940), 78. It seems likely that the sharp southerly bend in the Zambezi in his map is a reference to a riverine route to the goldfields following either the Angwa, Hunyani, or Sanyati rivers.

40Lobato, Colonizacao, 87; Alberto and Toscano, O Oriente, 42; Summers, Ancient Mining, 145.

41P.S. Garlake, "The Value of Imported Ceramics in the Dating and Interpretation of the Rhodesian Iron Age," Journal of African History, 9 (1968), 24.

42Andrade, Relacoes, 330, note 1. 43Conceiago, "Tratados," 45, paragraph 28. 44Ibid., 68, paragraphs 53 and 54. And see Theal, South-Eastern Africa, III. 482-483.

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Dambarare is three days east of Ongoe, where we had no defenses of any kind, and the life style of the residents was like that of Dambarare and Manica, divided, with only the captain and Vicar living together. This feira of Ongoe was always a lesser income producer, and with fewer residents than Dambarare, but in 1691 a very important gold mine was found there.

While there were probably direct overland routes following rivers from Zumbo-Feira to such gold-collecting points on the southern plateau as the feiras of Ongoe and Dambarare, the valley chieftaincies of Angoa and Mudzimu themselves might also have served as convenient Zambezi River way stations or collection points for this southern gold, with Conceiqao or his sources either unwilling to say so for reasons having to do with trade competition or taxation, or because the local Zambezi shuttle trade with the southern highlands had temporarily halted in his time due to the disturbances caused by Changamira in the southern high country.

The highland gold areas that concern us here have been identified by R. Summers as the Urungwe mineral belt, his Area 13, and the Sinoia gold belt, his Areas 10 and 11. Though much disturbed by more recent activities, both areas are known to have contained exceptionally large precolonial workings whose open shafts were sometimes as much as a thousand feet long and two hundred feet wide. These are primarily copper areas, but there were precolonial gold mines as well.45 The Sinoia gold belt is bisected by the middle reaches of the Hunyani River. The Urungwe mineral belt is just southeast of Urungwe Mountain, where it is intersected by the upper Angwa River. According to Summers, the latter was one of the most exploited areas of precolonial mining in all the Zimbabwe region. He identifies the Angwa River and the Urungwe mineral belt with the Portuguese site of Ongoe. Manuel Baretto describes Ongoe as the source of some of the best gold.46 This was alluvial or river gold, as the Portuguese called it, because it was carried down by the rivers during the rains and later obtained by washing. Bar gold, in contrast, was obtained from pit mines. Many of these were hard-rock reef mines, though other pit mines in these areas were sunk in soil to reach old deposits of alluvial or river gold. In addition to Ongoe and a number of related Portuguese earthworks, the Urungwe mineral area contains a number of unnamed, presumably African or Swahili, sites.

45Summers, Ancient Mining, 83, 132, 135, 143-145. 461bid., 145-146; Axelson, Portuguese in South-East Africa. 181-182.



One of these has recently been found to yield pottery identical to that found associated with the rich gold burials at Ingombe Ilede, in the valley near the Zambezi-Kafue confluence.47

Ingombe Ilede

Fagan feels that Ingombe Ilede was originally occupied by elephant hunters, because the remains of pachyderms have been found in the lowest levels of the deposit and fragments of ivory throughout. The settlement seems to have prospered, as shown by an increase in trade goods in the upper levels, where unusually rich finds of gold and copper jewelry, welded iron gongs, copper crosses, and large quantities of beads were found. At these levels are the rich grave goods associated with the Ingombe Ilede ware.48

Although radio-carbon datings have ranged from A.D. 680-+40 to A.D. 1464?87 years and there has been some difficulty in dating the rich burials,49 none of the finds necessarily indicates an unusually early date for the kind of Zimbabwe-related trade we have been discussing here. For example, one of the burials was decorated with a conus-shell disc from the Indian Ocean (ndoro in the local Shona dialect) mounted with a delicately hammered gold backing cup. This is reminiscent of the golden andoro which Diego Simoes Madeira had made for the Mwene Mutapa in 1614;50 ndoro were still highly valued as a sign of status in the early twentieth century. Wire drawing implements found in the site are closely similar to those described for nineteenth-century Venda of the Northern Transvaal. Wire drawing, annealing, and soldering were observed at Sena and Tete on the lower Zambezi in the mid-nineteenth century; similar work in gold and silver has been reported at Zumbo- Feira as recently as the late nineteenth century.51 An apparently similar

47Summers, Ancient Mining, 123, 128, 158; Garlake, "Iron Age Sites in Urungwe"; Garlake, Great Zimbabwe, 134, 160-162; M.S. Alberto, "Old Portuguese Ruins in Southern Rhodesia," Proceedings of the Rhodesia Scientific Association, 44 (1956), 13-16.

48B.M. Fagan, Iron Age Cultures in Zambia (London, 1967), I, 22. 49B.M. Fagan, "The Iron Age Sequence in the Southern Province of Northern

Rhodesia," Journal of African History, 3 (1963), 168-173; Fagan, "Excavations at Ingombe Ilede," 81-82; Fagan, "Ingombe Ilede: Early Trade in South Central Africa," Addison- Wesley Modular Publications, 19 (1972), 14; Phillipson and Fagan, "Date of the Ingombe Ilede Burials."

50Fagan, "Excavations at Ingombe Ilede," 66; Theal, South-Eastern Africa, III, 405; VII, 289.

51H.A. Stayt, The Ba Venda (London, 1931), 66; Fagan, "Excavations," 105; R. Foskett, ed., The Zambesi Journal and Letters of Dr. John Kirk, 1858-1863 (London, 1965), I, 103-104, 116; Ignacio, "O Zumbo," 299, 306.

15



kind of wire drawing and alloying for the making of jewelry has been described for the Shona of Mwene Mutapa in the mid-seventeenth century.52 The ceremonial iron tools found at Ingombe Ilede could also be relatively recent, some being remarkably like nineteenth-century Soli material from the highlands immediately north of the Zambezi-Kafue confluence, while similar hordes of ceremonial iron objects south of the Zambezi probably date from the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries.53 Two distinctly shaped types of iron hoe blade were found. One type displayed heavy wear, evidently from daily use, while the other was associated with the rich burials and showed few signs of wear. A distinction between ceremonial and working hoe blades has been important in recent times and is not necessarily ancient. Ceremonial blades have traditionally been received in marriage exchanges and adoption ceremonies, and in former times important people were buried with ceremonial blades as a symbol of their control over dependents.54 The only direct evidence of crops at the site is of sorghum, but this is presently the staple in the area and apparently has been for some time, according to tradition.55 Clay spindle whorls are common and heavy cotton cloth was also found, but local traditions refer to the weaving of small' white squares of cotton cloth in what appears to have been nineteenth-century times.56 The weaving of cotton cloth in sixteenth- century Sofala is described by Barbosa, who notes that the people of Mwene Mutapa wore cotton loin cloths, and this was still true among eighteenth-century Shona.57 Livingstone saw cotton plants in the immediate vicinity of Ingombe Ilede, and Ignacio refers to cotton at Zumbo-Feira in 1890.58 The flat tabular grindstones found in the site are of a type still used by the local Goba people, and, while barkcloth

52A. Gomes, "Viagem que Fez o Padre Ant.o Gomes, da Comp.a de Jesus, ao Imperio de de [sic] Manomotapa; e assistencia que fez nas ditas terras de Alg'us annos," E. Axelson, ed., Studia, 3 (1959), 197.

53Fagan, "Excavations," 102. 54C.S. Lancaster, "Brideservice, Residence, and Authority among the Goba (N. Shona)

of the Zambezi Valley," Africa, 44 (1974), 52-53, 55; Fagan, "Excavations," 85. 55And see Fagan, "Excavations," 85; D. and C. Livingstone, Narrative of an Expedition

to the Zambesi and its Tributaries (London, 1865), 221. 56And see B. Reynolds, The Material Culture of the Peoples of the Gwembe Valley

(Manchester, 1968), 189. 57Freeman-Grenville, East African Coast, 128; Andrade, Relacoes, 144; and see Theal,

South-Eastern Africa, VII, 261, for cotton growing and weaving in the Zambezi Valley in the sixteenth century.

58D. and C. Livingstone, Narrative, 214, 325; Ignacio, "O Zumbo," 299.



fragments were found, this too is not unusual, as local traditions report its manufacture as common throughout the region.59

Therefore none of the finds associated with the rich burials necessarily indicates any unusual antiquity, and nothing found necessarily predates the Portuguese or could not have been introduced by them or their agents, with perhaps two exceptions. The majority, if not all, of the imported glass beads are closely similar to those from highland Zimbabwe sites of the thirteenth to fourteenth centuries.60 And two objects which may be Muslim-style amulet holders were found, which also suggests Swahili influence.61 But until a bead chronology has been firmly established, this does not necessarily indicate that the rich Ingombe Ilede horizon predates a Portuguese presence, inasmuch as Swahili and Portuguese trade activities in this region coexisted from early times, and in any case were sometimes participated in by the same groups of Africans, according to tradition.62 The confusion and overlapping of trade interests is illustrated by Padre Jeronimo Lobo in Relacao Historico da Abyssinia.63 Lobo gives an interesting account of an interview with the Mwene Mutapa, the gifts brought to him, and his stiff counterdemands at a time when guns were scarcer, Africans were on better footing, and inland merchants needed permission to do business. The two traders before the Mwene Mutapa were Paulo Nogueria, a Portuguese, and a "Moorish captain," who traveled together as ambassadors from an Arab trading center on the coast.

Ingombe Ilede and Urungwe Mountain

Rather than beads, the dating of Ingombe Ilede has been linked to its pottery. As noted, this ware and associated elements of Ingombe Ilede material culture have also been found at a series of sites located around the slopes of Urungwe Mountain on the highlands of Urungwe District, Southern Rhodesia, as close as sixty miles southeast of the original Ingombe Ilede site in the Zambezi Valley.64 These upland sites are also associated with sophisticated craftsmanship in ivory and metals, large

59Reynolds, Material Culture, 190, 206; T.J. Bent, The Ruined Cities of Mashonaland (London, 1896), 53.

60Garlake, "Iron Age Sites in Urungwe," 37. 61Fagan, "Excavations," 138. 62See Newitt, Portuguese Settlement on the Zambesi, 40; Theal, South-Eastern Africa,

VIII, 371. 63Published in Paris in 1728, cited by D.J. de Lacerda, Exame das Viagens do Doutor

Livingstone (Lisbon, 1867), 141. 64Garlake, "Iron Age Sites in Urungwe"; and Garlake, Great Zimbabwe.

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numbers of copper ingots of Ingombe Ilede form, and clay spindle whorls. Like those in the valley, the Ingombe Ilede people on the Urungwe highlands lived in typical African villages and subsisted by shifting cultivation and mixed husbandry. They probably also relied heavily on hunting and gathering, especially as there is some suggestion that cattle were reduced by tsetse flies, as was true in the valley. In addition, these communities seem to have specialized in working and trading copper. P.S. Garlake feels that the copper ingots or crosses formed part of a flourishing trade network centered on the Urungwe mineral belt. Zambian copper deposits in the modern copperbelt bordering Katanga were probably a prime source of copper in precolonial times, and early workings have also been found in the area known as the hook of the Kafue, south of the copperbelt. But the nearest cutcrops were in Urungwe itself, and Summers, Fagan, and Garlake hypothesize this area as the source of Ingombe Ilede copper, if not the gold.65 Many of the Ingombe Ilede settlements in Urungwe were very large; apparently none was defended by the kinds of fortifications usually associated with later Portuguese activities in the goldfields, nor is there any suggestion of Portuguese trade goods in these sites. Only negligible evidence indicates coastal trade contacts of any kind, suggesting that the bulk of the trade at these sites was indigenous, that perhaps much of it was limited to transactions within the Shona-speaking political system, and that the external trade of the Ingombe Ilede people was also in African or Swahili hands.

According to Garlake there is little doubt that the Ingombe Ilede people were in contact with the stone enclosure people of the Zimbabwe culture and with Great Zimbabwe itself.66 One of the Urungwe sites, Chedzurgwe, was probably occupied in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, possibly extending into the eighteenth century, while a related site, Mukwichi, was probably occupied in the sixteenth or early seventeenth century.67 The earlier periods of this Ingombe Ilede occupation would thus predate the Portuguese and correspond with the era of Shona and Swahili trade.68 On the basis of oral traditions in the

65Summers, AnCient Mining, 158; Fagan, "Ingombe Ilede," 25-26; Garlake, "Iron Age Sites in Urungwe."

66Garlake, Great Zimbabwe. 67Garlake, "Iron Age Sites in Urungwe," 37; Garlake, "An Iron Age Site on the

Mukwichi River, Urungwe," South African Archaeological Bulletin, 26 (1972), 151. 68Phillipson and Fagan, "Date of the Ingombe Ilede Burials," date the rich trade

horizon to around 1400. Alberto and Toscano, O Oriente Africano Portuguese, 33, refer to Portuguese missionary activity along the Kafue River (sometimes known as Kafucue) in 1563. Assuming this brought Portuguese near the mouth of the Kafue, it is the earliest known reference to Portuguese activity near the Ingombe Ilede site in the Zambezi Valley.



Urungwe highlands, Garlake and J.D. White have suggested that the Ingombe Ilede sites could be associated with the VaMbara people. If so, the Urungwe area may be identified with the Swahili fair of Ambar. It will be recalled that Ant6nio Fernandes tells of Swahili traders from Ambar, near Zumbo and bordering Mwene Mutapa, who did business in cross-shaped copper ingots.69 The latter phases of Ingombe Ilede activity in Urungwe, possibly extending into the eighteenth century, presumably paralleled contemporaneous Portuguese activity at Ongoe and Dam- barare, which dates from the late sixteenth century at Dambarare and the early seventeenth century at Ongoe, extending to at least the mid- eighteenth century. Although archeological work in this area has only begun, the lack of Portuguese trade imports in later Ingombe Ilede phases in the Urungwe highlands might be explained by the fact that Portuguese-associated activity outside the fairs themselves was to a large extent carried on by their African allies, who were often widely scattered throughout the mineralized areas.70 These allies would presumably be included among the "backcountrymen of low esteem" and "rebels" who lived outside the fairs in Conceiqao's time.71 Later, after the start of the eighteenth century, direct Portuguese presence was rare in the Urungwe highlands, as we shall see. Both of these factors suggest that at least some independent Shona-Swahili trade in copper, gold, and other goods, as exhibited by the Ingombe Ilede materials, may have continued relatively unmolested in Urungwe while the Portuguese at Ongoe, Dambarare, and later on the Zambezi at Zumbo-Feira wondered about the disappointing volume of trade.

Ingombe Ilede and the KotaKota Tradition

This interpretation is supported by oral traditions collected in the Ingombe Ilede area north of the Zambezi near the Kafue confluence,

69A. da Silva Rego and T.W. Baxter, eds., Documents on the Portuguese in Mozambique and Central Africa, IV (Lisbon, 1965), 289-291; Newitt, Portuguese Settlement on the Zambezi, 35,40; H. Tracey, Antonio Fernandes, 24, 43; Garlake, "Iron Age Sites in Urungwe, together with an appendix by J.D. White, "Oral Traditions in Urungwe," South African Archaeological Bulletin, 25 (1970), 40-41; J.D. White, "Some Notes on the History and Customs of the Urungwe District," Native Affairs Department Annual [hereafter NADA], 10 (1971), 33-72. In addition to a map showing sites of copper-cross finds and material on Mbara traditions, the latter publication provides a series of fragmentary Zambezi Valley traditions on a chiefdom-by-chiefdom basis, showing how diffuse political charters can be in what has been an essentially segmentary society. The political organization of the area is discussed in a manuscript presently being prepared by the senior author.

70Lobato, Evolucao, 46-47. 71Conceicao, "Tratados," 68.

19



quoted below. In these traditions Swahili are referred to as Barungu72 (sing., mulungu). According to tradition, Swahili were active locally as traders "from the beginning." This is underscored by the fact that even the semi-mythical hunters,73 the Madoma, who formerly dominated the area reputedly knew the Swahili and obtained food crops from them. The Swahili traders are mainly associated with the Shona-speaking southern highlands occupied by the related Korekore and Shangwe peoples, especially in the area of Urungwe Mountain, and iron, copper, and gold are mentioned. The Korekore are northern Shona. Korekore living in the Zambezi Valley are often called Goba, or lowlanders. Originally they were the followers of Mwene Mutapa when he moved his political center north from Great Zimbabwe to the highlands overlooking the middle Zambezi Valley, and the term Korekore includes those they assimilated in the north.74 After the sixteenth century this seems to have included the Ingombe Ilede or VaMbara people themselves, whose pottery seems

72In traditions concerning the local past, Barungu generally refers to Swahili and their African associates, although KotaKota is also common. Makua or Magua tends to be used as a synonym for Barungu, often in reference to Swahili coming up the Zambezi. Nowadays it is also used in hostile reference to individuals who are white or light-skinned. Basungu, or Bazungu, refers to Portuguese and to Afro-Portuguese. Purer Portuguese or leaders may also be referred to as senhorio, while lower-ranking Basungu are sometimes called Chikunda. Today it is more prestigeful to use KotaKota in reference to them all, thus making it hazardous to draw hasty conclusions from fragmentary traditions.

73The first inhabitants of the area are said to have been small-statured hunters and gatherers known as Madoma (or sometimes as Bakamfwimfwi), pictured as capricious, magical, and hard to find among the trees of the bush as they had no villages or gardens. There seems to have been conflict with them after the migrations of Shona refugees from the Zimbabwe highlands had begun. See Lancaster, "The Economics of Social Organization in an Ethnic Border Zone," Ethnology, 10 (1971), 455-462; Lancaster, "Ethnic Identity," 712-714; Tamayi, "A Visit to the Vadoma Massif," NADA, 36 (1959), 52-57. Local sources sometimes gave the impression that the Madoma were racially distinct, which is interesting since the gold and copper traders Fernandes referred to in the Ingombe Ilede area of the Urungwe highlands (Ambar or Mobara) were "not very black." Although Swahili seems more appropriate, Tracey considers that they were "Bushmen." See Tracey, Ant6nio Fernandes, 24, 43. Khoisan-speaking peoples may well have provided the original basis for the Madoma stories, since small groups of racially distinct peoples were common throughout this part of Africa as late as the nineteenth century; see J.D. Clark, "A Note on the Pre-Bantu Inhabitants of Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland," Northern Rhodesia Journal, 2 (1950), 42-52. But other stories identify the Madoma with local Shona-speakers variously engulfed either by the Korekore, Shangwe, Ndebele, Chikunda, or the early British, or hiding from each in remote corners of the spacious Zambezi Valley. In this they may have resembled the so-called Dorobo scavengers of Kenya. See J.G. Sutton, "The Interior of East Africa," in P.L. Shinnie, ed., The African Iron Age (London, 1971).

74Abraham, "The Monomotapa Dynasty," NADA, 36 (1959), 59-84.



to grade into that of the Korekore.75 The Korekore of Mwene Mutapa are indistinguishable from Swahili in local tradition, and 'the term KotaKota applies to both Korekore and Swahili traders. In the Zambezi Valley political system, KotaKota were heads of residential compounds, sub-chieftains, and councillors in charge of groups of unmarried men and young service husbands (masigarira), who engaged in raiding and trade expeditions as part of their personal bride-service requirements and as part of the tribute their leader owed to his own patrons and allies.76 This implies that trade and the presence of coastal Swahili trade links were an intrinsic part of daily social and political life. That KotaKota frequently were forced to take refuge in independent areas north of the Zambezi suggests what we already know: that the center of trade, political organization, and its associated turmoil lay in Zimbabwe country south of the Zambezi. Presumably as a reflection of later historical events in this area, the Swahili and KotaKota of the traditions seem to merge imperceptibly with the Portuguese and their African associates, who had a more formal relationship to the local people:77

The Swahili understood chiKorekore spoken by the Madoma. They brought spears and iron mined at Mashogangombe in Korekore country over towards the Shangwe. They also came from Korekore chief Nyakasikana in the hills behind Mudzimu and would come around exchanging iron for ivory. The Madoma long ago knew these Swahili and used to exchange with them. The Madoma were the ones who first had banana and popo [pawpaw or papaya] and we have these from them. These little Madoma people used to come here at night to our villages, like stealthy spirits and steal our things as they had nothing, and we would raid them when we could find their places. But only magicians could manage to find them. They were the guardians of the honey in the trees and would be angry if we would take out honey by making too large a hole as the bees would fly out and leave the place and make no more honey where men could find it.

75Garlake, "An Iron Age Site on the Mukwichi River, Urungwe"; Garlake, "Excavations at the Nhunguza and Ruanga Ruins in Northern Mashonaland," South African Archaeological Bulletin, 27 (1973), 107-143.

76See Lancaster, "Ethnic Identity," 717-720. 77The traditions cited in this paper are extracts from edited field notes taken in

response to questioning. Similar information had previously been obtained unexpectedly in connection with the exploration of former habitation sites, the collection of family histories, translations of songs and religious symbolism, and discussions of artifacts such as old muzzle-loading guns, marriage hoes, sea shells, and surface scatter at archeological sites. These traditions were current among adults between 1967 and 1969, though individual versions differed. For numerous reasons connected with population move- ments, changing ethnic identities, claims to the land, and former trade activities, I have promised not to publish the names of individuals as sources of particular information.

21



The Swahili were mainly from across the Zambezi and all those Swahili in the south were called KotaKota. They were really white, like Arabs, and as they had mixed with Africans for a long time they were African too. We called all of them the same name, KotaKota, as that is their name in chiKorekore, where they came from. Even now when we say KotaKota we mean Korekore and Goba too. The Korekore were always involved with Swahili and with trading. The name Korekore originally came from the name Magolegole and it means "the people moving for years and years." Kare kare. This means long, long ago and for a long time. So they are the people always moving. And for us it also means those who were always coming to the Zambezi.

They were always moving and they were not very many but they were everywhere. Perhaps a year here and a year there but always moving for there was always trouble in the south. Some came every year. They came and traded and would return. When the KotaKota crossed the Zambezi they did so only to sit at Chirundu78 and that was the only place they stayed. They did travel to many other places in Zambia to trade and get slaves but mainly they crossed the Zambezi just to reach Chirundu and sit here. They were lazy to cultivate and lazy to shift their fields. They would use the same field year after year and not clear a new one. If they were near water they would make river gardens and keep on using them. Otherwise they would make a rains field but they would keep on using the same one and be lazy. They were not interested in cultivating and would just plant one time and then reap the wild grain that always grew up after that. They were raiders looking for slaves and trade. They brought beads, conus Shells, and iron, copper, and gold. They brought blankets too.

The KotaKota came to Chirundu fleeing from troubles in the south and for them Chirundu was mainly a refuge place because it was fertile and because they could cross the river and be safe. They had no chief here at first because they would leave when they could. Their chief was Mambo across the Zambezi. Once across the Zambezi the KotaKota would just wait until it was safe to return south but while they were on this side [north] they would catch anyone they could and make him a slave. These they would take away and none would ever see him again.

78Chirundu, or Chundu, refers to the general area of the Zambezi-Kafue confluence, extending as far as KotaKota Hill and the lower Sanyati River to the west, about half-way to Zumbo-Feira to the east, and including the lower Kafue River to its gorge and the nearer portions of the Zambian plateau above the confluence, such as the Ibwe Munyama area. The Zambezi was spanned by a bridge near the Kafue confluence in the 1930s and the township at the bridge is now called Chirundu. The focal point of this large area seems to have been Urungwe Mountain south of the Zambezi.



Some of the Swahili were really white and they were called makua for the whiteness but mostly they were darker than Indians and some were black. Some of the African allies would walk wi.th Swahili or Portuguese and so the KotaKota are mixed in that way. Many of the KotaKota came in boats from downstream though most came overland, walking on top of the hills from the south. The Portuguese were just a hit and run affair at Chirundu and they found the KotaKota here when they came. There was no peace between them and the Portuguese had no friends here the way the KotaKota had. As a rule they did not set in selling at fixed places like the Portuguese did but they traded in the villages as Africans do. The KotaKota of Chirundu were mainly traders and bringers of good things. They would take slaves and the unwary but they were also people to run to if in trouble.

The Vazambi and Later Times

By the mid-1600s, if not earlier, the more powerful residents of the towns of Sena and Tete on the lower Zambezi were going on annual gold- seeking expeditions to Dambarare, Ongoe, and other fairs in the Zimbabwe highlands.79 None of the Portuguese estate holders in Mozambique could maintain themselves just from their rental fees. Many led their trading expeditions personally, while others ordinarily sent their African attendants or slaves.80 Not all could compete in the gold market, and some of the weaker merchants traded for ivory in Caronga north of the Zambezi among the Maravi.81 Trade in ivory with the Nsenga (Anvuas) west of the Maravi was also very profitable,82 and the poorer merchants of Sena also made trips to Barue or the feira of Massequeca in Manica.83 But the great attraction was the Zimbabwe highlands, where frontier Portuguese, canarins or Goanese, and African or Afro-Portuguese representatives of the Portuguese merchants on the Zambezi established private dominions among the goldfields, set up stockades, raised armies, and battled against each other, the merchants from the Zambezi, and the various dissident African groups whom they disturbed and dispossessed.84

But after about 1700, direct Portuguese activity on the highland

79Lobato, Colonizacdo, 89; and see Theal, South-Eastern Afiica, II, 418, which suggests that the pattern dates from the early 1600s.

80ConceiCao, "Tratados," 43. 81Lobato, Colonizacao, 89. 82Ibid., 90. 83Conceicao, "Tratados," 45. 84Lobato, ColonizaCao, 90; Conceiqao, "Tratados," 68.

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goldfields declined sharply once Changamira destroyed the fairs and banned non-Africans from his lands. As a result, the merchants of eighteenth-century Sena, Tete, and Zumbo-Feira had to rely on the intermediacy of their mussambazes to conduct the trade. In many cases the mussambazes, as the Portuguese called them, were evidently African or Afro-Portuguese members of the administrative hierarchy on the Portuguese estates in the lower Zambezi Valley, most probably senior "slave chiefs" whom the Africans called vashambadzi or mwana mambo.85 These roving Portuguese agents became a lasting institution and seem to have taken over the long-distance trade in the interior, a situation which the Shona must have preferred, as they protected the mussambazes and Zumbo-Feira at times.86 The Portuguese often stressed the slave status of the mussambazes. According to a mid-eighteenth- century account, for example, Portuguese and Goanese merchants frequented Zumbo-Feira "to exchange clothing and trade goods for gold exported at risk from the mines of Changamira by their captives, known as mussambazes, and the merchants themselves do not dare approach these mining camps for fear the Changamira will catch them and take them prisoner as he glories in doing."87 Writing of the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Lacerda describes the mussambazes as cafres captivos"who trade in the interior for their patron or their own account." As leaders of raiding parties and trade caravans they exercised authority over the porters who accompanied them.88 Sometimes the mussambazes apparently were simply enterprising Africans who contacted Portuguese merchants from time to time on their own initiative and obtained trade goods from them when they wanted to mount an expedition.89 They seem in some cases to have been independent and difficult for the Portuguese to deal with and are described as disreputable itinerant merchants who ruined business by mixing their gold with tin.90

The powerful Dominican, Frei Pedro da Trindade, who controlled the trade of mid-eighteenth-century Zumbo-Feira, is reputed to have been the only Portuguese or Goanese able to do business in Changamira's

85Duffy, Portuguese Africa, 41; Abraham, "The Roles of 'Chaminuka,'" 31; A.C.P. Gamitto, King Kazembe and the Marave, Cheva, Bisa, Bemba, Lunda, and Other Peoples of Southern Africa (Lisbon, 1960), I, 31; A. Isaacman, Mozambique: The Africanization of an European Institution, The Zambesi Prazos, 1750-1902 (Madison, 1972), 33-34.

86Andrade, Relacoes, 169, 334; Mudenge, "The Role of Foreign Trade," 386-387. 87Andrade, Relacoes, 169; Lobato, Evoludco, 252. 88Lacerda, Exame dos Viagens, 9, 334-335. 89Andrade, Relacoes, 165. 90Ibid., 355.



highland territories (Abutua) after the expulsions of the late seventeenth century.91 He did so through his mussambazes. He blessed them when they went out to trade for him, carrying beads, cloth, arms, and strong liquor to exchange for gold and copper in Abutua.92 It appears that some of the mussambazes established independent settlements of their own along the Zambezi in the Ingombe Ilede area and in the Shona highlands near the gold and copper mines. Like the earlier Korekore-Swahili trading settlements in Urungwe (the Ingombe Ilede sites), these probably resembled ordinary African villages and should be distinguishable archeologically from the Portuguese settlements of pre-Changamira times.93 In the Ingombe Ilede area today, the mussambazes are generally referred to as Vazambi (sing., muzambi) or Basungu,94 or sometimes as Chikunda, a term usually restricted to their lower-ranking African followers. They thus resembled the pombeiro trading agents of Angola and their porters, or munenganas, who are all sometimes loosely called Mambari. Given the telescoped nature of local traditions and the considerable time depth of both African and Portuguese-related trade activities, distinguishing Vazambi from KotaKota is sometimes difficult.

In addition to their regular trips to the highland gold and copper areas south of the Zambezi, the Vazambi working out of eighteenth-century Zumbo-Feira enjoyed a substantial northern trade throughout the region between the Lozi sphere in the west and Kazembe's Luapula Lunda in the north, probably including the gold and copper mines of the Kafue hook.95 During this period there were important trade links with the Bisa, who played a leading role as traders with the Luapula Lunda and Luba Lomani and penetrated deep into the Congo, Portuguese East Africa, and Tanzania as the Atlantic Coast slave trade ate its way east and the Indian Ocean trade penetrated west. By around 1780 to 1800, Bisa were trading with Yao on the Shire River, who in turn carried ivory and other goods to the east coast. Throughout the nineteenth century, Bisa traders continued to travel widely throughout Zambia; in local traditions, they are said to have come overland from the north and

91Lobato, Evoluabo, 139; Lobato, Colonizaao, 122. 92Andrade, Relacoes, 200; Lobato, A Expansao, 218. 93Santana, Documentacao, II, 443; Conceicao, "Tratados," 68. 94See note 72. 95Sutherland-Harris, "Zambian Trade with Zumbo in the Eighteenth Century," in R.

Gray and D. Birmingham, eds., Pre-Colonial Afiican Trade, 231-242; Clark, "Feira," 275- 292; Roberts, "Pre-Colonial Trade in Zambia," 728-729; A. Wilson, "Long Distance Trade and the Luba Lomani Empire," Journal of Afiican History, 13 (1972), 575-590; Santana, Documentacao, II, 443.

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northeast to trade with the KotaKota in the Ingombe Ilede area.96 Groups of arabized Yao are also said to have traded there, and some local people still proclaim Bisa and Yao ancestry.97 People from other northern groups, such as the Chokwe, Luvale, Mbunda, Kaonde, Lamba, Lenje, Sala, Soli, Ila, and Plateau Tonga, are also said to have come to the Ingombe Ilede area in the nineteenth century as captives, fugitives seeking protection, peaceful traders, or as raiders. The literature reports that by the mid-nineteenth century Mambari from Angola and the Congo were also frequenting the area of the Kafue hook and trading ivory .and slaves along the middle Zambezi and the mouth of the Kafue. East-coast Arabs from Zanzibar who could read and write were also active in the area, and Lozi, or Makololo, are known to have traded at the Kafue confluence.98

The Ingombe Ilede area has thus had a history as a trade center and station on the way to Zumbo-Feira and the east. In the nineteenth century, Livingstone heard of two "ancient" Tonga travelers from Victoria Falls who went down to the Luangwa confluence and came back with seeds.99 Sebetwane of the Makololo dreamed of Portuguese guns and support down the Zambezi and sent a Rotse official to the mouth of the Kafue, apparently looking for a trade connection.100 Since the early nineteenth century, at least, the Rotse felt the attraction of trade at Zumbo-Feira, as if it were a wondrous place to visit. Livingstone was told that "many who went there never returned because they like that country better than this. They had even forsaken their wives and children; and children had been so enticed and flattered by the finery bestowed upon them there, that they had disowned their parents and adopted others."101 It was well known that Vazambi from the east were in the habit of kidnapping children in the hinterlands and selling them for ivory. In some places people complained of seeing their children

96And see D. Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South Afiica (New York, 1858), 608, 612, 614.

97In addition some Yao (pronounced locally Achawa) were found living in Chilanga in the lower Kafue Valley when the 1914 Northern Rhodesia census was taken. See the Chilanga Sub-District Notebook, Zambia National Archives, Lusaka.

98Roberts, "Pre-Colonial Trade in Zambia"; E. Flint, "Trade and Politics in Barotseland during the Kololo Period," Journal of African History, 11 (1970), 76; Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 545-546; I. Schapera, ed., Livingstone's Missionaty Correspondence (Berkeley, 1961), 182, 280-282, 300; E. Holub, Seven Years in South Afiica (Boston, 1881), 152.

99D. and C. Livingstone, Narrative, 231. 'l?F. Debenham, The Way to llala (London, 1955), 76. '01Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 571.



forming powerful villages for the whites.102 The Vazambi also obtained children in trade, especially in the hunger months of the annual dry season, when they sent their Chikunda messengers on ahead so villagers could have their ivory and children waiting when the main party arrived up the Zambezi.103 Today Ingombe Ilede traditions about this trade frequently take the safe form of allegory about a past long dead and gone:104

The Kotakota or Korekore of long, long ago practiced charms at Chirundu105 and so everybody came here and it was a thing of long standing. There were magic places which drew people to Chirundu as if they were being led. Lovale, Lenje and Soli saw this magic. Lamba, Tonga, Ila. Everyone came. Some remained because of the magic and could not ever get home and others did get home to tell and the fame grew. It was known as a place to go. The Mambari also would come to Chirundu from Angola and the Congo and meet the Kotakota here. There were powerful men and large villages here then with medicines and wealth from far places. Often those who came here were those in trouble. They say a man would take medicines to appear dead and a friend would not allow the body to be buried. Then at night the man would disappear and escape to Chirundu. People would just say the spirits had taken him to Chirundu.106

People from the Ingombe Ilede area were attracted in turn to Zumbo- Feira and the east because it was the source of an even greater array of trade goods, better terms of exchange, and the home of more powerful Vazambi. Again, this part of the story is often augmented by allegory and symbolism, as illustrated below. In the following account, basangu are a class of spirit representing members of chiefly descent groups:107

The spirits of dead chiefs who lived here so long ago that they are forgotten are called basangu. They always lived in large villages at mazimbabwe, the center of the country, and had their grave soil taken there if they died outside the country. The basangu are the spirits of the

102I. Schapera, ed., Livingstone's African Journal(Berkeley, 1963), 385-386. 03T.M. Thomas, Eleven Years in Central South Africa (London, 1872), 380. 04See note 77. 05See note 78.

106In a personal communication, Miss Maud Mutemba, Livingstone Museum, Zambia, reported much the same tradition among the Lenje people of Kabwe and Lukanga. In this tradition Lenje began moving south to Chirundu, or Chundu, soon after arriving in the Kabwe area from the north, and continued doing so for a long time. See W.V. Brelsford, The Tribes of Zambia (Lusaka, 1965), 74-75; Lancaster, "Ethnic Identity," 725, and note 7.

l07See Lancaster, "Goba Ancestral Cult."

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land. They died so long ago that the spirit is no longer angry nor is it known any longer who the spirit is. Now they can only communicate with the living through the spirits of more recent chiefs [mhondoro] whose names are still remembered. They themselves have no links to living people and cannot speak out and tell you who they are and what they want, so they are forgotten among the numberless dead. They are simply known collectively as basangu and while they may travel anywhere their home is only at mazimbabwe.

Sometimes apparently for no reason the basangu may take people away and they are never seen again. A kidnapping. They take them away to a very far land where all good things are, having been taken there. It is a land of plenty and few ever come back. The person just vanishes. That is why it is not good to walk alone, especially in the bush or at night, for you may be taken. We do fear to be taken and then the people know that basangu have taken another one as they used to long ago when they were the lions of the land.

Sometimes it is only the spirit of the person that they take away and the body is still here. What they take away is your shadow. When you see a man who casts no shadow he is really a dead man and the basangu have taken him off, using medicines. Basangu can also take the recent dead away to their land and in a dream you can sometimes see them. When you waken from the fright of dreaming there is no one there. The people they take are alive though buried. Sometimes the person will fall stricken, his spirit having been taken away. Quickly you take a hen and slash its neck and let blood fall over the body. If you are lucky the person returns to his body and if you look in his hand you will see the grain clutched there to show you where it has been taken. This is not a possession of the body and no one speaks. Usually the entire person, body and all, just vanishes.

Usually the basangu take strong lads and nubile girls whose breasts are developing, never old people. And they vanish unseen to the villages of the basangu. There there are many cattle and goats and many people. These villages are far away in a deep cave near Zumbo-Feira. And when they take you there they show you all the things they have taken. There are large fields, much sorghum, peanuts, pumpkins, millet, maize, and many, many people. If the spirit can be made to come back the person is found to have seeds clutched in his hand to show that he has been taken away to that land of plenty.108

S108ee note 77.



Conclusion

The inhabitants of the Ingombe Ilede settlements in the Zambezi Valley and high plains of Urungwe in roughly the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries were probably either Swahili allies or Shona-speaking members of the Mwene Mutapa confederacy, which left Great Zimbabwe and moved its capital north to occupy part of the middle Zambezi Valley and the highlands above it some time in the first half of the fifteenth century. Swahili had probably been operating in this area since at least the fourteenth century, with trade contacts extending throughout the Zimbabwe culture region. In the move north, the Mwene Mutapa's Shona-speaking followers, together with those they assimilated, became known as Korekore after the way they swarmed over the land like locusts.109 The Korekore still comprise the major northern division of Shona-speaking peoples, though those occupying the floor of the Zambezi Valley have also been known as Goba or Valley Korekore. From the beginning of remembered time, the Korekore seem to have been traders and allies of the Swahili; the earliest Ingombe Ilede traditions pertaining to KotaKota traders shuttling between the Zambezi and the southern mining areas fail to distinguish between Korekore and Swahili. In the late fifteenth century, at the height of the Mwene Mutapa's influence, inhabitants of the southern half of the Zambezi Valley, from roughly the Sanyati River to beyond Zumbo-Feira in the east, were tributary peoples (BaNyai) in the Korekore confederacy, while Shona-speakers north of the Zambezi from Ingombe Ilede to areas east of Zumbo-Feira were independent of the confederacy (Tonga).110 During this period the Ingombe Ilede trade may have been largely confined to the interior, as Garlake suggests,111 and much of it may have involved flows of tribute between leaders (KotaKota or BaNyai) within the Mwene Mutapa confederacy itself.

In the first half of the sixteenth century Portuguese began moving up the Zambezi, competing with Swahili at Sena and Tete and establishing their own fairs on the Zimbabwe highlands. Dambarare was established around 1570 and Ongoe dates from the early seventeenth century. By these times KotaKota merge with Vazambi in local traditions. Given the independent nature of these indigenous back-country traders and the

109Abraham, "The Monomotapa Dynasty"; Abraham, "Early Political History of Mwene Mutapa."

' 1Lancaster, "Ethnic Identity." 1 Garlake, Great Zimbabwe.

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private interests of their Portuguese and Swahili contacts, there is every possibility that much of the trade that reached the East African coast continued to evade official Portuguese hands. By the late seventeenth century, the Mwene Mutapa's influence on the Shona highlands and in the western Zambezi Valley had waned. Ingombe Ilede people on both sides of the Zambezi were probably known as Tonga (rebels or independents) at that time. In the early eighteenth century the Changamira confederacy replaced Mwene Mutapa in the area that concerns us here. With Changamira's support, Ongoe was reopened, and Zumbo-Feira became a major trading center for Vazambi operating on the highlands and along the Zambezi in the Ingombe Ilede region.112 This expansion of the Changamira confederacy probably incorporated the Ingombe Ilede people (as tributary BaNyai and Korekore), while most of those who had taken refuge on the north bank of the Zambezi, with the possible exception of Zumbo-Feira itself, were probably more independent (Tonga). The nineteenth-century destruction of the Changamira confederacy by Ngoni and Ndebele groups returned the inhabitants of the Ingombe Ilede area in the Zambezi Valley to independent status once again. By the latter part of the nineteenth century, final Portuguese efforts in the scramble for colonial territory brought in new influences from the lower Zambezi, and for a time the local people became known as Chikunda, or followers of the Portuguese. For the first time, the indigenous political system was disrupted and replaced, at least superficially, by Portuguese organization. By this time local African trade with the Zimbabwe highlands had become insignificant.

12Garlake, "Seventeenth Century Portuguese Earthworks in Rhodesia," 169, mentions the reopening of Ongoe under Changamira.


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Issue Table of ContentsThe International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol. 10, No. 1 (1977), pp. 1-184Front MatterIngombe Ilede and the Zimbabwe Culture [pp. 1 - 30]Resistance and Collaboration in Southern and Central Africa, c. 1850-1920 [pp. 31 - 62]The Antecedents of Nineteenth-Century Islamic Government in Nupe [pp. 63 - 76]African Labor and Training in the Uganda Colonial Economy [pp. 77 - 95]A Lost Man in Southern African History: Kaliphi/Gundwane of the Ndebele [pp. 96 - 110]Book Reviewsuntitled [pp. 111 - 112]untitled [pp. 112 - 114]untitled [pp. 114 - 116]untitled [p. 117]untitled [pp. 118 - 121]untitled [pp. 121 - 124]untitled [pp. 124 - 125]untitled [pp. 125 - 128]untitled [pp. 128 - 131]untitled [pp. 131 - 132]untitled [pp. 132 - 134]untitled [pp. 134 - 136]untitled [pp.