The Kathmandu PostTuesday, December 4, 20074 Editorial

POST PLATFORM By SALIK SHAH

Last week, the Time magazine rana piece, “What Makes usGood/Evil?” by Jeffrey Kluger.

On the front cover, it had pictures ofGandhi and Hitler. The title of thepiece and the pictures of the two menthat represent two extremes forced meto think. I wanted to make an educatedguess before I started reading thepiece. But frankly, I had no definitiveanswer.

What is it that makes us moral? Itried my best to answer this question.My educated guess ferried around cul-ture, upbringing, education, and rule oflaw. Jeff's simple question had caughtme off-guard. In my quest to find ananswer, I started flipping pages formore clues. In addition to Gandhi andHitler, the writer had talked aboutMother Teresa, Martin Luther King Jr,the Dalai Lama, Joseph Stalin, AugustoPinochet, Osama Bin Laden, and PolPot. Although Jeff had missed some,his list definitely included individualsthat have inspired our awe, for eithertheir goodness or their malevolence.

Why do some people that belong tocertain groups hate others that differfrom them and abuse their dignity? Iwondered why Bishweshwar PrasadKoirala and Mana Mohan Adhikariwere more appreciated than PuspaKamal Dahal, Nagendra Paswan andJay Krishna Goit. Why are the laterfinding it hard to sell their nationalistcredentials than the former lot whohad spent a good time of their lives inIndia?

Some might have problem seeingPuspa Kamal Dahal compared withNagendra Paswan and Jay KrishnaGoit. But there is hardly any difference.Just carrying a “red book” doesn'tmake one pious nor does it justify thekillings of innocent civilians. If you askPaswan and Goit, they too will claimthat, they are fighting against oppres-sion, subjugation and economic mar-

ginalization of masses. The only thingthey lack by choice or ignorance is a“red book” with the photograph of aChinese- Mao-or two dead Europeans-Karl Marx and Lenin-with them to jus-tify their killings in the name of strug-gle. Besides that, who can guarantee

that the achievement of Puspa KamalDahal is impossible for others?

Now, let us consider the questionand answer session with Puspa KamalDahal organized by BritishBroadcasting Corporation (BBC).During the program, Puspa KamalDahal denied all the charges against hisparty, and in particular, against theYCL. Listeners could easily surmisethat people asking the questions werereally frustrated with the Maoists'duplicity and atrocities. It was also evi-dent that Puspa Kamal Dahal had cho-sen not to answer the truth. He seri-ously lacks the guts to take responsibil-ities for the crimes committed by hismen. Denial of charges does not proveinnocence.

The good thing about the programis that, people made Puspa KamalDahal realize that, free and open dis-cussions are the greatest threat to hisarrogation of intellectual infallibility. Isalute people's guts to ask questionsdespite knowing that Dahal's militiacould intimidate, abduct, and kill them

without impunity. Interestingly, the following week

BBC aired views of Mukti Pradhan, so-called intellectual among the brain-washed and often illogical rank-and-files of the Maoist party. He shameless-ly made clear what Puspa Kamal andBabu Ram have in mind: a political set-up whereby they would decide whogets in and who gets out. Pradhan'srevelation has made it quite clear thatthe stage is being set for this greatnation to descend into self inflictedmadness goaded by Puspa KamalDahal and his fellow radicals.

Without mincing words, Pradhansaid that the Maoists would resort toperiodic purges of incorrect elementswhose incorrect status shall be deter-mined by the Maoists themselves.Needless to say, political correctnessvouched by the Maoists denies objec-tive truth. Political correctness assomething that is “used ironicallyagainst the mainstream democraticparties as a critique of moralism andpreachiness” shows a lack of imagina-tion and understanding among thecadres of the Maoists party.

In very calculated sentencesPradhan tried doing what ideologuesof left-populist political trajectories inLatin America do-fault neo-liberaleconomic policies for slow growth, noimprovement in poverty rates, andsparse investment in human capitalthrough health and education.Brainwashed Youth CommunistLeaguers might not know the limitsand potential of dictatorship of theproletariat. But educated people whohave read what happened duringMao's rule in China do know about it.We all know what happened duringthe Cultural Revolution in China.Mao's “supercollectivism” of 1958 to1960, the so-called Great LeapForward, produced a famine duringwhich 25 to 30 million perished inChina. The famine that resulted fromMao's short-sighted policies is fargreater than African famine or thenumber of people killed by hungerduring the entire post-independencein India. Mao's famine is consideredas the most murderous in human his-tory.

Puspa Kamal Dahal, unlike BPKoirala and Mana Mohan Adhikari,

does not have the grace and guts toaccept the truth, which is required tocommand respect. No doubt, he is ashrewd operator. He has done what hismentor Nirmal Lama could not do inhis lifetime. But the question is: Is itworth killing thirteen thousand inno-cent people just to become a reverendof 10 percent of the population? WouldNirmal Lama do the same if he werealive and given the same opportunity?

How far is it justifiable to doom thecollective destiny of millions of peopleto fulfill political aspirations of a fewradicals who think power comes fromthe barrel of a gun? Will a sane manwith good moral standing and con-science be ready to do it and go downin the history?

Pol Pot, the leader of Khmer Rougetoo considered himself as a greatleader. Like Dahal, he too appearedconfident and said, “My conscience isclear”. He too had follower inCombodia like Puspa Kamal does inNepal today. But the history has judgedhim as a murderous dictator for theheinous crimes he committed duringhis hey days. Puspa Kamal Dahal mightchoose to wage a war for another 40years to come, the choice is his. Buthow he will be perceived in the days tocome by the fellow citizens and howhistory will judge him is beyond hismanipulation.

Puspa Kamal Dahal still has achance to make a difference in people'slives by letting them live in peace andachieve their potential. Whether hewants to be remembered as a states-man like BP Koirala and Mana MohanAdhikari or go down in the history asan insensitive notorious rebel rests onhim.

Days do not remain same forever.Nuon Chea, 82, the second in com-mand after the Pol Pot, was recentlyarrested for his crimes against human-ity and is now confined to a prison cellin Cambodia.

In this changing world, nothingremains constant. Nobody knows whatfuture has in store. What is yours todaymight be of someone else's tomorrow.All you will have then is regrets, likeKing Gyanendra has now, by default.

Radical political adventurism isjust not worth it!

hbdulal@gmail.com

Maoists’ errant experiment

By DR HARI BANSHA DULAL

Pakistan's General PervezMusharraf has announced parlia-mentary elections scheduled for

next month after ensuring that heremains as ‘president’ for another fiveyears.

The Pakistani dictator's announcedelections are similar to the botchedmunicipal elections announced by ourown dictator King Gyanendra in 2005:Both lack legitimacy and credibility.

The polls in Pakistan do not comewith the pious intention of furtheringthe cause of democracy. The elections -then and now - have a common aim: tolegitimize an illegal rule under the garbof elections.

Musharraf has the dubious distinc-tion of being responsible for coiningthe term "Musharraf-style" elections(after the infamous referendum inApril 2002 in which he ‘won’ more than97 percent and got ‘endorsed’ for a five-year term as president). This time toothe elections look like becoming a shamdespite two major political partiesdeciding to take part.

There are other similarities withNepal's situation. Musharraf hasbanned protest rallies to ensure"smooth conducting" of the polls, justlike the king did in 2005 in Nepal. Theking's stooges and apologists went totown claiming what a democrat he wasand how the political parties thatannounced they would boycott and dis-rupt the polls were anti-democracyforces. Ultimately, the full-scale boy-cott by the parties took the wind out ofthe sails of the municipal elections. Therejection of the polls was a galvanizingevent against the king's absolute rule.

In Pakistan, a few political parties,

lawyers and other sections of the civilsociety too are calling for a boycott ofthe elections. On the other hand, wehave Begum Benazir Bhutto who comeswith a curious - but perfectly under-standable - logic. If the polls are boy-cotted, it will only help the dictator‘president’ to legitimize his emergencyrule. The emergency, thus, is the carrotthat is being dangled. Musharraf doesnot need the emergency after having

ensured his grip on power. The king toolifted the emergency after making surethat he had a firm hold on the powersof the state.

Nawaz Sharif is also making noisesabout staying away from the parlia-mentary polls, but he too will fall in line- like Bhutto - and take part. He hasalready filed his candidacy, yet he istalking about a boycott.

Bhutto is wrong in her publiclyannounced reasons for participating inthe polls. One doesn't take part in anelection whose sole aim is to legitimize- and consolidate - a dictator's reign.She seems to overlook what happenedin Nepal just about three years ago. Anutterly inept, overly ambitious and con-spicuously condescending king tookthe reins with the stated aim of savingthe nation from the ravages of thearmed rebellion of the CPN (Maoist) -

fancifully dubbed "people's war" - andthe ever-squabbling political parties.The United States - fearing an ultra-communist takeover - approved themove secretly, at least initially.

Pakistan 2007 is nearly a carboncopy of Nepal 2005. Pockets of violencein Pakistan, especially in the borderareas where armed outfits have waged"holy" war have unnerved the estab-lishment in Pakistan and abroad.Admittedly, the threat in Pakistan from"jihadi" forces is far greater than whatNepal had faced. But this threat cannotbe an excuse for perpetuating a dicta-tor's reign.

Against this backdrop, let us exam-ine our own constituent assembly elec-tions which have been postponedtwice.

One crucial difference between theMusharraf-style elections (and our ownmunicipal polls) and the yet uncertainCA elections is that while the two dicta-tors used the polls to legitimize theirhold on power, the parties in powernow - the six-party alliance and theCPN (Maoist) - would lose their legiti-macy if they do not hold the elections.

The ruling parties need to remem-ber that they do not have a blanketmandate to go on like this forever.Perhaps they are deliberately ignoringthe people's frustration with theirantics being displayed on TV, FMradios and the newspapers on a dailybasis. Their exercise for consensus - bybreaching most past pacts - is limitedto statements. The government's publicsecurity responsibility is also limited tostatements and plans on paper whilethe mayhem goes on. Those responsi-ble for maintaining a smooth supply ofessential elements are doing everything- of course, through statements. Thenation is at a standstill, and our politi-cians are unable to rise above theirpetty interests.

While the political parties are para-lyzed, there's been concerted efforts tobelittle the CA elections, especially inrecent months. The tempo is onlyincreasing. And this is not just limitedto the CPN (Maoist) who view it as a"meaningless" exercise. There are oth-ers who insist that the CA polls are

either an impossible proposition or nota credible one "under the prevailingcircumstances".

There is also an attempt to portraythe CA polls as being distinct from thepeace process. (The Maoists, amongothers, proffer this view.) The implica-tion is that the peace process can movealong on its course even if the electionsare not held. Some others argue thatthe elections cannot be a meaningfulexercise without addressing the con-cerns and rights of marginalizedgroups.

As a result, we have entered avicious circle. We cannot address theseconcerns unless we have a genuinelyelected assembly and a government.What is the legitimate authority todecide who gets what percentage ofseats in the constituent assembly? Newgroups have emerged along ethnic linesand are still emerging. There is also ademand that more Janajati groupsshould be recognized besides the 59communities that will have at least onerepresentation in the CA (as per anagreement between the governmentand the Janajati federation).

There are vested interests (someforeign agencies included) that wouldlove to see the problem linger. In thename of inclusiveness, the flame of dis-content is being fuelled.

Such groups are being provokedthrough radio programs, and the gov-ernment is watching helplessly. This isbecoming a farce now. And it is not justa question of the Janajatis. We have agenuine issue of the rightful represen-tation of the people from the tarai, thewomen and the Dalits.

Where is all this leading to? Tomore chaos and uncertainty. The con-clusion is readymade: how can youhold the elections when there is suchchaos and instability? This mischiefneeds to be stopped right here andnow.

Let me repeat once more the man-date of Jana Andolan II: To overthrowthe monarchy and hold the CA elec-tions to draft a new constitution. Theruling parties do not have eternity. Theclock is ticking away.

damakant@kantipur.com.np

By DAMAKANT JAYSHI

CHHAL PHAL

A tale of a few polls

Icannot forget yournumber. Unfortunately,whenever I dial a num-

ber in despair, it is thesame number that I end updialing. When I look at theposter on my wall, I seeyou, your body, your eyes,your cheeks, your lips. It'sbeen a few days, or a week,maybe. But I miss youeveryday.

When I get a missed-call, my heart starts topound heavily. I'm afraidwhen I get a new sms. Isomewhere wish if it wereyou. At times, I laugh as ifnothing happened. Butsome part of me feels sad. Ilaugh at myself. I'm notable to help myself. Somepeople become part of ourlives no matter how theyare, what they are andwhere they are.

10 minutes, a few hoursa day- and you 'love' yourdog. "Love by continualhabit," Vatsyayan said.

How much could itaffect, how long? This isnot love, it's curiosity. Myheart is always pounding.But my mind was never somuch disturbed. Luckily, Ican see the devil within me.As I chased you, maybe,you already knew that I wasnot trying to catch you. Ichased you away, and Iregret.

Emotional men are sovulnerable, they need toguard themselves, cocoonthemselves within uglywalls. We need respect, andwish nobody would humili-ate us without our own con-sent. I gave you space, toopersonal, and you humiliat-ed me. It's difficult to for-

get, to frown at, or heal thewounds you take from yourbeloved. But we easily for-give, so funny!

I learned another les-son, and I'm happy thatyou're an outsider in myworld. At least, I can chooseto be with you or not. Suchpeople, I've alwaysdespised, but not you! Ialways had my circle. Iadapted to the circum-stances, and later I wouldalways struggle to changethem.

But I don't want tochange you, I don't want toinfect you, teach you any-thing about my life. Did Iever tell you that I find yourworld so small, so hollow,so soulless? My world isdifferent, that I everydaymeet people who teach melessons of life, of bliss andare always ready to showme the right path leading tomy own truer self! That Imeet generations of cre-ative, sensitive, reac-tionary, impractical peopledevoted to pursuit of truthwith a longing to know theworld and one's own self, Ireally don't care much whatyou say. I really don't carethat I want to be manythings, that I love manythings, or how I look.

I don't regret for nothaving anything, I know Ican get whatever I wish.Not everything, you say.But I don't believe, whyshould I believe you? Letme build my castles in theair. If you want me, comehelp me build my castleshere.

I want to fly, not fall inlove.

If you want me

Our greatest pretenses are built up not to hide the evil and the ugly in us, but our emptiness. The

hardest thing to hide is something that is not there.

— Eric Hoffer —

Where is all this

leading to? To more

chaos and uncertain-

ty. The conclusion is

readymade: how can

you hold the elec-

tions when there is

such chaos and

instability? This mis-

chief needs to be

stopped right here

and now.

How far is it justifiable

to doom the collective

destiny of millions of

people to fulfill politi-

cal aspirations of a

few radicals who think

power comes from the

barrel of a gun?

Will a sane man with

good moral standing

and conscience be

ready to do it and go

down in the history?

Empower the disabled

Illiteracy, together with lack of public awareness and stateindifference, is making things worse for Persons withDisabilities (PWDs) in Nepal. Although the Constitution

guarantees equal rights to both the able-bodied and the differ-ently abled, the latter have been deprived of opportunities andare being wrongly assumed to be burdens to society. The 16thInternational Day of Disabled Persons was celebrated theother day with lofty promises and commitments for PWDs.However, the country can boast of very few disabled childrenwho go to school, while fewer adult PWDs are aware of theirinherent rights. PWDs frantically struggle for equal opportuni-ties, but because of a lack of good job prospects, they remaindependent on their families for survival. Further, the delay onthe part of the government to implement the national policy onthe rights of the disabled is adding to their woes. At the pres-ent juncture, one thing is for sure - PWDs have a long way togo in their journey from exclusion to equality.

It is unfortunate that a majority of PWDs are illiterate,poor, unskilled and untrained. The exact number of handi-capped Nepalis is unknown. However, it is estimated thatmore than 10 out of every 100 persons are suffering fromsome form of disability. Statistics show that more than 90percent of disabled children do not receive any form of edu-cation, most of them being refused admission to school.Likewise, a considerable number of disabled adults aredenied jobs due to their impairment, and those who securethe rare opportunity are frequently replaced by able-bodiedpersons. What is most unfortunate is that there is a completelack of public awareness that the disabled are equals. Due towidespread public apathy, I/NGOs such as the NationalFederation of the Disabled Nepal have been unable to safe-guard and promote their rights and interests.

Unfortunately, the state has never accepted the bitter factthat PWDs need to be empowered to the extent that they canexercise their rights, particularly in the field of education andemployment. A year has passed, but the government is stillshying away from implementing the National Policy andStrategy Related to the Disabled, which guarantees them freeeducation, free health service and a 5 percent quota in thecivil service. Nepal is not even a signatory to the UNConvention on the Rights of the Disabled, which emphasizesequal opportunity and full-fledged participation to the dis-abled. It is the duty of the government to mainstream thedisabled by forming an inclusive society. After all, theConstitution implicitly mandates an inclusive society for all,including persons with disabilities. Let us assimilate the factthat a large number of PWDs can actively participate in thecountry's development if given the same chance.

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