Hermeticism and Alchemy. The Case of Ludovico Lazzarelli.pdf

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Hermeticism and Alchemy: The Case of Ludovico Lazzarelli

Author(s): Chiara CriscianiSource: Early Science and Medicine, Vol. 5, No. 2, Alchemy and Hermeticism (2000), pp. 145-159Published by: BRILLStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4130473

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2/16

HERMETICISM

AND

ALCHEMY:

THE CASE

OF

LUDOVICO

LAZZARELLI

CHIARA

CRISCIANI

Department

of

Philosophy,

University of

Pavia

1. There

are various kinds

of

documentation

regarding

the

al-

chemical

interests

of

Ludovico

Lazzarelli

(1450-1500).'

We

have no

statements

of his

as

to

his actual

working

commitments;

however,

Lazzarelli himself declares that he had been the disciple of a mas-

ter

alchemist,

namely

the

Burgundian

John

Rigaud

de

Branchis,

who was

certainly

practicing

in Siena in 1494.

Moreover,

in some

texts,

Lazzarelli was

surely

connected

with

alchemy

in

a

number

of

ways.

Up

to

now

I

have identified

three

such

texts:

1)

The

tran-

scription

of the Pretiosa

Margarita

Novella

of

Petrus

Bonus,

with a

dedicatory

verse

written

by

Lazzarelli,2

in

which the latter

offers

Petrus' text to

John Rigaud

and

fervently praises

both

the

author

('nomine

reque

bonus,'

the

pride

of 'inclita

Ferraria')

and

the

1

On

Lazzarelli

see,

in

addition to the more remote

studies

by

V.K.

Ohly

and

V.B. McDaniel, P.O. Kristeller, MarsilioFicino e Lodovico Lazzarelli.Contributo

alla

diffusione delle

idee

ermetiche nel

Rinascimento ; d.,

Ancora

per

Giovanni

Mercurio da

Correggio,

in

id.,

Studies on

Renaissance

Thought

and Letters

(Rome,

1956),

221-257;

id.,

Lodovico Lazzarelli e Giovanni da

Correggio,

due

ermetici

del

Quattrocento,

e il

manoscritto

II.D.I.4

della Biblioteca

Comunale

degli

Ar-

denti

di

Viterbo,

in A.

Pepponi,

ed.,

Biblioteca

degli

Ardenti

della

cittdadi

Viterbo.

Studi e

ricerchenel 150

della

fondazione

(Viterbo, 1960),

15-37;

F.A

Yates,

Giordano

Bruno

and the Hermetic Tradition

(London,

1964),

passim;

D.P.Walker,

Spiritual

and

Demonic

Magic from

Ficino

to

Campanella

(London, 1958),

60-72;

E.

Garin,

M.

Brini,

C.

Vasoli,

P.

Zambelli,

eds.,

Testiumanistici

u

l'Ermetismo

Rome,

1955);

D.B.

Ru-

derman,

Giovanni

Mercurio

da

Correggio's

Appearance

in

Italy

as

Seen

through

the

Eyes

of an Italian

Jew,

n

Renaissance

Quarterly,

8.3

(1975),

309-322;

S.

Sosti,

Il

'Crater Hermetis'

di

Ludovico

Lazzarelli,

in

Quaderni

dell'Istituto

Nazionale

di

Studi

sul Rinascimento

meridionale,

1

(1984),

101-132;

C.

Moreschini,

Dall'

'Asclepio'

al

'CraterHermetis' Studi

sull'ermetismo

tardo

antico

e

rinascimentale

(Pisa, 1985);

M.

Idel, Hermeticism andJudaism, n I. Merkel and A.G. Debus, eds., Hermeticism

and the

Renaissance

(Washington,

1988),

68-70;

E.

Garin,

Ermetismo

del

Rinascimento

(Rome,

1988);

F.

Bacchelli,

Giovanni Pico

e

Pierleone

da

Spoleto.

Nuovi

frammenti

del

'Commento

sopra

una

canzona

de amore'

(Florence,

2000).

2

Modena,

Biblioteca

Estense,

ms lat.

299

(the

dedicatory

verse has been

ed-

ited

in

Kristeller,

Ancora

per,

257).

On

Petrus Bonus see C.

Vasoli,

in

Dizionario

biografico degli

Italiani

(Rome, 1970),

1:287-289;

C.

Crisciani,

ed.,

Pietro

Bono da

Ferrara,

Preziosa

Margarita

Novella.

Edizione del

volgarizzamento

(Florence,

1976),

Introduction;

ead.,

The

Conception

of

Alchemy

as

Expressed

in

the 'Pretiosa

Margarita

Novella' of

Petrus Bonus of

Ferrara,

n

Ambix,

20

(1973),

165-181.

?

Koninklijke

Brill

NV, Leiden,

2000

Early

Science and Medicine

5,

2


3/16

146 CHIARA CRISCIANI

recipient.

2)

A collection of

alchemical

texts,3

known as the

Vademecum.

These

texts

are all

of a

practical

and

Lullian tone. In-

deed,

the

first

treatise,

which is

original

and

anonymous,

is

defined

as

'ex

intentione

Raymundi';

one

text,

the

De

investigatione lapidis,

is

part

of the

pseudo-Lullian

corpus;4

there

follow

'excerpta

ex

libris

Raymundi'

(in

Latin

and

in the

vernacular)

and various

prac-

tical

Tabule;

finally

it contains

the

procedure

to obtain

the

'arcanum

elexiris

de inventione

magistri Joannis

Rigaudi

de

Branchis',

which

he

had

made

in

Siena

in

1494 'in

societate

magistri

Alberti

perusini phisici.'

3)

The

dedicatory

verse and the

prologue, both definitely written by Lazzarelli, which preface this

collection.

The

first

few lines

wish

well to the

liber

collega

arcani

laboris,

fidus

perpetuusque

comes. 6

The

collection that follows

thus

seems to

be a true

guide

that aims

at

involving

Lazzarelli

in

practical

knowledge

and works.

Moreover,

it

is

right

in this

pro-

logue

that Lazzarelli delineates

a

magistral genealogy

in

which he

presents

himself,

disciple

of

John Rigaud

that he

is,

as the heir to

a line

that

goes

back to

Lull,

and

thence

to

Arnold,

who

had,

in

turn,

learned

a

quodam

magistro

Petro.

The

alchemical

books that Lazzarelli

surely

had

at his

disposal

comprised

an extensive and

systematic

doctrinal

text,

the Pretiosa

Margarita,

and some short

operative

writings

that

refer to 'Lull.'

3

Florence,

Biblioteca

Riccardiana,

ms

984;

the

edition of

both the

opening

verses and the

prologue

can be

found

in

M.

Brini,

Ludovico

Lazzarelli.

Testi

scelti ,

in

E. Garin

et

al.,

Testi

umanistici,75-77;

cf.

also

Chantilly,

Musec

Conde,

ms 419

(919):

this

manuscript

contains

texts

in

the

Italian

vernacular

and,

in

particular,

the

prologue

to the

Vademecum,

he first

treatise,

the Secretum

ritten

by

John Rigaud

de

Branchis.

4

M.

Pereira,

The

Alchemical

Corpus

Attributedo

Raymond

Lull

(London,

1989),

85.

5

Created

in

1495,

this collection

seems

to

be one

of the

results of the Lazza-

relli's

editing

activities:

ee also his

'Hermetic' collection

with

three introductions

for Giovanni Mercurio

(Kristeller,

Marsilio

Ficino ,

Appendix

with the edition

of the

introductions).

The

opening

Tabula

(ed.

Brini,

Testi ,

76-77),

written

subsequently, attributes the first treatise in the collection to Lazzarelli (Tractatus

de

alchimia),

but he

actually

wrote

only

the

prologue

and collected

and

edited the

works. The collection

is

not

explicitly

dedicated to

John Rigaud,

but it is

explic-

itly

linked to

his

teaching,

as can

be inferred from

the

genealogy

presented

in

the

prologue

(ed.

Brini,

76);

moreover,

in

the text on

the

preparation

of

the

elixir

byJohn Rigaud

(f.33v),

it is declared

that hoc

arcanum

ipse magister

Joanes

mihi

ex

maxima

sui

liberalitate

ore

proprio

revelavit ;

f.

L.

Thorndike,

Historyof Magic

and

Experimental

cience

New

York,

1923-1950),

5:533-34;

6:437-

38.

6

Brini,

Testi ,

75.


4/16

THE CASE OF LUDOVICO LAZZARELLI 147

There is

nothing

surprising

in this

modest but well-balanced

rep-

ertoire.

Indeed,

during

the

Quattrocento,

there was a

general

ac-

ceptance

of the two-fold tradition that derived from

'Geber'

(in-

deed

Bonus,

on

several

occasions,

declares-truthfully-that

he

owes

much

to

Geber)

and from 'Lull'.

So

Lazzarelli is

fully

in

line

with

choices

that,

in

the

Quattrocento,

were

widespread

and con-

solidated. The two traditions were often

interwoven and

under-

stood to be

complementary.7

However,

the textual choices made

by

Lazzarelli

deserve

some

further

consideration. Bonus' treatise

does not

confine itself to

reformulating

'Geber s

conceptions.

Its

importance

lies

(then

and

subsequently)

not

only

in

its

thorough

definition of the relation-

ship

between

alchemy

and

natural

philosophy

in

an Aristotelian

and

scholastic

context,

but

also

in

Bonus'

thorough

treatment

of

other issues that

may

have held

a more

specific

interest

for

Lazzarelli: the

underlying

reasons for

the

concealing

language

of

alchemists and

its

forms;

the

initiatory

feature of

the

transmission

of alchemical

knowledge;

and,

above

all,

the

'partim

divina'

struc-

ture

of

alchemy

in

general

and of

the

lapis

in

particular,

which was

also

interpreted

as

a

miracle

and

a

'donum Dei.'

Bonus'

consid-

erations on the

poets

who

made

reference to

the

alchemical

opus

in their

poems

and

myths,

on the

prophets

who

speak

mistice

also

on the subject of alchemy, on the ancient alchemists (in the first

place

Hermes)

who,

as

witnesses

of

the

marvellous

alchemical

transformations and

the

extraordinary

nature of

the

lapis/miracle,

were

necessarily

also

prophets

of Christian

events and

truths,s--all

of these are

themes that

Lazzarelli

must have

particularly

appreci-

ated.

Indeed,

his

main

interest seems from

quite early

on

to have

been

directed towards the

topic

of

transformation,

in

whatever

way

it was

approached.

In

fact,

already

in

his

youth

(long

before his

'conversion

to

Hermeticism' which

followed

his

meeting

with

Giovanni

'Mercurio' da

Correggio

in

1484)',

he wrote the

short

7

C. Crisciani and M. Pereira, L'alchimia nella transizione fra Medioevo e

Rinascimento,

in Storia della

scienza Treccani

(Rome,

forthcoming),

IV,

part

C,

chp.13.1.

8

For

these themes

see Petrus

Bonus,

Pretiosa

Margarita

Novella

(ed.

J.J.

Manget,

Bibliotheca

Chemica

Curiosa,

(Geneva,

1702),

2:1-80),

29-31,

50-54.

9

Lazzarelli

describes the

Hermetic

appearance

of Giovanni

Mercurio and

his

own

reactions

to it

in

the

Epistola

Enoch

(ed.

Brini,

Testi ,

34-50);

cf. also

Kristeller,

Ancora

per ,

256,

for the

incunabulum

and another

manuscript

of the

text;

cf.

Rudeman,

Giovanni

Mercurio.


5/16

148

CHIARACRISCIANI

poem

Bombix,1o

where he set forth and

'concealed',

within the

story

of

the

metamorphosis

of the

silkworm,

palingenetic

ideas on

regeneration

from flesh

to

spiritual perfection. Amongst

other

things,

in

his

main work Crater

Hermetis,

he

describes the creation-

transformation of 'new men'

in

a context that

stresses the conver-

gence,

if

not

equivalence,

of Hermeticism and the Christian

reli-

gion.

The

close

connection

that Bonus had

established

between

alchemical and

Christian

truths and

his

interpretation

that

con-

crete alchemical

changes

embodied

religious

truths

certainly

ap-

peared

to

him

of

great

interest

within

the framework of his

syncretistic approach.12

As for the texts collected

in

the

Vademecum,

ew

explanations

are

needed

in

order to show the reasons for

this

Lullian

choice,

which

was not

only

Lazzarelli's

but,

first and

foremost,

John

Rigaud's

(as

is clear from

the text attributed to

him).

The texts of

pseudo-Lullis

convey

an extension of alchemical

theory,

which is

presented

as

a

real

philosophy

of nature drawn

up

by

alchemist

philosophers,

defined as

filii

Hermetis.

They

also broaden the

scope

of

the im-

provements brought

about

by

the

lapis-elixir,

which acts not

only

on

minerals,

but also

on

vegetable

life and

on

the

body

of

man,

for

whom

it

promotes long

life

and

well-being.

Pseudo-Lull thus

proposes

a

general project

for the transformation

and restoration

of both man and the cosmos which

ranges

from transmutation to

a

universal

therapy.

The

models and aims of

perfection

to which

the

Testamentum

refers

are,

on one

hand,

the

image

of the

perfect

body

of

man as

represented

by

Adam

and,

on the

other

hand,

the

image

of

the

earth taken

back,

through

a

positive apocalypse,

to

the

pure

and immobile

perfection

of the

crystal.

14

In

the

pseudo-

Lullian

corpus

there is also

some account of

special

divine

revelations and of

initiatory

bonds

linking

master

and

disciple.'5

10

Ludovici

Lazzarelli

Septempedanis...Bombix...Joanne

rancisco Lancillottio a

Staphilo

auctore...

Aesi,

1765),

cf.

Brini

Testi ;Garin,

Ermetismo.

For the

complex

situation linked with the

printing

of this

text,

its editions

and interpretations, see the studies quoted above, note 1.

12

A

significant

trace of Lazzarelli's

particular

nterest

in

Bonus can be found

in

De ratione

conficiendi

apidisphilosophici

y

Lorenzo

Ventura

(Basle, 1571),

who

often

quotes

Bonus,

sometimes

in connection with Lazzarelli.

1'

See M. Pereira and B.

Spaggiari,

eds.,

11 'Testamentum'

lchemico

ttribuito

RaimondoLullo

(Florence,

1999);

M.

Pereira,

L'oro

deifilosofi.Saggio

ulle

ideedi un

alchimista

el Trecento

(Spoleto,

1992)

and

Pereira's

many

other studies on

pseudo-

Lullian

alchemy.

14

Testamentum,

254,

170.

15

Cf.,

e.g., ps.-Lullus,

Codicillus

ed.

Manget,

1),

908B. The first

treatise

in the


6/16

THE

CASE

OF

LUDOVICO

LAZZARELLI

149

These

themes are

definitely

not

in

contrast with

Lazzarelli's

characteristic Hermetic

philosophic approach.

2.

The

style

of the Vademecumcollection deserves

a more

in-

depth analysis,

as

also do

the

features

of the

first

anonymous

trea-

tise

(Tractatus

de

Alchimia,

not

attributed to

Lull,

and

attributed in

the Tabula to

Lazzarelli).

The collection consists

purely

of

practi-

cal texts.

These

are

not,

however,

simply

recipes

or

instructions,

but

are,

from

an

epistemological point

of

view,

Practicae,

in

other

words,

practical

directions

incorporating

theories.

Although

I

have

no

definite

proof,

I

am inclined to believe that

these

texts,

in

par-

ticular the Tractatus, the best organized of the collection, are con-

nected

with

the

teachings

of

John

Rigaud.

In

any

case,

the Tractatus

shows

a

highly professional

alchemist,

who

carefully

and

thoroughly presents

technical

expedients

and

ingenious

contrivances

(clearly

the

product

of

his

effective and

innovative

laboratory

work,

as for

instance tests

for

measuring

fire,

devices for

sealing

recipients,

etc.)'6

and who also

pays

careful at-

tention to the

social

repercussions

of

his work.

So,

for

example,

the

author

provides

careful

instructions

regarding

the social

crite-

ria

according

to which the

elixir should be distributed

and admin-

istered.'7

Moreover,

the author

also

interprets

the

religious-

soteriological

nature of the

opus

in

very

concrete

terms: the

alche-

mist should donate a

part

of the

profit

from his work

(deriving

from

transmutation or

therapy)

to the

poor, through

the institu-

tional channels of

the seven

works of

charity

of

the

Christian

pas-

toral.18

Finally,

the text

ends with the

hope

that it

might

be

possi-

ble

to convert the

enemies

of

the Catholic

faith with

the aid of

the

universal

alchemical

remedy.'

Vademecum

refers

briefly

to

these

themes when the author

declares

that,

for

love

of his

disciple,

hoc arcanum Dei

pono

in

manum animae

tuae..

(f.3v).

16

See

especially

ibid.,

ff.

4r-5r.

17

Indeed,

it

should be

applied

in a

different

way

to the rich and

the

poor:

ibid.,

ff.

5v-6r.

18

Ibid. ff.

5r-6r.

19

Ibid.,

f.

8r:

Imo

erit

patriarca

mundi

inmortalis

convertens

omnes

suos

inimicos ad suam fidem

catolicam. The

subject

of

pagan

enemies,

sometimes the

Turks,

is

a

common theme in

alchemical texts of the time:

see,

e.g.,

Cristoforo da

Parigi,

Elucidarius

(ed.

in L.

Zetzner,

Theatrum

Chemicum,

(Strasbourg,

1661),

6:199: with

the

alchemical results

Turcam ex Asia

minore

fugare poteris ;

Antonio

dell'Abbazia,

Revelazione

(Chantilly,

Mus6e

Conde,

ms

419

(919),

ff. 45r-

47),

f.46r:

[...]

potresti

far

longhissima guera

agli

infideli,

e

agiustar

il

loco

dove

il

Signor

nostro

pati

morte

per recuperare

queli

che

perduti

erano ;

f.46v: con

questo

potresti

fare

longhisima

guerra

agli

infideli

e

aquistar

il

loco nel

qual

fo


7/16

150

CHIARA CRISCIANI

The text

proposes,

as do

various other

fifteenth-century

works,

a

definite shift to

the

therapeutic-medical

goals

of

alchemy,

with-

out however

eliminating

the

aim of

transmutation. Here there are

two

remarkable

aspects.

First and

foremost,

the medical elixir

is

interpreted

as

an additive which

has a

special,

attractive

way

of

acting, partially

similar to that

of

theriac. These issues were

widely

debated over

the

same

period

of time also in other

texts both al-

chemical

and

medical

dealing

with

potable

gold,

the fifth

essence,

and

the universal

remedy.20

In the second

place,

the

author

pro-

poses

a

reflection

(that

is

rather

interesting

from

the

epistemologi-

cal point of view) on the possibilities of verifying the transmuta-

tion of

metals and the alchemical

therapy,

and concludes that the

latter is easier to

judge.

Indeed,

the

biological-medical

paradigm

proves

to be

clearly

dominant,

from

a

theoretical

point

of

view,

also

with

respect

to

transmutation.21

Finally,

the

author

of

the

Tractatus also stresses the

contiguous

nature

of

religion

and the

opus.

He finds it both in the aforementioned

charitable acts

which

are

required

from the alchemist

(the

alchemical

remedy,

a

free

and

divine

gift,

should translate into

free

gifts

to

the

poor),

and

also in his

references

to

the

Scriptures.

Thus

the

brief

praise

of

the

preparation

and

incorruptible

nature of

the

lapis

is

expressed

in

terms of the

phases

of

the

Passion and

Resurrection of

Christ,

as

dato

opera

de

Iddio alla nostra salute.

(I

have

transcribed

part

of the texts of

Antonio

in

C.

Crisciani,

Fatichee

promesse

alchemiche,

in

S.

Borutti, ed.,

Me-

moria

scrittura

ellafilosofia, orthcoming).

This

theme

is

particularlyemphasized

in

the

alchemical

text attributed

to Giovanni Mercurio da

Correggio,

De

Quercu

Julii

Pontificis

sive

de

lapide philosophico

(London,

British

Museum,

ms

Harley

4081,

ff.

lr-40r),

e.g.

f.2v:

Ad turcorum

mahomethanorumque

ac

paganorum

omnium

exercitus

atque potentias

sine armatura

et

absque

ulla multorum

militia

ilico

constringendum, fugandum

exterminandumque,

and

f.31r:

Et

vinces

tu

quoque

paganorum

atque

turcorum omnium

turbas: non in virtute

corporis

nec in

armatura

potentiae.

Already

Guilelmus Sedacer

in his

Summa

ed.

P.

Barth61emy,

in

progress)

complains

that

alchemy

is

in

the

hands

of the infidels: this

knowl-

edge

must

be

retrieved,

so

that,

with

it,

Christians

(prologue

to

the

second

book):

[...]

illam terram sanctam

que

longissimis

temporibus

ab infidelibus et

nephandis nacionibus fuit atrociter conculcata et hodiernis temporibus heretice

pretractur,

valeant hostiliter et

viriliter

acquirere

et

possidere

(I

thank

P.

Barth61emy

or this

reference).

20

Cf.

C. Crisciani and

M.

Pereira,

BlackDeath and Golden Remedies: Some

Remarkson

Alchemy

and the

Plague ,

n

A. Paravicini

Bagliani

and F.

Santi,

eds.,

The

Regulation

ofEvil.

Social and Cultural Attitudes

to

Epidemics

in the

Late

Middle

Ages

(Turnhout,

1998),

7-39;

C.Crisciani,

Oro

potabile

tra

alchimia e

medicina:

due

testi in

tempo

di

peste ,

in

Rendiconti

Accademia Nazionale delle Scienze detta

dei

XL,

XXI,II,2 (1997),

83-93.

21

Tractatus,

ff.

5v,

6rv.


8/16

THE CASE OF

LUDOVICO

LAZZARELLI

151

John

Dastin

had

already

done

in his

Visio,

'Arnold'

in

the

Exempla,

and,

in

particular,

Bonus

himself.22

In the text at

hand,

the refer-

ence

to

the

topic

of

lapis/Christ

is

very

brief and hence not

com-

parable

with the extensive treatment of it in the other texts I

have

mentioned.

However,

the few remarks

we find are

sufficient to es-

tablish

a

definite connection between

lapis/Christ

and the

defeat

of

the

enemies

of

the

faith and

thereby

to imbue

these

practical

instructions with an

eschatological tinge.

The Tractatus can

thus

in-

clude

expectations

of

reformatio

and

religious

unification,

topics

which Lazzarelli

also

develops

in his

Crater,

although

he

obviously

bases them philosophically on a thorough knowledge and an

elaborate use of the

Corpus

Hermeticum and of the

Cabala while

inserting

them into the irenic

hopes

for

peace

and

concord

typi-

cal of certain

groups

of Italian

humanists.23

The Vademecum ollection

is

thus

homogeneous

and

well-organ-

ized. It includes some

technical texts and others that

are more

theoretical. The Tractatus

is

anything

but

trivial.

Considering

the

work as a

whole,

we have

here a

very

interesting

collection,

which

is at

the same time

quite

traditional.

It

contains certain

aspects

and

topics

that

are,

generally

speaking,

in

harmony

with

Lazzarelli's

philosophical perspectives,

but is

does

not

appear

to be

even

slightly

influenced

by

the

radically

new ideas Lazzarelli

sets out in

his

prologue,

which

provides

a framework and

introduction to

these texts.

3.

The

prologue opens

with

three

quotations

from

the

Tabula

smaragdina,

the Secretum

ecretorum,

and

Picatrix.24

At

the

beginning

of

the

text,

the

name

of

Hermes,

the

father

of

Theologians,

Magi-

cians and

Alchemists

is

solemnly

evoked.25

He

had

revealed

'uno

22

Ibid.,

f.8r.;

see

Bonus, Pretiosa,

29-30;Johannis

Daustenii Visio,

ed. in

Manget,

2:

324B-326;

ps.

Arnaud de

Villeneuve,

Tractatus

parabolicus,

ed. A.

Calvet

(Texte

et

traduction),

in

Chrysopoeia,

V

(1992-96),

145-171.

23

Cf.

especially

Garin,

Ermetismo;

Bacchelli,

Giovanni

Pico.

24

Lazzarelli

considers Picatrix the

author

of

the Clavis

sapientiae,

which

is usu-

ally attributed to Artefius. It is

impossible

to deal in this

essay

with the

complex

problem

of these

attributions;

suffice it to remember

that

Lazzarelli

may

have

known

both texts

(Picatrix

and

Clavis);

both texts

speak

of

the three

coniunctiones

that

Lazzarelli

uses;

both

have been considered

magical

texts;

whichever

of the

two texts he

uses,

Lazzarelli follows it

only loosely,

for

he does not

quote

either

of

them

faithfully

but elaborates to

a

high degree.

Probably

(even

if

this

question

deserves

a

more

in-depth

treatment)

Lazzarelli

is here

found to

carry

out one of

his habitual textual

interlacements.

25

See

Brini, Testi ,

75-76;

cf. Thomas Norton: Rex

Hermes

quoque

idem

fecit,/

Qui

fuit vir

eruditione

celeberrimus:/

In

quadripartitis

suis

Astrologiae/


9/16

152

CHIARA CRISCIANI

verborum contextu' the

secrets of

theology, magic,

and

alchemy

to his

children

in

the

first

aphorism

of the

Tabula,26

where he

pro-

nounces the

unitary,

circular structure of

reality.

In

the

Secretum,

Lazzarelli

adds,

'Aristotle'

repeats

this

pronouncement

as if

it

were

the

product

of

the

prophecy

of

'pater

noster

Hermogenes.'

How-

ever,

he

continues,

these

secreta

(expressed

in

a

single

sentence

which

is

fundamental

for

alchemists,

magicians,

and

theologians)

are

those

tria

arcana that

Picatrix

defines 'coniunctio

corporis

in

corpore,'

'coniunctio

spiritus

in

corpore,'

and 'coniunctio

spiritus

in

spirito.'27

Note that

the one-three structure is much stressed and

surely intentional: one Pater legitimates three functions; one

contextus f

words

provides

a foundation for

three

sciences;

three

texts are

embraced in a

single

tradition and

by

a

single

basic sen-

tence;

a

single

circular

process

of

coniunctio

(expressed

in

the

Tabula)

arranges

itself

in three more

specified

forms

of

coniunc-

tionesbetween

high

and low.

And

indeed,

following

once

more the

one-three

rhythm

(but

no

longer

the schema

proposed

by

Picatrix

or

in

the Clavis

sapientiae),

Lazzarelli

specifies

that these three

coniunctiones,

which

correspond

to

the

tria

arcana and the

three

sciences,

are

actually

three

modes,

three declinations

of

one

sin-

gle

field,

namely

magic.28

These

three modes are

magia

naturalis,

practiced by

alchemists

in

making

the 'coniunctio carnis

celestis

sive

quintae

essentiae

cum

corpore

terrae

virgineae

et

purificatae'

(the

result of which

is

the

lapis

29);

magia

coelestis,

the coniunctio of

the

spirit

of the

planets

with suitable

corporeal

images

that

pro-

duces

mirabilias3;

and

finally, magia

sacerdotaliset

divina,

which oc-

curs when

the

spirit

of God unites with the

spirit

of

man. All of

Scripture speaks

parabolice

f

this

last kind of

magic,

and

Christ

in

the

Gospels

is

the

principal

master of

it.

Artis medicae

et

huius

Alchymiae,/Nec

non

magiae

naturalis,/Veluti

quattuor

scientiis

in natura

existentibus

[...]

(Crede

mihi

seu

Ordinale,

ed.

Manget,

2:

290).

26

Cf.

Brini,

Testi ,

75:

Quod

est

superius

est sicut

quod

est inferius

et

quod

est inferius est sicut quod est superius ad perpetranda miracula rei unius.

27

See D.

Pingree,

ed.,

Picatrix.

The

Latin

version

of

the

Ghayat

Al-Hakim

(Lon-

don,

1986),

5,

and

Artefii

Liber

qui

Clavis

Maioris

Sapientiae

dicitur

(ed.

Manget,

1),

503A.

I

Brini,

Testi ,

75-76.

29

Note

that one

text of

the

ps.-Lullian

Corpus

(the

Compendium

artis alchimiae)

appears

also

under

the

alternative title

Ars

magica

naturalis;

cf.

Pereira,

The Al-

chemical

Corpus,

69.

30

Lazzarelli does not

intend to deal

with this

because

it is abhorred

by

the

holy

Fathers

(Brini,

Testi ,

76).


10/16

THE

CASE OF LUDOVICO

LAZZARELLI

153

Though

this

prologue really

requires

an extensive

comment,

I

must

confine

myself

here to

a

few considerations.

First and

fore-

most,

I

would like to

point

out

that Lazzarelli chooses not to

refer

specifically

to

the

Corpus

Hermeticum

(which

was

very

well known

to

him),

but instead to

Hermes

and

to a wider and more

compos-

ite Hermetic

tradition,

which

also includes

Alexander,

an

'Aristo-

tle',

Picatrix and

perhaps

the Clavis

sapientie.

In

the second

place,

I

would like

to stress

the

importance

given

to

the Tabula. In

Lazzarelli's

eyes,

this text has

undoubtedly

a technical and

practi-

cal

content,

but at the same time also a

highly

philosophical

rel-

evance. It is a fundamental text with a manifold meaning. 3 Finally,

he

stresses the

affinity

and mutual

permeability,

as

it

were,

that

link the

Christian

religion

with Hermeticism

(the

pivotal

subject

of

the

Crater),

in this

case

by

connecting

Hermes'

Tabula

(the

root)

via a series of

steps

with the

Gospels

(texts

whose most

di-

vine

magic

had

already

been

expressed).

This

prologue

therefore

offers

possible

insights

into the

relationship

between the two

types

of

acquisition

of

perfection,

namely

religious

and

alchemical,

which

could be seen

as

interchangeable

due to the

'single

sen-

tence'

by

which

they

are revealed and established.32

Before

examining

this

possible

opening,

let us

consider

what is

said here

regarding alchemy

as such. The

description

of the

alche-

mists'

magic

(connecting heavenly

flesh or the fifth essence with

the

body

of

virginal

earth)

is

very

general

and

certainly

does

not

describe

specific operations.

It

is

general,

but

in

agreement

with

the indications contained

in

the Tabula

regarding

the

relationship

of mutual

inclusion and circulation between

high

and

low,

heaven

and earth.

Moreover,

although

it

is

general,

it

expresses

a

line of

31

The

polysemic

radicality

of

the Tabula

is

also

emphasized

in the

De

lapide

philosophico

t de auro

potabili

ad summum

pontificem

by

Guglielmo

Fabri de

Die

(mid-fifteenth

century;

Bologna,

Biblioteca

Universitaria,

ms lat. 104

(138),

ff.

245r-253v),

especially

in

the

last

section:

cf.

C.

Crisciani,

From

the

Laboratory

to

the

Library:

Alchemy

according

to

Guglielmo

Fabri ,

in A.

Grafton and

N.

Siraisi,

eds., Natural Particulars:Nature and theDisciplines n RenaissanceEurope(Cam-

bridge,

Mass.,

forthcoming).

Note that references

to

the

Tabula also

appear

in

the

Epistola

Enoch,

Lazzarelli's

description

of the Hermetic

appearance

of

Giovanni

Mercurio

da

Correggio

(Brini,

Testi ,

38,44).

Here,

Lazzarelli

describes

other

experiences

of

transformation,

and in

particular,

his

own

regeneration.

Bonus had

already

closely

linked alchemical doctrines and

operations

with

Christian

truths,

through

textual

comparison, suggesting

that

the

respective

writ-

ings

are

reciprocally

metaphorical

(Pretiosa, 29-30):

see

B.

Obrist,

Les

rapports

d'analogie

entre

philosophie

et

alchimie

medievales ,

in

J-C.

Margolin

and

S.

Matton, eds.,

Alchimie et

philosophie

a'

la Renaissance

(Paris,

1993),

esp.

56-58.


11/16

154

CHIARA

CRISCIANI

doctrine that

undoubtedly

has

Baconian and Lullian

overtones.

In

this

connection,

we

may

refer back to the

'heavenly

corporeal

sub-

stance'

and

'non-heavenly

corporeal

substance' of

Roger

Bacon;

to

the

simple virginal

element at the center of the elementarized

earth of the

Testamentum;

and

to the

correspondence

between

the

first matter and

the

fifth essence

which is

suggested

in

various

ways

by

both authors.33

However,

leaving

aside these

connections

with

alchemical

texts,

I

propose

to

compare

this

passage

on

alchemy

in the Vademecum

with the most

enigmatic

and controversial

passage

in the

Crater,

which concerns the creation of 'new men.'34 This creation is a

divinum

opus,

and

King

Ferdinand

asks

Lazzarelli,

though

without

obtaining

a

reply,

quo

ordine

quave operatione

tantum

opus

perficitur.

These words

have

overtones that

are

operative

and

also

specifically

alchemical.

Moreover,

as

far

as

the

process

of creation

is

concerned,

Lazzarelli uses

Eleazar

of Worms'

commentary

on

the

Sefer

Yezir&a,

here this

subject

is

treated

as a

recipe

for

making

a

Golem,

instructions that are

interpreted

allegorically by

Lazzarelli.

In

any

case,

the

new man must

be created out of 'terra

rubra et

virginea,'

suitably

laid

out and

vivified.

In

this

respect,

I

agree

with

Garin and

Bacchelli35

in

seeing

this not

as an

allegory

of

the

relationship

between master and

disciple,

but as

a

magic

and cabalistic

operation,

which

does

not

give

rise to

a

metaphori-

cal kind

of

generation

of

entities,

but

to a

real,

concrete

genera-

tion,

even

if it

is

not

corporeal.

These concrete entities are

Angeli

vite

soci ,

doubles

projected

by

one's own

soul,

personifications

of

the

'complete

Nature'

(a

significant concept

in

Picatrix),

and fac-

ulties

that have turned into

persons. They help

man,

teach

him

how to

keep

the

soul-body compound

sound and

healthy,

and

send him

prophetic

dreams

and

sapiential

teachings.

This crea-

tion,

which

is

admittedly

practical,

has concrete

results,

and is

S

For these themes see

Pereira, L'oro,

esp.

62-65, 184-85, 191;

see also

her

paper in the present volume. Obviously this generic indication could also be re-

ferred

to more

precise

directions contained

in the texts of

the

Vademecum

see

here,

note

36).

3

Cf.

Ludovici Lazarelli

Septempedanipoetae

christiani

ad

divum Ferdinandum Ar.

Siciliae

regem

de summa hominis

dignitate dialogus qui

inscribitur via Christi et Crater

Hermetis,

d.

in

Moreschini,

Dall'

'Asclepio,

9.1, 259-261;

for the

interpretations

of this 'creation'

cf.

Walker,

Spiritual,

68-72; Garin,

Ermetismo, 9-62;

Bacchelli,

Giovanni

Pico,

75-82.

'5

Bacchelli, 70-75;

83-84

highlights

similar

topics

proposed

by

Giovanni

Alamanno and

Pierleone

da

Spoleto

during

the

same

years.


12/16

THE CASE OF LUDOVICO LAZZARELLI 155

based

on

passages

from the

Corpus

Hermeticum,

cabalistic

texts

and

Picatrix,

is

definitely

not an

alchemical

opus.

However,

I

would like

to

point

out the

contiguity,

at

least as far as the terms and

espe-

cially

the

images

are

concerned,

between the 'terra rubra

virginea'

of the Craterand

the

'corpus

terrae

virgineae

et

purificatae'

men-

tioned in

the

prologue

to the

Vademecum.

There

exists also a

con-

sonance

of

both these

passages

with the

chapter

on vivification

of

the

lapis

in De

investigatione

lapidis

by

pseudo-Lull

(which

is in-

cluded

in

the

collection36),

where alchemists are

taught

to

prepare

a

purified,

white earth

in which

the

operator

should 'animam

seminare' by means of a 'germen spirituale.'

To

sum

up:

Although

we cannot

go

further than this

on the

basis of such faint consonances and

generic

assonances,

we

may

at

least make the

following

assertions:

A)

In

the

Vademecum,

divine

magic

and natural

magic/alchemy

are

definitely

connected be-

cause both are rooted in the first

aphorism

of the Tabula.

B)

In

the

Crater,

especially

if

compared

with the whole

Vademecum,37

e

can

at least

recognize

in the

creation of 'new men'

terms and

im-

ages present

in

alchemical texts

known

to

Lazzarelli.

C)

Lazzarelli's

alchemical

interests

and

readings

are

thus not the

re-

sult of

occasional

curiosity,

but act as

ingredients,

albeit

less

im-

portant

than

his cabalistic

interests,

but nonetheless

specific,

which

are

operative

in the construction of his

highly syncretistic

reper-

toire of

texts,

terms

and,

above

all,

images.

It

is

a

repertoire

that

he

uses

(in

an

often

tightly

interwoven

way)

to elaborate

both his

conception

of Hermetic

magic

in

the

Vademecum,

and

also his

magic-Hermetic

philosophy

and

theology

in the

Crater.

4.

The

problem

of

the

relationship

between the

prologue

and

the texts

of

the Vademecum

and,

more

generally,

of

the

possible

convergence

between alchemical

magic,

sacerdotal

and divine

magic

and also between

religious

perfection

and

alchemical

per-

fection,

which

(as

has been

said)

the

prologue appears

to

consider

interchangeable,

remains

open. 3

Why

do

the new ideas in

the pro-

logue not influence the texts in the collection, either in style or in

content?

Why

does

Lazzarelli

not

fully

develop

the

complemen-

36

Vademecum,

f.

12rv.

3'

This

reading

is at least

possible,

because the

dates

of

the two works

are

close,

as

they

were both written between

1492 and 1495

(the

precise

date is un-

certain).

38

Cf.

above,

pp.

152-153.


13/16

156

CHIARA CRISCIANI

tarity

and

circularity

of

high

and low

pronounced

in

the

aphorism

of the Tabula?

Why

does he not therefore

affirm

that

the

highest

theological magic

(in

the Vademecum nd

in

the

Crater)

s

'alchemy'

(in

other

words,

a concrete transformation of

the

soul-mind),

and

that

alchemy

is the

'theology'

of bodies

(and

in this

case,

really

'what is

above is like what is below' and vice

versa)?

Yet,

in

addition

to what Lazzarelli

sets

out

in the

prologue,

the

alchemical texts

that

he

knew,

notably

'Lull' and

Bonus,

could also allow this inter-

pretation,

even

though

with

some effort. As

I

see

it,

there are two

reasons

why

this

is not the result: one is internal to

Lazzarelli's

philosophical approach; the other is connected with cultural trans-

formations

occurring

around the middle of the

Quattrocento

and

involving

alchemy

no

less

than

the overall

reassessment

of

disci-

plines

and the status of the

practices

of transformation.

The first

point

regards

a

tension not

fully

resolved

in

the

pro-

logue

between a hierarchical and a circular

conception.39

It is true

that,

in the

prologue,

the

concepts

of

circularity

and

interpenetra-

tion

of

'heaven' and 'earth'

are often

repeated;

it

is also true that

each

of the three

types

of

magic proposes

it

in

its own

way,

and

each of them carries out the same

process

of unification of

high

and low and the creative and

wonderful transformations

deriving

from

it.

The three

types

of

'magic'

are thus

structurally homoge-

neous and

corresponding.

However,

it is

also

true

that the three

types

of

magic

belong

to a

hierarchy

of

levels

starting

out from

alchemy

and

ending

in

divine

and

sacerdotalis

magic,

a

hierarchy

in

which

the

interpenetration

of

high

and low is

increasingly

more

refined.

But it

is

precisely

this tension between

circularity

and

hierarchy

that can

help

us to understand

the

relationship

between

the

pro-

logue

and

the

subsequent

texts.

Indeed,

if

one

places

alchemy

on

a

specific rung

of the ladder in

the

unitary

sphere

of

magic

as a

whole,

as Lazzarelli

does,

it is not

necessary

to use the

alchemical

project

and its

operations

to

convey

claims and

programs

that can

be better developed at other levels of magic. Consistently, texts

and

doctrines elaborated

by

a

long

tradition

are

collected

in

the

Vademecum

without

any

modification of their content

or

style.

In-

deed,

it was sufficient to

provide,

in the framework of the

pro-

19

This tension can also be noted

in

the initial

dedicatory

verse,

where Lazza-

relli declares

(Brini,

Testi ,

75)

that

Res

una alterius

gradus

est,

and that

Omniaque

esse unum.


14/16

THE CASE OF LUDOVICO

LAZZARELLI

157

logue,

the foundations and

the

overall

meaning

of what the col-

lected texts

contained.

This

prologue

in fact aimed at

dignifying

natural

magic/alchemy

by setting

it within the

unifying

framework

of

general

magic.

It seems

to

me

that

the

same

special

relationship

between frame-

work

and content

can also

clarify

the

more

general

link

between

Hermeticism

and

alchemy

in

the

Quattrocento.40

We

may

once

more start from the

vantage point

offered

by

the case of

Lazzarelli.

His

Hermetic

approach

to

alchemical

texts

(which

surely

Lazzarelli

had

chosen because

they

were consonant with

his

Hermetic inter-

ests for religiously qualified operative transformations) does not

involve

a

development

of

the

hints

offered

by

those

texts,

or a

treatment

of

them in a

more

explicitly

Hermetic

religious

sense.

For

example,

Lazzarelli does not turn

practical

instructions into

spiritual processes,

nor

does he

accentuate the

allegorical

and

initiatory language

of some

alchemical works he knew.

Therefore,

Lazzarelli's

Hermetic

approach

does not

imply

a

reformulation of

alchemical

terminology,

theories

or

operations.

Rather,

his

intention seems to subsume

completely

traditional

doctrines

in

the framework of

a

high

Hermetic and

philosophical

evaluation of

alchemy

as

a whole. In

this

way,

he carries out a

dignification

of

these doctrines from

without,

leaving

their

content

unchanged.

In other

words,

this means that what in the

Quattrocento

was a

philosophically

consistent,

fully

restored

and

culturally

enhanced

Corpus

(the

Corpus

Hermeticum)

did

not seem

to

be

embodied

in a

necessary

or

favored

way

in

the

alchemical

perspectives

of

the filii

Hermetis ,

who

instead,

since the twelfth

century,

had

actually

embodied the

instances of

transformation

which

the

Hermetic

philosophy

had

entailed

since its

origin.41

Clearly,

the Hermetic framework of

the

Corpus

Hermeticum was

philosophically

more

important

than the

particular, specific

disci-

plines

it

dealt with.

A

similar

interpretation

can also be

applied

to the

relationship

between magic and alchemy, which are now connected in rela-

tively

new

ways.

This

is

particularly

noticeable in

Lazzarelli's

pro-

logue,

but is also

present

in

other coeval

texts.42

In

my

opinion,

a

40

See,

in

general,

S.

Matton,

L'influence de

l'humanisme

sur la

tradition

alchimique,

in

Micrologus

3

(1995),

279-345,

and

the

essays

collected in

Alchimie

et

philosophie

a

la

Renaissance.

4a

See

Crisciani and

Pereira,

Alchimia

nella

transizione ,

sections 5-6.

42

Cf.,

e.g.,

Guglielmo

Fabri,

De

auro

potabile

et de

lapide

philosophorum;

Giovanni


15/16

158

CHIARACRISCIANI

radical

rearrangement

of the sciences

and

practices

of

transforma-

tion is

taking

place

here,

a

rearrangement

which involves

texts,

philosophical

commitments,

programs

for

renovatio,

definitions of

science and

knowledge, styles

of

thinking.

This

rearrangement

entails not the dilation

of the alchemical

project,

but instead its

narrowing

and its

inclusion as a

part-in

fact not

even

its most

important part-of

the overall

project

of

magic,

which

now

ap-

pears

as a

philosophically

structured

and

all-pervasive

perspective.

Obviously,

this

rearrangement

does not exclude

alchemy,

but

attributes to it a different

(and

perhaps

less

important)

role than

the one it had played in medieval culture from the twelfth to the

fourteenth centuries.

Indeed,

during

that

period,

the alchemists'

texts,

theories and laboratories

had

perhaps

been the most

appro-

priate

places

for

proposing

transformations

and vivifications of

matter.

In the

Quattrocento

(and

after

Ficino),

not the alchemi-

cal

laboratory,

but the whole

cosmos was to

be considered

the

place

of

transformation,

animated

by

a

vivifying spirit

and

per-

vaded

by

influences that could

be

governed according

to the

rules

of the

Natura

maga

43

and

by

the

spiritual power

of

the

sage.

The

sage

could choose various

paths

and different

operations

(the

ef-

ficacy

of

music,

the

force of

images

and

talismans,

the

power

of

words)

both to

perfect

himself and to achieve wonderful transfor-

mations in nature. It is no coincidence that Ficino and Pico-to

give

two

examples

whose connection

with Lazzarelli

is

docu-

mented-paid

little,

occasional,

or no attention

to

alchemy

as

such.

They obviously

had no need to

link

their theories

of

trans-

formation to

alchemical

practices.

But

precisely

because

Lazzarelli

was

highly

interested

in

alchemy,

he

inaugurated

and

rendered

explicit

this

kind of

inclusion

of

alchemy

in

the vast

theoretical

and

practical

fields

of

the new

magic.

At

the same

time,

he con-

fined

alchemy

to a lower

level

of

magic, namely

to the one that

actually

involved a reduction

of

the

philosophical

and

operative

vitality

and richness

of

the

alchemical trends of the

late Middle

Ages.

Mercurio da

Correggio,

De

QuercuJulii

ontificis

ive de

lapidephilosophico;

ntonio

dell'Abazia,

Revelatione....

The connection between

magic

and

alchemy

in

the

Middle

Ages

is

quite

rare and

is

mainly

expressed

in

criticism

expressed

by

non-

alchemists: in

any

case,

it takes

quite

different

forms

(see

the

positions

of Albert

the Great

and

Roger

Bacon).

11

See

A.

Tarabochia

Canavero,

Tra

ermetismo e

neoplatonismo:

l'immagine

della

'Natura

maga'

in Marsilio

Ficino ,

in

Neoplatonisme

t

philosophie

mediivale:

Actes

Colloque

nt.

SIEPM

Turnhout,

1997),

273-290.


16/16

THE

CASE

OF LUDOVICO

LAZZARELLI

159

The

definite decline

in

theoretical commitments and

the

start

of

a

syncretistic

popularization

which one

may

observe in the al-

chemical texts

of

the

Quattrocento,

are

perhaps

also

due to these

profound changes

in

the

philosophical

culture

of

that

century.

With

the

progression

of

time,

we

may

observe the conversion of

alchemy

into

a

relatively

static esoteric tradition which

was acti-

vated

metaphorically

for

religious

and

erudite

aims,

and

also the

fragmentation

of its remains and their

redistribution

into

diffe-

rent

fields,

notably

into a new

metallurgy,

a

new

pharmacology,

and into

the

'science

of

secrets,'

the

new reservoir

of

operative

knowledge, of recipes, promises, and arcana.

SUMMARY

This

paper

examines the

alchemical

interests of

Ludovico

Lazzarelli

(1450-1500)

and of some

alchemical

texts

connected with his

name,

analyzing

them within the context of

Lazzarelli's

Hermetic

philosophical

position.

Beginning

with an

analysis

of

the

specific

relationship

between

alchemy

and

Hermeticism

expressed by

Lazzarelli,

his

paper

proposes

for

discussion

some

general

hypotheses

on

the link

between

alchemy

and

Hermeticism and between

alchemy

and

magic

in

the

Quattrocento.

44

Cf.

W.

Eamon,

Science nd the Secrets

of

Nature

(Princeton, 1994)

and his

pa-

per

in the

present

volume.

Documents

Hermeticism and Alchemy. The Case of Ludovico Lazzarelli.pdf