MANKIND OFFICIAL JOURNAL OF THE

ANTHROPOLOGICAL SOCIETIES OF AUSTRALIA

ORIGINAL ARTICLES :

Guinea : Social Anthropology. Lawrence. ion: Help or Hindrance to Economic Development in Papua and New Guinea?*

eter Lawrence, M . A . , Ph.D., Department of Anthropology. University of Sydney.

During the last decade the native development programme inaugurated in Papua and New Guinea after the last war has begun to be a reality. We can see it now as the prelude toythe future state of independence that the Territory has been promised. Broadly speaking, development has taken the following forms : in the economic field, the growing and market- ipg of cash crops, and the promotion of Co-operative Societies and local industries ; in the @ . 'tical field, native representation on the Legislative Council in Port Moresby, and the

tive Local Government Council Scheme in the villages ; and in the educational field, a Mdqpread system of primary and secondary education, which should soon be extended to i& tertiary stage.

To conform with the general theme of this Conference-r at least this part of it-I in this paper, to consider one aspect of economic development-the problem: To extent do religion-both the traditional religion and native interpretations of anity-and especially its underlying assumptions act as an impetus or an obstacle

the moment, apart from Belshaw's (1954, 1955, and 1957) accounts of Hanuabada tern Melanesia, and.Salisbury's and the Epsteins' as yet unpublished research among ai of New Britain, little anthropological work has been done on modern economic . An economist, Mr. Fisk, is of course contributing a paper on this subject to the

Conference. What I have to say, therefore, is bound to be impressionistic: it does not represent one of my own special field work problems. It is based on my own limited @Sewations in the one area I know well, the southern Madang District, although I shall -bdicate that the material discussed may be of some importance for other parts of the Territory as well. I shall present the material as follows: First, I shall list the causes

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e sort of development we are trying to implement ?

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'This paper was read to Section F of the A.N.Z.X.A.S . Conference held at Sydney University in &u@JSt. 1962.

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usually held responsible for anomalies and failures in ccoriomic development in Papua and New Guinea, and then say why I believe that religious belief should be taken into considera- tion. Second, I shall outline the place and function of traditional religion in the native way of life of the area I know. Third, I shall suggest that the impact of European contact on native life, however great, has resulted in relatively few fundamental changes-especially in the realm of religious-intellectual assumptions. Fourth, I shall quote the evidence at my disposal showing that these unchanged rdigious-intellectual assumptions have influenced native attitudes to recent development in general, and consider to what extent they are likely to help or hinder economic development in particular.

Before I discuss the causes of economic stagnation, however, 1 should make one thiiig clear. I am not suggesting that all economic development in the Territory has gone wrong. There have been notable successes, as in New Britain, where there have emerged both individuals and groups of people who have competently exploited the opportunities offered them. My focus is on areas where development has been sluggish. The southern Madang District is a typical example. Until 1950, the natives of this area were notorious for their cargo cult activity and one would naturally have expected that they would have seized on any rational alternative likely to provide them with the Western goods they wanted. Yet this has not been the case. With the exception of the Amele Rice Scheme and its tributary at Yar (inland across the Gogol), the general pattern seems to have been m e of initial interest in, and enthusiasm for, the Administration’s programme followed closely by apathy or oddity. These were my own strong impressions when I was last in the area in January 1958. They were confirmed by the comments of Administration staff, who were seriously worried by the problem.

Apart from external economic factors, the obvious reasons for the situation we should automatically list as these : administrative bungling ; bad planning ; poor propaganda ; and the natives’ inability*to reorganise their society so as to cope with the changes being introduced. As an example of administrative bungling, there was the case of the motor road, now reaching from Madang to the Gogol, but originally planned to go inlarid through the Bagasin Area across the Raniu to Goroka. Work began in 1952. In the Bagasin and Ramu areas, with virtually no administrative supervision, using their own tools, and receiving no pay, the people gave their labour for one and a half days a week until the project was recognised to be useless and was abandoned. Nothing could have been better calculated to kill native faith in the promises of a better future. As an example of bad planning and propaganda, there was the case of the Agricultural Department, which between 1949-53 arranged for Patrol Officers to distribute rice seed to the peoples of the hinterland. Too little seed was distributed for a worthwhile venture and none of the Patrol Officers at the time knew anything about dry rice cultivation. Moreover, when the natives harvested their pitifully meagre crops, no proper arrangements had been made for milling and marketing. At one stage, the Agricultural Department countermanded its previous orders to bring the crops in because they were too small to be sold a t a profit. Once again a great deal of the people’s time and effort had been wasted. As for difficulties of native adjustment, the people are faced with the same dilemma described by Hogbin (195S, 18cj-y) for the Lae region : they are urged by the Administration to invest in development whatever money they earn so a’s to rise above the

But I am not concerned with individuals and groups such as these.

All these factors have been present to a greater or lesser extent.

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,evel of subsistciice but are forced t o .;pei"d it a t the trade stores so as to satisfy the demands ,f kinship.

No-one-lea.;t of all mysd--would deny the validity of t hese reasons for economic ;tagnation. Eu t there is, I believe, a further contributory factor, the influence of traditional 4dous-intellectual assumptions, yhich to date has not been given the attention it merits, m e l y because of the emphasis on rationalist positivism in anthropological research. The %treme positivist view is that beliefs-intellectual assumptions of any kind-being at best

verbal statements, cannot be scientifically assessed and expressed as cold objective bets. They have no sociological validity and, therefore, cannot be attributed any force t,f their own for influencing economic or any other type of behaviour in a changing situation.

have no time to try to refute this case in detail and shall content myself by stating that I reject it. My own view is closer to that of Weber and Parsons (Parsons : 1958) : that , although specific types of behaviour arise primarily in certain socio-economic conditions, they ultimately mgender values and intellectual assumptions which, once established, have a force of their ,pq--even if only a contributory force-to determine human events. Admittedly, as conditions change again, so eventually there will be a further change in intellectual assumptions. But there must always be an intermediate period (luring which the old assumptions influence reactions to changed conditions. The classic example is,, of course, Weber's Protestant 6 t h ~ . Specific types of mercantile behaviour grew up in Europe and necessitated changes in the assumptions of hitherto orthodox Christianity, with which they conflicted. The pw intellectual assumptions that emerged helped determine the activities of Protestant businessmen for a considerable period. 1.n short, although economic and other pragmatic considerations may be the chief mainspring of human action, intellectual assumptions help tg channel it and thereby have a considerable productive or destructive potential.

To examine this kind of problem in modern Papua and New Guinea, it is not enough 've a bald description of traditional religious belief and ritual on their own. We must

sciously view them as an aspect of what I call the total conceived cosmic order. The ple of the southern Madang District saw their cosmic order as consisting of three parts : physical environment ; human secular society ; and the religious system. I shall pay fleeting attention to the first two par ts : they added up to what we normally mean native society in the Territory-a human aggregate in a given territorial area, bound her in a network of relationships based on kinship, marriage, descent, locality, and

eligion-to which I pay far greater attention-was, in native eyes, the third part of cosmic order in far more than a symbolic or mystical sense. It represented a real and ctive, if not always visible, extension of the natural physical order to which I have rred. There was no concept of a vague supernatural : a realm of existence apart from,

@d on a higher plane than, the ordinary world in which people lived. Gods and spirits Of the dead (the ancestors) were assumed to live on the earth near human settlements in p c i a l sanctuaries-trees, cliff faces,j river pools, and so forth. They were more powerful @an living men and women, of course, but they were conceived as either always fully corporeal 6' as taking human corporeal form a t will. They were believed to have everyday dealings @th men, appearing to them in dreams and even, in the mythology, joining with them in geir activities. We may describe them conveniently as extra-human beings within the h&r cosmic order-almost as an extension of the social system.

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No native ever questioned that these extra-human beings were of vital importance to the functioning of the ordinary environment, especially in the realm of economics. They were said to have created the total environment for man and to continue to watch over it for his benefit. Each of the gods had invented a separate aspect of the culture : the various artefacts, food plants, and so forth. Thus to ensure the efficient running of the cosmic order, men had to maintain correct relationships with gods and spirits by means of ritual so that they would lend their aid in important undertakings, such as food production. There was rarely any risk that the ritual would be seen as futile, for the undertakings involved were normally successful. The ritual always operated within a framework which demonstrated its validity. Where crops properly bespelled almost always matured and artefacts properly bespelled almost always worked, obviously ritual was effective. Failures, being so few, could be attributed to the incompetence of the ritual operators. On the basis of this, we must redefine two of our own everyday concepts in native terms. The first is knowledge. In contrast to our own ideas, this was not information amassed by human secular intellectual endeavour and experiment but information almost exclusively revealed to man by the deities. The second concept is work. Again in contrast to our own ideas, important work was always a compound of both secular and ritual techniques. No form of production could be complete or successful unless each played its proper part. As McAuley has put it recently, religion was " above all a technology ". I should emphasise here that neither of these concepts implied mysticism. Native thinking was always pragmatic. Because the gods lived on the earth with men and were virtually of the same order of being, their actions in revealing knowledge and helping human beings in important work in response to ritual were in no sense uncanny or illusory. They were accepted as being as fully real and ordinary as the activities of men themselves.

I t is popularly assumed that the coming of the white man h q shattered the .traditional native cosmic order, both' as it actually was and as it was conceived to be : that it has created an entirely new economic, socio-political, and intellectual order ; and that all that remains of the past is a mere remnant. In a few cases, this may well be true but for a large part of the Territory-certainly the southern Madang District-it is a gross exaggeration. The impact of the West on the native world has been considerable but it has not been shattering. Changes there have been but they have not been more than superficial. They may have given a new cast to some of the outward forms of native life but they have never really penetrated to the underlying values and intellectual assumptions which, being fully integrated as a coherent system, have proved extremely durable, This can be demonstrated by reviewing briefly what has happened in the economic, socio-political, and religious-intellectual fields.

In the economic field in the southern Madang District, the introduction of steel tools has speeded up but not revolutionised the traditional system, which is still based on sub- sistence. The same jobs remain to be performed by people in the same relationship to each other as before. Certainly before the cash crop era of 1g45-and to a large extent since-the only means of earning ready money was through contract labour or indenture.' This involved learning new skills but these were rarely, if ever, ploughed back into village life, for which they were quite useless. Thus, by and large, no new kinds of full-time occupation were introduced. Except for the few who chose t n spend their whole lives in

The human secular intellect was dismissed as unimportant.

Now, what has been the overall result of European contact ?

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European ernploylnc.Ilt, the inajority of natives a t most lived a few years away from honle and tllen rcturned, richer by .,(mie tratli. ;LSI’S aid finery, to carry out traditional tasks more or I&S in the age-old way.

In the socio-political held, tlic. fundainerital changes have been about as iiisigliitimnt. The main cultural losses h a w bcrn Warfare, cannibalism, and a few other customs which the .Administration has found obnoxious. ’The main additions have been the two new types of leadership introduced by the -4dministration and missions : the village headman and, mar(' recently, the Local Government Councillors, and the evangelists, catechists, and teachers. But otherwise the old social systcvn has continued to function according to its basic forin : hostilities and cleavages are now expressed in football matches and sorcery feuds ; and the ne\r; tvpes of leadership have not disrupted the old patterns of give and take between kinsmen, of agricultural and other work. and o f feast exchanges. Even where severe land loss has occ1lmed, thosc worst affected havc not worked out an entirely new social system based on entirely ne\v relationships. ‘l’hcy may have broken up their unilineal descent grou1)s by leaving their villages. but. by moving in with affines and cognates whose land they have had to borrow, they Iiavc formcLtl kinship groups by no means out of keeping with those of the past. ’

In the intellectual field, a first glancc. might suggest that thc changes were very great indeed. Izveii by 1942. the people of a very large part of the southern Madang District had conie under tlie inlluencc of tlie Lutheran and Roman Catholic missions. Considerable inroads had been made into the pagan religion, which had been replaced-nominally a t least- -by Christianitv. Again, since 1945, tlie Administration has started its own system of primary and .;c.contlary ediication, with schools in all thc main centres and many of the d a g e s .

Yet it is questionable whctlier either the missions or the Administration’s Department of Education have revolutionised the natives’ intellectual system, which is still to a very large extent dominated by religion. By the mass of the people, true knowledge is still conceived as the possession of information divinely revealed rather than discovered by human secular intellectual processes. The secular education provided by both missions and Administration has no counterpart in the native intellectual tradition, to which it can be readily assimilated. For the ordinary villager, who continues to live according to roughly the same socio-economic system as in the past, abstract arithmetical equations, and even reading and writing, have very little everyday practical use. What is taught is soon forgotten, although it is only fair to add that the position may improve when the Administration’s educational programme gathers momentum in the area. At the moment it is too new to have had much impression on the people’s outlook. Western religious knowledge, however- that is, the Bible--can be, and has been, assimilated very easily to the native intellectual tradition, as a new body of divinely revealed truths. Especially during the interwar years, Christianity became what the natives called the rot bilong kako-the road of the cargo- the means of acquiring European weajth. Just as the old gods had invented the old inaterial culture and had revealed the ritual secrets which would perpetuate it for man’s benefit, so the Christian Got1 was believed to have invented European material culture, which he would send the people in ships and aircraft if he were worshipped properly according to the rubric laid down by tht. inissionaries.

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In short, in spite of the imposing superstructure of native clerks, politicians, and teachers working within institutions comparable to those in our own society-a superstruct1lre that has been built up during the last seventeen years-the vast majority of ordinary natives in the southern Madang District still interpret the world they live in according to traditional patterns. The cosmos is still a finite, anthropocentric, physical realm, inhabited by both human and extra-human beings. In order to ensure the smooth working of the cosmic order, men have still to maintain proper relationships with gods and spirits of some sort by means of ritual, which is still seen as part of the technology. Religion still dominates men’s thinking in the economic, socio-political, and intellectual fields. For the economic and intellectual fields, this is abundantly clear in the persistence of the cargo belief to the present time. A very great deal of the natives’ intellectual effort has been expended in the attempt to solve the problem of adjustment to the new economic order by discovering the true identity of the cargo deity and the correct ritual with which to approach him. In the socio-political field, the influence of religious thinking is apparent in the following incident that occurred in 1956. After the introduction of the Native Local Government Council Scheme to the region, many natives were disturbed lest their allegiance to a Council would conflict with their allegiance to a mission. They had to be assured by the missionaries that the missions supported the new scheme : that God had vested authority in the Queen, who had delegated it to the Administration, which in turn was now delegating it to the Councils, As soon as they could see i t as part of the ordered cosmos they understood, the natives (or some of them at least) accepted the scheme more readily.

This brings me to my central problem : If we admit that religion still dominates the thinking of the ordinary villager in the southern Madang District, are we necessarily to regard it as a bad thing ? Can it be a help rather than a hindrance to modern economic development ? One view-one that received strong sympathy in administrative circles immediatly after the last war-has held that religious thinking has represented a certain generative force in native life, and should therefore be respected and harnessed to modern development. The contrary view-to which I subscribe myself-admits that, although this course offers certain short term advantages, it promises to be a Frankenstein’s monster in thc long run. I shall briefly illustrate each view.

On the credit side we may say this: As has long been recognised, in the traditional way of life religion helped organise important undertakings. As I have indicated, it was part of the total concept of work. In agriculture, for instance, the necessity to perform ritual at set stages of a garden’s preparation ensured that the gardeners kept pace with each other in clearing and planting their own plots. The belief that ritual was essential to the growing of good crops gave meaning to the work in hand, and reinforced the authority of the garden leader. This sort of attitude has been taken over for modern economic develop- ment in at least one area of Western Papua. According to the Rev. H. A. Brown, the resident missionary, the leaders of the Toaripi Association of Native Societies have frankly associated Christianity with their economic activities. Meetings open and conclude with prayer, and Church services are held in connection with important events such as the opening of a village store. This mingling of religion and economics was particularly in evidence during the early years when Posu Semesevita, an ex-pastor, was the leader of the Association. He described himself as “ Moses leading his people into the Promised Land.” On being elected the first

Over the last twenty years opinions on the matter have been divided.

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~ p p e r of the Toarapi, the Association’s coastal vessel, it was with some difficulty that the European Co-operative Officers made him realise that in addition to knowledge of the Bible, he had to have a knowledge of Seamanship Manuals.* There seems to be good reason u, far to suppose that Christianity has contributed greatly to the scheme. I t has put i t in a cosmic setting the people can readily understand so that they have supreme confidence in what they are doing. God is seen as the promoter of worldly success. In the same way,

a Native Co-operative Society was started on the Rai Coast in the southern Madang J)&t&t about 1956, the Lutheran Congregational Elders-a set of extremely astute men- tried to have the Society’s store built near the Galek village church so that, as they put it, b, Jesus ikan abosim wok bisnis iknniafi sitrong-so that Jesus could keep an eye on business snd make it a success. When it was insisted that the store be built near the Administra- tion Station so that the Administration could itself exercise a somewhat more practical spewision, the Elders were affronted and did not use their energies to support the Co-operative Society as they might otherwise have done.

On the debit side, however, there are two grave dangers in allowing religion to be mixed up with economic development : In the first place, unless there is an immediate and successful integration between them, religious ideology can become a serious obstacle to the natives’ taking a wholehearted interest in Western economic activity. In the second place, in the event of economic failure, religion can provide too easy an avenue of escape.

To take the first point : There can be no doubt that some natives at least distrust our enthusiastic advice to work hard at planting cash crops in order to get financial rewards, for the reason that they think that we have not taught them the full prncedures involved. As we saw, for them work is a compound of ritual and secular techniques, both having to play their proper parts for complete success. Yet we give them only secular techniques. and they are suspicious that we are defrauding them-that we are fobbing them off with only half of what they should know to keep them quiet. In the Bagasin Area of the southern Madang District, European crops such as corn, tomatoes, pumpkins, and beans, introduced several decades ago, are planted to supplement diet during the annual period of shortage,which occurs in the wet season between November and March, when the old gardens are empty and the new ones are not ready for harvesting. These crops, especially corn, &ow quite well, but there is no attempt to raise them on a scale that would really solve dietary problems at this period. The people explained this to me as due to the Europeans’ fhure to teach them the ritual secrets that would have enabled them to exploit the new crops to full advantage. In fact, when I was learning traditional agricultural ritual, it was hinted that I should reciprocate with some of ours. When I denied that we had such ritual, my hearers were by no means convinced that I was telling the truth. Again, an Agricultural m c e r has reported that in other parts of the Territory natives have shown extreme reluctance to experiment with new crops on the grounds that their own gods and spirits had never known them, and might be angry if they were planted on their land. I t is interesting that this

of thinking can affect even the more sophisticated. A senior Native Affairs Officer has told me of a very intelligent Papuan teacher with a flair for mathematics, who expressed to him his appreciation for the education he had received. Yet, he added reproachfully,

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* I am indebted to the Rev. H. A. Brown of the London Missionary Society not only for this information but &O for examining and revising this passage in the text.

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there was still one 'thing he had not been taught : the magic of numbers-the secret that really made mathematics work.

When I was last in the southern Madang District in 1958, I taxed several natives about their apathy towards the new Administration programme. They 'readily admitted that they had little real interest in it, preferred to sit around smoking or chewing betel nut, and planted the few cash crops they did merely because the Administration had virtually ordered them to do so. They had been prepared to " work " for European goods by means of cargo cult ritual-a fonn of activity they could immediatly understand-but were not prepared to do so in this new way, the logic of which was not apparent. A few even admitted that there was a deeper reason. An occasional feature of the cargo cult, as is well known, is the destruction of gardens, pigs, coconut palms and other property. The reason given for this by the people themselves is that they must impress on the cargo deity and ancestors that they are utterly destitute and in need of immediate relief. By'the same token, these infonnants stated, i t was believed that the Administration's programme of business enterprise might prove an economic disaster. Because the people 'lacked the proper ritual techniques, the financial returns they would get would inevitably be very small. Yet if the cargo deity and ancestors knew that the people had even a small amount of money in the bank, they would not take pity on them and, should the true secret of European wealth ever be discovered, deliver them the bnlk supplies they craved.

To take the second point : Even in cases where religion and economic development have been successfully integrated, as is apparently the case with the Toaripi Association of Native Societies, there are advantages to be gained only when things are going well. But in the event of a slump or recession, there are grave dangers. If religion is used to explain and per- petuate increasing profits, little is lost-especially while profits are increasing. .But, in the same way, religion can be used to explain and escuse economic failure. In that case, thc people will not be prepared to understand their position rationally in terms of fluctuations on the world market-a point stressed by Worsley-but will try to do so in terms of the ill will of God occasioned by their own bad behaviour. They may not then bc prepared to try to iliiprove their fortunes by rational means-such as increased economic efficiency- but ]nay concentrate on irrational procrdures. They may try to rid their souls of sin and improve the rubric of their services in tlie hope that h d will once again turn his face towards them. In this context, Maher (1961 : 122) has reported a pertinent example : he states that after the failure of Tommy Kabu's primarily secular trading movement in the Purari Delta, the voices of cargo cult prophets began to be heard again. Moreover, having retreated from one frustrating and humiliating esperiencc of this kind to tlie safe bosom of religion, the people will be far more difficult to persuade to come out into the open again to face the cold hard world of economic reality.

In conclusion, let me return to tlie point I made at the outset : that the type of religious thinking I have discussed is only one of several factors contributing to economic stagnation ; and that it is itself a by-product of specific conditions. As these conditions change, so i t will change itself and will e\-en disappear. Yet it \+ill disappear far more quickly, if we can devise measures to give the ordinary villager a more realistic understanding of the situation with which he is now faced. In other words, no programme of economic

I found a more positive example of this sort of problem in cargo cult ideology.

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development in the Territory can be sound if it concentrates exclusively 011 urging natives to p w cash crops and pack them off to market. I t must provide a parallel educational pmpamme designed to show them how the world of the white man actually works and howl they must adjust to it by rational secular-intellectual means.

BIBLIOGRAPHY w h a w , C. 5.. 1954. Changing Melanesia (Social Econotnics of Cultrive Cotrfclrl), hlelhouriie, Oxford

University Press. _._------ 1055. I I I Search of Wealth ( A Study of the Emergence o.f Comineriiul Operations in the

kfelnnesaarr Society of .southeastern Papun, American Anthropologist Memoir No. So. - ---- 1957. The Great Village (The Econoniic attd Social Welfare o j Htrittinbada, ail IJrhan

Corumunity in Papua), London. Routledge and Kegan Piul. Hogbin, H. I., 1958. Maher, H. F., 1961. New Meit of Papita (rl Study in Culture Change), Madison, The i:nivcrsity of Wisconsin

parsons, T., 1958. “ The Role of Ideas in Social .4ction ” in I:ssa?,s i it Sociohgiro l Theory, Re\ised

Social Chaxge. London, Watts and CO.

Press.

Edition, The Free Press. Gleiicoe, Illinois.

PETER LA w RENCE.

New Guinea : Social Anthropology. Ryan. The Toaripi Association: Some Problems of Economic Development in Papua.’ Ryaii, B.A ., Departnient of Anthrofiology. University of Sydney.

By Dawn

The Toaripi are o w of five groups living on the coast of the eastern half of the Papuan Gulf.

At the time of contact, in 1880, they lived in two villages at the mouth of the Lakekamu River. Each village had ten men’s houses, and each men’s house had associated with i t a patrilineal sub-clan. The men of the sub-clan slept and ate in the men’s house ; their wives, unmarried daughters and sisters, and small sons and brothers lived in small houses clustered round the larger structure.

Each sub-clan had its own leaders for specific activities : organizing fish-drives, leading large-scale gardening, undertaking trading voyages, organizing cycles of ceremonies, settling disputes, and so on. The leader of one enterprise was not necessarily the leader of another. Leadership depended in the first place on possession of the requisite magical knowledge, which was inherited ; but acceptance of a person as leader depended largely on his personality and prestige in a group in a general way. These factors of personality were apparently decisive in situations involving more than one sub-clan.

Briefly, then, each sub-clan had a large measure of autonomy, though ties with affines, non-agnatic cognates and age-mates set up webs of personal relationships throughout the village. I t was mainly in opposition to the neighbouring Kaipi, Moveave and Moripi groups in the area that the Toaripi saw themselves as a group.

The Toaripi are scattered in nine villages along eleven miles of coast. I t is forty years since the leaders acted as I have outlined above. Leadership

This article is based on a paper read at the 75th ANZAAS Conference in Sydney, August 1962. T h e data were collected while I was the holder of a Commonwealth Post-graduate Research Sttidentship in the University of Sydney.

To-day, the men’s houses and their leaders have gone.

To-day, a small group of cognates is the important social unit. - -