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1.0 MOTIVATION AND RESEARCH DIRECTION

1.1 Introduction

“It is no longer sensible for Africans to continue reading the Bible from the alien

perspectives.”1 This is how Ukachukwu Manus begins his book.2 The reason behind this

statement as he explains in his book is that, while for Africans the Bible is read as the

Word of God which they must personally receive and encounter in their own cultural

context, at the moment, Africans have no culture which they can claim to be purely

African.3Similar voices that echo the fact that African culture is lost are legion.4 Such

voices do not come from academicians only. Even the practical life that Christians have

at the grass-root level shows that the gospel they encounter in churches does not help

them holistically.

Although it is held that the gospel, the good news to human kind, liberates the

hearers from problems they encounter, social, political, economic, and religious

unfairness are common phenomena in African societies today. Civil wars, HIV/AIDS,

corruption, and poverty are issues that colour African societies today.5 So, if Africans

have the gospel and yet these problems abound, one must question why Africans fail to

counter their enemies though they have the weapons. Indeed one comes to find that these

problems encountered in African context cannot be fought using foreign perspectives.

African theologians should apply methodologies that are culturally informed and relevant

1 Manus 2003, 1.2 The book is titled Intercultural Hermeneutics in Africa: Methods and Approaches.3 Manus 2003, 7.4 Here are, but, a few of them: Mahali 2006, 14; Marcio 1978, 5; Nyagawa 1999, 132; Padilla 1990, 626; Raum 1965, 200.

5 Njoroge 2001, 307.

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to their context and yet faithful to the Christian faith6 in order to address the issues that

inflict the African societies.

Since the culture that Africans have today is so much influenced by western

culture,7 before attempting to interpret the gospel into the African perspective, one has to

reconstruct the ruined culture. The reconstruction process demands revisiting pre-colonial

societies in order to see how African culture existed before the arrival of the Christianity

and colonialism.

1.2 Problem Formulation

The Bena are known by neighbouring tribes8 as a peaceful tribe, famed for love

and embracing peace,9 and for living in accordance with ideals of peaceful coexistence

with other tribes.10 This characteristic of the Bena as a peace loving tribe is witnessed

even by foreigners who visited Ubena land before colonialism.11 Such a characteristic

was fostered by their philosophy, uvwunu. Uvwunu, as the Bena sages describe, is a

foundation of success in all aspects of human existence. The philosophy is passed from

generation to generation through stories, songs, and special training known as mavungo.12

According to this philosophy, a Bena is expected to live a certain way of life which

portrays peace, harmony and unity with him / herself, neighbour, environment, and God.

6 Manus 2003, 2.7 Mahali 2006, 14.8 The neighbouring tribes referred to here are Sangu, Ngoni, Hehe, Kinga, Pangwa and Wanji.9 The use of the term Peace in this context does not mean the absence of disagreements, but rather the attitude of maintaining the harmony even when contradictions between individuals happen.

10 Nyagawa 1999, 51.11 Thompson 1968, 246.12 Ngunangwa 1986, 256

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The oral tradition of the Bena reveals that the Bena of the past tried to live according to

this philosophy13 and the result was the culture of peace which they enjoyed.

With the coming of the missionaries and the ultimate colonialism the situation in

Ubena, as it was in many African societies, changed.14 The missionaries “undermined an

important education institution of the tribes.”15 Marcio Wright records that “some of the

missionaries understood that conversion meant an instantaneous change in one’s way of

life.”16 So, through the missionary work,17 the missionaries changed the African way of

life. In the missionaries’ perspective, the proper way of living and the correct philosophy

to guide people was the one which they brought. To demonstrate this they took the

converts from their societies to other areas where they formed Christian villages.18 It is

said that, “these missionaries considered the African environments to be pagan

environment,”19 and their culture uncivilised.20 To rid the converts from pagan life was to

separate them from where the non-converts lived. So the missionaries introduced

Christian villages for the converts.

Life in new the Christian villages “was loaded with extra-cultural load of

orderliness and industry as the index of Christianity.”21This being the situation, we read

that “the social and cultural background of the missionary personnel defined and

determined the direction of the mission work,”22 because missionaries carried not only the

13 Interview with Aaron Mgovano 13.07.2007, Makambako; see also Thompson 1968, 246.14 Nyagawa 1990, 132. 15 Raum 1965, 202.16 Wright 1971, 17 The works that missionaries had are preaching the word of God and teaching secular subjects18 Iliffe 1979, 231.19 Raum 1965, 200.20 Nyagawa 1999, 132.21 Wright 1971, 5.22 Wright 1971, viii.

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gospel message, but also the values and perspectives typical of western society.23 Even

the message of the gospel was interpreted in the perspective of the missionaries’ cultural

understanding. Marcio Wright adds that “in the Southern Highlands, [where the Bena are

living], the missionary work was so pervasive.”24 The missionaries “did not tolerate

indigenous customs.”25 They did away with the indigenous cultural values and implanted

what they considered “Christian culture,”26 though in real sense it was loaded with

western culture.27 The Africans who received the gospel were so obedient to what the

missionaries preached, they indeed abandoned their customs no matter how good and

helpful their cultural values were.

The result of abandoning cultural values and customs, and clinging to the foreign

culture that was sandwiched between the gospel is still being experienced today. The

African Christians, when confronted by problems in their environment, fail to counter

them. Among the Bena for example, prolonged conflicts and eruption of violent conflicts

have become common phenomena in recent time.28 Since the majority of the Bena are

Christians, those who are involved in these conflicts are Christians who hear the word of

God in every Sunday. This depicts that the good news of the gospel has not fully been

integrated into their daily life. The redemptive message of the gospel has not been linked

to the real world of the believers. As a result it has become something superficial. Even

when these Christians encounter problems, they cannot confidently address them. They

have been taught to hate the culture which has nurtured them, so they cannot address the

problems using any of the cultural methods. Similarly, they cannot fight these problems

23 Padilla 1990, 628.24 Wright 1971, viii. 25 Wright 1971, 5.26 Padilla 1990, 626.27 Padilla 1990, 628.28 Some of the conflict cases are narrated in Appendix II.

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in their context using foreign perspectives. They need their own perspective to address

these problems.

If nobody dares challenge the above described situation, then there will come a

generation of Bena who will identify neither with Christian values nor with the Bena

values. This generation will come to hate the Bible because its interpretation does not

respond to the questions the Bena face in their daily life. Therefore, this situation

motivated me to do research, and the following were the research questions: How did the

Bena, in the pastime, manage their conflicts? Are the methods used in the past still

applicable today? If those methods are helpful, can the Bena Christians use them? How

did the Jerusalem Council resolve the conflict that happened in Antioch which was about

culture as the gospel met different cultures? Can the Bena Christians get any support

from this text to interpret the text in their own perspective?

1.3 Aim of the Study

The research aims at showing how Bena Christians can contextually interpret

Acts 15:1-35, the text which narrates conflict management in the early church. In order to

reach this aim, I will exegete Acts 15:1-35 for the purpose of interpreting the findings in

the Bena perspective. I have chosen Acts 15:1-35 because the main issue there is about

the gospel and culture and its relevance is of great use among the Bena today. Like other

African societies29 their culture was wrongly interpreted, and so it needs to be newly

reflected.

1.4 Literature Review

29 Parratt 1997, 1-8.

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Conflict is seen to be one of the most common phenomena in many societies. This

is because, as Andrew Painto writes, “conflicts existed, still exist and are yet to continue

existing with human kind.”30 This is to say conflict is a part of human beings living

together. Being a common reality, many people have researched and have written about

conflict management or conflict resolution suggesting ways that might restore the broken

relationship because of conflicts. In the course of this research, I read books, journals,

magazines, theses, and dissertations on conflict management in order to see what is

already published. Thus, the paragraphs that follow give an account of the documents I

read.

Makerere University publishes a journal twice a year titled African Journal of

Leadership and Conflict Management. In that journal, many scholars write their articles

on conflict management. I used two articles which were seen to be relevant to this study.

In her article, Cultural Tradition and Conflict Resolution, Pamela Abuya discusses the

role of sages in conflict management. I chose this article because of its concern about the

importance of culture in managing conflicts. Pamela Abuya notes that “no continent has

been spared the scourge of conflict.”31 Since each society has its own culture which

remains to be the single most important asset that provides lenses of perception and

cognition, Pamela Abuya argues that, “tradition and its inherent cultural practices should

not be underestimated”32 when analyzing conflicts. “Culture provides motives for human

behaviour, criteria of perception and cognition.”33 She advocates that there is value in

cultural traditions which should be identified, exposed, and utilized during peace

30 Painto 2002, 175.31 Abuya 2002, 31.32 Abuya 2002, 31.33 Abuya 2002, 31.

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processes. Her hope is that “every society will find meaning and purpose in its cultural

traditions and specifically in utilizing knowledge inherent in its sages.”34 It is this same

hope of Pamela Abuya that encouraged me to continue with this research.

Andrew Painto in his article, Acholi Traditional Conflict Management Technique,

discusses the importance of traditional techniques in managing conflicts. He writes that

“in pre-colonial era, the use of elders was very instrumental in conflict management.”35 In

post-colonial era, however, that treasure is forgotten. As a matter of fact, conflicts

abound. He brings in one case where a government minister, considering this importance

of traditional cultural values, involved the traditional chiefs and elders of Acholi

community to resolve conflicts traditionally.36 This involvement of traditional methods

yielded success more than they expected. This is the very reason that he also ended his

article by inviting communities to revisit what their culture can offer for managing

conflicts. Since I come from Ubena, a society different from the Acholi, I see that the

Acholi experience inspires me to visit my Bena cultural techniques which will be

revealed to me through the methods I will employ.

Elieshi Mungure from the ELCT-Meru Diocese did research on conflict

transformation. She was motivated by the destructive and violent conflicts in the

Tanzanian family. She pointed out the hub need of this study, i.e, contextualizing the

gospel and culture in the contemporary African family by addressing the issues of power,

injustice and social economic needs.37 The thing that compelled her to see the need for

contextualization was partly provoked by the fact that those dealing with providing care

34 Abuya 2002, 38.35 Painto 2002, 176.36 Painto 2002, 177.37 Mungure 2007, 148.

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are not well prepared in addressing conflict. Also, there are no guidelines for guiding

those in conflict.38 Mungure’s research covered only two regions: Kilimanjaro and

Arusha, the regions which are far from Iringa Region where this research was based. She

herself writes that her research study “was a groundbreaking one to open up new and

future studies.”39Thus, this study is one among the new studies that Elieshi Mungure

wishes.

Ukachukwu Manus in his Intercultural Hermeneutics in Africa: Methods and

Approaches makes an attempt of interpreting texts in the African cultural context. He

interprets a number of Biblical texts from the New Testament, but none of them are taken

from Acts. Though writing from a Nigerian background, his research is in line with the

other literature reviewed especially by emphasizing the need for Africans to read and

interpret the Bible from their own perspective.40

Tessa Rajak writes about The Location of Cultures in the Second Temple

Palestine.41 In this article, he points out the importance of studying the cultures of the

first century Palestine if we want to understand the background of the early church.

Josephus42 was quoted saying that “the Jews were in tension with other peoples,”43 but he

does not say the results of that tension. This is one of the tasks of the present research, to

find out the results of the tensions of that time and how they were dealt with. Tessa Rajak

introduces a very important topic that would have helped other researchers to understand

the culture behind the New Testament, but he concentrates only on the material culture

38 Mungure 2007, 149.39 Mungure 2007, 147.40 Manus 2003, 2.41 This is one of the articles written in The Book of Acts in Its First Century Setting: Palestine Setting Vol.4

by Richard Bauckham and published in Michigan by Eerdmans in 1995. 42 Flavius Josephus is held by New Testament scholars to be the historian upon whose records can be

reliable because he lived in the New Testament writing’s time.43 Rajak 1995, 5.

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like buildings and clothing.44 Material culture is important in describing people, but it has

very little to contribute to the behaviour of the people, especially on the aspect of

managing conflicts. This research goes even further as it seeks to understand how the

people of that time also managed their conflicts.

David Fiensy in his article The Composition of Jerusalem Church states clearly

that the early church was culturally pluralistic. The article does not mention any conflict

that resulted from the church being culturally pluralistic. Since I have been reading the

book of Acts, I see that Acts 6:1-7 shows that there were problems in the Jerusalem

church. Even when the church began spreading to other places, the reading of Acts 15

testifies that there were problems that occurred. With all those differences and conflicts

that are reported in Acts, the early church managed positively.

I saw that it is important for the African churches to learn from the early church

because they have something in common. This, as I assume, will help the African

churches, like the Bena, to manage abounding conflicts. Let us now see the approaches I

employ here.

1.5 Methodologies

1.5.1 Research Design

The study is biblical, and it exegetes Acts 15:1-35 in order to find out how the

conflicts were managed in the early church. The findings are interpreted from the

perspectives of the Bena way of life.45 This is to say, the study includes both field and

44 Rajak 1995, 5. 45 The Bena as a tribe have a way of life which is realized in the way they interact and solve the problems

they encounter. When such ways are observed, one can easily say that this is a Bena way. In this perspective, I see that they have a philosophy that guides them. This is what this researcher calls cultural

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library research. In the field, the study explores the Bena ways of reconciling conflicts on

the basis of uvwunu. Therefore, the study combines descriptive methods in the case of

exegesis and exploratory in case of socio-cultural background explanation.

1.5.2 Data Collection

Information was collected from three sources: The first source comprises

interviews that were conducted among both Bena and non-Bena, but who have worked

and lived among the Bena for at least four years. The second source was the library in

which I read books with relevant information. These books were necessary because I

could get literature that interprets Acts of the Apostles and those which describe the

background of the New Testament world.

For the exegesis of the text, I used the social-historical critical method. Since

historical method is considered to be “the agent of a repeated and growing rupture of vital

contact between biblical tradition and our own time,”46 I saw that applying this method

will not divorce me from the historical realities of the Bible which are necessary for this

research. Regarding the sociological method, its concern “with human behaviour and

human relation,”47 which are the core issues in this research, motivated me to use it. By

integrating these two methods, I was assured of getting the information of the world of

the biblical time, and consequently, it simplified my task of interpreting the text.

The third source is my own observations and experience, which as Brooke Moore

writes is the “most reliable source of information.”48 I was born and raised up in a Bena

ways of conflict reconciliation, and it is from this perspective that the findings will be interpreted.46 Stuhlmacher 1977, 65.47 Vos 1971, 112.48Moore 1986, 57.

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family which practiced indigenous Bena culture. Although as a lad I went to school in

search of western education as many kids of his generation did, I was able to inherit

considerable knowledge through socialization and observation on numerous occasions

when my father and other elders feverishly laboured to solve social conflicts at various

levels in the community. In addition, during the last five years as a pastor, I have been

active among the Bena of various backgrounds (denominations, religions and ages). I

have observed considerable efforts made by different groups of leadership among the

Bena (outside and inside the Lutheran church) to employ Bena traditional methods of

managing conflicts at various social levels.

1.5.3 Data Analysis

Data obtained from interviews and from exegesis were analyzed to find out how

conflicts were managed both among the Bena and in Acts. These data necessitated a

qualitative data analytical approach since it is concerned with the understanding of

human behaviour and the reasons that govern human behaviour49. Gall Borg e.t.al

referred to this as the “phenomenological reality”50 which tries to understand the inner

experience of people, as well as their interpretation of reality. This method is often used

by anthropologists in cultural research. Since one of the concerns of this study is to

describe the behaviour of the Bena, qualitative data analysis was of significant value.

49 Kombo and Tromp 2006, 9.50 Borg, et al 1993, 194.

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1.6 Scope and Limitations

Biblically, the study was limited to Acts 15:1-35. This text contains the apostolic

council which was convened to solve the conflict that arose at Antioch. Since the text has

diligent efforts of the community of faith to seek the divine will in the midst of

controversy, its interpretation will be of great help among the Bena. Should any other

texts of the Bible be included, then specific reason will be stated right away. All biblical

quotations are from The Revised Standard Version unless stated otherwise.

1.7 Structure of the Paper

The paper is divided into six chapters. The first chapter introduces the topic of the

study. The second chapter explores the social world of Roman Empire as the world in

which the early church existed, and out of which Acts 15:1-35 was written. This chapter

is followed by chapter three which is the exegesis of Acts 15:1-35. This exegesis is

followed by a description of the Bena and their culture to which the text of Acts 15:1-35

is to be interpreted contextually. In the fifth chapter we will explore contextualization.

Chapter six provides a conclusion to the entire paper.

1.8 Definition of Terms

To better understand the intent of this research, six terms need to be clarified in

this section. These terms are: conflict, culture, uvwunu, mavungo, uvwende and

contextualization.

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Conflict as used in this study, refers to a disagreement, a real or perceived

incompatibility of interests, inconsistent worldviews or a set of behaviours. This

definition is adopted from Mayer.51

Culture as used in this research refers to the complex whole which includes

knowledge, beliefs, art, morals, law, customs and any other capabilities that are shared

and transmitted from one generation to another through a means of language and

imitation.52

The term mavungo is a Bena word which embraces any teaching that the Bena

deliberately do to make new generations be acquainted with Bena cultural values.

Uvwende: Although the English word ‘love’ is the easiest translation for the Bena

word uvwende, uvwende in Bena context goes beyond love. Hillman Ngunangwa, a

professor of anthropology, says that “in uvwende is all the teaching of Bena about

behaving towards oneself, others and God.”53 Uvwende in this case is the force that

guides Bena behaviour in a positive way

Uvwunu means humanness or humanity. Uvwunu is “that human quality that

makes a human being different from all other creatures on earth.”54 As perceived by the

Bena, uvwunu captures all the concepts of Bena community. This is to say that everything

is regulated and weighed on the basis of uvwunu. Uvwunu is the philosophy of Bena life.

A person with uvwunu knows how to behave in all aspects of life.

Contextualization, as used in this paper, refers to the dynamic process whereby

the constant message of the gospel interacts with specific and relative human situations. It

51 Mayer 2000, 3.52 Barnouw 1979, 5.53 Interview with Hillman Ngunangwa 10.08. 2007, Njombe.54 Ngunangwa 1986, 256.

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postulates an examination of the gospel in the light of the respondent worldview and then

adapts the message and encodes it in such a way that it can become meaningful to the

respondent

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2.0 CONFLICTS IN THE GRECO-ROMAN WORLD

“In reading the New Testament and contemporaneous works, it is fundamental to

understand both the values and social institutions of the ancient Palestine.”55 So write

Hanson and Oakman in the preface to their Palestine in the Time of Jesus. Such words

are worth being considered because although the Bible is familiar in Christian life today,

a number of things would be better understood if we had knowledge of the Greco-Roman

world. The influence of the Greco-Roman world on the Palestinians of the first century is

significant.56 Since Christianity was founded during the Greco-Roman world, it was not

immune from its influence. Therefore, studying the Greco-Roman period will yield a

better understanding of the Biblical texts as well.

The Greco-Roman period was characterized by tensions in almost every aspect of

life.57 Economically, politically and culturally people were not settled. The Jews were not

exempt from these tensions. Speaking of conflicts in this context is not an exaggeration.

This chapter will discuss the social cultural patterns of the Palestine of the Greco-Roman

world in order to uncover the influence it may have laid on the conflicts in Acts 15:1-35.

This chapter is divided into four parts: socio-political conflicts, socio-economic conflicts,

socio-cultural conflicts, and socio-religious conflicts. To begin with, let me discussion the

socio-political conflicts.

55 Hanson and Oakman 1998, xvii.56 Mahali 2006, 23.57 Gill 1994, 25.

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2.1 Socio-Political Conflicts

In the simplest form of human society, hunters/gatherers and pastoral nomads, all

institutions are embedded in kinship.58 The families’ patriarch, matriarch and clan elders

are the only political leaders. The Palestinians of the first century were mainly farmers

and a few of them were nomads, meaning that “kinship was still [the] primary social

domain.”59 Faustin Mahali hints that, “in the time shortly before and after the birth of

Jesus there were the ruling families – families of the rich and elite[s] and families of the

common people.”60 In both types of families, children were important and sometimes

necessary to bind marriages, because in the list of divorce regulations, barrenness was

included.61

Jewish families of the first century were patriarchal in practice.62 When intra-

family conflicts went beyond control, the husband was able to divorce his wife, but not

vice versa. This is to say that in all occasions, the woman suffered, because the society

was a male dominated one.

As far as leadership is concerned, “the Palestinians did not elect their rulers.”63

Their rulers were either hereditary monarchs or elites appointed to their posts by distant

emperors.64 Sometimes these foreign rulers that were appointed were so brutal that the

common people were unhappy with them. It should be remembered that to every Jew the

idea of subjection to the yoke of the Gentile was intolerable; it was wholly contradictory

58 Lenski and Lenski 1987, 110-12.59 Hanson and Oakman 1998, 20.60 Mahali 2006, 23.61 Hanson and Oakman 1998, 44.62 Fiensy 1994, 226.63 Hanson and Oakman 1998, 65.64 Hanson and Oakman 1998, 66.

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to their choice and election by God. Because of that, feelings of patriotism grew among

the Palestinians Jews during the Greco-Roman period.

Extremists, commonly known as zealots, sought nothing but political

independence. They even taught that to pay tribute to the Gentile rulers was contrary to

the law of God, and that “rebellion was a religious duty.”65 With that fanatical spirit,

Judea grew more and more restless and the restlessness was increased by Roman

misgovernment. The Jewish authorities and the Sadducean high priest tried to stem the

tide, but rebellion became more and more the popular among the zealots. Josephus

records a number of revolts which the rulers had to calm down.66 In the reigns of Herod

the Great, Vespasian, and Titus many of the zealots were burned.67 In 66 CE to 70 CE,

there was a Jewish war that resulted in the destruction of Jerusalem. The setting of the

Acts of the Apostles was in a period of great unsettledness.

It can also be concluded that the Palestinians in the first century were in political

tension. On one hand the Jews were tired of being dominated by the foreigners and this

made them seek ways to rid themselves. On the other hand the foreigners, who were the

rulers, were suspicious that were thinking that the Jews would revolt. Herod the Great,

for example, killed many people in his reign because he suspected them to be rebels.68 In

other words, people had to learn to fear. The solution was to kill whoever gained

popularity or spoke against the rulers. This however did not solve any tensions that

existed, but rather worsened it.

65 Rackham 1957, lix.66 Josephus, War 6.1-3. 67 Hanson and Oakman 1998, 90-91.68 Fihavango 2007, 103.

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2.2 Socio-Economic Conflicts

In the Greco-Roman world, economy and politics were inseparable. This is

because the emperor owned the land69and used all means to keep it in their control. The

whole system was made in such a way that it protected Roman rulers’ interests.70 If we

want to interpret Palestinian politics or economy of that time, we have to do it “in the

light of its domination by Roman interests.”71

Different parts of Palestine “were successfully ruled by Roman client rulers, first

the Hasmonean and then the Herodians.”72 These rulers were responsible for two things.

First, they had to protect Roman interests and second, they had to maintain peace. The

book of Acts records a number of incidents which show the Roman rulers being involved

in seeing that peace was kept.73 In some occasions, the records show that they applied

patron-client system.74 Because the majority of the Jews of the time were poor peasants

who formed the lower class,75 the need to attach themselves to rich patrons was common.

In doing so they became labourers or slaves, because they had no land.76

It should be taken into consideration that, whatever system the Roman rulers

practiced, it was to enable them to prosper over their subjects.77 To ensure their maximum

benefit78 they imposed taxes.79 Since the economy of the common people depended on

69 Mahali 2006, 46.70 Fihavango 2007, 105.71 Hanson and Oakman 1998, 95.72 Hanson and Oakman 1998, 6573 Acts 16:35; 19:28-41; 23:12-24.74 Mahali 2006, 75 Fiensy 1995, 229.76 Mahali 2006, 47. 77 Mahali 2006, 50.78 In Roman system of Patron-client, patron rulers set fixed amount of tribute that provinces paid annually.

Client rulers also set fixed amount of taxes and rents which people had to pay so that after paying tribute to the emperor, he would be left with some profit. Generally, it was the common people who suffered.

79 The taxes that the Roman imposed include soil tax, head tax, market tax, transit tolls, port tax, and rents. For details read: Hanson and Oakman 1998, 114.

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agriculture,80 most of them could not afford to pay all the taxes. Gerd Theissen notices

that sometimes the Jews rejected to pay taxes to Caesar.81 As a punishment, Augustus

raised the amount of the tax they had to pay.82 Most of the Palestinian Jews failed to pay.

Their failure in paying the new tax made the rulers and elites take land from them

by force.83 Those who took the Jew’s land became increasingly rich. Fiensy writes that

before the destruction of the temple there was one man called “Eleazar ben Harsom who

allegedly owned 1000 villages.”84 Such rich people went on buying lands from common

people who, in failing to cope with payments became labourers or slaves in order to

survive. When the pressure of all these land alienation and tax increase were unbearable,

one means of extreme resistance to imperial powers and wealthy elites was banditry.85

Groups of bandits would raid a country estate and Roman garrison for both survival and

revenge against those who forced them from their lands.86

Josephus comments about widespread social banditry87 during the procuratorship

of Albinus88 and Florus.89 There were some who were even known as cave bandits and in

describing them, Josephus provides a good overview of the problems rulers had to face in

dealing with them:

80 Hanson and Oakman 1998, 103.81 Theissen 1978, 42.82 Theissen 1978, 43.83 Mahali 2006, 46; also see Fiensy 1995, 217-218.84 Fiensy 1995, 218.85 From anthropological point of view, it is said that Peasant do not often revolt, nor do they voice their

feelings of hostility and oppression against elites. They usually find covert ways of pretesting, the commonest ones being keeping secrets or lying to elites and hiding taxable goods. For more details read Hanson and Oakman 1998, 86ff. See also Theissen 1978, 36-42.

86 Mahali 2006, 46. See also Hanson and Oakman 1998, 86. 87 Antiquities 20.9.588 Albinus was a Roman Procurator over Judea in 62-64CE. For details of all rulers of Judea, see The New

Complete works of Josephus 1999, 664. 89 Florus was a Roman procurator over Judea in 64-66 CE. Upon describing this ruler, Josephus writes

that, he openly supported the bandits in such a way that the Jews found no hope in living in their own land that they found residents elsewhere in the world. Rather than being in conflicts with both the rulers and the robbers, the Jews decided to escape from both. For details see Antiquities 20.11.1

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[...] it was really not easy thing to restrain them, since this way of robbery had been their practice, and they had no other way to get their living, because they had neither any city of their own, nor lands in their possession, but only some receptacles and dens in the earth, and they lived together with their animals. They had managed to accumulate supplies of water and food beforehand, and so they were able to hold out for a very long time in their hideout, and were able to make great resistance, by coming out suddenly against any that attacked them.90

Since the rulers were the ones responsible for maintaining peace, they had to deal

with these bandits accordingly. Their means of dealing with rebels and bandits, the

groups which caused social unrest, was public execution by crucifixion in a manner that

would warn others about attempting similar strategies against the state.91 In crucifying

these rebels and bandits, often they chose crowded roads where many people could see.92

Often the executioners described the reason why the crucified one was killed by putting a

sign post on the tree on which he was hung.93

By crucifying the bandits publicly, the rulers thought that people would be

terrified and would consequently stop their crimes. The rulers assumed this would

automatically yield peace. Josephus, however, records situation which show the contrary

to the rulers’ expectation. Common people became angry, and the crucified ones were

like fuel to their anger.94 Fihavango adds that even the leaders themselves were unsecured

in their positions 95because they did not know when rebels would revolt nor did they

know when the bandits would make their sudden robbery. John Crossan describes this

situation as a spiral of violence. In describing it he writes:

It distinguishes the first stage of injustice, which is the structural violence of colonialism and the institutional violence of imperialism themselves. Next comes the indigenous reaction of protest and resistance, ranging all the way from passive withdrawal through strikes and demonstrations to banditry and terrorism. The third stage is repression, ranging likewise from intimidation through

90 Josephus: Antiquities 15.10.191Josephus: War 5.11.192 This was the case with Jesus that He was crucified in crowded road and many travelers read what was

written about Him for details read John 19:19ff93 Hanson and Oakman 1998, 92.94 Josephus: War 5.11.195 Fihavango 2007, 103.

21

harassment to imprisonment and disappearance, torture and [terrible] death. Finally there is revolt, when and if that preceding stage escalates to unbearable levels.96

The description that John Crossan gives us shows that conflicts were being solved

by means of violence. They assumed violence as the means through which peace and

harmony would be brought. On the contrary it resulted in the series of violence which

John Crossan describes as a “spiral of violence.” It was adding conflict to another conflict

whose end result was death of the common people. In simple language, peace cannot be

brought by violence.

If we look at Palestine under the umbrella of socio-economics, starting from the

rulers to the subjects, we can conclude that nobody was assured of peace.97 Everybody

was in tension and some of the tensions, as we have seen, came into reality through

revolts and robbery. The penalty of these crimes was out of proportion to the crime.98 Let

us now see what kind conflicts existed under socio-cultural aspect.

2.3 Socio-Cultural Conflicts

I defined culture as the complex whole which includes knowledge, beliefs, art,

morals, law, customs and any other capabilities that are shared and transmitted from one

generation to another through a means of language and imitation.99 This postulates the

total way of life. What a member of the society does often reflects the society’s culture.

In this case we can say that culture has a role of identifying a society.100

96 Crossan 1991, 124. 97 Josephus: War 5.11.198 Hanson and Oakman 1998, 92.99 Page 14 in the definition of terms100 Theissen 1978, 31.

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In a situation where people from different cultures interact, cultural diffusion is

likely to happen and societies may find their cultural values being left in favour of values

of other societies, either voluntarily or involuntarily.

In Greco-Roman world, people were free to move from one province to another

for business purposes.101 People were free to use sea routes, camels and donkeys or

wheeled conveyances.102 Some Jews too moved from Palestine to other parts of the

empire.103Economically it exposed them into better environments, but culturally speaking,

Jews were brought face to face with the Hellenistic culture, the most prevalent culture of

the time.104 To keep their Jewish identity unaltered, Jews were obliged to protect their

cultural values. At this juncture, let me mention the cultural aspects which the Jews were

to watch that they remain impervious: language, clothing, religion and its rites and

material culture like buildings. I am treating religion and culture as the same, because in a

sense religion is one aspect of culture.

In the ancient world, from the family to communal level, religion was part of

daily life.105 Though many religions existed in the Greco-Roman world, the most popular

ones were the imperial cult and Judaism.106 Each of these was distinguishable by its

purpose, form of worship, rituals, and the style of its temples. For popular religions like

these, it was easy to identify peoples’ religious affiliation because everything they did

was done in the light of religion. Let me begin by discussing the markers of the imperial

cult.

101 French 1994, 49-58.102 Matthew 21:2-7, Luke 13:15; 19:30-35; John 12:15 and Acts 8:28; 27:27ff.103 This might be one of the reasons that led to the emergence of the Jews in Diaspora in that time.104 Theissen 1978, 77.105 Mahali 2006, 36.106 French 1994, 52.

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The Roman Empire was so large. Though it was held that politics was the

unifying factor, the magistrates came to realize that it was religion, not politics that would

unite people or “tie them together.”107 So, the magistrates enforced the imperial cult to

maintain unity in the empire. In this imperial cult, Caesar was deified and worshiped.108

The cult “consisted of an annual imperial festival with usual wild beast shows.”109 Its sites

were located almost in every city. This might be the reason that caused it to grow rapidly

and instantaneously causing problems for people of other religions.110 In order to see how

this was a problem for some people, especially the Palestinian Jews, let me discuss the

cultural markers of Judaism and Christianity.

The Jews in their religion had distinctive values which they had to observe.

Observing Sabbath, circumcision, reciting the torah every day, and specific clothing for

Sadducees, Pharisees, priests and Levites were all things that one could observe and say,

this is Jewish. The architectural design of the temple in Jerusalem was specific to Jewish

identity.

The markers of their culture were divinely instituted.111 To abandon them in

favour of the imperial cult or any form of the Hellenistic culture would be abomination;112

and cause them to face divine punishment.113 On some occasions the Jews managed to

prevent the emperors’ influence on their religion.114 But persisting to reject the imperial

107 Kallas 1973, 54.108 Kallas 1973, 54.109 Winter 1994, 95.110 Winter 1994, 93.111 Exodus 20 and Leviticus 17-19.112 Leviticus 17-19113 1Kings 9:9114 Alexander the Great upon approaching the Temple of Jerusalem he was he charmed with the beauty of

the structure and expressed a desire to have a statue of himself erected in his remembrance between the porch and the altar. Simon the High Priest informed him that it was not allowed to erect any statue within the temple wall, but promised that as a remembrance, the male born among his people that year should be called Alexander. This explains how wisely the High Priest kept the temple from being defiled. The story is narrated in details in The Talmud: Polano 1965, 218.

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cult in favour of their religion singled them out as enemies to the empire. Being singled

out as enemies of the empire, “Palestine was keenly watched by Roman soldiers.”115 This

affected the people psychologically and made them unsecured.

Josephus gives several accounts which help us to see that the atmosphere in

Palestine was not peaceful at all. He points out some incidences where the emperors

forced the Jews to stop practicing their religious rituals in favour of the imperial cult.116

Since the Jews did not submit to the authority, many of them were killed.117 This appears

to have been common during that time as different literature report about the continued

tensions between the Jews in Palestine and the Diaspora.118

Although the Roman government recognized Judaism as legitimate religion,119 it

seems that the freedom of worship depended on the emperor who was on the throne. For

instance, in the time of Rabbi Akiva, the teaching of the torah was prohibited,120 but in the

time of Jesus, Jews could freely teach, though it is evident that they were no longer free

to execute death for a criminal according to their religion.121

The freedom of worship that the Jews enjoyed during Jesus’ time played a great

role in causing Christianity to grow rapidly without obstacles from the Roman

government. The challenges that Christianity faced were from Judaism and Gentile

religions. Judaism found Christianity perverting its religious rites especially

115 Mahali 2006, 41.116 Josephus, War 2.10.5.117 Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.2-6.118 Theissen 1978, 90.119 Theissen 1978, 91.120 Pearl 1997, 34. Rabbi Akiva lived in Palestine between the first and second century. 121 The fact that they lost the power of executing death may be seen in two incidences in the gospels. First,

the woman who was caught in adultery and brought to Jesus was to be stoned, but they brought her to Jesus as a snare that they might send Him to the Romans (John 8:1-11). It is surprising, however, to see that they stoned Stephen (Acts 7). With Jesus’ case, it is clearly seen that though the Jews had the law, they had no authority (evxousi,an)to put a man into death (John (18:31) implying that, the authority was with the Romans.

25

circumcision, a marker of the Jewish identity.122 The Judaizers or persecutors of

Christians followed the apostles in every town where they preached and stirred the

people.123 In this situation, the religious atmosphere was tension between the Christian

converts against them.

The Greek religious groups had conflicts against Christianity as well, but not

against Judaism. This is because Christianity actively tried to convert people through

mission of making people disciples of Jesus,124 while Judaism was confined only to the

Jews. The only way for a non-Jews to convert was by undergoing the process called

proselytism.125 A convert was incorporated into the people of Israel first by circumcision,

and later on he had to keep the entire Law of Moses.126 A Gentile who was not ready to

observe the entire Law of Moses, and yet wanted to embrace Judaism, was charged to

observe the minimum requirement of the Torah.127 Such people were commonly known

as God-fearers.128 So the requirements that these God-fearers were to observe include

prohibitions against murder, theft, fornication, injustice, blasphemy eating the blood of

creatures, and idolatry. So, the conflicts that the Jerusalem council had to settle, as we

read in Acts 15:1-35, is connected to proselytization. That is to say the certain men from

Judea wanted the Gentiles who wanted to convert into to Christianity to be proselytized.

To understand how the Jerusalem council managed to settle the dispute, one has

to exegete Acts 15:1-35, the text which narrates the apostolic council that set guidelines

122 Acts 15:1-4123 Acts 17124 Matthew 28:18-20, also Acts 1:8125 Josephus, Antiquity 20.2.4-5.126 Callan 1993, 290; also Josephus , Antiquity 20.2.4-5127 Segal 1990, 1997.128 Ferguson 1987, 436

26

on what should be done concerning the situation. Before coming to that exegesis, let me

summarize up what has been discussed in this chapter.

2.4 Summary

This chapter set out to describe the situation of Greco-Roman world in terms of

politics, economy and culture. The description has shown that Palestine was in a constant

state of crisis. Politically they had been under foreign rulers since the Babylonian exodus.

The reaction to it was the subsequent revolts that the zealots engineered. In calming the

rebellions, it has been seen that the rulers massacred the rebels.

Economically the Palestinian Jews depended on agriculture. Most of them were

peasants or subsistence farmers. With the increase of tax, the majority became slaves and

labourers in the rulers’ and elites’ estates. Those who could not comply with the new

taxes became bandits. The government’s response to banditry was crucifixion. Though

the bandits and rebels were being crucified, the rulers and the common people were not in

peace. Both the peasants and the rulers were unsecured.

Culturally the Greco-Roman world was mixed. Its people were comprised of

different origins and as they interacted, the culture became diffused. Allowing cultural

diffusion would lead to identity loss, and to the Jews punishment would befall them

because their cultural values were religiously oriented. Some Gentiles who were pleased

with Jewish customs converted to Judaism by being circumcised, and later on kept the

entire law. Those who could not keep the Mosaic Law were charged to keep the

minimum rules and were known as God-fearers. These converts and the Jews themselves

27

had to see that they must protect these Jewish customs. This however was not always

done positively. Sometimes they were counted as rebels and were persecuted unto death.

With the birth of Christianity, Judaism experienced another phase of conflicts.

Waging against Christians who preached free salvation apart from the law, the Judaizers

could not tolerate. Their reaction against the missionaries and the Christian converts led

to the emergence of conflicts. As we have seen in this chapter, both the Jews and their

rulers responded violently to conflicts. This kind of response, instead of bringing

harmony as it was assumed, worsened the conflicts. What would be the response that

Christians had to react with to the Jews who caused conflicts to them? Acts 15:1-35

narrates the conflicts that Jews caused in Antioch. The text also narrates the how the

Christians reacted against it. To find out how the conflict was settled, it is imperative to

exegete Acts 15:1-35. This is the task that I face in the next chapter

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3.0 EXEGISIS OF ACTS 15:1-35

The task of this chapter is to exegete Acts 15:1-35. In the methodologies section it

was stated that socio-historical critical method will be employed in this exegesis. Since

this is a thematic oriented paper, only a few items from historical critical methods will be

used. These items include source criticism, textual criticism, translation of the text,

literary context and exegetical analysis of the text. The above named items, when applied

in this text along with the contextual interpretation, will broaden the understanding of

theme of the text.

3.1 Source and Textual Criticism

The text of Acts 15:1-35 includes an abundance of textual variants.129 Although

the total number of variants makes a detailed treatment impossible to pursue within the

parameters of these limited pages, the textual issue of the apostolic decree requires

attention. The Apostolic decree is important because the apostolic council states the

resolution to conflicts raised in Acts 15 which shows how the gospel was to be preached

to the Gentiles from that time on as far as culture is concerned.

The so called apostolic decree is found in Acts 15:29. It is also briefly introduced

in 15:20 and reflected 21:25. In each of the occurrences, it presents a similar textual

problem. Bruce Metzger summarizes them as follows: first, the Alexandrian130 text lists

129 Metzger 1975, 426-439 records and comments on 28 additions and variants at 15:1- 5, 4, 6, 7, 9, 12, 16, 18, 22, 26, 28, 30, 32, 33 which are found in the UBS third edition apparatus. This is only a partial representation of the textual concern of the chapter. More variants are listed in the Nestle-Aland Novum Testamentum Graece, 27th ed.

130 Alexandrian , often represented by letter “A”, and Western, which is represented by “B”, are terms which were first applied to families of texts by J.Griesbach (1777) and J.S Semler (1766) see Kenyon and Adams 1975, 214-223; Anchor Bible Dictionary 1992 “Western Text”;

29

four items of prohibitions to be sent to the Gentile believers: na. avpe,chte avpo.

eivdwloqu,twn, ai[matoj, pniktou, and pornei,aj. The western text however

omits pniktou and adds a negative formulation of the golden rule 15:20 kai osa an

mh qelwsin autoij ginesqai eteroij mh poiein, 15:29 kai osa mh

qelete eautoij ginesqai, eterw mh poieivn and the Caesarean text omits

pornei,aj.131

The variant readings of the apostolic decree pose questions of whether three or

four prohibitions are in view, and; whether they are to be seen as ceremonial in nature,

ethical, or a combination of both ceremonial and ethical.132 The Alexandrian tradition is

more ceremonial while the Western tradition is understood to be ethical in character. 133

By ceremonial here I mean, they were basically concerned with food laws which was one

of the grounds of separation between the Jews and Gentiles.134 Metzger writes that “in the

early ages of the church, the New Testament text was not looked as sacred and therefore,

the scribes felt at liberty to modify the form as well as to incorporate oral traditions all

kinds of additional details.”135 The result of this was the western text; and in this context,

the ceremonial items had to be transformed into ethical.136

The Caesarean text does not seem to have strong unique characteristics, but

sometimes agrees with Alexandrian and sometimes with the Western text.137 It contains

three elements of prohibition which are primarily ceremonial: prohibition against idols,

131 However there are some witnesses which do not omit pornei,aj and yet include the formulation of the golden rule; for 15:20 see itar 61 ; for 15:29 see 614, itar 61 and itph 63.

132 Metzger 1975, 430.133 Ropes 1926, 269; See also Metzger 1975, 431-433; Barrett 1987, 51.134 Leviticus 17-19 135 Metzger 1975, 265.136 This will be treated in the section that is dealing with analytical exegesis of the text.137 Greenlee 1985, 69. See also Dibelius 1956, 87 who holds that “the western readings are nothing else but

corrections of the text, and thus they demonstrate clearly their secondary character.”

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against eating things which are strangled, and a prohibition against eating meat with its

blood.138

The fourfold formulation found in Alexandrian reading is externally supported by

many witnesses in comparison to the threefold of the western reading.139 The exclusion of

the negative formulation of the golden rule makes the Alexandrian reading shorter and

more difficult to read than the western text. Apart from the fact that the most reliable

source for Acts is the Alexandrian text,140 the other factors that favour Alexandrian text

include: the shorter text is preferred to the longer and the more difficult text in reading is

favoured.141 All these add weight that the Alexandrian text is preferable, and possibly

more original.

3.2 A Translation of Acts 15:1-35

1 Kai, tinej katelqo,ntej avpo. th/j VIoudai,aj evdi,daskon tou.j

avdelfou.j o[ti( eva.n mh.

And certain men, coming down from Judea, began to teach the Christians, unless you

peritmhqh/te tw/| e;qei tw/| Mwu?se,wj( ouv du,nasqe swqh/naiÅ

are circumcised according to the custom of Moses, you cannot be saved

2 genome,nhj de. sta,sewj kai. zhth,sewj ouvk ovli,ghj tw/| Pau,lw| kai.

tw/| Barnaba/| pro.j

and happening fierce argument and dispute to Paul and Barnabas towards

138 The detailed exegesis in 3.5 goes further in discussing about these prohibitions.139Metzger 1975, 433-434 In these pages he lists a number of witnesses and scholars in favour of

Alexandrian text.140 Metzger 1975, 259.141 Greenlee 1964, 115.

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auvtou,j( e;taxan avnabai,nein Pau/lon kai. Barnaba/n kai, tinaj

a;llouj evx auvtw/n pro.j

them they appointed Paul and Barnabas and some of the others to go to

tou.j avposto,louj kai. presbute,rouj eivj VIerousalh.m peri. tou/

zhth,matoj tou,touÅ

the apostles and elders to Jerusalem concerning this issue.

3 Oi` me.n ou=n propemfqe,ntej u`po. th/j evkklhsi,aj dih,rconto th,n

te Foini,khn kai.

Therefore, having been sent by the church, they passed Phoenicia and

Sama,reian evkdihgou,menoi th.n evpistrofh.n tw/n evqnw/n kai.

evpoi,oun cara.n mega,lhn

Samaria telling the conversion of the Gentiles and they made great joy to

pa/sin toi/j avdelfoi/jÅ

all the Christians

4 parageno,menoi de. eivj VIerousalh.m parede,cqhsan avpo. th/j

evkklhsi,aj kai. tw/n

Coming to Jerusalem, they were received by the church and the

avposto,lwn kai. tw/n presbute,rwn( avnh,ggeila,n te o[sa o` qeo.j

evpoi,hsen metV auvtw/nÅ

apostles and the elders, they reported great [things] God had done through them.

5 VExane,sthsan de, tinej tw/n avpo. th/j ai`re,sewj tw/n Farisai,wn

pepisteuko,tej le,gontej

But some of the believers of party of the Pharisees rose up saying,

32

o[ti dei/ perite,mnein auvtou.j paragge,llein te threi/n to.n no,mon

Mwu?se,wjÅ

it is necessary to circumcise and charge them to keep the law of Moses.

6 Sunh,cqhsa,n te oi` avpo,stoloi kai. oi` presbu,teroi ivdei/n peri. tou/

lo,gou tou,touÅ

And the apostles and the elders gathered together to see about this matter.

7 Pollh/j de. zhth,sewj genome,nhj avnasta.j Pe,troj ei=pen pro.j

auvtou,j\ a;ndrej avdelfoi,(

And after a long debate, Peter stood up and said to them, men, brothers

u`mei/j evpi,stasqe o[ti avfV h`merw/n avrcai,wn evn u`mi/n

evxele,xato o` qeo.j dia. tou/ sto,mato,j

you know that from the ancient days among you, God chose that through my mouth

mou avkou/sai ta. e;qnh to.n lo,gon tou/ euvaggeli,ou kai. pisteu/saiÅ

the Gentiles the Gentiles should hear the good news and believe.

8 kai. o` kardiognw,sthj qeo.j evmartu,rhsen auvtoi/j dou.j to. pneu/ma

to. a[gion kaqw.j kai.

And God who knows the heats approved them and gave [them] the Holy Spirit as

h`mi/n

to us.

9 kai. ouvqe.n die,krinen metaxu. h`mw/n te kai. auvtw/n th/| pi,stei

kaqari,saj ta.j kardi,aj

and He has made no difference between us and them by faith, cleansing their hearts.

auvtw/nÅ

33

10nu/n ou=n ti, peira,zete to.n qeo.n evpiqei/nai zugo.n evpi. to.n

tra,chlon tw/n maqhtw/n o]n

now therefore, why do we tempt God laying upon the disciples the yoke

ou;te oi` pate,rej h`mw/n ou;te h`mei/j ivscu,samen basta,saiÈ

which neither our fathers nor us have been able to bear?

11avlla. dia. th/j ca,ritoj tou/ kuri,ou VIhsou/ pisteu,omen swqh/nai kaqV

o]n tro,pon

but through the grace of the Lord Jesus, we believe to be saved in the same way

kavkei/noiÅ

as they.

12VEsi,ghsen de. pa/n to. plh/qoj kai. h;kouon Barnaba/ kai. Pau,lou

evxhgoume,nwn o[sa

and the multitude became silent listening to the report of Barnabas and Paul [about]

evpoi,hsen o` qeo.j shmei/a kai. te,rata evn toi/j e;qnesin diV

auvtw/nÅ

great signs and wonders God had done among the Gentiles through them

13Meta. de. to. sigh/sai auvtou.j avpekri,qh VIa,kwboj le,gwn\ a;ndrej

avdelfoi,( avkou,sate, mouÅ

And after they had been silent, James answered them saying, men, brothers listen to me

14Sumew.n evxhgh,sato kaqw.j prw/ton o` qeo.j evpeske,yato labei/n

evx evqnw/n lao.n tw/|

Simeon has explained how God at first was concerned to take out of the Gentiles a people

ovno,mati auvtou/Å

34

for His name.

15kai. tou,tw| sumfwnou/sin oi` lo,goi tw/n profhtw/n kaqw.j ge,graptai\

And to this, the words of the prophets agree, as it is written,

16meta. tau/ta avnastre,yw kai. avnoikodomh,sw th.n skhnh.n Daui.d

th.n peptwkui/an kai. ta.

After these things, I will return and rebuild the fallen house of David and I will

kateskamme,na auvth/j avnoikodomh,sw kai. avnorqw,sw auvth,n(

rebuild its ruins and I will strengthen it.

17o[pwj a'n evkzhth,swsin oi` kata,loipoi tw/n avnqrw,pwn to.n ku,rion

kai. pa,nta ta. e;qnh

So that the rest of the men may seek the Lord and all the nations

evfV ou]j evpike,klhtai to. o;noma, mou evpV auvtou,j( le,gei ku,rioj

poiw/n tau/ta

upon whom my name is mentioned, says the Lord who has made these things

18gnwsta. avpV aivw/nojÅ

known from eternity.

19dio. evgw. kri,nw mh. parenoclei/n toi/j avpo. tw/n evqnw/n

evpistre,fousin evpi. to.n qeo,n(

20avlla. evpistei/lai auvtoi/j tou/ avpe,cesqai tw/n avlisghma,twn tw/n

eivdw,lwn kai. th/j

but to instruct them to be distanced from pollution of idols and from

35

pornei,aj kai. tou/ pniktou/ kai. tou/ ai[matojÅ

fornication and from the strangled and from bloodshed.

21Mwu?sh/j ga.r evk genew/n avrcai,wn kata. po,lin tou.j khru,ssontaj

auvto.n e;cei evn tai/j

For Moses, from the old time in every city, has those who preached him in

sunagwgai/j kata. pa/n sa,bbaton avnaginwsko,menojÅ

synagogues in every Sabbath.

22To,te e;doxe toi/j avposto,loij kai. toi/j presbute,roij su.n o[lh| th/|

evkklhsi,a| evklexame,nouj

then, it seemed good to the apostles and the elders together with the whole church to

a;ndraj evx auvtw/n pe,myai eivj VAntio,ceian su.n tw/| Pau,lw| kai.

Barnaba/|( VIou,dan to.n

choose men out of them and send to Antioch together with Paul and Barnabas, Judas

kalou,menon Barsabba/n kai. Sila/n( a;ndraj h`goume,nouj evn toi/j

avdelfoi/j(

the called Barsabas and Silas, men of reputation among the believers.

23gra,yantej dia. ceiro.j auvtw/n\ Oi` avpo,stoloi kai. oi` presbu,teroi

avdelfoi. toi/j kata.

Jand by their authority, they wrote: The apostles and the elders and the believers, to

th.n VAntio,ceian kai. Suri,an kai. Kiliki,an avdelfoi/j toi/j evx evqnw/n

cai,reinÅ

the Gentile believers in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia, greetings.

36

24VEpeidh. hvkou,samen o[ti tine.j evx h`mw/n Îevxelqo,ntejÐ

evta,raxan u`ma/j lo,goij

Since we have heard that some of us troubled you with words

avnaskeua,zontej ta.j yuca.j u`mw/n oi-j ouv diesteila,meqa(

upsetting your souls who we did not command.

25e;doxen h`mi/n genome,noij o`moqumado.n evklexame,noij a;ndraj

pe,myai pro.j u`ma/j su.n toi/j

It seemed good to us having come to a common consent to send chosen men to you

avgaphtoi/j h`mw/n Barnaba/| kai. Pau,lw|(

together with our beloved Barnabas and Paul,

26avnqrw,poij paradedwko,si ta.j yuca.j auvtw/n u`pe.r tou/ ovno,matoj

tou/ kuri,ou h`mw/n

men who have risked their lives because of the name of our Lord

VIhsou/ Cristou/Å

Jesus Christ

27avpesta,lkamen ou=n VIou,dan kai. Sila/n kai. auvtou.j dia. lo,gou

avpagge,llontaj ta. auvta,Å

therefore, we have sent Judas and Silas and by saying they tell you these things

28e;doxen ga.r tw/| pneu,mati tw/| a`gi,w| kai. h`mi/n mhde.n ple,on

evpiti,qesqai u`mi/n ba,roj plh.n

for it seemed good to the Holy Spirit and to us to lay no more burden to you, except

tou,twn tw/n evpa,nagkej(

these necessary things.

37

29avpe,cesqai eivdwloqu,twn kai. ai[matoj kai. pniktw/n kai

to abstain from what is sacrificed to idols, from bloodshed, from what is strangled and

pornei,aj( evx w-n diathrou/ntej e`autou.j eu= pra,xeteÅ e;rrwsqeÅ

from fornication; if you keep yourself free from these, you will do well. Farewell.

30Oi` me.n ou=n avpoluqe,ntej kath/lqon eivj VAntio,ceian( kai.

sunagago,ntej to. plh/qoj

therefore, being send off, they came to Antioch, and gathering the multitude together

evpe,dwkan th.n evpistolh,nÅ

they handed the letter.

31avnagno,ntej de. evca,rhsan evpi. th/| paraklh,seiÅ

and upon reading, they rejoiced on the basis of the comfort.

32VIou,daj te kai. Sila/j kai. auvtoi. profh/tai o;ntej dia. lo,gou pollou/

pareka,lesan tou.j

So, Judas and Silas and being themselves prophets by many words they comforted and

avdelfou.j kai. evpesth,rixan(

strengthened the believers.

33poih,santej de. cro,non avpelu,qhsan metV eivrh,nhj avpo. tw/n

avdelfw/n pro.j tou.j

and having spent time, they were send off in peace from the believers to those

avpostei,lantaj auvtou,jÅ

who had sent them

38

34

35Pau/loj de. kai. Barnaba/j die,tribon evn VAntiocei,a| dida,skontej kai.

euvaggelizo,menoi

But Paul and Barnabas remained in Antioch teaching and preaching good news of the

meta. kai. e`te,rwn pollw/n to.n lo,gon tou/ kuri,ouÅ

word of the Lord with many others also.

3.3 Literary Context

Although Acts 15:1-35 concludes the first missionary journey (Acts 13: 4-15:35,

its placement is questionable. Dibelius and Metzger, who hold that Acts was composed

by two sources A and B, believe that Acts 15: 1-33 was inserted into the account of the

first missionary journey.142 The original narrative flowed uninterrupted from 14:28 to

15:36, and that Acts 15 is a parallel account of the journey from Antioch to Jerusalem

narrated in Acts 11:29 – 12:24. This being the case, many scholars’ proposal is that Acts

15:1-33 should be inserted after 12:24.143 That Acts 15:1-35 follows after Acts 12:24 is

from the B source, which, though popular, is composed of legendary materials hence

historically unreliable.

Dibelius believes that Luke produced the apostolic decree from a written

document which was rewritten into the context of the council.144 Following this argument,

Acts 15 is not historically accurate and that only Galatians 2:1-12145 would be used to

reconstruct the narrative of conflict between Gentile and Jewish Christianity of which

142 Dibelius 1956, 84-101 see also Metzger 1975, 430-434143 Lake and Cadbury 1933, 445-474; see also Bruce 1982, 106-27; and also Fung 1988, 86.144 Dibelius 1956, 99.145 Because of the close relation that Acts bears with Galatians 2:1-10, I have found it worthy to discuss

about it in the next section, that is 3.3

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Acts 15 alludes.146 Many scholars are of Dibelius’ opinion in asserting that Acts 15 is a

composition of rewritten source material (a written document with which Luke was

familiar) designed to construct a context for the apostolic decree.147

Boismard,148 who wrote in 1988, saw that Acts 15:1-35 has gone through four

stages of redaction. The first stage was the original narrative, in which the speech by

Peter was made immediately after the conversion of Cornelius and his household in Acts

10-11. His opinion is that Paul and Barnabas play no role in this original narrative. The

second stage changes slightly from the original in terms of content and order. The third

stage removes Peter’s speech from its original placement and inserts it between the first

and the second missionary journey and associates it with conflicts in Antioch. The fourth

stage of redaction transposes the conflict and its resolution back to Jerusalem, and this is

the final form we have today.149

Dibelius offers a helpful suggestion in resolving the discussion above. I am

incorporating it here as a conclusion. His suggestion is that, to understand the text of Acts

15:1-35, we need only to be clear on Luke’s literary and theological concern for writing

this account,150namely Acts 15:1-35. The best evidence is that, Luke did not create the

information. As we know, the information is verified by Paul who was present in that

council and writes on apostolic council in his epistle to Galatians. The question of how

these two narratives are related is treated in the next section.

146 Dibelius 1956, 99.147 Lake and Cadbury 1933, 445-474; see also Bruce 1982, 106-27; and also Fung 1988, 86148 The book he wrote is Le `concile' de Jérusalem (Act 15, 1-33).149 Boismard 1988, 433-440.150 Dibelius 1956, 101.

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3.4 Acts 15:1-35 and Galatians 2:1-10

The relationship that Acts 15:1-35 has with Galatians 2:1-10 cannot be

overlooked. The two texts account for the same event, and scholars who have written on

either of the two have never ignored the closeness of the two texts. The paragraphs that

follow present some of the scholarly arguments concerning these two texts.

One argument is that Acts 15 parallels Galatians 2:1-10. Many scholars are of this

view.151 They show that there is agreement between the two accounts concerning the

subject matter, participants, and the principal result.152 One major difference is that, Paul

does not mention the apostolic decree that is found in Acts 15:29.153 Wenham goes on

adding another difference that, in Galatians, the meeting is described as a private

meeting, but in Acts is not.154

Another scholarly view is of the opinion that Acts 11:27-30; 12:25 parallels

Galatians 2:1-10. The occasion for this is that Paul and Barnabas went to Jerusalem to

deliver a collection for famine relief in the Jerusalem church.155 This view holds that the

private meeting with the pillar apostles occurred during this visit. Thus, Paul in Galatians

2:1-10 alludes to the visit of Acts 11:30. The two visits have several points of correlation;

both were initiated by a revelation (Acts 11:28 and Gal 2:2). The problem that arises

here is that the Gentile controversy is lacking from Acts, and besides that, Acts 11:30

does not specifically mention a meeting between Paul and the apostles.

151 Cousar 1992, 230-232; see also Lightfoot 1995, 123-128 and also Hengel 1979, 111-126.152 Wenham 1993, 228-229.153 Cousar 1992, 230-232154 Wenham 1993, 220.155 Lake and Cadbury 1933, 445-474; see also Bruce 1982, 106-27; and also Fung 1988, 86

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As previously mentioned, there are a lot of discussions about the relationship of

these two texts.156 In weighing the similarities and the differences, the differences

outweigh the similarities. Though the differences are many, Rackham says “they are not

irreconcilable.”157 In reconciling, one should consider the purposes that motivated both

Luke and Paul to write their works. While Paul was writing his biographical note, being

“concerned with his relation to the Lord,”158 Luke was writing the history of the church of

God showing how the church earnestly averted the schism.159 It should also be noted that

there are differences of mind between individuals. No two persons have exactly the same

ideas; and the difference of mind make a difference of vision. If Peter and James were to

write their account of the same event, they would still show some differences which

would be motivated by their own purposes. It is therefore natural to have these two

accounts of the same event with the differences we have seen.

What is interesting with these texts is the fact that both Paul and Luke agree on

the subject matter and its fundamental result.160 Reading their differences in a positive

light, I would say that the two accounts supplement each other. Therefore, I see it as

richness that the church enjoys when different people with different abilities and views

write on the same event. But for the differences to be interpreted as richness there must

be acceptance and appreciation by the participants. This has been the stand of the church

from the very beginning according to Acts 15:1-35. The next section which is about the

156Other discussions include: Galatians 2:1-10 parallels Acts 18:22, and that Acts 15:1-30 was purposely displaced by the redactor to its current location. For more discussion about this, see Cousar 1992, 230-232.

157 Rackham 1957, 140. 158 Rackham 1957, 141.159 Rackham 1957, 140. 160 Wenham 1993, 228-229.

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analysis of Acts 15:1-35, the text that account for the first church council, discusses this

idea of cultural richness in the church as the gospel reaches different cultural contexts.

3.5 Exegetical Analysis of Acts 15:1-35.

There are two ways of looking at Luke’s Acts. First we look at Luke as a historian

who recorded some historical facts. Historians are motivated by certain reasons as they

narrate their historical accounts. Luke too has a motif behind his historical work.161 The

second way is to look at Luke as a theologian who had a theological direction in mind

that began in his Gospel and continued into Acts. His theological concern, as it appears,

was to show how the gospel of Jesus Christ was preached from Jerusalem to the ends of

the world. The gospel that was a part of the Jewish culture, now proceeds outside

Palestine where it encounters different cultures and peoples.

Understanding that this was Luke’s focus, I concur with the structural pattern that

Newman and Nida162 have suggested, because it follows this theological development that

Luke has in mind. In dividing the pericope, they suggest five patterns. The first section

(vv. 1-2) introduces the “issue” in conflict. The issue here is: Should circumcision be a

necessary demand for the salvation? Vv. 3-5 form the second section. This section shifts

the scene of conflict from Antioch to Jerusalem, where essentially the same problem

continues among those who belong to the part of the Pharisees.

The third section comprises vv. 6-21. This section is about the conference that

was necessitated by the scenes introduced in the two sections above. The conference

161 Scholars who look at Luke as a historian see that Luke wrote this as a historical apologetic account which was meant to be presented to the Roman rulers whom he identifies as Theophilus. For details see Winter & Clarke 199, 35-40.

162 Newman and Nida 1972, 287.

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involves the apostles, elders, and the whole church. The fourth section (vv. 23-29)

records the resolution that was reached by the council. In it, there is a letter that was

written to the Gentiles. The fifth section (vv. 30-35) which is the last is about the reaction

of the Antiochian church as Paul, Barnabas, and the council’s delegates bring the

message from the council. Having seen the structure of the text, let us now look more

closely at the text.

Conflicts arise in Antioch after certain men from Judea163 arrive and begin to

teach the converts the necessity of circumcision (perite,mnhsqe)164 and to walk in the

traditions of Moses (to. e;qoj tou/ Mwu?se,wj). Circumcision and customs of Moses

marked the identity of Judaism.165 Earlier it was said that, a Gentile who wanted to

convert into Judaism had to undergo the process called proselytism whose demands were

wrapped in the rite of circumcision. Inside circumcision were other demands like

religious conversion, ethical conversion and social conversion.166 Terrence Callan

clarifies this by saying that a convert was at first supposed to undergo circumcision, but

later, he had to embrace the entire law.167 A convert who began to observe the law before

circumcision was not received,168 for in receiving people of that character was considered

by pious Jews to be equivalent to apostasy.169 So what these certain men from Judea ,

who later on are identified as those of the part of the Pharisees, were emphasizing was

the necessary requirement for a proselyte and not for a salvation.

163 New Testament scholars have named these as Judaizers because of their zeal in forcing people follow Jewish traditions. See Barclays 2004, 16-30.

164 Circumcision is a Jewish religious right which is 165 Josephus, Wars 1. 1. 2166 With these three demands, the proselytes had to leave their family, their country and customs. In this

case, the converts were to be cut off completely from their local societies. For details, see Borgen 1996, 56-57. Also Josephus, Antiquities 20.4.1

167Callan 1993, 290.168 Josephus, Antiquity 20.2.4169 1Maccabees 1:11-15; see also Josephus, Wars 1.1.2

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The result of the teachings of the certain men from Judea was the

“avntista,sewj kai. suzhth,sewj ouvk ovli,ghj which is translated as “no small

dissension and debate.” The Greek word sta,sij (stasis) has strong connotation and as

used elsewhere (Mark 15:7; Acts 19:40). Besides meaning dispute, it has other meanings

like “uproar,” “agitation,” “insurrection,” and “revolt.” Luke qualifies it with ouvk

ovli,ghj (no little). This depicts how severe the dissension was. Newman and Nida

suggest “fierce argument”170 to be the kind of situation which prevailed in Antioch.

Though it is not said how long the fierce argument lasted, notwithstanding the situation,

they decided to send delegates to Jerusalem for resolution to the conflict (15:2). It is the

“church”171 that sent Paul, Barnabas, and some of the others to Jerusalem (15:3).

The delegates arrived in Jerusalem and “gave an account or told”172 all what God

had done to the Gentiles through them. The account by Paul and Barnabas led the

believers who belonged to the party of the Pharisees to rise and emphasize the necessity

of circumcision and the keeping of Mosaic Law. In Antioch, circumcision was connected

with salvation, but here the pharisaic believers only show its necessity.173 In this paper I

consider the certain men from Judea of Acts 15:1 and those of the part of the Pharisees

of Acts 15:5 to be the same with the view that this later identification of the troubles

makers associates them with the Pharisees, the people who sat on the seat of Moses.174

With this view, I see that the conflict that arises in Jerusalem is a continuation of that

which began in Antioch. These two scenes, the fierce argument of Antioch and its

170 Newman and Nida 1972, 287.171 The church here refers to the congregation of Antioch.172 Newman and Nida 1972, 291.173 In other places too Luke has shown that the practice was necessary that was the case with Jesus and John

the Baptist. But, it seems that later on the rite came to be practiced in connection with “zeal” for Judaism which was now and then in threat by the Hellenistic culture. See McKnight 1991, 81-82.

174 Matthew 23 In this verse, Jews confronts the Pharisees as people who sat on the seat of Moses meaning that they emphasized and demanded people to observe the law of Moses

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continuation,175 revealed by the statement of the Pharisaic believers at Jerusalem, set the

subject matter for the council. Thus the subject question that provoked the council was:

Must Gentiles converting into Christianity be circumcised and ordered to keep the

Mosaic Law?176

Since the controversy had risen from the mission area where the gospel was

preached to people of different cultures, indirectly, the council had to decide whether

they wanted to perform their mission of preaching the gospel by “diffusion” or by

“translation.”177 Those coming from Judea could not imagine dissolving the link between

the message of Jesus and the Jewish culture and religion. They could only perceive the

new situation in the perspective of proselytization of the Gentiles which conforms to

mission by diffusion. According to the pharisaic understanding, Gentiles had to leave

their culture and become Jews if they wanted to embrace Christianity. The council had a

hot issue before them which they needed to find resolution. The analysis of the third

section reveals how and what was decided.

The third section is the longest in this chapter; it covers vv. 6-21. The council also

consisted of the apostles and elders (in v. 12 they are referred to as assembly). The

council consists of four episodes. The first episode contains Peter’s speech that supports

the Gentile mission (vv. 7-11). The second is a short narrative concerning the report of

175 The fierce argument of Antioch caused by certain men from Jerusalem is continued at Jerusalem after the report that Paul and Barnabas give to the church at Jerusalem. Bruce 1951, 291 also Conzelmann 1987, 116 believe that the situation of Jerusalem had nothing to do with that of Antioch because the second is not connected to salvation, but only for the table fellowship. One should remember that the fierce argument of Antioch was not resolved, and this shows that it continued in Jerusalem.

176 It has been noted that circumcision was a code word for the Law of Moses in its entirely, because those who circumcised were later on demanded to keep the entire law of Moses. See Neyrey 1991, 381

177 Sanneh 1989, 29. By diffusion, Sanneh means the missionary culture is inseparable carrier of the message, and by translation he meant the indigenous culture is the true and final locus of the proclamation. With this second, he wants to say that the message needs to be translated into the language and cultural traditions of those who receive the message.

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Paul and Barnabas (v. 12). In the third episode, James offers his suggestion on how to

resolve the problem (vv. 13-21).

The conversion of Cornelius178 and its implication on Peter179 sets the background

for Peter’s speech (vv.7-11). Before the Cornelius event, Peter was understood to be an

orthodox Jew as we can read in his, “You are well aware that it is against the law for a

Jew to associate with a Gentile or visit him.”180 The word aqemiton here could be

translated as unlawful. Sociologically the word can be translated as “taboo.” Although

there was no formal law that forbade Jews from associating with the Gentiles, culturally

it was understood to be a taboo and unclean. Sanders writes on the importance of purity

as part of keeping the law of God, and that “the peculiarity of the Jewish diet was as

famous as observing the Sabbath.”181 A pious Jew who earnestly observed the Sabbath

paid the same attention to the dietary laws. It is, therefore, not surprising to find that the

vision that Peter experienced had so much to do with food and purity.182

With the vision Peter had had experienced, he gives a speech in which we notice

two kinds of conversions: Cornelius’ conversion into Christianity by faith and Peter’s

conversion from being an orthodox Jew to a liberal Jew. Both conversions are initiated by

God Himself. Peter underwent a fundamental shift in understanding the position of

Gentiles in salvation.183 He sees that both Jews and Gentiles share the gift of the Spirit

and salvation through faith. Luke writes Peter’s phrase which he repeats three times to

express the Gentiles equality with the Jews in salvation. He writes, “If God gave them the

178 This is narrated in Acts 10:1-48.179 This is narrated in Acts 11:1-18.180 Acts 10:28181 Sanders 1992, 213-240.182 Acts 10:11-16.183 Johnson 1992, 262.

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Spirit as He gave us.”184 The two groups are made equal by the outpouring of the Holy

Spirit and the Jewish culture had no place in salvation. It is through the grace of Jesus

that people are saved. Jewish culture should not be imposed on the Gentiles.

Though Peter’s speech does not suggest what should be done, it shows that the

old separation between Jews and Gentiles does not exist anymore, for it is not through

ritual laws or external belonging to the people of God that people become purified.

Rather, it is by believing in Jesus. For Peter who said words like “what relevance had the

law to your salvation?,”185his concern was to show that the Jews’ possession of the law

was irrelevant to their salvation. Its absence among the Gentiles did not preclude

Cornelius from salvation, and likewise its presence among the Jews did not bring the

experience of salvation to them. This is the very reason that Peter refers to the Jewish law

as zugo.n “yoke” whose sociological meaning is slavery. Not even their fathers had

been able to bear these laws. Therefore imposing it on the Gentiles was a tantamount to

bringing them into slavery.186

After Peter’s speech there was a report from Paul and Barnabas which Luke

narrates in this account (v.12). Ernest Haenchen187 comments that the presence of the

verse here is to serve as a transition from Peter’s speech to James’ speech which is

discussed in the following paragraphs.

James’ speech picks up where Peter left off, and responds to the question that

arose in Antioch: Is it necessary for the Gentile converts to be circumcised and keep the

Law of Moses? James responds to this question on two grounds. First, he recites what has

184 The phrase appears in Acts 10:47; 11:17 and 15:8.185 Nolland 1980, 110.186 Nolland 1980, 110.187 Haenchen 1971, 459.

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already happened, in the case of the conversion of Cornelius and his household, which

did not involve circumcision, as reported by Peter. Second, James recites from the

scripture,188 the purpose of God concerning the Gentiles. The message he relates from the

scripture is that the prophets predicted that Gentiles would join the eschatological people

of God not as Jews, but as Gentiles.189 He bases his arguments on the exegesis and

interpretation of the scripture (Amos 9:11-12). This makes him speak with authority as he

uses words like: listen to me (akusate mou in v. 13) and I judge (e.gw. kri,nw in

v. 19. Richard Rackham says that, “if anyone was to win the Jewish party to the

acceptance of the Gentiles, then it was James,”190 not only because he was the president

of the council,191 but also because of his influence among the Jewish Christians, his use of

scripture and the wisdom he possessed.192

James’ speech is theologically important as it shows that God had redefined the

“people of God” and had already begun to gather a new people among all nations (v 14).

It thus became apparent that salvation depended on individual relationship to God rather

than to the traditions and institutions of any particular ethnic group. Understanding this

way, James says, we should not trouble the Gentiles by imposing our cultural laws on

them (v. 19). On the contrary, he proposes what Gentiles should abstain from. Though

Luke narrates that the decisive proposal was from James, “most probably as a chairman

he had to sum up the general wish of the members.”193 And these were the requirements

that were proposed: Gentiles should abstain from pollution of the idols, fornication, what

188 The scripture picked was from Amos 9:11-12.189 Bauckham 1995, 452.190 Rackham 1957, 253.191 Marshall 1980, 251.192 Rackham 1957, 253.193 Hargreaves 1990, 145.

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is strangled, and from blood (v. 20). The next paragraphs examine profoundly the

quintessence of these prohibitions.

The prohibitions begin with abstain from pollution of the idols. Idolatry was

popular in the Greco-Roman world. Its worship had so much to do with feasts and sexual

practices.194 Its members would offer sacrifice to the gods and thereafter hold feasts. In

such feasts, eating food offered to the idols was a common phenomenon and often the

meat slaughtered for the gods was brought to the market for sale.195 Because of its

connection with idols, it was understood as polluted according to the Jewish view.196 This

pollution touched the Christian conscience too. Thus the council tells the Gentile

Christians to abstain from this pollution as well .

Apart from the meat sacrificed to the idols, James proposes that the Gentiles

should abstain from pornei,a, fornication. Some commentators interpret fornication to

mean marriage within prohibited degrees as given in Leviticus 18.197 This is possible

because pornei,a has both sociological and theological meanings. Sociologically, it

entails meanings like incest, and prostitution.198 Theologically, the term means the

worship of many gods, and is technically understood as “spiritual prostitution.”199

Be it sociologically or theologically, prostitution formed an essential part of the

worship of many deities in the Greco-Roman world. “To prostitute oneself was, at some

religious centres, an act of worship.”200 And those who prostituted or appointed to

194 Rackham 1957, 264-265.195 Newman and Nida 1972, 297.196 Leviticus 17-18; Exodus 20.197 Callan 1993, 288198 Rackham 1957, 264199 Spiritual Prostitution is spoken in details in the Book of Hosea, though it is symbolized by Gomer’s

behaviour. 200 Rackham 1957, 265.

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prostitute considered themselves privileged201 and sacred,202 and would kindly value the

opportunity.203 Newman and Nida speak of this and the first prohibition as the “sins for

which the Gentiles were notorious.”204 It was part and parcel of the daily life of the

Gentiles. James believed that the church should address these issues. As a result of this

concern, he proposed that Gentiles should flee from idolatry in whatever the sense.

Pniktoj is the third prohibition suggested by James from which the Gentiles

should abstain. This prohibition, for some commentators, appears to be a typical Jewish

law designed to avoid a possible breach in the table fellowship between the Jews and the

Gentiles.205 Any animal dying without draining its blood was understood to be strangled.

Since Jews would not eat blood, strangled animals were not to be eaten as well.206 James’

proposal is that Gentiles too should abstain from eating strangled meat.

The fourth and last prohibition is the abstinence from ai[matoj, blood.

A.i,matoj from its the Greek usage means blood or murder.207 The second meaning is

also found in Isaiah 1:15 and the word used is ai[matoj in Greek and ~D' in

Hebrew. In this verse, Justin Taylor discusses the two meanings for ai[matoj.208 The

first sense is blood as food. Its placement next to food laws confuses many

commentators and makes them think that it is about eating blood as prohibited in

201 Josephus, Antiquity 18.3.3-4202 Rackham 1957, 265.203 Josephus records one incidence in which Paulina was told that Anubis the god had fallen n love with,

and wanted to lie with her. She and her husband were very grateful for that opportunity. For the details of the story see Josephus: Antiquity 18.3.4.

204 Newman and Nida 1972, 297.205 Newman and Nida 1972, 298.206The Jews believed that the life essence of an animal was contained in its blood, and therefore people

were forbidden to eat it. This is the reason why they could neither eat strangled animals, since these still had blood in them, nor could they eat blood by itself. See Newman and Nida 1972, 298.

207 Vine n.d 136208 Taylor 2001, 376

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Leviticus 17-18.209 But why would James repeat the same thing about blood, from the

third prohibition? The second sense of blood that Justin Taylor discusses is bloodshed or

murder.210 Though Metzger sees that it would seem unlikely that Gentiles who had

become Christians would need some special warning against murder,211 it should be taken

into account that Christianity was just at its beginning. There was no doctrine which

guided them, and in this case, warning the Gentiles to abstain from murder was done at

the right time. With these words I am of the opinion that James meant this second

meaning that Justin Taylor discusses, that is, they should avoid bloodshed or murder.

It is not easy to determine why James proposed the four prohibitions (Acts 15:20)

which I have discussed above. Justin Taylor gives the knowledge that these prohibitions

correlate to the “grave crimes with which, according to the rabbinic traditions,

compromise was impossible even under the pain of death, namely idolatry, bloodshed

and incest.”212 Was James a radical Jew who found no compromise with the Gentile

believers? The second context where these prohibitions are found help us to understand

the concern that James had as he proposed these.

These four prohibitions James proposed are further more found in the Noachic

rules.213 Noah is attested by the scripture214 as a God-fearer, lived before Torah, and was

given to the Israelite through Moses. The writings outside Christian literature show that

209 Callan 1993, 288; See also Brunt 1985, 117210 Taylor 2001, 376.211 Metzger 1975, 431.212 Taylor 2001, 373.213 The Noachic rules comprise doing justice, cover nakedness, bless the creator, honour parents, love the

neighbour, avoid fornication, avoid pollution, avoid bloodshed, not to eat animal blood, offer first offering, avoid theft, avoid blasphemy, and avoiding idolatry. For detail discussion see Taylor 2001, 372-377.

214 Genesis 6-9; also Ezekiel 14:14, 20.

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Noah had rules215 which he observed and used them to instruct his sons. Though the rules

were later on applied by the Jewish rabbis as they admitted Gentiles to Judaism,216 they

remain to be Noachic. That is, Noah who was not a Jew, upon observing such rules had

righteousness which was acknowledged by God. It might be possible that James had this

view of Noachic rules in mind and not the rabbinic traditions.

In rabbinic midrash, the rabbis assumed that the Noachic rules contained several

revealed commandments defining just and humane behaviour.217 If it is accepted that

James proposed these prohibitions with the view that they are Noachic rules, then his

attempt was to associate Gentiles neither with Abraham nor with Moses, but with

Noah.218 Gentiles’ relationship with God was to be expressed in terms of the Covenant

made by God with Noah representing the whole human race, and not in terms of the

covenant made with Abraham, renewed in the time of Moses,219 which was only for the

Jews. So, the proselytization process which Jews used in admitting Gentiles into Judaism

which the certain men from Judea were imposing over the Antiochenes here was denied.

James’ suggestion was seconded by the council and the resolution was reached

with the agreement that a letter has to be written to Gentile converts. The important thing

with the letter the council wrote to the Gentiles is that it follows the Hellenistic style of

letter writing.220This letter shows that it is the apostles, elders, and the whole church who

are involved in writing. Letter co-authorship was also common in the Greco-Roman

215 The Noachic rules comprise doing justice, cover nakedness, bless the creator, honour parents, love the neighbour, avoid fornication, avoid pollution, avoid bloodshed, not to eat animal blood, offer first offering, avoid theft, avoid blasphemy, and avoiding idolatry. See also Jubilee 7:20-21; 15:26-27.

216 Segal 1990, 192-196217 Sanhedrin 56b in Segal 1990, 195. 218 Taylor 2001, 377.219 Taylor 2001, 374.220 The Hellenistic style began with the writer, addressee, greetings, the body and finally conclusion. To

mention but a few example James 1:1; Acts 23:26; 2Maccabeaus 1:1. See also Stowers 1989, 21; also Ferguson 1987, 96.

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world.221 We also find that Biblical writers adopted this method.222 This is the case with

the letter written by the council to the Gentile believers that Luke records in Acts 15. The

council depicts that they were not distanced from their social environment.

What is striking here is the fact that the council writes a letter without mentioning

circumcision, the question that caused the council to be convened. It only speaks of

troubles. Here it is stated; since we have heard that some of us troubled you with words

upsetting your souls whom we did not command (v.24). In the letter, the council

acknowledges the risk that Paul and Barnabas undertook due to the clash that happened.

As a solution, the council sends delegates in addition to the letter they write. This again

was common in the Greco-Roman world to send a person who would tell more about the

written message.223

Something to note here is the inclusion of the Holy Spirit in the decision that is

sent to the Gentiles. Luke has shown from the beginning of Acts how active the Holy

Spirit is. Here the Holy Spirit is present to emphasize what the council writes. The letter

is sealed by the Holy Spirit because it is the purpose of God that Gentiles should turn to

God. The phrase it has seemed good to the Holy Spirit and to us shows that the Holy

Spirit was present in their discussion. The requirements that the Gentiles are to meet are

the prohibitions that James has proposed in Acts 15:20,224 and not the circumcision rite as

demanded by the pharisaic party.

The closing narrative summarizes the travel of the delegates, and the reception of

the message by Gentile believers at Antioch. Luke narrates that the Gentiles were glad for

221 Achtemeir at al 2001, 557.222 Letters with co-authorship include Philippians, Colossians, and Thessalonians. 223 A good example is found in Romans 16:1 where Phoebe is believed to be the messenger who might have

told more about Paul to the Romans.224 Since the details of the prohibitions have discussed already, I find no reason of re-discussing them here.

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the encouraging message from both the letter and the delegates. The encouraging

message here is that circumcision has not been counted as a prerequisite for Gentile

converts. They do not have to abandon their culture to follow Jesus; instead their culture

would enrich their understanding of the message of the gospel. This encouraging message

can be applied into other areas of the Gentiles’ lives as the gospel gets spread. The next

section postulates a contextual interpretation of Acts 15:1-35.

3. 6 A Contextual Interpretation of Acts 15:1-35.

The preceding sections have dealt with exegeting Acts 15:1-35. The exegetical

findings have revealed that the pericope has a remarkable value in the process of cultural

preservation of the believers. Some Jewish believers could not accept Gentile believers as

followers of Jesus without being circumcised and brought into the Jewish nation. Their

wish and emphasis was that Gentile believers should abandon their culture and undergo

circumcision, as was acceptable in Jewish tradition. This was nothing but proselytization.

Gentiles did not want to become Jewish proselytes, but followers of Jesus who have own

cultural identity. They saw no necessity of laying down their own identity in favour of

foreign culture. When this persisted, causing conflicts between them and the Judaizers,

the council at Jerusalem was convened.

The definite stand of the council that Gentiles should not be forced into becoming

proselytes helps us to see that from the very beginning the church was for cultural

preservation. It stated clearly that it is not through the missionary culture but through the

grace of the Lord Jesus that the hearers of the gospel are saved.

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Although this solution answered the question initially raised at Antioch on the

importance of circumcision, there appeared some signs of breach in fellowship between

Jewish Christians and Gentile Christians. To maintain the unity and holiness of the

church, a compromise had to be reached – Gentiles had to observe some prohibitions

which were not basically Jewish in origin, but Noachic laws meaning that they were

meant for the whole human race.

This resolution opens the way to a pluralistic, cross-cultural and multi-national

movement of Jesus followers. While it has been Luke’s concern in his two volumes to

show that Gentiles too are of equal values as the Jews,225 Acts 15 intensifies the idea as it

shows that both God and the scripture were concerned for the whole human race. In this

way, the church had no objection than to affirm the purpose of God. Because of this

special message that Acts 15 holds, some scholars say that this chapter is one of the most

important chapters in Acts.226 In showing its importance in the book of Acts, Newman

and Nida add that, “Acts 15 begins almost at the midpoint of Acts, and this makes it the

turning point in the book of Acts.”227

In Acts 15:1-35, Jews and Gentiles are brought together. Cultural limitations are

no longer there. Cultural burdens over the Gentiles have been denied. Let the Jews

remain Jews and Gentiles remain Gentiles, for the church accommodates both Jews and

Gentiles, and Jesus is their Lord. This is the message we can interpret from Acts 15:1-35.

The Bena who read Acts 15:1-35 find that the text helps them to maintain their Bena

identity. Just as the Jerusalem council decided that Antiochenes should not take the

225 In the gospel, he traces the genealogy of Jesus to Adam the thing that shows his interests in the whole human race. In Acts 1:8 shows that though the gospel began in Jerusalem was meant to be spread to the whole world. This is a proof that indeed Luke shows that Jews are of equal in value as the Gentiles.

226 Newman and Nida 1972, 287.227 Newman and Nida 1972, 287.

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Jewish cultural identity, so were the Bena not to be forced to abandon their cultural

identity in favour of the missionaries’ cultural identity. Before moving to see whether this

is what was done among the Bena as the gospel was preached in the 19 th century, let me

shortly summarize the findings of this chapter.

3.7 Summary

The chapter has provided a heuristic value and rich scenario for the understanding

of the constant concern of the church in preserving culture, yet seeing that the unity and

the holiness of the church are maintained. This concern of the church, as it has been

shown in this chapter, was shown in the Jerusalem council which discussed the question

that arose in Antioch about the necessity of circumcision of the Gentile converts. Since

circumcision was a Jewish religious rite whose sociological aspect functioned as a Jewish

cultural identity, the council decided that Jewish cultural should not be imposed on the

Gentile converts. Gentiles have their culture and they don’t have to become Jews to be

followers of Jesus. To keep the holiness of the church, the council put four prohibitions

that the Gentile converts had observe. Agreeing upon this idea, the council wrote a letter

to the Gentile churches which was sent with Judas and Silas, along with Paul and

Barnabas. The message of the letter comforted the Gentile believers.

Today the gospel has gone beyond the Greco-Roman world. It has reached Asia,

Africa, the Americas and Africa. Most of those who brought the good news to Africa are

the missionaries of the 19th century. Were these 19th century missionaries friendly to

cultural values of the new converts228 or not? Using the Bena, people who live in the

228 New converts here refers to those who embraced Christianity as they had the gospel preached by the missionaries in the 19th century.

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southern highlands of Tanzania, the next chapter presents the attitude the missionaries

had about the indigenous cultural values and what they did in accordance to the attitude

they had.

To have a clear picture of what happened, it is necessary to have a look at the

Bena and their culture before and after their encounter with the missionaries who brought

the gospel to them. This is the concern of the next chapter.

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4.0 THE BENA AND THEIR CULTURE

In this chapter is a presentation of the Bena and their culture. This presentation

will help us in two ways. First, it will help us see what kind of cultural values the Bena

had before they encountered the gospel. This is important to know because it helps us to

see if the prevailing problems are a result of the missionary work.229 Second, the

presentation will help us in the process of reconstructing the cultural values. Considering

the broadness of meaning of culture as the operational definition suggested, this chapter

limits the Bena culture to values which have to do with conflicts reconciliation. The

presentation begins with the Bena.

4.1. The Bena

Bena230 is a word that refers to the people who occupy the area which in the

present day refers to Njombe administrative district in Iringa Region. It is bounded to the

north by Mbarali and Mufindi districts, to the west by Makete district, to the South by

Ludewa district and to the east by Ulanga. The map that is in Appendix IV illustrates

these bounds clearly.

229 The researcher is aware of the fact that there are many factors that may be a cause to the problems that the Bena experience today. The thing that makes him confine to seeing what influence the missionaries may have on this is the fact that, most of the reconciliatory values are connected to religion whose rites suffered loss during the Bena’s encounter with the 19th C missionaries. See also Wright 1971, 21-42.

230 The Bena give two sources of the name Bena. The first source holds that the founder was called “Mbena” the thing that made his followers be named after him. The problem with this source is that, among the leaders of the Bena that the history of the Bena lists, Mbena is not mentioned. This gives opportunity for the second source to be considered. This second source explains that the people who settled at Nyumbanitu and later on spread to the surrounding areas were growing finger-millet. The verb for reaping finger-millet in Bena language is hubena, and the basic form is bena. This is to say that, these people were given a name after their economic activity. I see that this second source is telling what exactly happens among the Bena today. The Bena have this tendency of giving a person a name that relates to the activity she or he does always. (Nyagawa 1999, 24ff discusses about the origin of the name bena).

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The Bena is one of the tribes whose history is less written. Mfungati notices that

the bulk of Bena history circulates through oral tradition.231 This oral tradition when

listened to reveals how the Bena identify themselves. For example, when bishop

Kiwovele, one of the pioneers of maintaining African identity, was interviewed by

Hillman Ngunangwa on how the Bena understand themselves, he had the following to

say:

The Bena identify themselves as Africans within their family circles. As many Africans, the Bena are part of the Bantu people who came from North Cameroon. Cameroon is said to be the original home of the Bantu who form two thirds of the Africans in the continent. [As it is for all the Bantu232,] [t]he Bena likewise left that area to go toward the south and eastern part of Cameroon around 6th and 8th centuries. They then moved to Zaire and Congo and then to south where they met the Bushmen and Hottentots in South Africa. Between 10 th and 14th centuries a mass of people from South Africa moved northward through the coastal routes and others through Zimbabwe, Zambia and Malawi after they were driven away by white immigrants in the 15 th and 16th

centuries. So Bena history is a history of great adventure233.

Gideon Were and Wilson Derek offer similar data saying that, the Bantu groups,

some of them, the Bena being part of them, entered Tanzania around 1000 CE to 1300

CE from south-west between Lake Tanganyika and Lake Nyasa.234The southern Bantu

however, are said to have settled the southern highlands plateau in which the land of

Ubena is part of it. Brown Chanafi even mentions that “Nyumbanitu is the area where the

Bena first settled.”235 Naftali Mfungati and Seth Nyagawa would support Chanafi’s

argument as they say that from Nyumbanitu, in different groups, the Bena were scattered.

Some went to the lowland of Ubena while some groups remained in the upper lands of

231 Mfungati 1982, 3.232 Lutahoire 1979, 18.233 Ngunangwa 1986, 255.234 Were and Derek 1972, 64.235 Chanafi 1963, 5.

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Njombe.236 Though Seth Nyagawa agrees that Nyumbanitu was the first place where the

Bena settled, he sees that the Bena came from the east coast along the Rufiji Valley.237

In reconciling the two sources, one should remember that, though the major

Bantu migration took place long time ago, “people still continued to move from one place

to another.”238 Seth Nyagawa adds that “the reasons for that continued movements were

drought, famine and political refuge.”239 For this reason, it is very evident that people in

various groups from different directions moved to Ubena area at different times. This

might be the fact that leads Seth Nyagawa write that “some of the clans were

incorporated to the Bena not earlier than in the 19th century.”240

Taking the two sources about the Bena’s arrival in Ubena as a norm, I argue that

what Kimambo and Temu are writing about the southern highlands is true. In their book,

they write that “by 1500 CE, the areas of high rainfall had gone a long way towards

evolving stable societies in which more challenges could take place in the following

centuries in the part of the southern highlands.”241These stable societies had philosophies

which regulated their way of life. Let us now see the philosophy that normalized the life

of the Bena.

236 Mfungati 1982, 3 see also Nyagawa 1999, 38.237 Nyagawa 1999, 38.238 Sutton 1969, 9.239 Nyagawa 1999, 38.240 Nyagawa 1999, 24.241 Kimambo and Temu 1968, 15.

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4.2 The Uvwunu Philosophy of the Bena

We have seen the way Bena identify themselves. Their identity throughout the

history is regulated and controlled by the philosophy of uvwunu.242 In explaining what

uvwunu is, the Bena say “it is that human quality that makes a human being different

from all other creatures on earth.”243 The Bena values and all that they cherish in life are

rooted in the idea and philosophy of uvwunu. So, it is a common denominator upon

which all positive human activities are based. For instance, for the Bena the concepts of

justice, peace and love are impossible without the understanding of uvwunu. And this

concept of uvwunu, as stated earlier, is seen in every aspect of their everyday life. Allan

Chambile upon explaining his understanding of uvwunu says, “Our philosophy comprises

the knowledge of how one has to relate with family members, neighbours, leaders,

environment, God and how one should behave when in crisis.”244 Through their

philosophy, the Bena emphasized that there should be harmony everywhere all the time.

It is through harmony, that concern, love, sharing, care, and compassion will be

realized.245 So, the philosophy is a package of immeasurable love that maintains stability

and balance for the preservation of the community.

This kind of philosophy, as Hillman Ngunangwa asserts, “advocates a high

standard of morals.”246 A person grown under the guidance of this philosophy is said to

be “a perfect one and a perfect person never quarrels.”247 Hillman Ngunangwa sees that

242 Ngunangwa 1986, 256.243 Ngunangwa1986, 256.244 Interview with Allan Chambile, 20.07, 2007, Mafinga. 245 Interview with Zephaniah Mgeyekwa 16.07.2007, Njombe.246 Interview with Hillman Ngunangwa 10.08.2007, Njombe. 247 Interview with Hillman Ngunangwa, 10.08.2007, Njombe.

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the only perfect person that the world has ever had is Jesus alone. 248 Ngunangwa explains

this in detail as he considers the story of the crucifixion and death of Jesus. He says that

considering all that was done to Jesus, He did not respond, not because he was unable,

but because he was mature and perfect. It was interesting that he did not cite any example

from the Bena themselves whose philosophy advocates perfection. This means that the

requirements of uvwunu are so high so much so that under normal circumstances no Bena

can attain perfection.

4.3 The Uvwunu and the Ubuntu

Although uvwunu is a Bena philosophy, its contents249 and concern are advocated

by other Bantu groups as well.250 These Bantu groups do not only share the contents of

their philosophies, but also the names of their philosophies have the same root.251 The

famous of all is the Ubuntu applied by the Zulu of South Africa.252 In describing what

Ubuntu is, Koka writes, “Ubuntu is the quality of the human personality.”253 He adds by

saying that, “it is inherent in all members of [the Bantu] and is being referred to in

various names according to ethnic groupings.”254 The Ubuntu puts people together during

hard times, and the joy of one person becomes another one’s joy as well. This is the

248 Interview with Hillman Ngunangwa, 10.08.2007, Njombe. 249 The contents of uvwunu are love, togetherness, unity, peace, respect etc250 Koka 2001, 1-58.251 The philosophy of each tribe in the list that follows has the root un: Zulu have Ubuntu, the Tsonga have

umunhu, Venda have Vhuthu, Shona have Unhu and the Bena have uvwunu. 252 Ubuntu is famous in the sense that it is written mostly and many books have the word Ubuntu.253 Koka 2001, ix.254 Koka 2001, ix. Here Koka lists the tribes in which the concept of Ubuntu is found and there after he

writes the word that is used. Some of the tribe he listed include; Zulu (Ubuntu), Tsonga (umunhu), Venda (Vhuthu) and Shona (Unhu).

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concept that Koka explains saying “I am because the other is, and the other is because I

am. Because I am and the other is, so we are.”255

The Ubuntu philosophy as briefly discussed above shows that communal

existence is the central feature that reflects concern and accommodation of the other. If

what is said in Ubuntu were followed, then the communities would experience a unique

sense of one person wishing good for the other. Wishing good for others would elevate

their dignity establish trust and understanding of one another. The result of all these

would be a community of paradise where conflicts are managed and people in conflict are

reconciled with one another. Unfortunately in some places where such quality teachings

are found the concern for one another is hardly heard.256

Originally the Bantu shared the same culture.257 After they became scattered, there

have emerged cultural diversities which influence behaviour and communal life. Each

tribe has its own way of living its philosophy. This is the reason that this research is about

uvwunu as a philosophy of the Bena and not about the Ubuntu, the term that stands for a

philosophy that is common to all the Bantu tribes. In alluding to the claim that was

exposed at the beginning of this section that uvwunu is not peculiar to the Bena alone, it

has to be understood that while the content and concern of Ubuntu is common to most of

the Bantu groups, there is, however, a variation in interpreting and practicing this

philosophy.258 Let us now focus on how the Bena interpret this philosophy in daily life.

255 Koka 2001, 44.256 The civil wars and the ongoing problems in many countries of Africa are, but a few examples to prove

that the Bantu people have left living their philosophies. 257 Sutton 1969, 9. See also Mahali 2006, 14, he is of the opinion that the Bantu had same or related culture.258 This can be seen in the sense that in some places civil wars are reported while in some places similar

problems are tolerated.

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This focus is done by investigating how the uvwunu influences harmony,259 the concept

which is the concern of this research.

4.4 The Culture of Reconciliation and Peace among the Bena as Influenced by the uvwunu.

In this section the research is concerned with the culture of peace and

peacekeeping among the Bena. It was revealed that the concerns of uvwunu that pertain

to peace and peacekeeping are carried and passed on through songs, stories, and proverbs.

People who are responsible in imparting knowledge to new generations use their skill

effectively to make sure that the new generations understand the teaching of uvwunu.

Most of the songs sung in gatherings among the Bena reflect this culture of wishing

harmony and love within the community. Below is a song commonly sung in wedding

ceremonies for new couples.

Leader: Uvwende uvwende (love love)

All: uvwende Lipwela (love is inheritance)

Leader: Aiyo iyo mama, (observe that, o mother/woman)

All: Aiyo iyo kila siku (observe that everyday)

Leader: Aiyo iyo baba (observe that o father/man)

All Aiyo kila siku (observe that everyday)

The song emphasizes more on love (uvwende). Uvwende among the Bena, as we saw in

the definition of the terms, covers all the teachings of Bena regarding behaviour. A

person described as having uvwende would all the time like to be in peace with others,

and to wish and do good for them.

In the mavungo teachings, the Bena emphasize maturity. For the Bena, the idea of

maturity is of great importance, especially when connected with quarrels. They even have 259 The researcher speaks of harmony because harmony maintenance has a direct relation with

reconciliation when conflicts erupt.

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a proverb that says a grown up Bena never quarrels, and if a fellow insults you, just spit

out. Spitting among the Bena is blessing.260 So, by spitting out, one is blessing his enemy.

This is in line with what the Bible teaches about enemies.261 In addition to blessing, one

does two more things. First, he ignores the insult directed against him, and second he

does not react against the fellow who has insulted him. In this way no quarrels will

happen. This is what Jesus meant, to turn the left cheek when struck on the right cheek.262

So, “a person who can spit out even when she/he is wronged” says Hillman Ngunangwa,

“the Bena would see him/her as mature.”263 That person has understood what uvwunu

teaches and has followed it. Culturally, that person will be seen as a person who not only

advocates peace, but also keeps it.

Allan Chambile on explaining about the culture of peace among the Bena says

that “the Bena will never lead any rebellion. It is against their culture. Even if others will

organize it, the Bena will not be in frontlines.”264 Dammar Rwegasira, the District

Commissioner of Njombe is in line with what Allan Chambile asserts, because in her

experience of leadership, she remarks that “unlike the people of other places, the people

of Njombe District [the Bena] accept easily what the leader says.”265 This is attested by

Joseph Thompson, who upon reaching Ubena, described the Bena as people “who submit

themselves without murmur to whoever happens to be their master of the field.”266

The Bena believe that, in respecting and being obedient to the leaders, there will

be peace. Their understanding, that a leader is from God for the betterment of the

260 Interview with Lechion Kimilike 10.02.2008, Njombe.261 Romans 12262 Matthew 5:39263 Interview with Hillman Ngunangwa 10.08.2007, Njombe.264 Interview Allan Chambile 20.07.2007, Mafinga.265 Interview with Dammar Rwegasira 05.08.2007, Kidugala.266 Thompson 1968, 246.

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community, makes them see that it is God who gives peace. This God-given peace has to

be maintained. And for them, one way of maintaining this peace is by obeying their

leaders.267 With this view Allan Chambile confirms his previous point that the Bena will

never lead a rebellion.268 Does this mean that the Bena never become angry when

wronged? The section below which is about conflicts and reconciliation reveals how

Bena react against anger and conflicts.

4.5 Conflicts and Reconciliation among the Bena  

Being angry is one thing and showing anger is another thing. For those who have

lived with Bena who understand what uvwunu is know that the Bena react peacefully

even when wronged. Job Mbwilo, who has served as a pastor in the Ubena-Konde Synod,

and now serves as the bishop of South-Western Diocese, described the Bena as people

who never show their anger in public.269 This observation was noted also by other

people270 who have worked among the Bena. Job Mbwilo says that because of this

characteristic of the Bena, even when the Ubena-Konde Synod was giving Konde and

Makete the autonomous to become dioceses, the Wanji who are geographically closer to

both Makete and Konde than to the Ubena, decided to remain to Ubena.271 In order to

understand the Bena’s reaction to situations that threaten harmony, it is better to identify

those things that commonly threaten harmony in their society.

267 Interview with Allan Chambile, 20.07.2007, Mafinga.268 Interview with Allan Chambile, 20.07.2007, Mafinga.269 Interview with Job Mbwilo, 07.08.2007, Magoye.270 “Other people” in this context refers to non-Bena, but have worked among the Bena for more than four

years. Those whom the researcher interviewed in different time and had that observation include: Asher Ngogo 07. 08.2007, Matamba, Ayubu Masite, Magoye; Antti Vanhanen 02.08.2007, Kidugala; Sirkka Peltola 06.08.2007, Kidugala; Karlo Hirvilami 07.08.2007, Kidugala.

271 Interview with Job Mbwilo, 07.08.2007, Magoye.

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In most cases, clashes that erupted among the Bena were due to theft, adultery,

land quarrels, family quarrels, and witchcraft and sorcery accusations.272 There was a

defined mode on how each of the identified causes was dealt in order to come to

resolution. The discussion that begins with the following paragraph shows how each

cause was handled for the purpose of restoring the broken relationship. To begin with, let

us see how conflicts caused by theft were dealt with.

Theft is an act of taking another one’s property without any permission in the

owner’s absence. Among the Bena, the things that were commonly stolen were raw food

from the fields, firewood from heaps, and chicken.273 When it was known that a person

did such things, the thief would be asked and when convicted guilty, she / he was charged

to return what was stolen. Those who were involved in stealing were the less advantaged

in terms of property ownership. In this case, a thief was shown the procedure on how to

get food or the things that she/he desired in a right way. The main goal here was to help

the individual be self supportive and not develop the behaviour of stealing.

Adultery was another cause for disharmony among the Bena. Having sexual

intercourse before marriage and extra-marital sex was considered filthy among the Bena,

and consequently, it caused disharmony when it occurred. Married couples were to be

faithful to each other and the unmarried were not to engage in sexual relations until after

marriage. If it happened that girls had premarital pregnancies, then the pregnant girl

would be sent to the man who had sexual relations with her. This is because it is shameful

for parents to have unmarried pregnant girls at their house.274 This man was obliged to

“clean the house.” Cleaning the house means paying a she-goat to the parents of the

272 Interview with Augustino Hongoli 07.02.2008, Lupembe.273 Interview with Leah Muhehwa 21.08.2008, Kidugala.274 Interview with Augustino Hongoli, 07.02.2008, Lupembe.

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pregnant girl because premarital pregnancy was not only a shameful act, but also it was

against the Bena norms.275 After “cleaning the house,” if the man wanted to marry the

girl, the process would continue. This is included here because in some occasions where

the man refused to admit being involved in sexual relation with the girl, conflicts would

happen between the parents of girl and the man.276

For the married couples, when infidelity occurred, the man who would be caught

with another one’s wife was to pay a male goat, and if he was affluent, a bull was

demanded. Here, the punishment concerned only the man, though the sexual act involved

both the man and the woman.277 The woman’s act of having extra-marital sex was to be

dealt with by her husband in collaboration with aunts and uncles.278 It was uncommon to

hear what has been decided about the woman because Bena were private about the

personal problems they had.279 This is the very reason that the conflicts between a wife

and a husband were hardly exposed outside the house. The Bena sages teach that “when

you [husband and wife] want to quarrel, wait until when the children are asleep.” 280 This

meant to minimize the conflicts in families.

If the situation was beyond toleration, then the woman281 would look for a trustful

person who could help them. This trustful person was to come from the husband’s clan

and most of the time, the uncle or aunt or one of grandparents was the one to settle the

275 Interview with Allan Chambile, 20.07.2007, Mafinga.276 Interview with Augustino Hongoli, 07.02.2008, Lupembe.277 Women were understood to be weak and that they could not be liable to convincing a man to lie with

her. It was understood that the man was responsible for seducing the woman; hence he was the one to be punished.

278 Interview with Daniel Gwimile, 06.02.2008, Igawa.279 Swartz 1967, 95.280 Interview with Daudi Kiswaga, 17.12.2007, Kidugala.281 It is the woman who was the victim. The husband would not accuse the woman, if it happened that the

woman misbehaved, then, he would use force including beating her. Though this contradicted their uvwunu which demanded peace and harmony, the explanation obtained is that a woman should be taught to be loyal to her husband.

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disputes when the couple quarrelled.282Such kinds of cases were secretly resolved and the

outsiders would get no news on how it was resolved.

Then, there was the issue of witchcraft and sorcery. In Bena, as in other African

tribes, “witchcraft refers to non-material mystical means of attacking one’s adversary,

whereas sorcery involves both non-material mystical means and material objects.”283The

most common object used in sorcery is a substance called “powder.” It was believed that

the powder contained spirits capable of causing damage to the targeted person, and this

powder would be sprinkled across his or her path. The desired effect would be achieved

when a targeted person becomes indisposed or even dies after coming into contact with

that powder.284

“The carefully controlled anger that is present in most Bena finds one of its

expressions in sorcery.”285Here the Bena would not prevent himself because witchcraft

and sorcery were understood to be harming the society, and when it was discovered, the

witch was to be fought against by the whole society. Aaron Mgovano says that, the one

who was discovered286 to be witch was, on the first stage, given a verbal warning, not to

continue with that habit. If the convicted person continued, the villagers in collaboration

with the witchdoctor would put thorns near his or her door. The thorns were tantamount

to saying “you, the witch, are not wanted here.” If the convicted person wanted peace,

then he would leave the place within three days. If he remained there for more than those

days, the villagers would ban his house and would ask people from other places to come

and kill this enemy of the society.287

282 Interview with Aaron Mgovano 13.08.2007, Makambako283 Fred-Mensah 2000, 37.284 Fred-Mensah 2000, 37.285 Swartz 1967, 95286 Discovering a witch employed the use diviners and witchdoctors. 287 Interview with Daudi Kiswaga, 17.12.2007, Kidugala.

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Conflicts among the Bena sometimes happened because of land assault. This

happened when one man from another clan would go to another clan and say that a

certain piece of land belonged to his ancestors, and so he has the right to till it. Such

conflicts involved a number of people from the two clans. The elders would sit and trace

the historicity of the piece of land under question and upon finding the facts, all the

members would be called to listen the judgement.288 In reaching the reconciliatory

process, the offender was asked to leave the piece of the land for the use of the other

party. In addition to that, he was to buy alcohol and some meat for the members of the

panel who were settling the dispute.289 On the appointed day, the two conflicting parties

would be asked to shake hands or drink from one calabash. When this was done, then the

crowd understood that the dispute was over, and they would continue drinking the

alcohol provided for them.

On occasions when the two parties had angrily changed words or fought, the

reconciliation process involved animal blood. The blood could come from any animal

depending on the gravity the offense was. Mainly, cocks were used because “the

paramount goal was not the fine but the reconciliation which was meant to preserve one’s

identity and dignity.”290 In effecting reconciliation, the two people involved in conflict

would be asked to slaughter the cock cooperatively291 and each would be asked to take

part of the meat from that one cock and share it with his family home.292 After all of this,

the conflicts were resolved and the two conflicting parties were reconciled. Now let us

see what the missionaries did towards these cultural values of the Bena.

288 Interview with Daudi Kiswaga, 17.12.2007, Kidugala. 289 Interview with Daudi Kiswaga, 17.12.2007, Kidugala.290 Interview with Hillman Ngunangwa 10.08.2007, Njombe.291 It was to be done cooperatively as a sign of restoration of the lost relationship due to the conflict that

prevailed.292 Interview with Allan Chambile, 20.07.2007, Mafinga.

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4.6 Missionaries Attitude to the Bena Cultural Values

Missionaries and mission work in Africa marked a new phase among the African

societies. It was the time when the African societies experienced the loss of their

properties, natural resources, and the worst of all their culture. While the loss of

properties and natural resources may be attributed to colonialists, the loss of African

cultural values is indeed attributed to missionary work through their work of teaching and

preaching.

In Bena, as in other African tribes, the cultural values which the indigenous had

valued for ages were devalued. “The missionaries undermined an important education

institution of the tribes.”293 Marcio Wright records that “some of the missionaries

understood that conversion meant an instantaneous change in one’s way of life.”294

Raum295 writes that, these missionaries considered the African environments to be “pagan

environment,”296 and their culture uncivilised. Therefore, they “deliberately established

Christian villages on mission land to isolate the converts from the rest of society.”297

The life in new Christian villages “was loaded with extra-cultural load of

orderliness and industry as the index of Christianity.”298 The converts were told to

observe them. If they appeared to look back to their values the missionaries would punish

them.299 This being the situation, we see that the social and cultural background of the

293 Raum 1965, 202.294 Wright 1971, 7.295 The author wrote only one name. This looks different from other quotations in this paper because the

authors are identified by their two names. 296 Raum 1965, 200.297 Iliffe 1979, 231.298 Wright 1971, 5.299 Interview with Lutengamaso Msigala 18.07.2007, Kidugala

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missionary personnel defined and determined the direction of the mission work.300 Marcio

Wright adds that “in the Southern Highlands, [where the Bena are living], the missionary

work was so pervasive.”301 The missionaries “did not tolerate indigenous customs.”302

They replaced what the indigenous used to do with what they considered Christian ways.

In the case of uncommon behaviour for example, the Bena trusted that the elders

would sit with the people with erring behaviour and help them correct their erring

behaviour. These trusted elders were used to settle the disputes when they erupted. When

the missionaries came, they decided to use the church elders to settle the disputes. Most

of these church elders were young people.303

In Bena, as it is with other African societies, old age is respected for wisdom and

experience. This is the reason why elders were used in settling disputes in the societies.304

Using the young people in settling disputes meant putting aside the African wisdom and

the elders’ experience. And when it happened that these young people had to handle the

cases of the old people, the old people were not comfortable305 with having their cases

attended by the young people. Most of them could not attend to the meetings arranged. It

was something against their culture. Sometimes they could interpret it as insult.306 So the

conflicts would be left unresolved.

The reconciliatory signs that the Bena had been using could not be used by these

young people chosen by missionaries. Like the missionaries, these young people

considered them as pagan practices. Those who would practice their traditions were put

300 Wright 1971, viii.301 Wright 1971, viii. 302 Wright 1971, 5.303 Interview with Augustino Hongoli 07.02.2008.Lupembe.304 Interview with Maria Mlawa 18.07.2007, Kidugala305 Interview with Augustino Hongoli 07.02.2008, Lupembe.306 Interview with Augustino Hongoli 07.02.2008, Lupembe.

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under church discipline.307 The result of this was that most of the Bena Christians

became Christians who stood between Christianity and their traditions whose end result

was to go to their traditions completely. This is because in their traditions, many

questions of their daily life would be answered more clearly than it was in Christianity

which distanced them from their cultural values.

The discussion above is not meant to show how pervasive the missionaries were.

The logic behind writing these is to show how urgent it is for the Bena to newly reflect on

their cultural values before they are completely divorced from it. We should remember

that for the Bena, as it is true with other tribes in Africa, their philosophy penetrated into

every aspect of their life. Everything was interpreted religiously. Thus, when interpreting

the message of the Gospel to these Bena, traditional values are to be taken into

consideration. Before moving to the section that will consider the Bena traditional

methods of conflict reconciliation, first let me summarize what we seen in this chapter.

4.7 Summary

The main goal of this chapter was to present the facts about the Bena and their

cultural values that are related with maintaining peace. This was necessary in the sense

that it helped us to see whether the current problems that the Bena face are a result of

their encounter with missionaries. In knowing this, basing on Acts 15:1-35, the data can

help us reconstruct the Bena values.

Through the investigation, it has been found that, before the westerners’ influence

the Bena had developed a culture of peace which was transmitted through songs, riddles,

307 Interview with Augustino Hongoli 07.02.2008, Lupembe.

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proverbs and mavungo teachings. It has also been found that the concern of uvwunu was

more society centered than individualistic. This emphasis on the well being of the entire

society has been found to be the concern of many Bantu tribes. The Bena, being one of

the Bantu tribes, has a philosophy which has models through which they handled their

conflicts. Though the models differed from one cause of conflict to another, in each case,

the paramount goal was to reach reconciliation.

With the coming of the missionaries and the approaches they employed, it has

been found that the Bena who converted into Christianity were separated from their

community and were placed into the Christian villages. This was nothing more than

isolating these converts from their culture. The result of this is that, the Bena Christians

no longer value their tradition and culture. This is one of the reasons that contribute to

their failure in addressing the problems that they face. The problems they face cannot be

tackled using foreign styles. The Bena need to address the problems they face suing their

culture. Basing on facts obtained from Acts 15:1-35 that allowed the Gentiles to remain

with their cultural identity, the next chapter shows how the Bena can apply their cultural

methods in conflict reconciliation.

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5.0 CONFLICTS AND RECONCILIATION IN THE BOOK OF ACTS IN THE PERSPECTIVE OF UVWUNU PHILOSOPHY

The concern of the previous chapter was to describe the Bena and their culture

with the focus on the reconciliation. Having seen how the Bena, previous to Christianity,

reconciled conflicts when erupted, it is the goal of this chapter to apply those good

reconciliatory values in the light of Acts 15:1-35. In this way, the conflicts found in Acts

15:1-35 will be interpreted in the Bena perspective. The purpose of doing this is to bring

into practical those models which were wrongly perceived as pagan practices. To

accomplish this goal, I have divided the chapter into four sections. In the first section, I

am evaluating the methods of managing conflicts as was applied in Acts 15:1-35. This

will be followed by a section that shows whether the models found in Acts 15:1-35 would

be applicable to the Bena Christians when facing conflicts. In the third section, I am

reading the conflicts found in Acts in the reconciliatory methods of the Bena. Finally, I

am concluding what will be found in this chapter. Below is the discussion of the methods

of handling conflicts as found in Acts 15:1-35.

5.1 Methods of Handling Conflicts as Found in Acts

In the gospels, we read about the procedures that Jesus taught His disciples to

follow when one would offend the other. In all the citations we have,308 the procedures

concern personal conflicts, meaning that it is about two individuals being in conflict. It

does not seem that Jesus had in mind about group conflicts as we read in the Book of

Acts of the Apostles. So, what the council did in Acts 15:1-35, as an attempt to solving

308 Matthew 5:23-24, 38-42; 18:15-18

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the conflict that erupted in Antioch, was peculiar to them and in this case it had to

determine the way in which other similar cases, would be handled. Jesus did not tell them

how to proceed in such cases. Before turning to see how the council handled the conflict,

let me explain the nature of the conflict itself.

Paul and Barnabas had been in Antioch preaching the good news of Jesus Christ

to the Gentiles. They had preached that believing in Jesus could save them. Since Antioch

was the third most important city in the Roman Empire where many nationalities wanted

to go for different purposes,309 there came certain men from Judea who upon hearing

what Paul and Barnabas had preached to the Gentiles, they began teaching against that,

emphasising that unless the Gentiles are circumcised, they would not be saved. The result

of this was a fierce argument between Paul and Barnabas against these certain men from

Judea. When they could not agree, they decided that the matter should be sent to

Jerusalem to the apostles, and elders. There, both parts were given opportunity to explain,

and the pharisaic party redefined their concern that, for Gentiles to be saved, they must be

circumcised and charged to keep the Law of Moses in its entirety.

There are three parties which are involved in the conflict. One party is the Gentile

converts who seem to be passive. They waited to see what would be concluded about

their admission. The second party is Paul and Barnabas who, in this case, are the victims

of preaching the gospel which was free of the Mosaic Law. The third party is the certain

men from Judea who later on are identified as some believers who belonged to the party

of the Pharisees. Apart from these three groups which were involved in the conflict, we

have the apostles, the elders (v. 6), and the whole church (v. 22).These participants of the

309 Boys 1967, 65.

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last group were not in the first scene when the fierce argument arose, but here are

involved as people who listen and should say something on: must Gentiles circumcise

and keep the law of Moses to be saved?

Though Luke does not say explicitly how many people were in that council, by

taking the data that, there were those who have come from Antioch together with Paul

and Barnabas, the twelve apostles, plus the whole church as in v. 22, their number went

beyond the company of one hundred and twenty we read in Acts 1:15. Barbara Bunker

writes that a group of at least fifty to several thousand gathering and working together

uses the so called managing conflicts through large-group methods.310 The method is

used to create the resolution of community or system-wide problems.311 In this method,

all people participate in the solution so that its implementation will be done with fewer

difficulties.

The account of Luke in Acts 15:1-35 does not show clearly whether all who

attended the conference got an opportunity to speak. We can only assume that the after a

long debate expression of v. 7 contains the speeches of all those who were present

although not accounted for by Luke.

When the argument did not end, experience and scriptural authority were sought.

Peter shared his experience about what he had done, and James affirmed the experience

shared by Peter by citing scriptural authority. It is the experience and scripture that

helped them come to a conclusion. The conclusion they reached helps us to see which

method they used in solving the conflict.

310 Bunker 2006, 757.311 Bunker 2006, 758.

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Luke does not tell us explicitly that the parties involved in the conflict decided to

settle it peacefully; however, the narrative about the council of Jerusalem shows that the

resolution was reached by discussion. Unlike other conflicts that erupted in the Greco-

Roman world which ended in dismay as we saw in chapter two, the conflict in Acts 15

shows that the humiliated party was happy. The Antiochene church decided to settle the

dispute by discussion and not by revolts as the Jews reacted against the Roman rulers or

by violence as the Roman responded to the revolts of the Jews. Here the Antiochene

church saw that the conflict had to be settled in a peaceful means. That is why they

referred the case to Jerusalem.

While we see that the end was peaceful, there are some facts which are peculiar in

this text. The first thing is about the conflicting opinions concerning the prohibitions. We

saw already that some scholars see them as Jewish dietary laws while others see them as

Noachic rules. If the prohibitions are typical Jewish dietary laws, then, what was decided

for the Gentiles was a compromise.312 Both parties lost something and came to some

points of agreements. On one hand, the pharisaic party was not satisfied in what they

sought, that is, for the Gentiles to be circumcised. On the other hand, the Gentiles were

not free. They were instructed to observe some prohibitions.313 According to those who

hold this view, these prohibitions were the minimal requirement for Gentiles who wanted

to embrace Judaism.314

Those who consider the prohibitions as Noachic rules find that the conclusion was

reached by win-lose model.315 The Gentiles won and the pharisaic party lost.

312 Segal 1990, 224-245.313 Hargreaves 1990, 145.314 Barrett 1999, 71.315 Segal 1990, 184.

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Circumcision was denied to the Gentile converts. Though the prohibitions are found in

Jewish culture, the findings have shown that they existed before the Jewish Torah was

given. So, they apply to the whole human kind. In this case we could say that they are the

rules which are to be observed by anybody who fears God. They are a general

requirement for Christians in all ages.

The second peculiarity is between the problem that necessitated the discussion

and the resolution that was reached. There is a shift from the principle subject in

discussion. The question was: Must Gentiles be circumcise and keep the Law of Moses to

be saved? In other words, the question was about the criteria by which Gentiles were

admitted into the believers’ community. The resolution given is as if the question was

how the Gentiles could stay in the believers’ community. In the letter to the Gentiles,

there is no mention of circumcision, the subject that called for the council. Can we say

then that the matter of circumcision was left unsolved?

The shift from “getting in” to “staying in” and the skipping of mentioning

circumcision in the letter to the Gentiles tells me that the conflict was only partially

solved and the parties involved in the conflict were not reconciled. The certain men from

Judea did not go to Antioch and apologize to both the Gentile converts and Paul and

Barnabas for the troubles they caused. It is the messengers who carry the letter of the

council who go to the Antiochene church. Nothing is told of the certain men from Judea.

Looking at what was done here in Acts 15:1-35, it appears as if the offended party

were only Paul and Barnabas and “some of the others” of v. 2 from Antioch. But the

reality is all the Gentile converts of Antioch were offended. These certain men from

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Judea were to be reconciled with them because they had troubled the Antiochenes316 and

had also made their minds unsettled, the thing which the council acknowledged (v. 24).

They had offended them.

Though the Antiochenes could not see their offenders appearing for the apology,

Luke shows that, upon reading the letter written by the council, they rejoiced on the basis

of the comforting message it contained. This may be that the requirements they were

given were already known to them, and had already been observing them.317 Most of the

first converts were the God-fearers who attended the synagogue services regularly.318

While this was the situation for the Antiochene believers, nothing is said about the

trouble makers, the certain men from Judea. Whether they seconded the decision of the

council or not, Luke does not say. We can only perceive from what came later at Galatia

that these certain men from Judea did not second the council’s decision. They went on

protesting the Gentiles conversion to Christianity because their demand was not stated in

the letter. So, that is the way we see how the conflict was handled. Can this be applicable

to the Bena? The next section answers this question.

316 Barrett 199, 62.317 Barrett 1999, 71.318 Dunn 1998, 535; see also Segal 1990, 204-205.

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5.2 The Applicability of the Models among the Bena

The interpretation of the method and the solution reached in the conflict found in

Acts 15:1-35 would face some difficulties among the Bena. First of all, the Bena would

not use the large-group method in facilitating reconciliation. A few wise elders would

labour for that.319 The trust that the Bena community placed on the elders was so high that

all matters of decision were left in their hands.320 What happened in Jerusalem and

recorded in Acts 15:1-35 would not happen among the Bena. Only for other three

purposes other people apart from the elders would appear in the panel. First, if they had

to bear witness to those in conflicts. Second, if they wanted only to observe, but not to

give opinions. Third, other people, especially those who are closely related to those in

conflict, would be required to appear on the day when the reconciliation was to take

place, because reconciliation was for all.

The second difficulty from the Bena would base on the kind of resolution which

the council reached. As discussed in 5.1, the two parties which were in the first scene

where the fierce argument erupted had the problem that concerned circumcision: must

Gentiles circumcise to be saved? It was the question of how to get in. But the resolution

gives them something else. How the Gentiles can stay in. The Bena would still ask, how

about circumcision? Some scholars say, the question of circumcision was left pending so

that the Gentiles who wished to circumcise might undergo the ritual.321 Leaving it that

319 Interview with Aaron Mgovano 13.08.2007, Makambako. 320 Interview with Augustino Hongoli 07.02.2008, Lupembe.321 Segal 1990, 188.

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way, the later Judaizers got opportunity to continue troubling the Gentiles. Galatians may

be victims of this.322

Following the discussion and negotiations, in the Bena perspective, after the

agreement was reached, the two conflicting parties have to sit together and do some

reconciliatory signs. The two parties in Luke’s account did not meet at the end to

reconcile with each other. In the Bena perspective, the two parties were not reconciled.

Reconciliation was very important among the Bena, as it is with other African societies.

It would be performed through some signs or acts.323 Therefore, it can be concluded that,

though the problem raised in Antioch was resolved, in the Bena perspective, those who

were involved in that conflict were not reconciled.

Since the findings show that both the method and the solution could not work

among the Bena, it is therefore necessary that the Bena apply their own culture in

reconciling conflicts. However, it has to be known that the cultural ways that I speak of

here are those which are free from making the Bena Christians syncretics. These Bena

cultural methods that can be used by Bena Christians to reconcile people in conflicts are

discussed in the following section.

5.3 Methods of Handlings Conflicts among the Bena

The relevance of Bena cultural approaches towards a systematic articulation of

human response to conflict situation and context cannot be underestimated. The role of

traditional families, clan heads and elders, and the reconciliatory signs help us understand 322 This is because the epistle to Galatians tackles the problem that the Judaizers had caused, i.e like that

which they had caused in Antioch.323 The signs include sharing the meal, drinking from the same calabash and shaking hands.

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its value. Its value is seen as one explores the methods they used, their concern, and their

ultimate goal. The concern of this section is to unearth the value of Bena cultural methods

of handling conflicts for the purpose of applying them in a Christian context.

First of all let me bring into the discussion what was said about the sources of

conflicts in 4.5. Among the Bena, it was seen that conflicts arose as a reaction to anti-

social behaviours like theft, damage (mainly of crops by livestock), adultery, verbal or

physical quarrels, and witchcrafts. Though the degree of crimes varied from one category

to another, the ultimate goal was that all is reconciled. Before coming to reconciliation,

there were some steps that were done first as we can see in the following paragraphs.

The steps are grouped into two types on the bases of the degree of the effects it

brought to the society. Witchcraft forms its own type because it was considered to be a

grave crime that threatened the stability of the whole society. Though Bena often reacted

sluggishly to situations that irritated them, their reaction to this crime was rather quick.

The bewitched would secretly go to the diviners and when told who bewitches

him or her, he would come and tell the clan head who in using his wisdom would call

both the accused and the accuser and talk to them. Each of them would tell his or her

story. Conflicts of this type often involved the use of diviners who had to prove whether

the accused was a witch or not. If it was proved that the person was a witch, he was

shaved and the diviner would warn him or her not repeat what he used to do. Death was

the consequence if one ignored the warning of the diviner.

When the diviner had finished his or her part, the clan head would continue with

the process of helping the two conflicting parties reconcile with each other. At this stage,

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the steps that followed were the same as those of other crimes. In order not to repeat, I

will discuss them in the following paragraphs when discussing the steps used to handle

conflicts that arose from damage, theft, quarrels and adultery.

In this second category, the victim would seek an apology when the offense was

discovered. Being concerned with the other’s dignity, the offended would forgive his or

her comrade. If one was so lenient, there would be no reparation and if the offended

demanded that one should do something, then compensation was done for damages.

When the two parties in conflict had difficulties in reconciling, they would seek

help from a close friend of the party which showed difficulties in the reconciliation

process. If the counsel of this friend helped, then the two would be reconciled. However,

if the two could not agree again, the case would be forwarded to the clan head and clan

elders who would make sure that the two became reconciled. The clan head together with

these clan elders would call the two parties and would listen to their case. Each party

would explain, the elders would weigh in, and with their wisdom, they would decide

which party was the offender. The elders would work until they made sure that the

conflict was resolved. After that, there came the last step of reconciliation324 which is

commonly known as whitēpula.

The elders in the panel would ask the offender to bring the enough alcohol

everyone to drink. Normally the offender was told the amount of alcohol to bring, the

common being a measure equivalent to twenty litres.325 In addition to alcohol, the

offender was told to bring meat. In most cases it was a cock.326 On the appointed day, the

324 Interview with Elia Mung’ong’o 12.08.2008, Njombe.325 Interview with Augustino Hongoli 07.02.2008, Lupembe.326 Interview with Aaron Mgovano 13.08.2007, Makambako.

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offender would bring what he was told to bring and would wait the directives from the

elders. On this last day, the relatives of those who had been in conflict were to appear in

the gathering. The two parties were to perform three reconciliation signs: shaking of

hands, working together and eating or drinking from the same vessel. All these had

cultural meanings as we can read from the explanations below.

One of the concerns of uvwunu is to make people be as close as possible. And

whenever close people meet (still practiced at the moment), they greet by shaking their

hands. Not shaking hands was a sign of not knowing, and if one knew a person, and yet

did not greet him or her by shaking hands, it was understood that something was wrong

with them. To take away the thing that made them be in enmity, reconciliation was to be

done. In that process of reconciliation, shaking hands between the two individuals in

conflicts was imperative. This shaking of hands done on the reconciliation day was

practically the same as saying we are friends.

Apart from greeting one another, friends often worked cooperatively. On that day

of their reconciliation, as a demonstration of what they would be doing later, they would

be asked to go and slaughter the cock together only if both the parts in conflicts were

men. If one was a woman, then they would share different responsibilities.

Working together would be followed by another sign which involved eating or

drinking from the same vessel. Among the Bena, as in other African societies, eating or

drinking from the same vessel was a common practice. Many people would surround the

vessel with food and share it. On that day of reconciliation, they would be asked to take

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the pieces of meat from the same vessel and eat, and then they would be asked to drink

alcohol from the same calabash.

If it happened that one was not ready to share the food with his counterpart or

shake hands, then it was understood that this fellow was not contented with the decision

made. The panel would seek an explanation from this fellow. In this case we can see how

meaningful the signs of shaking hands, working cooperatively, and eating or drinking

from the same vessel were among the Bena.327 They portray the situation of harmony in

the community

Considering the value of cultural methods of reconciling people in conflicts, the

government of the United Republic of Tanzania issued the act in 1985 that allowed the

establishment of Ward Tribunal.328 The members of the ward tribunal are mainly elders

with reputations in their villages. These ward tribunals are given the mandate to operate

on the basis of customary laws of the particular tribe.329 The task of these ward tribunals

is not to pass judgment, but to help people reconcile according to the customs available in

the society.330

In Tanzania, it is held that the government of Tanzania has no religion. It is the

citizens who have religion. These people, however, are to abide by the laws of the

government. If the ward tribunal decides a case according to customary law, the

concerned parties have to subject to it. At this juncture, if one party is a Christian, she or

he will be in trouble. On one hand, the church has the attitude inherited from the

327 Interview with William Kilumile 22.02.2008, Ulembwe.328 The Government of Tanzania, Ward Tribunal Act No.7.329 The Government of Tanzania, Ward Tribunal Act No.7.18330 The Government of Tanzania, Ward Tribunal Act No.7.9

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missionaries that African customs are pagan practices,331 and to follow them would be

putting oneself under church discipline. On the other hand, the government, through ward

tribunal, wants them to be subjected to it. What should this Christian do?

It is high time now that the church should re-examine the cultural values found in

places where Christians are living. No human being exists without cultural values. It is

the culture that nurtures a person. Divorcing a person from his or her culture and

imposing cultural values from outside is going against the apostolic council which

decided that there is no culture that can be sandwiched between the gospel. The gospel

which is the message centred on the person and work of Christ demands a constant effort

to translate its central claims into cultural categories in order to obey Christ in a practical

way.332

The approach that the 19th century missionaries used in Ubena followed the

colonialists’ interests who wanted to make the Bena dependent economically, politically

and culturally. Its repercussion is that the Bena believers were led away from their own

traditions and were left somewhere lost between the missionary culture and their own

culture. The resolution of the Jerusalem council that gave the Gentiles the freedom to

follow Christ in their own cultural context was not implemented among the Bena. Where

the Judaizers failed in forcing the Gentiles to be “circumcised” according to Mosaic Law,

the missionaries were successful in making the Bena be circumcised into the

missionaries’ traditions.

Now, many Bena Christians are only wandering, knowing not what they should

do when they face troubles. Because the Bena cultural values answered their daily life

331 Wright 1971, 101.332 Padilla 1990, 626

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questions, some of the Bena Christians embrace them secretly for fear of being put under

church discipline.333 Most of those who embrace these cultural values after finishing their

problems, come to the church elders saying that they would need the grace of the Lord

because their conscious burn and they find no peace in them. When listening to what they

have done, one finds that they have performed reconciliatory rituals in a traditional way

something which is not sin.

Just as Antiochene converts were allowed to follow Jesus as Gentiles, the Bena

also are to use their cultural methods in conflict reconciliation. Their cultural values are

not sinful.334 They were only wrongly perceived by some missionaries, and that wrong

mentality was implanted among the indigenous Christians. The result of this has made

many Christians of the ELCT-SD secretly visit their cultural values. Since the church in

Ubena has not said anything about the culture and the gospel, Christians who are found

applying cultural values in some matters, particularly employing cultural methods in

reconciliation, are looked down upon by those who do not use these cultural methods,

and in some places they are put under church discipline.335 For other things they succeed

in hiding themselves from other Christians, but not with employing cultural methods of

reconciliation, because the process often involves many people, and it is done publicly.336

What is often being done is that the majority deny using these methods claiming that they

are against their Christian faith. The repercussion is that the conflicts that are resolved

either take a long time to come to an end, or tend to reoccur after a short time.

333 Interview with Augustino Hongoli 07.02.2008, Lupembe.334 Interview with Ronlick Mchami 06.04.2008, Makumira. 335 Interview with Allan Chambile 20.07.2007, Mafinga.336 Interview with Allan Chambile 20.07.2007, Mafinga.

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Since the whitēpula and its signs are not against Christian faith, I see no reason

why they should not be used by Christians. I have served as a pastor for four years.

During my service in the congregation, I encountered two chronic conflicts. One conflict

had existed for seven years without reaching a resolution, and the other was recurring

now and then. I was the congregation pastor by then and I decided to use the Bena

cultural methods of the reconciliation of both of the two conflicts. The parties in conflict

were asked each to bring a cock on the day of reconciliation. I gave a speech linking

between the way conflicts were settled in traditional Bena and the way Bena Christians

have been distanced from their culture. Towards the end, I prayed, and asked that the two

men go to slaughter the two cocks while their wives made fire for cooking the meat.

When the meal was prepared, I asked the two parties to shake hands as usual, and then I

administered the Eucharist which was followed by the meal they had prepared. It was a

joyous moment for them. From that time on, nothing was heard to destruct the harmony

that was born on that day.

Since this worked, I see that Acts 15:1-35 is a helpful text in constructing the

Bena cultural values and applying them in a Christian way. This is how the Bena can

respond to the gospel as Bena. This is how they can read the Bible using their own

perspectives. And this is what I advocate. Before winding up what has been discussed

above, let me say something about the Bena.

The Bena, like the Jews,337 are a male dominated society. All the roles of

resolving conflicts and reconciling those in conflicts are taken on by men. Women have

no place in the entire process, only if they are victims, or if they have to bear witness.

337 Osiek and Balch 1997, 39

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With this kind of odd mentality that women have no contribution in conflict

reconciliation, I do not agree. Likewise I do not agree that women cannot speak in the

presence of men. Since we believe that the same Spirit that men get from God is also

given to women, women are endowed with wisdom that would bring constructive ideas

when involved in conflict reconciliation processes.

Incorporating women and children in matters which need important decisions is

not a typical Bena practice. While we say the missionaries brought a bad mentality to

Bena culture, on this aspect I should praise them for bringing something good that

challenges Bena culture in a positive way. While the process of constructing what can be

useful for Bena Christians to respond to the Gospel as Bena is advocated, the Bena

Christians especially men should understand that the same Spirit that was given to the

Jews as to the Gentiles, it is that same Spirit which is given to Bena women and children

as to Bena men. Women and children should be incorporated in matters that need

decision, an in this context, they should be involved in conflict reconciliation processes.

5.4 Summary.

In this chapter my concern was to describe the methods that were used in conflict

resolution in Acts 15:1-35. The purpose of describing them was to see whether they could

be applied among the Bena. The description of the methods showed that the Apostolic

Council used the so called managing conflicts through large-group methods. More than

one hundred members were gathered to settle the dispute. Although the operational

agenda was that Gentiles must be circumcised to become Christians, this only addressed

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how they were to get into the believers’ community, while the resolution addressed only

how the Gentiles could stay in the believers’ community with the Jews. When the

resolution was reached the apostles wrote a letter that was carried by some delegates to

the Gentile churches. These trouble makers, as Luke has accounted, did not meet the

Gentile converts for an apology regarding the troubles they pushed on them. Apart from

involving the large-group method, for the Bena, the conflict narrative has two defects:

shift from getting in to staying in and not letting the two parties meet for reconciliation.

These two things show that the Bena would face difficulties in understanding what is

being portrayed here.

Through my experience as a pastor, I brought into account two cases which

involved the use of cultural methods in reconciling the parties which were in conflicts,

and they yielded good results. I am of the opinion that since these cultural methods were

wrongly perceived by missionaries as pagan and satanic practices, the Bena Christians

can legitimize them in the church and allow them be used publicly. The chapter has also

shown that the Bena society should involve women and children in conflict

reconciliation, because God has given them the Holy Spirit as with men. Incorporating

women will enrich the Bena Christianity and will find harmony in every aspect, because

every member of the society will know what it means to be at peace, and what the society

does when one offends other people.

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6.0 CONCLUSION

The research aimed at exegeting Acts 15:1-35 for the purpose of interpreting the

findings in the Bena perspective. Two things motivated me to pick this text. First, the text

narrates how the early church managed to settle the conflict that threatened the unity and

doctrine of the church. Second, the text narrates the stand of the early church on the

relationship between the gospel and culture. Since it was seen that the Bena have

suffered cultural distortion by missionaries who wrongly interpreted the Bena culture as

sin, and that at the present, Bena Christians are distanced from their cultural values, I saw

that the findings of this text, when interpreted among the Bena will help them counter the

abounding problems, especially conflicts. The goal of the research was to see the Bena

Christians using their cultural methods in conflict reconciliation.

The investigations and findings from the field showed prior to the coming of the

Europeans, that the Bena had a culture that emphasized peace and harmony in their

society through their philosophy of uvwunu. To enhance this harmony, deliberate

teachings were done and were called mavungo. It was also seen that, in every gathering,

the harmony in the society was emphasised through songs, stories and riddles. When it

happened that, harmony was threatened or broken by theft, quarrelling, or witchcraft,

there were defined ways through which the Bena could restore the harmony.

The elders with reputations in the society were responsible for settling conflicts

among the Bena. Bringing together the two parties in conflict that they may discuss was

the means the elders used with the purpose of helping them to reconcile. When the

conflict was solved, the two parties in conflict had to whitēpula in which hand shaking,

93

working together, and drinking or eating from the same vessel were compulsory as a sign

that the conflict was over, and that the two people were reconciled.

Through the research, it was seen that the missionaries considered the Bena

practices as pagan and taught their converts not only not to use them, but also to hate

them. Its result made the Bena Christians to be distanced from their cultural values and

this has contributed to the kind of situation that Bena have today where conflicts abound.

Some of these conflicts, when managed in modern ways, tend to recur after a short period

and some of them do not become solved at all. Through the research, it was seen that

such a situation demands a reinterpretation of the gospel among the Bena. Acts 15:1-35

was seen to be suitable for determining the way to do this contextualization.

Through the exegesis of Acts 15:1-35, it was seen that, when the gospel was

spreading outside Jerusalem, the Jews who had been traditionally seen as the only people

of God wanted to sandwich their culture between the saving gospel of Jesus Christ. The

result of this aim was that the Jews had is first recorded in Acts 15:1-35 where a fierce

argument arose between the certain men from Judea against Paul and Barnabas who were

preaching the gospel free from the Law.

Through the exegesis it was found that, after the fierce argument at Antioch, the

Antiochene church decided to respond to that situation by discussion, and not as the

Romans or Jews used to respond through hostility. So, they sent a delegation to Jerusalem

to discuss this matter with the apostles.

At Jerusalem, the council was convened to discuss whether circumcision was to

be compulsory for Gentiles converting into Christianity. The exegesis revealed that, the

94

council, basing its information on Peter’s experience and scriptural reference, understood

that God Himself has redefined that Gentiles should come as Gentiles and not by

becoming Jews first. They concluded that Gentiles should not be imposed with the Jewish

cultural packages. Instead they were charged to abstain from four things: to abstain from

idol pollution, from fornication, from eating what is strangled, and from blood.

Though the prohibitions were also found in the Jewish dietary laws, through this

research it was found that the laws existed since Noah’s time. So, the prohibitions are

Noachic and not Jewish. This means that they were meant for the whole human kind,

only that they Jews had included them also in their codes.

In announcing the resolution reached, the council wrote a letter and sent it to

Gentile churches by the hands of Silas and Judas who accompanied Paul and Barnabas

until Antioch. Though the Antiochenes were happy to receive the letter, the research

findings have shown that the certain men from Judea were not reconciled to the

Antiochenes with whom they were troubled. Furthermore, the exegesis showed that the

council made a shift from the question: must Gentiles circumcise to be saved (a getting in

question) to what things they had to observe as they are in the church (a staying in

question.) This was inconsistence.

A Bena, whose goal in conflict resolution is to see people who are involved in

conflicts being reconciled, would not see the text helping him or her deal with her

conflicts. Thus, I found the necessity of bringing to the Bena cultural methods which,

after resolving the conflicts, make sure that the parties involved in conflict are reconciled.

95

I worked as a pastor in a congregation and brought into this experience something

I got from the congregation when I encountered conflicts which were recurring and never

ended. My experience was that, after resolving the conflicts, I applied the Bena cultural

methods of whitēpula that involved hand shaking, working together and eating from the

same vessel. From that time, the conflicts were completely resolved, and the involved

parties were reconciled and became friends. Basing on this experience and on the

scriptural reference I got from the exegesis, I deduced that Bena cultural methods can be

used by Bena Christians to solve their conflicts. And this will make them respond to the

gospel as Bena and not as people who have undefined culture.

Finally, I saw that the Bena who are applying their cultural methods in conflict

reconciliation should see that they incorporate women and children in the process. Doing

that, in my opinion, will be doing justice to the gospel which proclaims liberation of

every creature and that brings the news of equality for both men and women, for both

adults and children ,because both have received the same Spirit. Each should find a place

in the church and in the community, and through doing this, the Bena will continue being

a peaceful community.

96

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Appendices

Appendix I: List of Informants

S/No Name Age Sex Occupation Place Date1 Aaron Mgovano 78 M Retired Pastor Makambako 13.08.20072 Allan Chambile 80 M Retired Pastor Mafinga 20.08.20073 Antti Vanhanen 61 M Missionary Kidugala 06.08.20074 Asheri Ngogo 85 M Retired Evangelist Matamba 07.08.20075 Augustino Hongoli 79 M Retired Journalist Lupembe 07.02.20086 Ayubu Masite 59 M Treasurer ELCT-SWD 07.08.20087 Daniel Gwimile 79 M Retired Pastor Igawa 06.02.20088 Daudi Kiswaga 63 M Village Chairman Kidugala 17.12.20079 Elia Mung’ong’o 79 M Retired Teacher Njombe 12.08.200710 Hillman Ngunangwa 79 M Retired Lecturer Njombe 10.08.200711 Isaac Chengula 45 M Youth Director ELCT-SD 12.07.200712 Job Mbwilo 59 M Bishop ELCT-SWD 07.08.200713 Karlo Hirvilami 81 M Ex-Missionary Kidugala 07.08.200714 Lea Muhehwa 79 F Retired Evangelist Kidugala 21.08.200715 Lechion Kimilike 53 Pastor Njombe 10.02.200816 Lutengamaso Msigala 80 M Farmer Kidugala 18.07.200717 Maria Mlawa 77 F Farmer Kidugala 18.07.200718 Naomi Kibang’u 85 F Retired Cook Kidugala 19.07.200719 Ronlick Mchami 58 M Advocate Makumira 06.04.200820 Sirkka-Liisa Peltola 64 F Ex-Missionary Kidugala 06.08.200721 William Kilumile 64 M Retired Teacher Ulembwe 20.02.200822 Zephaniah Mgeyekwa 66 M Retired Bishop Njombe 16.07.2007

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Appendix II: The Two cases of conflicts that I dealt with

Cases that report this situation are many. I hereby account two cases, which I personally have dealt with.In June 2006 I was asked by my friend who by then was living abroad to summon his friend’s relatives that they should help their father building his house, because the house he was living was not in a good condition. I talked to their elder brother that he should summon all his sisters and brothers that I had a message to share to them. The elder brother convened a meeting of all the brothers and sisters as I had requested. I went on the appointed day and found them already gathered. They welcomed me and asked me to continue because I was the one with agenda. After I had told them what I had, I asked them to cooperate.

Before I asked for their response, one brother stood up and said and explained that they were not in peace with one another. His wish was to resolve their differences first; otherwise no work was to be done. Having heard this, I asked them, “so you have problems?” All were silent, as if they did not hear. Their father told them, to respond. When the silence persisted, I decided to ask one after another, about the problem they had. Most of them said that they did not know while a few of them were silent. This brother, who had previously said that they had problems, requested me to visit two families and learn whether they were in good terms or not. I consented to his opinion and arranged the day to meet them separately. In the sessions with them, it was revealed that they have had conflict which had persisted since 1998. I was surprised to hear that they have lived with unresolved conflict for such a long time. In my point of view, it sounded as if these people were not Bena, because the Bena know would not stay with unresolved conflicts for such a long time.

I negotiated the situation, and in the fourth session, we reached the conclusion. I arranged the day of reconciliation. On that day, the two families that have been in conflicts had to perform the reconciliation acts according to the Bena traditional methods. Each family brought a cock. I prayed, read a text from the Bible and then asked them to shake hands as a signs that they are now friends. I administered Holy Communion. Then I asked them to go to slaughter the two cocks together. After that the two women cooked, and finally ate together. Lastly I closed the session by Lord’s Prayer. Since then, I have never heard them quarrelling.

On another event of the same nature, a church elder (woman) was in conflict with her parents-in-law (the father was an evangelist and the mother a church elder). So, all the three were leaders at their local congregation. The two conflicting parties were visited and advised by many people to resolve the conflict. They met for many sessions, but whatever the conclusion they reached, things would again erupt after a few days. When I was informed of that situation, I decided to visit them and discuss with them about the situation that prevailed. Just when I began to discuss with them, I was informed that their conflicts had been recurring now and then.

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I spent two sessions for this, and in the third session, I asked them what would be the thing to be done they the conflict should not be reoccurring. They suggested that they should perform the acts of whitēpula that they may see their conflict coming to an end. I did like the other case, but in this case I skipped the Holy Communion. The conflict was completely resolved.

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Appendix II: List of Interview Questions

1. The Bena have a philosophy called uvwunu. How do you describe it?2. Do you whether among the Bena there were conflicts?3. How long did the Bena begin conflicts among Bena solve 4. Why do you think they had to take measures immediately?5. What ways they used to settle the conflicts that happened?6. How do you see, did the ways they use in settling those conflicts help?7. Are those ways still being used by the Bena who are not Christians?8. Why do you think they are still using those ways?9. Why do you think the Bena Christians are not using those ways?10. What ways the Bena Christians use in solving the Christians? 11. How do you see, are those ways that the Bena Christians use help them?12. If you compare between the ways that the Bena Christians use and those which

are used by the non-Christians, which of those you would say about its effectiveness in reaching the goal? Could you tell the weakness of methods of each side?

13. There are some people who say that the Bena philosophy is disappearing. How do you see this?

14. What are the things that contribute to the disappearance of this Bena philosophy?15. Do you think Christianity in its entrance in Bena land contributed to the

disappearance of uvwunu philosophy? How?16. What would you suggest that Bena Christians have to do to make the Bena

philosophy continue existing?17. What kind of contribution you would expect from Bena scholars in making their

philosophy survive?

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Appendix III: The Map of Njombe in Tanzania.

Source: Wizara ya Elimu ya Taifa 1969, 2.

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Appendix IV: The Map of Njombe District where the Bena live.

Source: Nyagawa 1999, 53.